WUPATKI PUEBLO: A STUDY IN CULTURAL FUSION AND ...

This dissertation has been 64-4280
microfilmed exactly as received
STANELAWSKI, Michael Barr, 1936-
WUPATKI PUEBLO: A STUDY IN CULTURAL
FUSION AND CHANGE IN SINAGUA AND HOPI
PREHISTORY.
University of Arizona, Ph.D., 1963
Anthropology
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan

Copyright by
ICECHAEL BARR STANISLAWSKI
1964

WUPATKI PUEBLO s A STUDY IN CULTURAL FUSION
AND CHANGE IN SINAGUA AND HOPI PREHISTORY
t>y
Michael B» Stanislawski
A Dissertation Sutnaitted to the Faculty of the
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
19 6 3

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
GRADUATE COLLEGE
I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my
direction by Michael B. Stanislawski
entitled WUPATKI PUEBLO; A STUDY IN CULTURAL FUSION
AND CHANGE IN SINAGUA AM) HOPI PREHISTORY
be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy
YsCj ffi fh&jr
Dissertation Director ' Date
After inspection of the dissertations the following members
of the Final Examination Committee concur in its approval and
recommend its acceptance:*
/K If, ^ ^ // •

STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
Tills dissertation has been submitted In, partial fulfillment
of requirements for an advanced degree at Hie
University of Arizona and Is deposited In the University
Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the
Library•
Brief quotations from, this dissertation are allowable
without special permission, provided that accurate
acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission
for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript
In whole or in part may be granted by the copyright
holder®
SIGNED: .ixjy

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This dissertation could not have been written without
the cooperation of three groups of scholars: those in the
United States National Park Service, the Museum of Northern
Arizona, and the Department of Anthropology, University of
Arizona.
Bussel Mahan, Superintendent of Wupatki National
Monument, and his staff, including at various times archae­
ologists Bob Campbell, Mike Maul, and Donald Morris, gave me
permission to work with the Wupatki Ruin material at the
Monument Headquarters, as well as the notes, reports, and
records kept there. They always treated me with great kind­
ness, and allowed me to study and photograph material, when
needed.
The Museum of Northern Arizona, whose staff excavated
Wupatki along with the National Park Service in 1933-3 2 ** pre­
serves the main artifact collections from the ruin in its
Research Center, and the main field notes in the Museum
Library. It was through the permission of Dr. Edward B.
Dans on# Director of the Museum of Northern Arizona, that I
was permitted to work with the Wupatki materials, bring cer­
tain records and notes to Tucson, and photograph material in
their possession. Dr. Danson also arranged for me to spend
iii

a snEnae.7 at the Research Center of the Museum, which greatly
aided in my completion of the study. I certainly owe to him
much of the success, if any, of this work. Dr. Alan P. Olson,
head of archaeological activities of the Museum, also aided
me in numerous ways. To Katherine Bartlett, Museum Librarian,
I owe a great debt. She not only helped me find comparative
material, but found artifacts in the collections, made the
photographic files of the Museum available, and gave me the
benefit of her knowledge of the Flagstaff region. Milt
Wetherill, Shop Foreman of the Museum, advised me on the
classification and identification of various artifacts and
materials, and in addition gave me the benefit of his long
archaeological field career in the Flagstaff area. Barton
Wright, Curator of the Museum, allowed me to study Museum
collections on exhibit, and William J. Breed, Curator of
Geology, and Dr. W. B. McDougall, Curator of Botany, aided me
in the identification of stone and plant materials. Jeffry
Dean, of the Laboratory of Tree Ring Research, University of
Arizona, Identified the wood specimens.
The photographs are the work of Milton Snow, of the
*933-3^ Wupatki expedition, and of Parker Hamilton, and Paul
V. Long, Jr., staff photographers of the Museum of Northern
Arizona. Mr. Hamilton took the majority of the artifact
plates and printed several Figures, and Paul Long not only
took additional plates, but performed the tremendously
iv

oompllcated job of re-photographing and. printing the majority
of the final Figures. To these gentlemen I owe much5 the final
illustrations are the results of their long and careful work*
Drawings In the dissertation are the work of J. C. Fischer
Hotz, architect for the 1933-3** excavations, or are the work
of MrJohn Ressler, Department of Anthropology, University of
Arizona*
I owe-much to Dr. Raymond. H. Thompson, of the University
of Arizona, my dissertation director. The general format of
the dissertation was approved by Dr. Thompson,, and he gave
blocks of his time in aiding me in the satisfaction of the
many problems involved. His advice helped me in many ways,
although he is not, of course, responsible for the conclusions
expressed. Dr. Emll W. Haury, Chairman of the Department of
Anthropology, gave me the advantage of his vast knowledge of
the prehistoric Southwest, and gave me much of his valuable
time and advice. Dr. Harry T. Getty also read and oriticized
much of the first draft,, Besides these members of my Initial
committee, I should like to thank Dr. David Breternltz„ and
Mr. Thomas Harlan, who helped me correlate the tree ring mate­
rial, Mr. Edward Lincoln, Department of Zoology, who identified
the bone material, Dr. Charles T. Mason, Jr., the Director of
the Herbarium, who studied the perishable material, and Mr.
E. N. Ferdon, Jr., Associate Director, and Dr. W. W® Wasiey,
and Alfred E. Johnson, of the Arizona State Museum, who gave me
V

advice and information. The girls in the Ozalid section of
the Engineering School are responsible for the reproduction
of the dissertation, a major contribution, indeed.
Finally, I should like to thank my wife, Barbara,
who not only gave me encouragement and help, but helped sup­
port me through my graduate career. Without her aid, there
might well have been no Wupatki Ruin study.
However, the dedication of the thesis, If any, should
be to Dr. Harold S. Colton, founder of the Kuseuim of Northern
Arizona. He not only excavated Wupatki, but is also respon­
sible for much of what we know about the prehistory of the
entire Flagstaff and Verde Valley regions. Without his
foundation studies of this region, there would be little to
discuss. Any criticism of his work or ideas in this report
are thus a mark of the respect and importance I feel for the
man, and his legacy.
vl

TABLE OP CONTENTS
Page
LIST OP TABLES xvii
LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS* . . ,xviii
ABSTRACT ...... xxil
1 . INTRODUCTION * . . . * 1
Basis of Study. . • 5
Site Location and Description.*•«.•••

TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
viii
Page
Ground Stone.......... ... . 64
Me tat e 8 6k
Miscellaneous Grinding Slabs...,••••• 71
Stone Bowls and Mortars «,••«,» 73
Paint Mortar ••••••• 79
Manos ..*•••..* ••«.«.* 82
Cobble Grinder and Hansaer Stones.s«91
Pebble Polishing Stones.••••••••••••• 93
Paint-grinding Pestles 96
Paint-grinding Cylinders and Bars.... 96
Rubbing Stones.........•••«•••••••••• 100
Grooved Arrow-shaft Straighteners
and Abraders »•••••»*•*••• 100
Stone Axes.•••••• •••••*••*.• 106
Stone Cylinders...••••«•••••••»»..•»• 113
Chipped Stone Tools..••••••••••••„.*•...•• 119
Chopping Tools 120
S c r a p e r s 1 2 0
Blades .«•••••••••••* 124
Flake Knives.. «... 125
Drills or Gravers.••••••..••••••••••• 126
Strangulated Blada-knife..«•••...•••• 126
Arrow and Dart-points.. 129
Chipped Stone Discs*....•••..»••••••• lw
Chipped Stone Hoes.•••••••..»«••••••« 150
Stone Ornaments 157
Beads.. ••••• 157
Turquoise Figure Eight Beads......... 157
Turquoise Barrel-shaped Beads*«••.».. 157
Turquoise Disc Beads.....•••••••••••• 157
Gray or Black Beads . *eo*.»•••*«•••••« 159
Travertine Beads. •••••• 160
Argilllte Beads..••••••• 160
Pendants .«••••• 161
Geometric Forms*. • •••••«. 161
Naturalistic Pendants• 164

TABLE OP CONTENTS—Continued
tz
Page
Carved Tuff Pieces166
N o s e P l u g s * « » * • • * • . 1 6 7
Nose Plug Inlay Pieces• 169
Arglllite Pendant or Slide••••*.•»•#««•••• 169
Travertine Bear Foot•*••••••••••»•.•«••.•* 1?0
Inlay Pieces«•••••••••••*•••••••..••».*••• 170
Mosaic Ornaments 171
Miscellaneous Ornaments•••«••.••**•»••••* 171
Distribution of Ornaments• 172
Origin of Raw Materials182
Ceremonial Artifacts •••*•• •*••••••• ,»..*•• I83
Stone Pipes••»••••«••••••••••••***••»••.•• 183
Stone Balls**•••*•••••••*••••••••.•••••••• 186
Quartz Crystals«•••••••••••••*•.•••«.••••• 189
Fossils••*.•«•..••••••..• ••••••«..••* 190
Medicine Cylinder*•••••••*•••••••*«.••.••• 190
Haw Materials, Pigments, Minerals, and Ores*.., 190
C o n c l u s i o n s 1 9 3
5. METAL ARTIFACTS * 203
Copper Bells•*•••••••«••*••• * 203
Sleighbell Variety, Plain**•••••»••••••••• 203
Sleighbell Variety, Decorated 205
Copper Pellet Clapper* 206
Conclusions••••»•••••••••••••*•.»•••••••••••••• 206
6* CERAMIC ARTIFACTS 210
i
Utility Pottery 210
Hlacl£-on-v?hlte Pottery.• *•«•.• •*•••••«*•• 211
Tusayan Whiteware•••••••*•.* 211
Little Colorado Whiteware 217
San Juan Redwsre••»•*•••* .*••*.»*•• 221
San Juan Orange ware. 221

TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
X
Page
Grayware* • • • •••• 222
Tuaayan Graywar©... * . o »*. •..». * 222
Flagstaff Plainware.• ........ 224
Linden Series„«*.,#•••••*»*•» •••»«••• 224
Alameda Bromw&r© 224
Sherd Objects»•••• ...... *•»•«*••• 230
Sherd Discs••••••.••••. 230
Plainware . . 231
Corrugated. ••...•••••• 231
Blaok-on-white. • 233
Black-on-red. 234
Polychrome. •..••...••••••••» 234
Sherd Pottery Scrapers 236
Miniature Pottery. 237
Unfired and Dhdeoorated Pottery 237
Fired and Deoorated......•••••...••••••••• 239
Figurines «..••• 242
Uhfired Human Figurines#• •»••••*.

TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
xi
Page
Unspllt Bone Awls..* .... 259
Ulna Bone Awls ...... •••»•• 259
Metapodials, Heavily Ground and
Smoothed 261
Split Bone Awls• .«•••••» 262
Head Entire, Shaft Split • 262
Head Split 9 but Uhworked 263
Head Slightly Ground and Smoothed..,. Z6h
Head Heavily Ground and Smoothed..... 266
Heads Completely Altered or Ground
Away• 268
Unclassifia'ble Split-bone Tips .....» 271
Splinter-bone Awl Tools271
He-used Splinters of Split-bone Awls. 272
Splinter-bone Awls and Bodkins 272
Irregular Pointed Bone Fragments..... 27^
Multi-purpose Awl Tools275
Split-bone Awl-flaking Tools 275
Splinter-bone Awl-polishing Tools......... 278
Awl Hair Ornaments 279
Awl-weaving Tools 281
Miscellaneous Awl Fragments 282
Bone Needles 282
Chisel-spatulas 284
Pierced Rectangular Shafts•••«..• 286
Flaking Tools288
Bone Whistles 289
Gaming Pieces 291
Bone Tubes ••••• 293
Scraper. 294
Phalange Ornament 294
Miscellaneous Fragments .. 295
Conclusions 295
SHELL ARTIFACTS 305
Type List of Shell Specimens.. 306

TABLE OP CONTENTS—Continued
xii
Page
Uhworked Shell ... • 307
Worked Whole Shells308
Beads •••••••• 303
Whole Shell Beads 308
Cut Shell Beads • •. •. 311
Pendants . •. • ••••••• 320
Glycymeris Sings and Bracelets 328
Glycymeris Bracelets .. 3 2 9
Glycymeris Rings 334
Carved Shell•••»•«. 338
Cut Shell . 339
Blanks ...» »•••••• 339
Pendants ....... 3^1
Shell Needle ...* ,.,« 3^1
Inlay Pieces..*•••• 3^1
Ceremonial 'Crumpets.... ...•••» 3^3
Conclusions and Shell Trade Routes....... 3^5
9. WOOD ARTIFACTS ......... . .... 353
Tools 353
Digging Sticks ..•••••... 353
Paddle-shaped Digging Sticks......... 353
Straight Cylindrical Digging Sticks*. 356
Weaving Tools....... 358
Temple or Tenter. 359
Spindle Whorls 359
Battens, or Shed or Heddle Rods..•••. 3^3
Wooden Awls •.. 365
Perforated Shut tie... • . 360
Spindle-whorl Shaft. • 366
Fire-making Tools 367

TABLE OP CONTENTS—Continued
SdLii
Page
Fire-hearths 3&7
Fire-drills...... 371
Hunting Equipment* 372
Heed Arrow-shafts . 372
Arrow Foreshafts 375
Wooden Arrow* .*..•••*•. 377
Dart Bunt Points 378
Spoons and Ladles....* • ..... 379
Spoons» or Small Ladles*. . . • 379
Large Ladle ...... 380
Cradle -boards •••••••••• 381
Ceremonial Artifacts 385
Heed Cigarettes 385
Ceremonial Cane 388
"Houndel n Pahos••*••••••••* 390
Shouldered and Painted Sticks•••••••.••,.. 391
Pierced, Painted Stick.••••••..•*••.•«..•• 392
Stick Pahos, String-wrapped 392
Prater Sticks ....... 393
Tabllfea Fragments .....»••••• 39**-
Gourd and Stick Wand 395
Ball 396
Problematical Artifacts* , 398
Carved Bird.
Tied Cane and Stick Pieces „
Cylindrical Pointed Sticks.
Cylinder ............... »»»..•
Lapboard .. *
Wood Pestle*
Grinding Bowl
Sandal X^ast. ••••••••••.. ^
Oak Digging Stick.
Worn Sticks
Tablet. ......
Cottonwood Disc •••••• •••••
Cut and Drilled Sticks
398
399
iloi
4-02
^02
bO 3
bOb
bob
k05
ko5
bos

•TABLE OP CONTENTS—Continued
xi v
Page
Conclusions .... ..... 406
10. PERISHABLE ARTIFACTS 409
Natural Fiber Artifacts...409
Haw Materials ..... .... 409
Colled Basketry. ........ 411
Biree-rod Foundation.«.••••• •.. .»•••• 411
Painted Coiled Baskets 413
Twined Yucca Basketry* 413
Twilled Yucca Basketry.,..., 4l4
Twilled Hatting* ...... 422
Over-three Under-three Twill.422
O v e r - t w o U n d e r - t w o . . 4 2 4
Combination Twill ....... 424
Matting Selvages .......«..*«• 424
Sandals •••••• 426
Plaited and Twined Sandals..*••••«••. 426
W l c k e r w o r k S a n d a l s 4 3 0
Concentric Coil Sewn Sandal..... 431
Cordage and Knots ...... 435
Netting. «... 439
Babbit Net 439
Coil Without Foundation Netting...... 439 t
Fur and Feather Cordage 441
Fur and Hair Cord........ 441
Babbit Fur Cord 441
Agave Feather Cordage 442
Turkey Feather Cordage. 442
Twined Yucca Bag.•••••••• 445
Twined Skirts. 446
Twilled Yucca Belt 447

TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
STA­
Page
Twined Belt Fragment 447
Yucca Ring....... 447
Pot Rests•••••..«•••••••••»«••••» 448
Yucca Spine Needles 450
Moth Cocoon Rattles 450
Conclusion 451
Artifacts of Domesticated Cotton.. .... 453
Raw Material*......... 455
Cordage and Twine........... ••••••••• 455
Cotton Textiles 4§o
Basketweave Cloth 457
Tie-dye Baske tweave . . ... o 459
Warp Face Bands459
Embroidered Basketweave Cloth.. 460
Modified Running-stitch Embroidery.•. 461
Weft-wrap Openwork 462
Slit and Interlocked Tapestry.463
Selvage Types 464
Conclusions.. 464
Domesticated Plants, and Plant Food Remains#... 466
Conclusions s All Perishable Artifacts• 472
CONCLUSIONS: MATERIAL CULTURE 475
12 . ARCHITECTURE 493
Trash Mound....•••• 494
Rooms 494
•
Floors and Floor Features 495
Walls 496
Room and Wall Openings.««....*•• 504
Roofs* • • . 505
Room Occupation and Use$10
Kivas 511
Dance Plaza $13

TABLE OP CONTENTS—Continued
xvi
Page
Plaza 522
Ball Court 522
Architecture and Social Organization.. 5 2 5
Architectural Comparisons and Conclusions...... 52?
13. CONCLUSIONS 53if
HEPEHENCES.... 544

%
I
LIST OP TABLES
Page
1* Prehistoric and Modern Fauna Prom Wupatki Ruin,
Arizona* •••••*•••••••• 18
2. Prehistoric Sites, and Modern Cities and Areas of
the Southwest, Correlated Numerically and
Alphabetically with the Numbers of Figure 8. ..... 48
3• Measurements and Materials of Small Arrow-points..• 130
4. Measurements and Materials of Large Points or
Knives. 137
5* Post-eruptive Mogollon Artifact Introductions 476
6. Post-eruptive Kayenta Anasazl Artifact
Introductions 477
7• Post-eruptive Chaco Anasazl Artifact Introductions. 479
8. Post-eruptive Hohokam Artifact Introductions 481
n
M
9« Sinagua Artifact Introductions to the Hopi 485
10. Objects of Foreign Material or Manufacture at
Wupatki * 488
'2$
11. Unique Sinagua Artifacts at Wupatki Ruin...•••••••. 490
:
1:' • ;: -
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XV11

1.
LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS
2. Wupatkl Huin today, looking southwest. 22
3° 23
5.
6. 29
7. Correlation of the Southwestern, cultural sequences. lk6
8. back
9. 55
10. 56
11. A collection of 1800 human bones In Boom 59* 59
12. A collection of full and single-troughed stone
13. 72
l^e 7^
15. A large# well carved, rectanguloid stone mortar or 76
16. Fossils, medicine cylinder, concretion cups* stone
balls, and polishing pebbles from Wupatki Ruia*•• 81
1?. 84
0 0
H
Cobble grinder and hammerstone, and a stone ball.#. 92
19. Chunks of faceted minerals9 and pigment grinding
xvlli
•
1
J b
10
27
28
66
97

20,
214
22,
23<
24,
25.
26,
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
3^
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS—Continued
yiy
Page
Grooved arrow-shaft straighteners and abraders«...• 101
Stone axes from Wupatki • •...»•••••••••«•••« 108
Stone cylinders from Wupatki. •••••... 114
Miscellaneous minerals and stone tools•*•••«••••••• 121
Chipped stone tools* 123
Small arrow-points from Wupatki 131
Large and small points and blades from Wupatki...•• 133
Sandstone hoes and pot covers ... 14?
Sandstone hoes 151
Stone beads, inlay pieces and small pendants...*••• 153
Stone pendants, carved pieces, and stone pipes.,... 162
Stone ornaments•••••••»••••••••• . .. 165
Two views of a copper bell...* 204
Black-on-white pottery. 212
Black-on-white pottery. «... 213
Black-on-white pottery. «.•«•«. 214
Black-on-red, Corrugated, and Redware pottery...... 223
Ceramic artifacts. ••••••• • • 232
Ceramic artifacts 238
Bone awl types with heads present• «••••••••••••«•• 260
Modified bone awls and needles.t••••*•*•«•*.*.«•••. 267 *
Splinter-bone awl tools 273
Bone awl-polishing tools, fleahers, and flakers.... 276

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS—Continued
33
Page
43. Rectangular bone shafts, hair ornaments, dice,
flutes,, out tubes, and miscellaneous items287
44. Shell beads309
45. Shell pendants and ornaments ^ • JZ2
46• Glyeymeris bracelets and rings..»•••••• •••••» 330
47. Carved shell ornaments ...»•».«« .. 3^0
48, Wooden digging sticks or paddles ... 355
4*9* Wood weaving tools .*•«..••• 360
50, Fire making tools3^9
51, Hunting tools 373
52, A solid wood, Pueblo style, cradle-board of
Douglass fir. 383
53• Ceremonial artifacts •••••••... 386
54. Miscellaneous wood tools and ceremonial items ..«•••> 397
55. Basketry and perishable artifacts., .«•...••• 412
56. Twilled yucca matting and basketry, and composite
fire-drill......... .« 416
57. Twilled matting fragments, and sandal.. 423
58. Portions of yucca sandals, and looped netting...... 429
59* Cotton and yucca cordage and twine..,. ••••••• 436
60. Fiber, cordage, and knots.. * ........ 443
61. Pot-rest, fiber quid, and cocoon rattles........... 449
62. Site map of Wupatki Ruin...at back
63. Reconstructed cross-section of the east side of
Wupatki Ruin....... 496

LIST OF IIXUSTRATIONS—Continued
xsdL
Page
Reconstructed, cross-section of the west side of
Wupatki Ruin . ^97
65• View of Wupatki Ruin, 1933*••••••••••••••••• **99
66. The south room block* Wupatki Pueblo, 1933®•••••••• 500
67• Restored Rooms 1 and. J*. ••••••• ....... 501
68• The ceremonial Dance Plaza ••••*..•• 502
69* View of the ball court. .. . . . . . . •••••••••• 506
70. Typical masonry at Wupatki Ruin... 507
71. Typical masonry at Wupatki Ruin. 503
72« Cross-section of the fallen roof in Room U-l.. 509
73• View of the interior of Room 4-1.................... 519
7 Ornamental wall in Room 35..... 523

ABSTRACT
The settlement of Wupatki Pueblo» a 100 room prehis­
toric site located in a grassland environment 28 miles north­
east of Flagstaff, Arizona, was made possible by a change in
the ecology of the area In 1066-67* The eruption of Sunset
Crater, a volcano 15 miles to the southwest, deposited a
layer of water holding ash over a 1000 square mile area*
These newly -usable farmlands immediately attracted many
/
groups, and til thin 50 years the population increased by a
factor of ten. Immigrants, were of the Kayenta Anasazi, Chaco
AnasaziB Mogollon, and Hohokam cultures, and cross cultural
«
contacts must have been frequent. The possibly homogenous
pre-1070 "Sinagua" patterng basically of Mogollon tradition,
was destroyed by the mass immigration.
Wupatki was occupied from 1080-1225» and the maximum
population, about 120 people, occurred about 1150-704 Approxi­
mately 60 rooms were in use at that time. Forty human burials
were found in extended and flexed positions# and in a variety
of earth, adobe, and pole-and-slab-covered graves. Parrot*
macaw, and dog burials were also found. Extended human
burials, and ceremonial parrot burials appear to be evidence
of Chaco Anasazi (ultimately Mesoamerioan) influence.
A great number of stone* copper, ceramic¥ bonef shell,
wood, and freer artifacts were found at Wupatki, where the
xxii

xxiii
preservation was remarkable•> Utility stone tools suggest a
Kogollon-Eohokam tradition, with post-eruptive Kayenta Anasazl
and Hohokam introductions* Stone ornaments and religious
items suggest Chaco Anasazl and Hohokam contacts* Haw mate­
rials indicate trade with California, southern and western
Arizona, the Hopl area, and western New Mexico« Many of the
stone traits may have later diffused to the Hopl Mesa area
peoples* Ceramic artifacts include Hohokam (ultimately Keso-
amerlcan) traits 9 Kayenta Anasazl painted pottery* Mdgollon
or southern plainware pottery, and some Chaco forms* The
extensive shell collection of ornamental and religious items
indicates Hohokam Influence, and the long standing trade routes
linking plateau» desert, and Colorado River peoples in prehis­
toric times* Ceremonial shell trumpets may "be connected with
Plumed Serpent ceremonies* However, the large bone collection
Is of typical Anasazl and Mo go lion tradition* There is little
correlation with the Hohokam bone assemblages* A typical
Pueblo yucca fiber artifact assemblage was found, with a few
Hohokam or Chaco introductions» Domesticated cotton artifacts
: were numerous* Wupatki was obviously an important weaving
center, bat while Slnagua weaving is Anasazl in technique, it
is Hohokam in design and pattern, a blend which was later Intro
dueed to the Hopl, along with Hohokam bean and squash plants*
Wooden artifacts for hunting and weaving are Anasazl In type,
bat digging sticks and fire tools are Hohokam* A few Mogollon
and Chaco ceremonial traits appear, and the copper bells

}
found are obviously Mesoamerican trade items.
xxlv
The artifacts thus indicate contact with Chaco and
Hohokam peoples, and the introduction of ultimately Meso­
american religious, agricultural, weaving, and ornamental
items* There is marked Anasazl influence only in regard to
utility artifacts. Many southern traits Introduced to the
Sinagua were in turn passed on to the Hopi. There is little
evidence of a stable "Simgua" cultural pattern after 1070,
and there were probably many patterns of cultural contacts
and change in the area, but no unique cultural fusion.
t
The settlement pattern, a mixture of Anasazl and
Itogollon traditions, is correlated with Anasazi masonry styles,
early rectangular klvas, round unroofed Chaco type ceremonial
structures, and a Hohokam ball-court. A transitional Pueblold
architectural pattern is postulated, and a change in political
organization and social integration is suggested. The "Sinagua"
may have introduced to the Hopi new kiva styles, tighter social
integration^ and architectural traits such as core masonry and
plazas, which are Chacoan, and ultimately Mesoamerlcan in
origin. Legends also indicate possible contacts between
Hohokam, Sinagua, and Hopi groups.
It appears that an assemblage of traits may have
diffused from northern Mexico to the Chaco and Hohokam regions
by 1050. Triey were in turn introduced to the "Sinagua" of the
Wupatki area by 1080, and by the "Sinagua 8 to Hopi Mesa peoples.

The shift in Hopl cultural pattern about 1300 is thus sug­
:ocv
gested to be due to "Slnagua", and ultimately Mesoamerican,
influence* There is little evidence, however, of a uniform
post-eruptive "Sinagua M culture#

INTRODUCTION
The Northern Slnagua lived In an area or the Colo­
rado Plateau north of the Mogollon rim and generally north
of Highway 66 to Deadman's Wash9 south and east of the San
Francisco Peaks to a distance of 25 miles from Flagstaff,
Arizona, and west and south of the Little Colorado River
Valley {Colton 19^2: 375 19^6: 26^), The study of the
culture of the post-1070 northern Sinagua region is Impor­
tant because of the evidence that the people of the area
experienced sudden new cultural contacts and underwent sud­
den oultural change, primarily initiated by a shift in eco­
logical conditions. Although Wupatkl Ruin was excavated 30
years ago, only brief summaries of the results of Its exca­
vation have appeared In print. Colton has long postulated
that the ruin was located in the area of a previously stable
cultural frontier over 60 miles long, -which ran between the
Slnagua and Kayenta Anasazi cultural areas. This frontier
apparently ran northeast along Deadman's Wash from the San
Francisco Peaks to the Little Colorado River Valley, and
south and east along the river to Leupp, Arizona. Colton
believes that this geographical border separated cultural
areas for nearly 600 years, and that only a few traits of
culture passed between the two groups. He believes that the
pattern was broken only when new ecological conditions ap­
1

peared (Colton 19^3s 267-69)•
The frontier-destroying ecological crisis was the
eruption in 1066-67 (Breternitz 1962) of Sunset Crater, a
volcano located about 13 miles northeast of Flagstaff, Ari­
zona. Until this eruption the Sinagua lived near the open
park lands along the slopes of the San Francisco Peaks, in
pine-forested country above 6000 feet in elevation. Lower
areas were too arid, the soil was composed of heavy clays
which held too little water, or their soils were too com­
pacted to farm with primitive tools. Pour or five springs
are located near the peaks, however, as well as several ad­
ditional tanks east of Flagstaff. The eruption of Sunset
Crater spread a layer of cinders and ash over an eliptical
1000 square mile areaf, trending northeast-southwest, which
was approximately 36 miles long, and 28 miles wide (Colton
i960: 2^-25). The central 100 square miles around Sunset
Crater were covered with coarse material too heavy to farm
(Colton 1933*>! 11) "but the outlying 900 square miles were
covered with a foot or two of soft ash which served as a
kind of mulch, holding the rainfall, thus opening up many
new acres of good farming land.
A land rush was precipitated by this ashfall shortly
after the eruption, and peoples flooded into the area from
all nearby regions of the Southwest. The eruption of the
crater provided more usable land by providing a water holding
ash layerg "but it also moved the ecological zones as much as
2

1000 feet down In elevation, perhaps explaining the number
of large pine and fir beams In rooms at Wupatki Ruin, in
whose vicinity no such trees now grow. Even today in the
areas of heavy ashfall the plant and animal life zones are
I
II as much as 1000 feet lower than normal in the region as a
I whole (Colton 1933b: 12; 19^5: 3^5? 19^6: 10,259). At
£
I Winona Ruin, there were ponds of fresh water and marshes in
1 1100, and fish and waterfowl were caught (Mc.Gregor 19^1:
I 276) • No such marked ecological changes occurred at Wui
I patki as at Winona (Lincoln 19o2), but the life zones and
I plants present were different in 1100 than at the present
1 time. It should be noted that Wupatki Is on the edge of
J the Upper Sonoran life zone, the limit of habitation in all
| periods for the Slnagua (Smith 1952: 3-**)» and there was no
'1 habitation in this area below 6000 feet until after the enipi:
^ tion of S&nset Crater and the subsequent change in ecological
conditions. The area of Sunset Crater ashfall stops Just
I beyond Wupatki Ruin.
Peoples of Hohokam, Anasazi, and Mogollon deriva-
f tion flooded into the area after this shift in ecological
I conditions, and the Hohokam; groups which settled near Flag-
] staff, for example, remained distinct for nearly 50 years.
Colton (1949: 21-25; i960: 100-10?) has shovm that the
population was about 900 just before the eruption of the
crater, rose to nearly 4000 (or perhaps 4700, his multiplica-

tion being questionable) in the fifty| years after the erup­
tion, and reached nearly 8,500 by 11610. This is a figure
of about 8-if- people per square mile, and, among the Hopi,
a group of this size would need nearly 25,000 acres of farm­
land to support itself*
It cfan be seen that bitter competition for land must
have resulted, and when the ecological conditions changed in
the latter half of the 12th century, life again became pre­
carious in this arid region. Over 1000 square miles were in­
habited in 1160, and many large compact settlements were
scattered over this land, several of them defensive in nature.
By 1200, however, the population was dropping rapidly, for
the continual farming of the ash areas had loosened the
material and the continuous desert winds of the area had
duned the cinder mulch, or had blown It against the mesa rims
and Into the canyon bottoms* The land again became too arid,
to farm. Diseased epidemics may also have struck the tightly
packed pueblo populations. At any rate, by 1225 the area
was virtually deserted. Hany of the peoplefwent to the
Anderson Mesa region 30 miles southeast of flagstaff, where .
several large pueblos remained until 14-00 (Farmer 1955? 44),
northeast to the Hopi Mesas, or south to the Chavez Pass and
Verde Valley areas. However, these people eventually also
immigrated to the Hopi Mesa area, or south into the central
Hohokam region. Only three or four pueblos remained in the

Sinagua country "by 1300 * and after this date the region was
abandoned* to remain empty of permanent inhabitants until the
1870 8 s (Colton 19^6: 258-266} 19^9? I960; *K>-53* 117-H9)*
It is obvious that the great number of foreign
peoples suddenly attracted to the Flagstaff area, with their
different cultural values and ways of life, would have cre­
ated a difficult contact situation* The cultural homogeneity *
if any, of the pre-eruptive Sinagua area was broken* New
ways of life were introduced "by the immigrants, and many were
absorbed by the Sinagua. It is this evidence for ecologically
induced culture change, and its Implications of Influence on
the culture of the ancestors of the modern Eopi peoples, that
is the field of this study*
• Basis of Study
•f^,-:..a%ie"'pTirpose. of this work is two-fold. First, since
Vfupatki Suin is probably the ls,rgesb excavated ruin in the
Northern Sinagua cultural region, it is important that the
. results of its excavations should appear in print» Secondt
the study of the culture of Wupatki ruins offers an excel­
lent opportunity to consider the post-eruptive ecologically
induced cultural contacts, trade, and change in this area of
northern Arizona, and to trace the relationships of the
nearby modern Hopi peoples to their possible Sinagua an­
cestors.
5

The cultural distinctiveness of these Sinagua-area
peoples prior to 1070 is still unclear, despite the more than
four decades of work of Harold S* Colton, founder of the
Museum of Northern Arizona, Colton, and Reed, are probably
correct in believing that the culture* prior to 1070, was
basically Mogollpn in derivation (Colton 1939s 33-^J 19^3?
j; j- :
Heed 1950). Thfe recent excavation of the Mogollon-appearing,
pre-1070 Pershing Site, near Flagstaff, also strengthens this
hypothesis (Mc.Gregor I96I: 23-2?)*
, In any case, my problem is not the history of the
pre-eruptive Sinagua area, but ^rather the post-eruptive cul­
ture change"of the peoples of Wupatki Ruin, as indicated by
their material culture, burials, and architecture. To elicit
the evidence needed to discuss this problem, the artifacts
and architecture of Wupatkl Ruin are compared with the dis­
tribution of such cultural traits from other prehistoric
cultural areas and sites of the Southwestern United States#
The assumption is that sites having similar artifacts were
part of a similar cultural tradition, or were at least in
contact. In particular, it is assumed that artifacts rarely
found in the Sinagua area, or not found prior to 1070 but of
some reasonable antiquity in nearby cultural areas, must be
recent introductions from the traditional area of importance
by trade8 diffusion, 02? immigration* U
In the terms of\ the 1955 Society for American Archae­
ology seminar on cultural stability (Thompson 195&s 31-57)>
6

the ecologically influenced cultural change in the Flagstaff
area can be seen as an "elaborating tradition" in which many
new elements were added to a pre-existing cultural base* re­
sulting in an elaboration of, and an increase in number of,
artifact traits. Since artifacts are the basic unit of archae­
ological research, and in addition can be utilized to define
a groups' life activities, this is the mair. unit of the pres­
ent study. A site can be described and compared with other
sites on the basis both of artifact types, and of their pro­
portions in the various sites or cultural areas* A clustering
of artifact types in several areas or sites Indicates a
shared cultural tradition, the customary behavior or way of
life of a group in a specific geographical area. The pre­
historic way of life is inflwered from the artifactual evi­
dence, by analogy with the culture of modern Indian groups in
the same area and of the same cultural tradition#
Cultural change can be assumed to result from inno­
vation, diffusion, or cultural contacts. Since few artifact
traits of the Sinagua are unique or earlier, in the Sinagua
area, innovation was probably not a major cause of change for
this region in prehistoric times. , Trade and stimulus dif­
fusion are clearly important, but the greatest cause of change
was probably the intrusion of trait units, and in some cases,
site units, generally producing! fusion with dominance of the
resident culture (Lathrap 1956 s 5-8).
7

In conclusion, it should be noted that in our goal of
reconstructing cultural history we are hampered "by the fact
that much of the original cultural material is now unavailable
to us. Most of the traits of human culture are either per­
ishable# or as in the case of a kinship system, obviously not
to be found archaeologically. Archaeologists may infer
certain cultural patterns from the limited excavated arti-
factual evidence at their disposal, but proof of the infer­
ences is difficult or impossible to obtain. It is probably
8 '
for this reason that little work has been done archaeologically
to define prehistoric cultural contacts, diffusion, and change.
It is thus fortunate that such a large and varied collection
of artifacts was collected at Wupatki Suin, providing a unique
opportunity for study. In the following pages the emphasis
is on the description and implications of these objects of
material culture, that were recovered by excavations of'the
Museum of Northern Arizona in 1933~3^» and by the National
Park Service excavations of 1936-3? and 19^-^1. Additional
material excavated at later dates is currently under study at
the Southwestern Archaeological Center of the National Park
Service, gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.
Site Location and Description
Wupatki Buln is the largest single excavated pueblo
in the Northern Slnagua region, having had about 100 rooms

at the peak of Its population. It once had as many as three
stories| "but being built on top and along the sides of an
r,
abrupt Moenkopl sandstone ledge, It presents the appearance
of five stories of occupation, top to bottom. At least 70
ground floor rooms are postulated for the ruin. There Is
also a unique circular amphitheater to the southeast, probably
a ceremonial dance plaza, and a Hohokam ball-court to the
north. Parts of the stone masonry of the rooms stood 14 feet
high upon the beginning of excavation in 1933> and in Its
present state it presents a striking red sandstone skyline
against the Painted Desert In the background. A maximum pop­
ulation of about 120 persons is postulated.
Location
The ruin is looated in the extreme southeast portion
of Wupatki National Monument, northeastern Arizona, 28 miles,
as the crow flies, northeast of Flagstaff, in Township 25 N.,
Bange 10 B«, Section 30. It Is situated at an altitude of
4860 feet upon a small ridge of red Moenkopl sandstone and
shalef trending northeast-southwest, which juts out at the
base of the 250 foot high lava escarpment of Woodhouse Mesa
(Pig. 1)., The ridge is looated at the south side of a minor
dry tributary of Deadfiian's Wash, itself tributary to the
Little Colorado Elver, some 7 miles to the east.
9

Fig® 1. View of Wupatki Ruin and the Painted
Desert« Taken from Black Mesa, looking north, the pic­
ture reveals the ball court depression slightly above
and to the left of the ruin.

iss-r^.r-: _

Geography and Geology
In terms of large geographical and geological areas,
the rain is located on the southern edge of the Colorado
Plateau Province of the Southwestern United States. It is
within the northern boundary of the San Francisco Mountains
volcanic field, the second largest volcanic field in the
United States, active since Tertiary times. The dominant
physical feature of the region is the mass of the San Fran­
cisco Mountains, the remnant, or caldera, of an enormous
Tertiary age volcano, which has been eroded down some 3000
feet, and now stands at a maximum height of about 12,600 feet.
The peaks are heavily forested In pine and Doiuglas fir, as
are wjpgp^t^roundlng areas over 7000 feet in elevation.
Over *K>0 volcanic cones are known in the field, one
of last active being Sunset Crater, a 1000-foot high cone
located about 13 miles southwest of Wupatki Ruin. By tree-
ring .dieting, It. has now been established that Sunset Crater
erupted In 1066-67 (Breternitz 1962).
More specifically, the ruin lies in a small geo­
graphical unit called the Wupatki Basin, an area of low mesas
and shallow canyons in an arroyo-cut plain sloping north and
east towards the Little Colorado Elver Valley. Remnants of
red Moenkopi sandstone and shale outcrop from under blankets
of black volcanic ash and cinder (Colton 193 2 * 2 -3» 36 5
1960s 22-23). Black lava-capped cliffs stand nearby, such
as the abrupt escarpment of Woodhouse Mesa, looming a few
11

hundred yards to the southwest of Wupatkl Ruin. It is
heavily duned in black cinder and ash. Under these lava caps
lie water-bearing Moenkopi sandstone and shale, and beneath
them, often in the canyon bottoms, lie beds of harder but
much more fractured and porous Kaibab limestone. This is the
most commonly found rock outcropping in the region. Beneath
it are beds of porous Coconino sandstone, revealed nearby
only in deep arroyo cuts.
The location of the ruin was probably selected
because of occurrence of the small but constant spring approx­
imately 300 yards southwest of the pueblo, near the base of
the water-bearing Moenkopi sandstone layer. The flow of the
spring varies from 700-1200 gallons a day in the winter to
350-^00 gallons a day in the summer. Such springs are found
in but five or six spots in this arid region. The Wupatkl
spring, in fact, was used by National Park Service personnel
until the recent drilling of a deep well to the east; and
Eeizer Spring, some 1^- miles south of the ruin, flowing
approximately 1200 gallons a day, has long been a constant
water source for the National Park Service and local Navajo •
families. Coyote Spring, some 2-§ miles south of the ruin,
flowing at about 1000-1200 gallons a day, is the other major
water source in the area (Brewer,Jr. 1936: 22). There is no
permanent stream until one reaches the Little Colorado River,
7 miles away? and this, too, is frequently dry. It is a
waterless region which well deserves the Spanish name
12

"Sierra sin Agua."
Climate
The area of Wupatki Ruin has been designated as a
Saltbush climatic zone, a division of the Upper Sonoran zone.
It receives an average rainfall of 6.97 Inches a year (Colton
1958a: 3» 8)» with a range of k- to 12 inches. Host of the
rain {50%) falls in summer thunder showers during June, July,
and August. Winds are generally from the west or southwest,
are often gusty, and carry spring and summer dust storms.
Snow rarely falls in the monument area, six inches "being a
major fall. Other climatic statistics from Wupatki are
sparse, "but according to approximately two year's data from
th© rui,n, kept "by James Brewer In 1935 and 193^, the temper­
ature ranged from /4-5°-55° F. low, 101°-103° F• high in June
and July, to readings of I30-25 0 F. low, and 55° F. high in
November (Brewer,Jr. 1935? 1936).
However, Winslow (^8^8 feet), and Tuba City (*1-936
feet), are also in the Saltbush-Upper Sonoran climatic zone,
and the climatic figures from these two areas should approxi­
mate those at Wupatki. Precipitation at Tuba City is iden­
tical to that at Wupatki, and it is only one inch more per
year at Winslow. The dally maximum mean temperature at Wins-
low varies from *f-6.2o F. in January to 93.1° F. In July, the
daily minimum mean from 19 F* in January to 61.6° F. in
July. In these same two months Tuba City has maximum and
13

minimum means of kk,7° F. and 93*5° F. a *id 20.2° P. and
61 .^4-° P. The first frost at Winslow occurs about October 21,
and at Tuba City about October Zk\ while the last spring
frost occurs about April 28 and April 25» respectively. Thus,
the growing season at Winslow is 177 days and at Tuba City
183 days (Sellers I960),
Wupatki mean temperatures and first and last frosts
are probably very close to the figures cited from Tuba City
and Winslow4 and thus Wupatki probably has a mean daily tem­
perature range from about 20° P.-45° P. in January to 6l° F.-
93°. P. in July, with a growing season of about 180 days,
falling between April 25-28, and October 21-2^.
Flora
The flora in the ruin area is typical of the lower
part of Shreve's Desert-Grassland transition type, or the
upper part of his Great Basin microphyll type (King 19^9i ^i7)»
Bare soil areas alternate with clumps of fourwing saltbush
Atrlplex canescens« Ephedrat Yuccat sagebrush Artemisia,
rabbitbrush Chrysothamnus nauseosus, Opuntla, Phacella.
apache-plume Fullugla paradosa,. and occasionally some one-
seed Juniper Junlioerus monosperma. scattered in clumps some
50 to 100 feet apart. Many grasses are also found on the
monumentj blue gramma Bouteloua gracilis, being the most
typical of the ruin area (Anonymous 1957; 1958; King 19^9: 7-H)»
1**

However, some juniper and rare pinon pine Plnus edulls«
are found on top of Woodhouse Mesa, which stands directly
to the south of the ruin, and ponderosa pine Pinus ponderosa.
is known to have grown there in past years. There are many
prehistoric "beams of ponderosa pine (107) from the ruin,
and at least 171 beams of Douglas fir Pseudotsuga menzlesii
varo gjlauca (Harlan 1961$ Stein i960: 9). Twenty cotton-
wood or aspen beams Populos sp» have been identified, but
of ths currently available nearby timber, pinon pine (36
beams) and juniper (28 beams) are surprisingly rare
(Stein 1960s 9; Mc.Gregor 19**2a: 2). Ponderosa pine is
now found only in small scattered residual clumps on the
Monument, and is not encountered in any numbers closer than
10 to 15 miles from the ruin, where it generally appears
above 6500 feet. Douglas fir is now found no closer than
the 7000-8000 foot levels of the San Francisco Peaks. The
closest cottonwoods Populus fremontl, presently grow in the
Little Colorado River Valley.
These last facts suggest either a climatic change
in the area since the- occupation of the ruin, or that the
inhabitants of Wupatkl were willing to make long marches
to secure the beams for their buildings. It may be that
the cinder fall In the Wupatkl area provided for more ground
moisture, and that pine, Douglas fir, and cottonwood were
drawn down into areas at least 1000 feet lower than their
present normal ecological limits, and thus were prehlstorlcally
15

growing much nearer the ruin than at the present time.
Colton, in fact, believes that a forest of ponderosa pine
grew near the Wupatki after IO66-67 (Colton 19^-5: 355)•
Howevers the second theory may also be true, for it is
known that modern Pueblo peoples, such as the Hopi, are
willing to go many miles to secure suitable beams for their
kivas and other buildings.
Fauna
National Park Service custodians at Wupatki National
Monument have kept records of the observed local fauna.
In addition, Hdward Lincoln, Zoology Department, University
of Arizona, recently made a complete study of the prehistoric
mammal remains of the ruin, and collected and trapped speci­
mens of the modern fauna (1962: 129-34). Lincoln^ study
shows that the prehistoric and modern fauna were practically
identical. Sight hundred and twenty-five prehistoric mam­
mals of 22 species were identified. The only animal found
in prehistoric times not now present on the Monument is the
mountain sheep Qvls canadensis. However, it should be noted
that the prairie dog, Cvnomys gunnlsonl, has recently been
virtually wiped out in the area by government and pro­
fessional trappers, and the coyote, now found on the Monument,
is not found in the prehistoric mammal remains. The bones
of more than 20 domestic dogs were also excavated, as well
as several skeletons of Mexican-parrots or Macaws (Anony-
16

mous 1933» 193^)•
Table I, following, lists the more common pre­
historic and modern fauna found on the Monument. The data
are from Tables in an unpublished Masters thesis, Depart­
ment of Zoology, University of Arizona. The number of
prehistoric animals listed indicates the absolute minimum
total individuals -which Lincoln could identify.
In addition to the data in Table I, it should be
noted that fish are not now found on the Monument, with
the exception of one minnow variety Cyprlnldae. However,
several vertlbrae of a bony-tail were found in excavated
material and some portions of Astyanax mexlcanus (Qstar-
lophys) as well as some catfish, carp, and minnow remains,
these mostly in Room 60b, Venomous snakes are uncommon,
although an occasional rattlesnake has been noticed; non-
venomous varieties are fairly common, however. The western
spadefoot and great basin short-horned and desert toads are
found, as well as the western earless, collared, and desert
scaly lizards. More than 80 passerine species of birds
are recorded on the Monument, and several species of
raptorian birds, including the western turkey vulture,
sharp-shinned, cooper's, and eastern goshawks, the western
red-tailed hawk,the prairie, western, and Richardson pigeon
hawks, the desert sparrow hawk, the golden eagle, and several
varieties of owls (King 19^9' 11)• Bones of the red-tailed
hawk, osprey, and turkey were found among the bone artifacts
17

Mammal
TABLE I
PREHISTORIC AND MODERN FAUNA
PROM WUPATKI RUIN, ARIZONA
Modern
Frequency
18
historic
Frequency
Rodents
Grasshopper mouse Onychomys C
Pocket Mouse Perognathus Intermedlus C 1
Porcupine Erethlzon C 1
Rock squirrel Cltellus varlegatus U 2
Antelope squirrel Gitellus leuourus C 5
Kangaroo rat Dlpodomys ordi G 6
Prairie dog Cynomys gunnlsoni R 33
Woodrat Neotoma C 25
Deermouse Peromyscus C 51
Carnivores
Cayote Canls latrans C
Gray fox Urocyon C
Badger Taxldea taxa C
Longtailed weasel Mustella frenata R
Spotted Skunk Spllogale putorlus R
Bobcat Lynx rufus C
Domestic dog Canls famlllarls
Artiadactyls
Mountain sheep Ovls canadensis
Mule deer Dama hemlonus
Antelope Antllocupra americana
Rabbits
Jack rabbit Lepus callfornlcus
Cedarbelt cottontail SylTllagus
auduboni
Bats
Eight species are now known, none prehistorically.
U
U
C
C
1
1
1
1
6
1
9
98
379
202
Note: C = common, U = uncommon, R = rare, dash = absent.

(identified by Milton Wdatherill, i960), and it is interesting
to note that several species of southern, perhaps Mexican*
parrots and macaws (Ara macao, Bhynchopsitta -pachyrhycha),
were found in the prehistoric trash deposits (Eargrave
1933b: 26).
Lincoln is interested in the large number of rabbit
remains found in the trash deposits. The rabbit is a good
food animal, and is easily caught in communal drivess such
as those of the modern Hopi Indians. It is also striking
that of the deer and antelope remains found, both worked
and un-worked, antelope out-number deer at least ten to one.
The preponderance of antelope to deer may be due to the fact
that antelope tend to gather in larger herds than deer in
open country, and thus might be easier to hunt down in group
drives on the flat lands near Wupatki Ruin. There is thus
evidence that the group drive may have been the main pre­
historic hunting method at Wupatki Ruin, the hunters con­
centrating on rabbit and antelope. It is also Interesting
that all of the marrow-containing large animal long-bones
found in the trash deposits have been broken across the
shaft in the same manner. Few bones were charred or baked,
however, suggesting that the manner of cooking; may have been
broiling (Lincoln 1962 s 130). Finally, it appears to Lincoln
that the faunal data indicate no major ecological or climatic
change from 1100 to the present.

Settlement Patterns
The location of Wupatki Huin, situated as it is
along a dry wash, is undoubtedly due to the good permanent
spring located 300 yards to the southwest of the ruin.
There is good farm land in the broad and flat wash bottom
to the west, and on top of the shallow but steep-sided wash
rims on either side of the ruin the land is flat, gently
sloping towards the northeast. There are numerous small
post-eruptive pueblos, pit houses, possible kivas, and
storage rooms along the wash rim to the east and west, and
also south of the ruin along the edges of Black Mesa, There
are at least three more springs, and several pueblos, such
as Helser Springs Huin, and Wiikoki, not more than two miles
from Wupat&i. Some of these ruins are Slnaguaj some, such
as Wukoki, are nearly pure Kayenta Anasazi sites, emphasizing
the fact that this region was clearly a cultural contact
zone, at least after 1070. Very few ruins are found in this
area which date prior to the eruption#
20
'The sites in the immediate vicinity of the Huin are
virtually all post-eruptive, and all of one or two rooms,
probably * evidence of the post-10?0 influx of farming
families« Several petroglyph areas have also been noted.
However* the main ruin, with its associated ball-court and
amphitheater, is the only large site in the region. There
is little indication of a formal plan for the ruin, and

there are no indications of protective walls# The houses
are spread out along the ridge in a compact, terraced line,
in some places three stories high (Fig. 2, 3, 63, 66).
Several long walls extended along portions of the ruin on
the east side, connecting the northern and southern house
units, and they once formed a rectangular plaza-like area.
They wei*e probably similar to the wind-sheltering wing walls
found in some Cohonina and Sinagua sites (Smith 1952a: 8-10,
30-33* ^2„ 5 2 )« Several small, independent, individual
rooms lie closely outside the pueblo. Basically the settle­
ment pattern is linear in form, and it may partially meet the
definition given by Reed (1956: 11-16) for the Anasazl uni­
directional settlement pattern. Trash piles are found in
back and in front of the dwelling area, but the front is
identified by the large circular amphitheater to the east
of the dwelling units, and the stepped arrangement of dwelling
units to the east.
The ruin has never been completely excavated, but
the original size was apparently about 95 rooms. However,
several of these rooms are very small and are obviously
storage areas rather than living quarters (Rooms 30, ^7, 69,
and 70, for example), and thus, the actual ground floor
living rooms may have numbered about 50-60. J. C. Pisoher
Motz estimated that the total population at any one time
may not Have exceeded 120. This figure would agree with
Hopi data of the 1890*s that indicated about two persons per
21

Fig. 2. Wupatkl Buin today, looking southwest.
i

Fig* 3» Wupatki Ruin today, looking northwest.

ground floor room (Colton I960: 103)•
Other large sites in the vicinity vary in plan from
Wupatki. One such site has a definite plaza area, unlike
Wupatkij and several other nearby ruins, such as Wukoki, are
"built fortress-like, on high rocks with vertical sides.
Each has walls which follow the rock edges, at least one
high tower structure, few entrances, and a tunnel like main
gate through a crack in the rock, heading into the floor of
one of the rooms of the site* These sites are probably
defensive in nature, while Wupatki is probably not, although
the early rooms built on top of the rock outcrop may indi­
cate such an original design. In general, the tree-ring
data show that the rooms on top of the rock outcrop and
those to the south seem to have been built first, followed
by the rooms in the north section, and finally those on the
east and west sides of the outcrop.
History of Explorations and Excavations
at Wupatkl"Ruin
Wupatki Ruin has been known for over a century.
The first white man to mention the site was a Lt. Sitgreaves,
(first name unknown), of the U. S. expedition to explore
the Little Colorado River Valley. In 1851 he was ordered
to discover whether the Zuni and Little Colorado rivers
were navigable to the sea. He followed the two streams to
a point near the Grand Falls on the Little Colorado River,
zh

at which point he realized, the futility of the idea and cut
inland towards the San Francisco Peaks. On the way, he dis­
covered Wupatki Ruin, and included a drawing of it in his
final report of the expedition, published in 1853 •
In 1853s Lt« A. W. Whipple, making a preliminary
survey for a railway route to California, passed through the
Flagstaff area, discovering Rio de Flag Creek; and in 1858,
Lt. J. C. Ives visited Wupatki Ruin and the Citadel Ruin
groups. From this time forth, government surveyors and rail­
road men passed through the area, and soon after, Mormon
settlers began to enter the region. Jacob Hamlin explored
the country several times, and in 1873 the first permanent
Mormon settlements south of the Little Colorado River were
established. By 1862, Arizona had become a territory of
the "United States, and in I876 Flagstaff was founded (Colton
1930: 1-^).
Wupatki Ruin was little visited during these early
years, for it lay in a black cinder dune area where travel
was difficult, and roads were non-existent. However, before
1880 the Forest Service built a road into the area, and after
this time visitation became more common. The first exca­
vation in the general Sinagua area was directed by F. D.
Bickford, a member of the newly founded Bureau of American
Ethnology, who did exploration and digging in the Walnut
Canyon ruins, and in some ruins to the northeast of Flag­
staff, recovering many objects. Major J. W. Powell and
25

Col. James Stephensen made additional surveys and exca­
vations in the area in 1885* perhaps even visiting Wupatki.
By at least 1889» at any rate, as evidenced by a San Fran­
cisco newspaper of that date found in Boom ^4-, C. M. Schultz,
an early sheepherder of the region, was living in Rooms 4 and
7 at Wupatki, which he had cleared out to provide shelter
for himself and his sheep. He also built a low connecting
wall between the upper and lower ruins (Figs. 4, 5? 6)«
Pot hunting began by at least this period, and it is known
that Ben Doney, a veteran prospector of the area, made an
extensive collection from Wupatki that was later sold some­
where in California and that has since disappeared. However,
some of the items were seen and mentioned by Fewkes (1904s 49-
50f 1911). Curio dealers of this period went so far as to
send groups of Mexican laborers to the ruin to dig for relics.
'The first systematic work of any kind at the ruin
was that of J. W. Fewkes, who was guided to it by Ben Doney
in 1900. Fewkes made small collections, took pictures, and
surveyed the area several times. His work was briefly
reported in three publications in 1900 and 1904. Until
Fewkes' work at the ruin, it had apparently not been named.
At this time he called it Ruin A, Group B. In 1904 however,
Fewkes published a paper calling it Vfukoki, the present name
of a small ruin (N.A. 203) to the east of Wupatki. Fewkes
then called the present Wukoki, Wupatki. On the other hand,
Colton was calling the sites Heiser Springs I and II up until

1933.
Fig. 4. The upper ruin, before excavation in

Fig. 5* 'Hie lower ruin, before excavation in
1933* Note the sheepherder 1 s wall running to the left9
which connected the lower and upper ruins.
%

1933.
Pig. 6. The lover ruin before excavation In

I
I

1921, or early 1922, "but at that time he began to call the
smaller ruin Wukoki, as it is known today, and N. A. 405»
Wupatki, as it is presently known. J. C. Clarke, the first
custodian of Wupatki Monument, apparently gave it its pres­
ent name in 1921, according to Colton, thinking that Wupatki
meant only "large house" in Hopi, and would thus not fit
the present Wukoki Ruin, which he desired to call "tower
house." Unfortunately, this was a misnomer, for Wupatki
actually also means tall house, while Wukoki can only mean
"big or wide house. Fewkes* term, Wukoki, for the large ruin
(present Wupatki) would thus have been more appropriate, and
also had priority. However, Wupatki it has "been for 4-0 years
now, and will so remain (Colton 1956a: 22-24). To the Navajo,
however^ its name is still Ah-nah-sah-h 1 kin, or "the house
of the ancient dead enemies (Brewer 1935 J 174-76)."
After Fewkes, the next research at Wupatki was not
begun for 16 more years, beginning again with the work of
Colton in the region when he initiated the systematic survey
and excavation work of the Museum of Northern Arizona that
has continued to the present day. Through the efforts of
Colton, and those of J. C. Clarke of Flagstaff, an avid
amateur archaeologist, Wupatki Ruin, and many of the nearby
sites, were designated by President Coolidge as Wupatki
National Monument in 1924. For nine years thereafter, Clarke
was the unpaid custodian of the Monument and Wupatki Ruin.
30

In 1926-27, A. E. Douglass became interested in
collecting beam material from the ruin, and he and Colton
made several trips to Wupatki• Clarke helped them exca­
vate several rooms, probably Rooms 35» 36, and ^5* Many
dates now on file at the laboratory of Tree Ring Research,
University of Arizona, resulted from this work and were
published in several reports of I929, 1935# Q-nd thereafter.
The artifacts recovered in these small-scale excavations
have been included in this report, although, unfortunately,
they have little or no provenience*
In 1933« the Museum of Northern Arizona secured a
permit for the excavation of Wupatki Ruin, and on April 1,
1933s work commenced under the direction of Lyndon L, Hargrave.
A party consisting of Kenneth B. Disher, Irwin Brown, James W.
Brewer, Jr., and several Indian workman entered the field,
and later A, Tenbroeck Williamson, Donald Collier, and Arthur H
Fenske, as well as architect J, C. Fisher Motz, joined the
party. Work continued until October, mainly concentrating
on the southeast and southwest ends of the pueblo, and 1^
rooms were excavated, as well as the amphitheater, Room 66*
Rooms 35s 36, and 4^, and the amphitheater, Room 66, were
restored by Colton. It is interesting to note that at about
this time an illegal whisky still was also operating near
the ruin, and the operators of the still were accustomed to
digging timbers out of the ruin in order to fire their vats.
31

In 193^, the Museum, in co-operation with the
C. W. A. Work Projects Board, mounted another excavation
at Wupatki Ruin, under the direction of Colton. At this
time, they dug six test trenches, mainly to the east of the
ruin, and sunk four test sections, or pits, midway on either
side of both the north and south sections of the ruin.
Twenty-two additional rooms were then excavated, bringing
to a total of 37 the rooms excavated during the two field
seasons. Rooms 1, 2, •!*, and 63 were completely restored and
roofed, to be used as a museum and visitor center for the
ruin. Rooms 36 and 63 were lived in by J. W. Brewer, Jr.
when he was custodian of Wupatki Ruin. The restored rooms
were maintained untix 1952-1953» when National Park Service
policy changed, becoming unfavorable to restoration. At
that time the rooms were torn down to the level of their
original excavated state (Eargrave 1933a, 1933bJ Colton 1933a)•
The next work at Wupatki Ruin was in 1936. Prom
October 13 to November 3» 1936» Erik K. Reed, of the National
Park Service, almost completely excavated Room 7, taking
out five burials and numerous artifacts. The work on the
room was completed by J. W. Brewer, Jr., then custodian of
Wupatki Ruin, who finished the work in November of that same
year (Reed and Brevier, Jr. 1937)* Additional work projects
were carried on by the National Park Service in 1939» when
several small excavations were initiated, and in 19^-0-^1
David K. Jones, Jr. excavated Rooms 11, 12 and 15 for the
32

National Park Service, collecting hundreds of artifacts now
located in the Museum at Wupatki Ruin, Information con­
cerning these artifacts is included in this report.
Additional small surveys and projects were carried
on during the 19^0*s, but the next and last major project
was the extensive stabilization and repair work at the Mon­
ument carried on by the National Park Service during
1952-53. At this time many more artifacts were collected,
and new architectural details were studied. The artifacts
recovered from this work are now being studied at the
Southwestern Archaeological Center of the National Park Ser­
vice, Gila Pueblo* Globe, Arizona. The excavations, under
the direction of Roland Richert and Gordon Vivian, resulted
in the stabilization of many walls, and the clearing of 18
more rooms on the west side of the ruin which had previously
been covered by 10 to 1*4- feet of rubble.
33

THE DATING OF WUPATKI RUIN
The occupation of Wupatki Ruin has been dated in
two ways. First, there are at least 155 acceptable tree-
ring dates from beams at the site, published or in files;
and second, there are several published reports on the
ceramics of the ruin. A series of dates may be outlined in
regard to both the over-all use of the site, and the specific
dating of individual rooms.
Tree-Ring Dates
A long series of tree-ring dates has been established
for Wupatki Ruin. The first published dates were those of
A. S. Douglass, appearing in 1929» which gave a range of
1087-1179 (Mc.Gregor 19^2ai 1), and Douglass later published
a second list of 69 specimens, which ranged from 1073-1205
(Douglass 1938s 11)* In the same year J. C. Mc.Gregor
published a list of dates ranging from 108*}-1197 (1938: 6),
and in 19^2 he published a more extended list of 52 dates
ranging from 108^-1192, this list providing the provenience
for each specimen (Mc.Gregor 19^2b: 18-21). However, the
1950 summary of dates by Katherlne Bartlett on work sheets
of the Museum of Northern Arizona, and the recent summary
by Breternitz (1963)* are the most complete series of dates
identified as to provenience. These range from 1070-1203.
3^

There are two recent generalized, summaries available.
Terah L. Smiley (1951s 16) published a composite series of
137 different dates, 65 by Douglass and 72 by Mc.Gregor.
This series ranged from 1070-1205, with concentrations of
25 dates at about 1115» 38 at 1150, 25 at 1185» and ten
between 1191 and 1205* Colton, and Smiley (19^6: 58;
1951s 29) have both stated that the dates earlier than 1120
are from re-used beams. However, Colton states in his most
recent book, Black Sand (i960: ^9), that Wupatki Ruin may
date from about 1050-1250. The concentration of dates at
1115 also suggests that some of the earlier dates may be
valid.
The most recent revision of the Flagstaff area
chronology is by Thomas Harlan {I96I; 1962: 37-38), who
assessed all Museum of Northern Arizona dates from Wupatki
Ruin, and re-dated many of their 376 wood specimens. He
believes that previously published dates are inaccurate, and
that only 21 specimens can be safely dated, 18 of these re­
calculated from previously dated beams, and three from new
material# However, his revision does not change the range
of dates from the site, and in most cases individual speci­
men dates are not more than ten years different from the
previously calculated dates, or are identical. A loss of
rings from the more than 30 years of study of the specimens
could alone account for many of the differences.
35

Thus, it is safe to say that Wupatki Ruin has been
dated by a long series of tree-ring dates, numbering at
least 155 different specimens. The dates range from 1070-
1205; the ruin was settled shortly after the eruption of
Sunset Crater, and was abandoned sometime in the early
13th century.
It is interesting that the tree-ring specimens cut
in the latter portion of the 12th century had compressed
rings, indicating a general drying of the area, probably due
to an erosion of the Sunset Crater cinder cover. These
specimens were also much smaller in diameter than specimens
from early 12th century trees, indicating that local trees
of any size had already been cut off, and that by the end
of the 12th century Wupatki peoples had to bring smaller
trees from some distance away, Many specimens from the ruin
are from surprisingly young trees, having only 25-35 rings
(Hc.Gregor 19^2a: 2-3), Harlan found nearly 200 specimens
under 30 years old (Harlan 1961).
Tree-Ring Dates t Specific Provenience
There are exact room proveniences for 59 tree ring
specimens, and possible correlations for an additional 33?
thus, dates of occupation or construction of individual rooms
at Wupatki Pueblo can be stated.
Many of the beams collected and dated were lying on
top of the ground on the trash pile, or along the sides of
36

the ruin. These are listed as miscellaneous, and range In
date over the entire time span of the site. However, the
dates from sections 2-4- generally fall vilthin the range of
1150-1190, and those listed as "east side of south block"
date at 109^, 1123, and 1130.
Room 2. Douglass dated one beam at 1127, listed as
located at the "southwest of room 2", which may thus either
refer to Room 2, or to Room 9-
Room 3. Section 3 w&Y refer to Room 3> in Bartlett's
opinion (1950)» and has five dates, two listed by Bartlett
at 116? and 1192, and three by Harlan at 1186, the possible
construction date.
Room 5* One date of 1168 is cited by Reed (1939s 233).
Room 9. One specimen has been dated at 1126.
Room 13. One Douglass date is on file from the roof
of this room, 1107^6.
Room 31» Douglass lists 13 separate dates from
"Room A", which probably Is the presently designated Room yi•
These range from 1088-119^* There is a cluster of three dates
at 1088 perhaps the construction date, followed by individual
beam dates of 1122+, 1127, 11^5+. 11^+, 1152, 1155# 1183»
1191» and two dates at 119*1-. It thus appears to have been
inhabited over at least 100 years, most of the time span of
the site.
Room 33. Douglass' Room B probably is the present
3?

Room 33• He gives one date, 1172.
A-B Talus. Six dates were calculated from material
on a talus trash pile next to Rooms 31 and 33 * and could thus
apply to either room. These are given as 1130, 1159$ 1181,
II83* 1188, and 1191» generally agreeing with the dates
previously cited for these two rooms.
Room 35* Room 35 is subdivided into three rooms,
one built on top of the other, which are designated as Rooms 35a,
b, c, from top to bottom. General dates have been given for
Room 35* listed as 1138, 1160, Il6l (2), and 1164. These
dates were probably calculated from beam material on the sur­
face of the room fill, and thus were probably from Room 35a,
the top, and most recent, room. Mc.Gregor lists two ad­
ditional dates from Room 35a, as 1099+» and 1190. This room
was thus probably built about 1161, which is supported by the
date of probable construction of the lower room, 35*>j at
about 1127»
Room 35b. Harlan lists two dates for this room at
1120 and 1160. The Museum of Northern Arizona, however, has
assigned dates of 1101+20, two at 1127, 1156, 1170 (dated by
Harlan at 1160), 1182, 1185+5* The roof of this room had dates
of 1095* 1126 (bark), 1150j and 116*^5 • The room was probably
built at about 1126-27, approximately 30 years before the
construction of the upper room, 35a. Room 35b was repaired
and inhabited until at least 1185. There are no dates from
the lower room, 35c, which must pre-date the construction
38

of 35b, in 1126.
Room 36. Harlan lists a date of 1120 for Roof c,
and the Museum of Northern Arizona lists additional dates
of 1127$ 1129, and two at 1137# one of these a bark date;
1137 iinay thus be the date of construction. In addition,
Douglass lists a series of dates from Room H F", which may
refer to either Room 35 or 36• These are 1135* 1143» 1153*
1160, 1166, 1179» and 1184.
Room 38* Douglass lists two dates, 1141 and 1192.
Room 41. Mc.Gregor lists one date, 1175^3* while
Harlan dates two specimens at 1164 and 1166.
Room 42—44. This date probably refers to the pres­
ently designated Room 44, Rooms 43 and 44 being associated
storage chambers, and is given as 1174^1.
Room 44. Douglass lists eight dates for this room:
1137, 1138 (Roof a), 1148, 1150, 1151. 1160, 1167, 1191t
1192.
Room 45$ Roof a. MCcGregor lists two dates from
Roof a at Il40±3, and 1150±5.
Room 46, Roof b. Harlan lists two dates from this
room, 1157 and 1160. These correspond to beams previously
dated at 1166^10 (Mc.Gregor), 1156 (Douglass), 1160 (Mc.Gregor,
a bark date), and 1135 (Douglass). Other dates listed for
Room 46 are 109^2, 1128, 1139, 1142, 1143, 1149±1, 1160,
1180, 1183, and 1203» the latest dated beam sample specifically
located at Wupatkl Ruin.
39

Room 1*7. Douglass lists one date of 1188^2.
Room 6la. Bartlett lists one date of 118*1- (Roof c).
Mc.Gregor believes there were two major "building
periods at the site, the first period occurring about
1120-1130, and the latter period at 1150-1170® However,
Room 31 may have been built by 1088, as we have seen, and
there are dates from other rooms and the trash piles falling
prior to 1100, It appears that there was an early period
of building at Wupatki at 1080-1090 when a few families
moved into the area and settled at the spring« Smiley
(1951: 29) notes that there are concentrations of dates at
about 1115, 1150, and 1185. The first ma.lor influx of
families, and room construction, thus began at about 1115,
followed by the building of homes by the second generation
at about 1150, and by the grandchildren at about 1185•
After this period, however, repair was the only building
activity. There is no evidence of any construction after
1205» and the population apparently decreased after about
1180, perhaps, as Colton suggests (I960: 111-115)# due to
the unsanitary conditions of the larger pueblos^the rapid
spread of disease epidemics, and the increasing desiccation
and wind erosion of the ash cover.
It should be noted that almost all dates come from
the southern unit of rooms, the three specific dates from
the northern section being 1107s 1127» and 1168. Mc.Gregor
ko

states that the southern section is older than the northern
section of rooms, "but Reed (1939: 23*1-235) disagrees,
believing Rooms 4-7 were "built around 1100, "but were in use
until 1170-1180. In general, the oldest rooms are found on
top of the ridge of sandstone and shale or at the base of
the south ridge on the east side. The pueblo seems to have
grown upwards and outwards from the ridge tops, and the
lower east side, and then on top of the rooms at the east
side. Finally, it spread east against the low earlier houses
(Mc•Gregor 1942a: 6}•
Ceramic Dating
The more than 35 >000 sherds from the 1933-34- Wupatki
excavations have been studied and published by Colton
(1946: 5B-62). Reed has also reported on the ceramics of
Room 7-(1939s 209-240), and material from some of the rooms,
including two excavated by David Jones in 1940-4-1, is partially
found on Ceramic Work Sheets in the files of the Museum of
Northern Arizona. (Additional material secured from the
1952-1953 National Park Service stabilization and drainage
work at Wupatki Monument is now being studied at the Southwest
Archaeological Center of the National Park Service at Gila
Pueblo, Globe, Arizona). Since the earlier material has
been well reported, only brief considerations of the results
are offered.
4i

Colton (19^6: 58) states that the ruin was occupied
during the span of Flagstaff Black-on-white pottery, and
was abandoned shortly after this type was replaced by Wupatkl
Black-on«whi te. This indicated to him a time span of about
75 years for the site, and he believed that the ruin was
first settled by Anasazl people of the Klethla focus, Kayenta
branch, followed by a Sinagua settlement at 1137» when the
main construction of the pueblo began. The site was finally
abandoned by 1225* presumably due to drought conditions,
the wind erosion of the cinder cover, and the spread of
disease (Colton 19*1-6: 62-63; I960; 111-115).
However, in his new work, Black Sand» Colton
(i960: ^9) gives a longer time span for the site, 1050-1250,
which better agrees with the recent revisions of pottery
dates proposed by Breternltz (1963)» on the basis of recent
tree-ring studies, Breternltz dates Flagstaff Black-on-
white at 1085-1275* and Wupatkl Black-on-white at 1125-1300•
These revisions indicate that Wupatkl Black-on-white does not
replace Flagstaff Black-on-white, but is instead contem­
poraneous with the later part of the span of this type.
Occupation of Wupatkl Ruin can now be postulated as early as
1085 on the basis of ceramic as well as tree-ring data.
In general, Tusayan Gray Ware sherds decrease in
quaatlty going up in time (in the stratigraphic seotlons),
while Alameda Brown Ware and Sunset Red sherds Increase from
the bottom to the top sections. Wupatkl Black-on-white appears
k2

In the middle of the sequence (1125), and increases from
this appearance. Colton believes this indicates a change
from an Anasazi to a Sinagua cultural pattern at the site.
At any rate, the pottery indicates a time span of over a
century of occupation* with a settlement perhaps as early
as 1085• It should also be remembered that much of the
pottery found in the rooms is fill material and thus the
actual occupation of many of the rooms may be earlier than
the pottery types in the fill. For example, the sherds in
the fill of Rooms 12, 30, 36, ^lb, **8, 50c, 51b, 57, 6Ob,
62, and 69 suggest an abandonment of these rooms prior to
1150, and the tree-ring material and architectural evidence
suggest the building of Rooms *J—7 by 1100 (Reed 1939: 233).
It is also not yet certain where Wupatki Black-on--white and
Flagstaff Black-on-white were actually made. Even if they
are Imported Kayenta Anasazi types, as assumed, the pottery
found in the bottom three ceramic layers of the trash mound,
and in the basal room layers, is composed of between 29-^-1
per cent typical Sinagua wares (Colton 19^6: 62; Ceramic
Work Sheets, Museum of Northern Arizona). Thus, it seems
certain that the Sinagua were inhabiting the site from the
beginning of occupation.
^3
Only broad spans of time can be outlined by ceramic
dating of the individual rooms. In most cases there is no
information as to whether the ceramic material is from-the
fill or floor* although considering the rare notations of

floor provenience, it is probably from the fill. Certain
rooms seem to have been occupied early in the site*s history,
for example Rooms 7» 12, 30, 3^, 36, ^llb, ^5c, ^6, 4-8, 50b,
50c, 57b, 59, 60b, 62, 6jf 67-69, Others, such as Rooms 9>
3^» 35* 38, &La, ^3» 50a, 51a, 60a, 6l, 62a, and 70, seem
to have been either built, or occupied, late in the sites
history. The ceremonial amphitheater, Room 66, has no
associated tree-ring dates, but the ceramic evidence suggests
that it was first built before lUK) (perhaps 1120?), rebuilt
shortly before 1150 (11^0?), and rebuilt again shortly after
1150 (1160?).
The ceramic material also hints that there was a
later re-occupation of some of the rooms of the site after
1225. Hopi peoples, or at least peoples of the northeastern
Arizona region, seem to have occupied several rooms at about
1250-1300. Rooms 7 and ^3 contained sherds of late Pueblo III
or early Pueblo IV ceramic types, Rooms 7» 66a and 70 con­
tained sherds of an early Pueblo IV Hopi area pottery type,
and Burial 1, in Room ^6b, had with it a vessel of Jeddito
Black-on-'white, dating from 1275-1350 (Reed 1939: 2355
Kuseum of Northern Arizona Accession Report, Anonymous,
1933S Williams and Van Valkenburgh 193*0 • In addition,
Room 25 contained a Springerville Polychrome vessel, dating
at about 1250-1300 (Carlson 1961s PI. i_), and Rooms U-5-^6
and Room 66 had a St. Johns Polychrome pot, and Rooms 56-57
also had a few sherds of St, Johns Polychrome, in the fill
Mr

(Williamson and Van Valkenburgh 193*1-).
Dating As a Whole
In brief, we can say that Wupatki Fiuln was first
occupied in the period of 1080-1100, followed by the major
building periods of the site at about 1120 and 1150. The
period of 1150-1170 was probably the maximum period of
population, which would probably never have exceeded 120
people. Extensive repairs were still being made as late
as 1185 # but after 1190 the population must have been de­
creasing# By 1205 all construction ceased, and within a
few years the ruin was probably abandoned. There was,
however, a re-occupation of several rooms in the late 13th
or early 14th century, presumably by people of the Hopi
region. Wupatki was thus continuously occupied over a span
of about 125 years.
Gross-dating, and Comparative Material
^5
The artifacts from Wupatki Ruin have been compared
in this paper, regionally and by phase period, with arti­
facts from other Southwestern sites. Figure 7s immediately
following, is a chart of comparative phase sequences of the
Southwest, and Figure 8, a base map of the Southwest, found
at the back, includes, by number, sites and areas mentioned
in the text. This map can be correlated with the text by
using Table 2, which follows Figure 7, which lists alpha-

Pig* 7• Correlation of the Southwestern cultural
sequences. Based on Colton 19^6, Wheat 1955# and
Bretemitz I960.

DATE
1500
I400 •
1300
1200
SINAGUA MOGOLLON HOHOKAM ANASAZ1
CLEAR
CREEK
WESTERN
PUEBLO
51 O O
ELDEN
II20
IO66 PADRE-WINONA
MOGOLLON
IOOO
V
RIO de FLAG
900 RIO de FLAG MOGOLLON
IV
800
70 O
600
500
400
300
SUNSET
MOGOLLON
CINDER
PARK
III
MOGOLLON
II
200 ? MOGOLLON
lOO
A.D. 1
1
P
CIVANO
SOHO
SACATON
SANTA
CRUZ
GILA
BUTTE
SNAKE
TOWN
SWEET­
WATER
ESTRELLA
I S S A L C Y R A T C N E
D E
S
L
A I
N
O
L
O
C
R E
E
N
IO
P
PUEBLO
IV
PUEBLO
III
PUEBLO
II
PUEBLO
1
DATE
I5 00
1400
1300
1200
IIOO
*+6
IOOO
9 O O
QOO
700
BASKET-
MAKER
600
ill 500
BASKET-
MAKER
It
400
300
200
lOO
A.D. 1

etically, and by number, the sites and areas included
on the map. Figure 8.

1.
2.
2:
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
II:
!§•
lb i
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
TABLE 2
PREHISTORIC SITES, AND MODERN CITIES AND AREAS
OP THE SOUTHWEST„ CORRELATED NUMERICALLY AND
ALPHABETICALLY WITH THE NUMBERS OP FIGURE 8
Section 1
Numerical list, corresponding
to numbers on map, Figure 8.
Wupatki Ruin (star)
Wukoki Ruin
Juniper Terrace Site
Citadel Ruin
Nalakihu
Big Hawk Valley sites
Sunset Crater
Pueblo II sites (Mc.Gregor)
San Francisco Peaks
Medicine Valley
Medicine Cave
Pueblo II sites (Bartlett)
Pittsberg Village
Elden Ruin
Pershing Site
Turkey Hill Pueblo
Walnut Canyon
Ridge Ruin
Winona Ruin
Piper Site
Young Canyon Site
Crack-in-the-rock Ruin
Deadmans Wash
Oak Creek Canyon
Honanki Ruin
Palatki Ruin
Hidden House Ruin
Kings Ruin
Tuzigoot Ruin
Montezuma Well
Montezuma Castle
Verde Salt Mine
Prescott
Kiimikinlck Ruin
Chavez Pass Ruin
Wins low
Homolovi Ruin
22.
II:
11:
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
&
II:
37.
38.
8:
ku
^2.
*3-
Holbrook
Chevalon Ruin
Woodruff Butte Site
Petrified Forest
Twin Butte Site
Stone Axe Ruin
Leupp
Tuba City
Awatovi Ruin
Jeddito 26^
Kokopnyama
Kawika-a
Sikyatki Ruin
Cross Canyon
White Mound area
Be 50-51
Leyit Kin
Pueblo Benito
Pueblo del Arroyo
Tseh So (Be 50)
Sehabik* eschee Village
Unshagi Pueblo
Jemez Cave
Pindi Pueblo
Albuquerque
Chama Valley sites
Paa-ko
Pecos Pueblo
Forked Lightning Ruin
Hermits Cave
Casas Grandes Ruin
Pendleton Ruin
Mimbres Valley
Cameron Creek Village
Mattocks Ruin
Swarts Ruin
Upper Gila Caves

TABLE 2—Continued
Section 1
Numerical list, corresponding
to numbers on map. Figure 8»
44 • Mule Creek Cave
45 • Mogollon Village
46, Plnelawn Valley
Reserve area caves
Hinkle Park Cliff Dwelling
Poote Canyon Pueblo
0-Block Cave
S. Us Site
Starkeweather Ruin
Turkey Foot Hidge Site
47- Tularosa area caves
Higglns Flat Pueblo
Tularosa Cave
48 • Luna
49• Hooper Ranch Site
50. Mineral Creek Site
51• Table Rock Pueblo
52• Halanowan
Kawikuh
53* Whitewater District sites
54. Village of the Great Kivas
55* Kiatuthlanna
5§ • Forejrtdale Valley
Bear Ruin
Bluff Site
57. Kinlshba Ruin
5o• Point of Pines
Crooked Ridge Village
Nantack Village
Point of Pines Ruin
Turkey Creek Pueblo
59* McBwen Cave
60. Winchester Cave
61 • Four Mile Ruin
Pinedale Ruin
62, Canyon Creek Ruin
63* Sierra Ancha sites
64. Tonto Cliff Dwellings
65* Roosevelt 9s6
60« La Ciudad
49
67. Los Muertos
68. Snaketown
69. Double Butte Cave
70• Casa Grande
71 • University Indian Ruin
72. Flleger Site
73. Jackrabbit Ruin
74. Ventana Cave
75* San Cayetano del Tumacacori
76„ Babocomari Village
77• Tres Alamos Site
78• Reeve Ruin
Davis Site
79# Texas Canyon sites
80• Gleeson Site
81. Fremont River sites
82. Kane County, Utah caves
83* Navajo Mountain
84. Glen Canyon
85- Lake Canyon
86. Ackman-Lowry area
Lowry Ruin
87- Alkalai Ridge sites
88 . Cannonball Ruin
89• Mesa Verde area
Mancos Canyon area
Cliff Palace
Site 349 Mesa Verde
Spruce Tree House
Pipe Shrine House
90. Durango area sites
91. La Plata area sites
92. Aztec Ruin
93. Piedra area sites
94. Canyon del Muerto
95* Canyon de Chelley
White House Ruin
96. Painted Cave
Prayer Rook area caves
97. Tsegl Canyon

Kiet Siel Ruin
Betatakin Ruin
98• Kayenta area
Marsh Pass area
White Dog Cave
99* Nitsie Canyon
TABLE 2—Continued
Section 1
Numerical list, corresponding
to numbers on map, Figure 8.
Gourd Cave
100, Waterfall Ruin
Poncho House
101« Gila Pueblo
102. Bear Creek Cave
Blue River
Section 2
Alphabetical list, correlated with numerical
list, section 1, and with map, Figure 8,
Ackman-Lowry Area 86
Albuquerque 36
Alkalai Ridge sites 87
Awatovi Ruin 29
Aztec Ruin 92
Babocomari Village 76
Be 50-51 32
Bear Creek Cave 102
Bear Ruin 56
Betatakin Ruin 97
Big Eawlc Valley sites 3
Blue River 102
Bluff Site 56
Cameron Creek Village 42
Cannonball Ruin 88
Canyon Creek Ruin 62
Canyon de Chelley 9 ?
Canyon del Huerto 94
Casa Grande 70
Casas Grandes Ruin 4o
Chama Valley sites 37
Chavez Pass Ruin 19
Chevalon Ruin 23
Citadel Ruin 2
Cliff Palace 89
50
Crack-in-the-rock Ruin 10
Crooked Ridge Village 58
Cross Canyon 30
Davis Site 78
Deadmans Wash 10
Double Butte Cave 69
D&rmtgo area sites 90
Elden Ruin 6
Flieger Site 72
Foote Canyon Pueblo 46
Forestdale Valley 56
Forked Lightning Ruin 38
Four Mile Ruin 61
Fremont River sites 81
Gila Pueblo 101
Gleeson Site 80
Glen Canyon 84
Gourd Cave 99
Halanowan j>2
Hawlkuh 52
Hermits Cave 39
Hidden House Ruin 13
Higgins Flat Pueblo 47
Hlnkle Park Cliff
Dwelling 46

TABLE 2—Continued
Section 2
Alphabetical list t correlated with numerical
list, section 1, and with map, Figure 8o
Holbrook
Homolovi Ruin
Honankl Ruin
Hooper Ranch Site
Jackrabbit Ruin
Jeddlto 26b
Jemez Cave
Juniper Terrace Site
Kane County, Utah caves
Kawlka-a
Kayenta area
Kiatuthlanna
Kiet Siel Ruin
Kings Ruin
Klnishba Ruin
Klnnlkinlck Ruin
La Ciudad
Lake Canyon
La Plata area sites
Leupp
Leyit Kin
Los Muertos
Lowry Ruin
Luna
Mane os Canyon area
Marsh Pass area
Mattocks Ruin
McEwen Cave
Medicine Cave
Medicine Valley
Mesa Verde area
Mimbres Valley
Mineral Creek Site
Mogollon Village
Montezuma Castle
Montezuma Well
Mule Creek Cave
Nalakihu
Nantack Village
22 Navajo Mountain
21 Nitsie Canyon
12 0-Block Cave
^9 Oak Creek Canyon
73 Paa-ko Pueblo
29 Painted Cave
3^ Palatkl Ruin
1 Pecos Pueblo
82 Pendleton Ruin
29 Pershing Site
98 Petrified Forest
55 Piedra sites
97 Plnedale Ruin
Ik Pindl Pueblo
57 Pinelawn Valley
19 Pipe Shrine House
66 Piper Site
85 Pittsberg Village
91 Point of Pines
27 Point of Pines Ruin
32 Ponoho House
67 Prayer Rock area caves
86 Prescott
48 Pueblo II sites
89 (Bartlett)
8 Pueblo II sites
I 2 (Mc.Gregor)
59 Pueblo Bonito
5 Pueblo del Arroyo
5 Reeve Ruin
89 Reserve area oaves
hZ Ridge Ruin
0 Roosevelt 9*6
I 5 San Cayetano del
1? Tumacacori
16 San Francisco Peaks
44 Schablk'eschee Village
2 Sierra Ancha sites
58 Slkyatki Ruin
51
83
It
11
37
96
12
8
I
6
25
II
1%
89
9
5
58
58
100
96
18
4
32
32
78
46
8
65
75
5
V 63
29

TABLE 2—Continued
Section 2
Alphabetical list, correlated with numerical
list, seotion 1, and with map, Figure 8«
Site Mesa Verde
Snaketom
Spruce Tree House
Starkeweather Ruin
Stone Axe Ruin
Sunset Grater
S. U. Site
Swarts Rain
Table Rook Pueblo
Texas Canyon sites
Tonto Cliff Dwellings
Tres Alamos Site
Tsegi Canyon
Tseh So (Be 50)
Tuba City
Tularosa area eaves
Tularpsa:-Gave; -
Turkey Creek Pueblo
Turkey F6ot R±dg6 Site
Turkey Hill Pueblo
Tuzigoot Ruin
52
89 Twin Butte Site 25
68 University Indian Ruin 71
89 Uhshagi Pueblo 3^
Upper Gila caves h"}
2 6 Vent ana Cave 7&
k Verde Salt Mine 17
k6 Village of the Great
k2 Klvas 5^
51 Walnut Canyon 7
79 Waterfall Ruin 100
6k White Dog Cave 9B
77 White House Ruin 95
97 White Mound area %
32 Whitewater District sites §3
28 Winchester Cave 60
**7 Wlnpna Ruin 8
^•7 Wins-low 20
58 Woodruff Butte Site Zk
k6 Wukokl Ruin 1
6 Wupatki Ruin (star) 1
15 Youngs Canyon Site 9

BURIALS
At least *J-0 human burials were excavated at Uupatki
Ruin prior to 19*K), and in addition there were at least 10 par­
rot or macaw burials, and 20 or more dog burials* Since burials
are, in a very real sense, human artifacts, their study and
comparison can provide cultural data for the anthropologist.
Human Burials
Human burials at Wupatki are about twice as commonly
found below room floors or in the trash of rooms as outside
the pueblo. This is particularly true of child burials. How­
ever, of the total burials, at least 21 were definitely of
children9 and only 15 were definitely of adults. Thus the
greater number of sub-floor infant Inhumations may reflect
their higher mortality rate. Reed and Brewer, Jr. (1937i 21)
support this conclusion, for in Room 7 all six burials uncov­
ered were children. Colton (i960: 111-115) points out that
the infant mortality rate in the prehistoric pueblos must have
been very high, for It Is so today among the Hop! Village
peoples, where diseases spread rapidly, in some years killing
off virtually all children below the age of two years.
Position
Six or seven child burials were flexed, and five or
six were extended. Three or four adult burials were flexed
53

and about 11 were extended. At least 12 burials were oriented
with their heads to the east, five were oriented with head to
the south, and three were oriented to the north® However,
the extended burials were overwhelmingly oriented to the east,
while in flexure, there was apparently little uniformity of
burial direction. One adult was also found face downward on
the floor of Boom ^6, legs folded back and head missing
(Pig. 9-10), and two other speolmens, carelessly buried, had
burned material in the pelvic area, although the room itself
was unburned.
5^
It would seem that there was a speoial preference for
flexing children, perhaps because they were often placed under
the hard-packed room floors. Adult burials were usually
extended on their backs in the trash areas, with their hands
along their sides or over the pelvis. The feet of at least
one adult burial were tied together.
It is interesting that both flexed and extended burials
occur together at Wupatki Ruin. Extended burials are stated
to be characteristic of Sinagua sites (Colton 19*1-6 i 295)•
However, the extended burial complex is rare in the Southwest
prior to 1050-1100. It was probably a Mesoamerican intro­
duction to peoples of the Chaoo Canyon, and was spread after
the eruption of Sunset Crater to the Sinagua area, probably
by Chaco immigrants. Prior to this period, all northern pueblo
peoples flexed their burials, while the Hohokam practiced
cremation. After 1070 and up to 1120 there is a period of

Pig. 9» A flexed adult burial from Wupatkio

Pig. IGo Extended and flexed burials and
offerings• These burials are from the trash above the
floor of Boom 46b« Flexed burials can be seen In the
upper left, upper right, and center of the rooms an
extended burial is ;at the top center? a dog burial in
the centeri and a headless9 face do?m» adult burial,
with its legs folded over its back* can be seen in the
lower left.

flux In the Sinagua area, when many new groups Joined the
local Slnsguia. folk, and burial practices were variable. Sev­
eral sites9 such as Winona Ruin, the Piper site, and Wilson
Pueblo have cremations as well as burials. By 1120, however,
while northern Anasazi burials were still normally flexed,
burials were virtually all extended in the Sinagua region.
Only In sites of considerable cultural mixture, such as Wu­
patki, Nalakihu, and Juniper Terrace, were both extended and
flexed burials found (Stanislawskl 1963: 308-19). The variety
of burial forms at Wupatki is thus additional evidence of the
cultural contacts and ohange in this area of the Southwest,
and is one more suggestion of Chacoan contacts in the Sinagua
area at this period. It should also be noted that Hopi area
peoples began to bury their dead in an extended position only
after 1200-1300, perhaps under the influence of Sinagua immi­
grants, a suggestion of the early Sinagua influence upon the
Hopi Mesa peoples. Later, of course, the Hopi again reverted
to their traditional burial position of flexure.
Physical type
Considering the limited information at hand concerning
four skulls, it can be said that at least two male skeletons
had occipital deformation of the skull, a Sinagua trait
(Reed 1950s 124), and one or two were undeformed. Some tooth
decay is revealed, and the capacity of the skulls seems to
have been about 1350-1^00 cc. The skulls were markedly brachy
57

oephalio, or round headed* The one Individual whose stature
is known measured 5 feet 3 Inches in height.
Grave types
•Bie burials were found in a variety of graves. Host
(about 20) were In plain, rectangular,' .graves* '"bait
there were at least three "burials in a grave shaped like a
bass-viol. Several burials were covered with flat stones, and
I •
at least five were in rectangular olsts formed of low vertical
slabs of stone. At least two cists were also pole-covered, and
three or four were covered with flat slabs of stone. One burial
may have been encased in adobe. Finally, in Boom 59# nearly
1800 human bonera were found, perhaps the result of a mass
secondary ire burial (Fig. 11). There were, of course, many
disturbed burials found in the rain, and several partially or
secondarily reburled skeletons came to light, probably the
result of the reconstruction of rooms. However, this last case
is one of the rare mass burials found in the Sinagua region.
Stone cist graves, such as those found at WupatKi,
and also at the nearby Wukokl Min, have been found in early
and late period sites in the Kayenta, Meaa Verde, and Ch^oo
Anasazl areas, and are considered to be typical of the Chaco,
Sinagua, Salado, and western Mogollon sites of this time, or
slightly later;. However, adobe-encased burials are southern
Mogollon, Salado, or Hohokam in origin (Stanlslawski 19&3*
308-19)•
58

Fig* 11 o A collection of 1800 human bones in
Room 59. The remains of at least 31 individuals, the
bones were scattered under the floor of the roomt mis-
tSE&enly identified by the photographer• s sign as 72b.

Burial offerings
The "burials often were provided with offerings, and
about one-half were wrapped in twilled Yuoca. matting9 or
cottoh cloth. Pottery was the most oommon offering. Seventy-
five percent of the total sample of complete pots from Wu-
| patki were f ound with ten or more burials * One child was
!'
[buried with several pots, one of which contained :ja mouse
[skeleton; and another child was covered with red ochre. Shell
jornaments, bone awls, and mosaic pieces were rare, but were
!
found with several burials, along with other bits of tur-
. •
jquolse. Very few arrow-points or other stone objects were
found, however. It should be noted that three of the six
I copper bells from Wupatki Ruin come from a child burial, and
j;a painted basket was found with two different adult burials,
! These various offerings were placed by the head, hip, feet,
|or in the pelvic area.
One slab-covered violin-shaped grave with an extended
burial was very interesting, for besides whole pots, bone
[tools, a painted basket, and red ochre* many sherds of re-
j:Storable pots were found broken and spread along the right
| side of the body* This type of "killing" is commonly found
I; at Mogollon sites, such as Turkey Creek Ruin in the Point of
j: ;•
Pines area, and there, as well as at Wupatki, the trait
[probably Indicated the burial of a man of some Importance.
60

Dog and Bird Burials
61
Pour complete domestic dog "burials CCanls f amiliar1s)
were found at Wupatkl, and there are fragments of at least
16 other dogs* At least two puppies were wrapped in yucca
matting. Most of the dogs were clearly intentional burials,
and some were placed at the feet of human "burials*
At least 11 articulated and intentional parrot or
macaw burials were also found, as well as several additional
fragments® Three of these birds were carefully wrapped in
yucca matting, and Fewkes notes one parrot found by Ben Doney
which had been buried at the foot of a child, and had a prayer
stick tied to its leg (1904: 50). The macaws and parrots
were of southern species identified by Hargrave (1933b: 26)
as the Red, Blue, and Yellow Macaw (Ara macao), and the thick-
billed parrot (Bhynoohopsitta -pachyrhyncha). The two species
probably came from northern Mexico, perhaps from the site of
Casas Grandes, or Sonora or Sinaloa. Hargrave is at the pres­
ent time still studying all of the Wupatki bird remains, and
will probably more fully describe them at a later date.
It is interesting, however, that five such parrot
burials were found in the fill of Room 43, which has been
identified as a kiva. Pour came from Room 35 and two were
taken from Room 63* These facts suggest a ceremonial signifi­
cance for the parrot burials, and there is, in fact, a Hopi
legend that Wupatkl Ruin was the last home of the Hopi parrot

clan* This is perhaps substantiated by the fact that another
legend, long quoted by Jim Kewanwytewa of the Museum of
Northern Arizona, states that the last survivor of the parrot .
.i
clan at Wupatkl was buried there with parrots at his side.
A burial was later dug at Wupatki which matched this legendary
description.
Macaws and parrots (Ara milltarls, Ara Macao), have
also been found in numbers at Pueblo Bonito (for example, in
Hooms 3^» 71, 306, 309) suggesting that they were raised
there in low dark pens (judd 195^* 263-651 Pepper 1920t 19*5~
195)• There is also a suggestion that Room 3** may have been
a parrot clan room. The birds were probably fed plnon nuts,
squash seeds , and roasted corn-on-the-cob. Twenty-four macaws
were found, as well as six parrots# It is known that long­
standing trade routes extended from the Southwest into northern
Mexico, and the site of Casae Grandes, in northern Chihuahua,
had many parrot pens. In 1536, Gabeza de Vaca reported that
the Zunl and Opata had close trading relationships, bartering
parrots _f03? turquoise. Specimens of these birds also occur
at other Chaco sites, for example, at Pueblo del Arroyo
(Judd 1959s 127), and at Aztec ruin (Morris 1919* 6^)} and
there are reports of such birds in post-1100 sites in the
Point of Pines area, and in the Tularosa River region (Hough
191*H 6).
These bird specimens thus indicate the importance of
the parrot to Zunl and Hop! area peoples from prehistoric times

to the present day, and may indicate Mesoamerlcan Influence
in the Chaeo Canyon region at about 1050 and the beginning of
the importsawae of the parrot clan in the Southwest at that
date* The parrot clan is associated in legend with Wupatki
Ruin, and parrots are commonly seen in the murals at the Hopi
site Awatovi„ which perhaps dates as early as 1300, Parrots
are thus perhaps another Mesoamerican introduction to the
Ghaeo Canyon people# Mho spread it to the post-eruptive
Sinagua area peoples, who in turn introduced the trait at
about 1300 to the Hopi Mesa "peoples •
Conclusions
Burials, as other traits, reveal evidence of cultural
contact in the Wupatki area after the eruption of Sunset
Crater in 1066-67• The burial pattern of the area was changed
at that date with the introduction of the extended burial
position from the Chaco Canyon area, and the parrot became
important in symbol, decoration, and religion. Anasazi burial,
grave, and offering types are noted, but there is one Mogollon
burial trait, and one unique Sinagua grave type. In short,
cross-cultural contacts are clear, and Chacoan influence was
felt* indicating the Introduction of several traits which
probably were ultimately Mesoamerlcan in origin.
63

STONE ARTEFACTS
The largest group of artifacts found at Wupatki Ruin
was of stone, as is usually true in archaeological sites. How­
ever, due to the speed of excavation and the concentration of
effort on the recovery of perishable artifacts, there are many
categories of stone artifacts, such as ornaments and chipped
tools, which are sparsely represented and surely do not indi­
cate the actual sample. For example, the ubiquitous metate
and mano are rare at Wupatki, probably because they were thrown
away before a final study was made of them. In short, stone
artifacts are inaccurately represented? but even so, the num­
ber and variety present allow us to make certain conclusions
concerning the general artifact inventory, and to make mean­
ingful comparative statements indicating trade and cultural
contacts. In this study, most stone specimens are classified
as tools, that is, those artifacts utilized by man to gain his
Ilivelihood or to make other tools, a category further sub­
divided into ground and chipped pieces; other classes include
iornaments, ceremonial artifacts, and raw materials.
! Ground Stone
Metates
Stone Tools
! The discussion of metates is brief, because most,
6i+

If not all, of these artifacts were reburled In one of the
deep rooms at the site before study. At least 26 metates
were found; references appear to 12, and brief notes were pre­
pared In the field on 1*J- more. There are also several photo­
graphs of metates In the museum collections, taken during
the excavations in 1933-3^» and some classificatory information
can be gained from these (Pig. 12). The metates and manos
now in rooms and along walls of the ruin were placed there
by the National Park Service, and it is not known if these
particular tools are from the site.
Full-1roughed Metates« At least 11 full-1roughed
metates were found, all made from thick, crudely-shaped blocks
of coarse-grained basalt. The trough varies from a barely
• • •
perceptible grinding area with no true shoulders, to a 4-8
ineh deep grinding surface. Two examples are listed as being
12 by 1^ and 12 by 16 inches, and both are Z-k- inches thick
at the bottom.
Provenience. Rooms 3» ^7* 50 (3), 51 (5)# 66.
Troughed. One-End Closed. .At least 11 such metates
can be seen in photographs of the excavations, or are noted
by Reed for Room 7 (Reed and Brewer 1937s 9)* They are
carefully shaped* having smooth, somewhat convex sides, and
rounded rims at the closed, troughed end. No measurements
are available, nor indications of material, although basalt
is probable.
65

stone metates.
Fig. 12. A collection of full and sIngle-troughed

Provenience. Booms 2, 7

were found propped on rocks, and in one Pueblo III site a
troughed metate was set into a bin (Bartlett 1933» Fig* *0*
Such was also the case at Aztec and Pueblo Bonito rains; at
Aztec three single-troughed metates were set in bins (Morris
1928a: 369)- Modern Hopi flat-slab metates sit in rectangular
bins nezt to a wall, so that women can brace their feet while
grinding. They average 12 by 1^ inches (Bartlett 1933 s 1*0*
The prehistoric troughed metates probably needed their high
side walls to contain the grain, as the later bin mils do#
Bartlett (1933i 20-27) proposed a developmental series
of metate types, starting with flat-slabs with a shallow
rotary grinding surface, such as those used by the modern
Paiute and Havasupai, a replacement of these in 500 by troughed
metates, and a final switch about 1100-1200 to flat-slab
metates. By Pueblo III times, Woodbury (195^* 58-9) notes
that people in the Hopi country switched to the flat-slab
grinding stone in a bin1( and they were common all over the
northern Southwest by late Pueblo III times, even in some
southern Mogollon ruins,, However, the Hohokam and other desert
groups always used the full-troughed metate, and the flat-slab
form only was used below the Mogollon Him when Pueblo influ­
ence spread with it. The so-called Utah type has actually
been found in several other areas of the Southwest, and judging
by its occurrence at the Bear Ruin, Bluff Site, Turkey Foot
Ridge Ruin, Kiatuthlanna, and Jeditto 26kt may even be of
earlier date, *4-00—800, in the Arizona area. Finally, Woodbury

points out that metates were probably used for more purposes
than grinding com, and they are not always found in all
areas In -which corn was grown# It is not safe to state the
presenoe of corn on the basis of metates alone (Woodbury
195*M 60).
Dlstri"taution,, Metates have been found in virtually
every site in the prehistoric Southwest; a complete list wouild
take many pages. It Is clear that flat-slab metates are late
In date and are a northern Pueblo type, although they do not
appear In the Chaco (Judd 195^: 136). The troughed metate
has a long history, starting at least by 500, and its intro­
duction to the Sinagua seems to have taken place after
600-700. During the late Pueblo II period In the Flagstaff
region, Mc.Gregor (1936: 36) indicates that both full-troughed
and single-troughed metates were found, full-troughed being
the most common. Bartlett- (193*** 5-H) however, notes only
full-troughed specimens for the same period. At Winona and
Ridge ruins, full-troughed metates were the common variety,
although a few flat-slab and single-troughed specimens were
also found (Mc.Gregor 19*KL; 168-170). At the Piper Site,
only full-troughed metates were reported (Bliss 1956: 122),
while at Nalakihu, King (19^9: 8*0 found six full-troughed
and three flat-slab metates, and at the Big Hawk Valley sites,
Smith (1952a: 112) notes nine full-troughed metates, nine
single-troughed metates, and four flat-slab metates. Thus
69

oth full and single-troughed types were found at all four
sites* Smith again emphasizes the remarks of Bartlett and
Woodbury that the flat-slab tool is an Anasazi invention,
while the full-troughed metate seemsto have been earliest and
most common in the Hohokam area (Smith 1952a: 117 )• At
Cohonina sites, metates were full-troughed, or approached
the Utah shelf type (Colton 1946s 283 j Mc.Gregor 1952: 88-91).
Finally, in Sinagua sites of the Verde Valley, from 800 on
only full-troughed metates are known (Bretemitz 1960s 22-25)«
This is perhaps directly related to the early, post-700,
Hohokam settlement of this area.
70
On the other hand, the Anasazi area to the north is
characterized by one-end closed-trough metates, although their
popularity diminished after 900 (Martin et al. 1952: 111;
Woodbury 195^: 58). This is virtually the only type in Chaco
Canyon (Judd 1959: 136). The Hohokam area has only full-
troughed metates or basin metates (Haury 1950: 305)» and
Hayden states that the full-troughed metate with an unworked
exterior and deep concave trough is probably of Salado origin.
Troughs with well-worked, narrow, parallel sides he believes
to be of Hohokam origin (Hayden 1957: 13^)*
At any rate, none of these type distributions are
absolute. At the Tres Alamos Site there seem to have been
Anasazi one-end closed-trough metates (Tuthill 194-7, PI. 30),
while at Alkalai Ridge, Be 51, Lowry Ruin, and Pecos Pueblo,
full-troughed metates occurred (Brew 194-6, PI. 1^7 cf

Kluckhohn and Reiter 1937 * 68 5 Martin 193&' 57-60; Kidder
1932, Pig# ^3)* The Chaco Canyon examples probably occurred
because of the extensive Hohokam contact with that area.
As previously stated, many late Mogollon communities utilized
single- and full-troughed grinding tools, and a few flat-
slab metates, in contrast to earlier periods in which only
single-troughed specimens were utilized (Wheat 1955s 111)«
In short, in most Sinagua sites the full-troughed
metate was the common form, although In sites where there was
heavy Anasazi influence the full-troughed and single-troughed
metates were about equally common. This is true at Wupatki
Etuin and is another suggestion of cultural change, indicating,
in this case, Anasazi Influence along with general Mogollon
or Hohokam traits.
Miscellaneous Grinding Slabs
Metate Fragment» A fragment of a troughed metate was
found, roughly rounded and slightly concave or dish-shaped in
cross section (Fig. 13 e.)* It had a smoothed grinding area
over one surface of the stone, which measured 18 x 3»5 cm.
Re-used Manos. Two mano fragments were found which
had been re-used as grinding slabs. One, with a concave top
surface, showed signs of use as a pigment pulverizer
(Pig. 13 a)9 while the other mano was flat on one surface and
had a ring of pigment at the center, evidence of its use as
71

Pig. 13o Stone grinding slabs and grinding tools*
a9 mano, re-used as a pigment grinding surface} b-d, pigment
grinding pestles; e_f portion of a metate re-used as a small
grinding surface. Length of a, 30,5 cm.

a hematite ore grinder (Pig. 17 b)«
Re-used Chipped Stone Hoes and Pot Covers. Chipped
round pot covers and triangular hoes of sandstone and shale
were also re-used as paint grinding slabs (Fig. 27, 28).
They are.thin« flat, and wide * making a perfect lap stone
for such work. Three hoes had yellow limonite pigment on
one of their surfaces and red hematite stains on the other,
usually in a circular pattern* The three chipped pot covers
were used only for the grinding of red hematite ore-
Distribution* Such miscellaneous tools can not be
accurately oompared. Judd (1954: 285) points out that his
Navajo workmen and Hopi friends frequently ground paint for
ceremonies or for sun-tan creams and decorations, using any
handy flat surface, "••* a rough door-slab, a polished sand­
stone tablet, a Jar cover, even a metate or mano." Pepper
also noted a jar cover from Pueblo Bonlto used in this manner
({1920s 91, 105)* Obviously this is a type of activity which
iraa probably common throughout the history of the Southwest.
Stone Bowls and Mortars
Pebble Bftgn.lt Mortars• These crude, thiok-walled,
flat bottomed mortars were made by pecking a round basin into
the top of a smoothed pebble of coarse-grained vesicular
basalt (Pig. 1^, a, c9 d)» The basins are approximately 5*5*
6*0* arid 7*0 cm. in diameter, and 2.3, 2*5, and 2.8 cm. deep,
73

Pig. 1**. Stone mortars and bowls* a, c, d# pebble
basalt mortarsfb, a carved rectanguloid basalt mortar;
e» a carved and Incised sandstone bowl or mortar. Length
of d* 13,8 cm.

d e
7b

the pebbles themselves being about 7 to 13 cm. in diameter,
and 4.5 to 7 cm* high. 13i

Fig* 15* A- large» well carved, rectanguloid
stone mortar or bowl* Length, 19*3 om«

lines encircling -the "bowl, 4.5 cm. apart, filled with a zig­
zag band in broad V*s (Pig. 14 e,).
Distribution. Stone bowls are rare in the Slnagua
area. Bartlett (193^1 26-27) reports a similar pebble mortar
from a Pueblo II site, and Bliss (1956: 122) mentions one
from the late Pueblo II Piper Site, this probably used as a
paint mortar* Breternitz (1960s 15) notes an undecorated
sandstone bowl and crude basalt mortars from Verde Valley
sites , and a number of such mortars were found at Tuzigoot
(Gaywood and Splcer 1935s 82). Thus in the Sinagua area,
mortars are found, but stone bowls are rare and most common
in Hohokam-influenced sites.
In the Hohokam area itself, round basalt mortars
are found at Los Muertos (Haury 1945a: 128, PI. 37 e-f.) s
and round and squared examples at Casa Grande (Fewkes 1912,
PI. 60, 65). At the Tres Alamos Site, round mortars are found,
and a carved and Incised stone bowl is pictured that resembles
the Vfupatki specimen (Tuthill 1947: 74, PI. 26). Carved bowls
and pebble mortars were also found in Sacaton phase levels at
Snake town* and carving probably started in this phase
(Gladwin et al. 1937» PI. 53» 57* 58). Ihus similar mortars
and carved stone bowls are typical of the later Hohokam sites.
In the Mogollon region, mortars and bowls are common,
although carved examples are rare except at the Swarts Ruin
(Cosgrove 1932, PI. 25 b, 27). This is doubtless a Hohokam
77

i trait. Round pebble mortars are typical from the earliest
I periods (Wheat 19552 113)# and in later sites carved round
t "
1 and rectangular bowls aire noted. Specifically, at the S. U.
: site. Starkweather Ruin* Swarts Ruin, Poote Canyon Pueblo,
f 'i i '
and Hooper Ranch and Mineral Greek sites, pebble mortars are
common (Martin 19*H3, Fig. 21-22| Nesbitt 1938, PI# **-51
I Cosgrove 193 2 , PI. 26, 28, 29f Rinaldo 1959# Fig. 101!
| Martin, Rinaldo, and Longacre 1961, Fig. *>6). Round and
I
! rectangular basin bowls are found in Tularosa Sites, Higgins
Flat Pueblo| and the Swarts Ruin (Martin, Rinaldo, and Barter
| 1957# Fig. 371 Martin et al. 1956 s 825 Cosgrove 1932,
| PI. 25, 26). None of these specimens, except those at the
i
i Swarts Ruin, are as well made as the two Wupatki bowls.
!
In Anasazi sites, Woodbury notes that mortars and
bowls are less common. Mortars are rarely found In the eastern
r
! area, and are more common in the La Plata and other western
I
| and southern districts (195^• 118-119)* Several Aw&tovl
i
i
examples resemble Wupatkl pebble mortars and rectangular bowls
(Woodbury 195^# Fig. 2k). Similar pebble mortars can be seen
| from La Plata area sites (Morris 1939, PI. lM-6), Azteo Ruin
I (Morris 1919, Fig. 16)Kiatuthlaima (Roberts 1931# HU 3^)»
the Chama Valley (Jeancon 1923# Pi. 19)# and at the later
i . ;
Canyon Creek Ruin (Haury 193^# Fig. 70 £)•
It appears that pebble mortars are found all over tile
Southwest, but are most common in Mogollon sites. Rectangular
78

stone "bowls also appear more frequently in the Mogollon area,
although they are also found in Hohokam sites* Carved and
incised stone bowls are a typical Hohokam trait# In the
Sinagua areat all types are rare, except in Hohokam-influenced
Verde Valley sites, and at Wupatlci• The Wupatki material
would thus seem to Indicate Hohokam contact acting on a
basically Mogollon tradition, which later carried on into the
Hopi cultural sequence.
Paint Mortar
A limestone paint mortar with three shallow basins
was found in Room ^5b» The specimen is 3*0 om. thick, 23.5
cm. long, and 11.5 cm. wide, and was pecked into a rectangular
shape, with flat surfaces and short vertical sides
The bottom of the tool is mirror-smooth, but bears scratches
and paint stains • It was obviously used as a smoothing and
paint-grinding surface. The ends of the stone are slightly
convex and also bear red pigment stains. The real grinding
area, however, was the surface with the three shallow, cir­
cular, connected, grinding basins, the two outer basins
slightly overlapping the center one* These -basins bear con­
centric circular scratches in the Inside, as well as pigment
stains. They are 1,0-1.2 cm deep, and 7*0-7.5 cm* in diameter*
Distribution* Such an elaborate tool is unique*
Flat, low-bordered paint palletes are common in the Hohokam
79

culture, but are quite different from this tool* However,
shallow basin grinding slabs are common in Mogollon and
Rohokam sites, and rectangular double-basin examples were
found at Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954s 41), Village of the
Great Klvas (Roberts 1932, PI. 54), and. the Swarts Ruin
(Cosgrove 1932, PI* 31)» A three-basin specimen came from i;
the Hooper Ranch site (Martin, Rinaldo, and Longacre I9&L9
Fig»

Figa 16• Fossils, medicine cylinder, concretion
cups9 stone balls, and polishing pebbles from Wupatki
Bain. a, Peoten fossil; e, Bryozoan fossils b» f., i., m9
concretion cups;

135)# la the Big Hawk Valley sites whioh might, of course,
"be of Anasazi derivation. In general, such cups seem to be
of central and western Anasazi derivation, hut obviously
there is too small a sample for final conclusions.
Manos
The 113 manos from Wupatki Ruin, save for nine examples,
were "briefly studied in the field by Katharine Bartlett and
re-buried in one of the filled rooms. Hex* figures and classi­
fication information are summarized here, along with Infor­
mation on additional manos recently disoovered in storage in
the Museum of Northern Arizona.
82
Bartlett divided the 89 manos recovered in 1933 into
I five categories, according to shape and widths one-handed
split cobble; two-handed, thick, loaf-shaped, finger-groovedj
triangulars wedged? and long rectangular. Material on 2k
[ additional manos has been added to her Information, 16 of
; which can be classified, producing a total of at least 113
j. manos from Wupatki Buin, 105 of which are classified.
One-handed Manos. These 20 tools of sandstone, basalt,
and quart site were made from split river cobbles (8), or
rectangular basalt hunks (12), and form 19$ of the total
sample. They are both unifacial and bifacial, with a width
generally ranging from ?.0-8#5 cm. (two examples are 10.0 cm.),
and in length approximately 13-15 cm. Generally, the rectan-

gular basalt examples are "bifacial (Fig. 17 a) the split
hemisphericalriver cobbles unlfaclal (Pig. 17 c.) • Several
were used as pounding stones, ami were pitted in the center.
Provenience. Room 7; Trash.
Two-handed Manos. At least 85 two-handed manos are
found in 4 varieties? long rectangulold manos with •upturned
ends* for troughed metates5 wedged manos| triangular manos
{Hop! type) 8 and thick, loaf-shaped, finger-grooved manos.
Long Beetanguloid Manos. The common Wupatkl mano
(60 per eent of the sample), was the long, two-handed, rectan­
gulold variety, 62 of which were found® They are generally
unlfaclal (5 of 62 are bifacial), and oommonly have upturned
and thinned ends, indicating use in deeply troughed metates
(Fig. 13 as 17 f ). About two-thirds of this variety are of
vesicular basaltj about one-third are of sandstone. They
vary in width from 8-12 cm. (total sample), and in length
from 9-5-18 cm. (based upon three available specimens).
Loaf-shaped finger-grooved Manos. Nine such specimens
were found (8 per cent of the sample). They are about 10 cm.
in width, made of basalt, generally unlfaclal, and often have
upturned ends.
Wedge-shaped Manos. The twelve basalt and sandstone
specimens (11 per oent of the sample), were formed by palm
83

Fig* 17. Stone manos and hammer stone* a-b,
one-hand bifacial manos; c9 one-hand xmifaclal manoj d,
wedged mono; e, hammers tone; £* two-hand rectanguloid
Eiano* Length of f s 17*5 em*

pressure applied on one side and edge of the mano, resulting
in a unifacial mano of triangular or wedge shape. They range
from 5.0-10,0 cm. in width, generally closer to 5 cm. Fre­
quently the edges are beveled, indicating use in a troughed
metate (Fig. 17 •
Triangular Manos. Two Hopl style triangular basalt
manos were noted by Bartlett (2 per cent of the sample).
They have three grinding surfaces, measure 8.0-8.5 cm. in
width, are quite thin, and have upturned ends, indicating use
in a troughed metate rather than the typical Eopi flat-slab
metate.
It can be seen that two-handed mano3 outnumber one-
handed manos about four to one« Virtually all manos are bi­
facial, and all but the one-handed manos have some degree of
beveling of the ends, indicating their use in deep-troughed
me tat es 9 the common Wupat&i form.
Provenience. Most specimens are unplaced, but field
notes and photographs indicates Eooms 3 (7)» 7 (**), 9 (5)»
&L (6), at a minimum.
Distribution. Most Wupatki manos resemble those
classified by Woodbury (195^s 67-68) as convex-surfaced, uni-
facial manos, the common variety at Awatovi. However, wedge -
shaped specimens compare with those described as manos fit
for use with flat metate?, and the triangular manos are
35

Wood/bury's type described as having "two adjoining grinding
surfaces#" Woodbury {195^* 30)» and Bartlett {19335 18-19.)»
agree that in the Northern Arizona region, hedged and tri-
j angular mano forms did not become common until Pueblo III
j:
| times, along with the advent of the flat metate. However,
I at Leyit Kin, Datton (1938: 53) notes that wedged manos were
used in troubled metates, This was the case at Wupatki. The
| greatest utilization of such forms may have been in the Pueblo
j. IV period, but by Pueblo III times at Awatovi» this type had
j nearly replaced the two-handed rectaxiguloid mano with upturned
!
! ends, in contrast to the Wupatki situation. One-handedmanos
I. •• ' • .
! were also found at Awatovi, but they usually are flngeri
. • • ."i •
| grooved, a distinct Anasazi or late Mogollon trait never
! occurring with manos from Hohokam sites. Such grooving appears
! A " '
| by late Basketma&er or early Pueblo times, is common by the
1 Pueblo II period, and is universal in all Pueblo areas after
j. ; . • '
| this time (Woodbury 195^ * 81 )• One-handed manos are found in
; all cultural areas at all periods. In general, however,
Bartlett believes that the prehistoric manos of Northern
Arizona were shorter, although of the same width# than modeia
I Hopi manos (1933* 18).
More specifically, in the Mogollon area, the unlfaoial
mano with upturned ends is the common early form, tending to
become longer, flatter, and bifacial as time progresses
(Martin and Rinaldo i960 s 225 S Wheat 1955 f' 116-17)* Bifacial
manos are earlier in the north than in the south § and wedged
86
'

manos are early In several areas (Wheat 1955s 116-17) and
along with rectanguloid manos are common In latter periods
(Martin, Hinaldo, and Longacre 1961: 65$ Pig* 38-39)*
Unifacial convex-surface manos "with upturned ends are more
rare in the Mogollon area, "but are found in most sites and
periods, although wedged manos are rare at all periods in
the Blmbres (Cosgrove 1932i 37I Martin et al. 1956: 58$
Hinaldo 1959: 229s and Wendorf 1950: 54-56).
87
In the Hoho&am area, the average mano at Los Muertos
(Eaury 1945as 127* PI. 38-40) was unifacial, about twice as
long as wide, and had upturned, rounded ends# At Snaketowni
the typical mano was long, thin, and narrow, for use in a
slender, full~troughed metate« Wedged varieties were absent,
and one-handed manos were rare (Gladwin et al, 1937> PI- 46).
At Ventana Cave, however, almost all manos were unif acial and
one-handed (Saury 1950: 311)* particularly in the late levels.
Wedged manos were rare, although present, and finger grooved
manos are very rare throughout this region. Manos at the
late Tres Alamos Site (Tuthlll 1947, PI. 29) were similar,
but at the Babocomarl Village Site they were crudely shaped,
long# two-handed, and unif acial with upturned ends. Numbers
of one-handed manos are also noted, however (Di Peso 1951s
135-41).
In the Anasazi area, there is a more varied assemblage.
At Unshagi Pueblo (Relter 1938: 163),the manos were mostly
two-handed and unif acial, wedged and triangular manos were

are? but at Pindl Pueblo« long, rectangulold, one-handed,
and wedged manos all appear, the latter being slightly the
more common (Stubbs and Stallings, Jr. 1953 * 11*1-15 )• At
Leyit Kin, rectangular and wedge shaped manos, some with
finger-grips, occurred in about equal numbers, although the
metates were troughed as a rule (Dutton 1938: 53» 57t 67-69).
At Aztec Ruin and Pueblo Bonito, wedged or triangular manos
were represented by only one example (Morris 1919 * 30)»
while farther west, at Betatakin, finger-grooving was oommon,
most manos were unifacial, and four had been used in troughed
metates (Judd 1931s 5*0 • In the La Plata district, short,
broad, unifacial manos were typical, and wedged manos never
were popular (Morris 1939 s 133-3*0 •
88
In short, there is a varied assortment of mane types
in the Anasazi area, but wedged and triangular forms were
popular only in later sites, and never in the Chaco. In all
areas, unifacial, rectangular, or loaf-shaped manos were
I popular, at least until 1100*
I In summary, It appears that two-handed, long, slender
I manos were always typical of the Hohokam, and that wedged,
j
triangular, and loaf-shaped manos are rarely found in that
j area. Two-handed bifacial manos are typical of late Mogollon
j sites, but wedged manos also appear at an early date and con­
tinue in importance throughout the Mogollon sequence, in con­
trast to the situation in the Hohokam area. One-handed "unifacial

manos were always common In the Anasazl region, "but wedged
and triangular manos became popular In the area "by the
Pueblo III period, except in Mesa Verde and Ghaoo Canyon sites.
Loaf-shaped, fInge r~ grooved manos are a typical trait of this
area«
In the Sinagua area, including Wupatki Ruin, the
situation is complicated by the variable cultural contacts
which occurred here. Bartlett (193**' 27-28) notes that long,
two-handed manos for use in troughed metates were found in
75 per cent of the cases in Pueblo II sites, loaf-shaped and
finger-grooved manos in about 8 per ©entj 13 per cent were
wedged and ^ per cent were early instances of the Hopi tri­
angular type, a generally late form. A few one-handed manos
were also found. Mc.Gregor (193^3 37-38) states that he found
many loaf-shaped and finger-grooved manos In his Pueblo II
sites, but that the most common type was a plain rectanguloid
variety. Several triangular, but no wedged manos, were found.
Colton (19*^6: 285-286) believes that the plain, two-handed
mano was the common form in the Sinagua area after 700, but
that wedged manos were also found* Loaf-shaped, finger-grooved
types he states to be rare prior to 1050, although they are
found In nearby Cohonina sites. One-handed manos may have
been rare at all periods• In short, this appears to be a
typical northern Mogollon assemblage, perhaps indicating evi­
dence of late Anasazl contact•
89

90
At the Pueblo III time level, however, the situation
"becomes complicated® Rixey and Voll found mainly two-handed,
bifacial manos at Walnut Canyon, along with a few finger-
grooved and triangular examples, and a few oval, one-handed
specimens (19621 91). At Ralakihu (King 19^9: 86), long two-
handed manos were common, as well as shorter, unifacial
types* Some finger-grooved, large, loaf-shaped manos occurred,
along with a few wedged and triangular forms. Smith (1952a«
109-115) found a majority of two-handed, long manos, with
I only rare wedged manos, and no Hopl style or unifacial one-
handed types. At Winona and Hldge Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19*Hs
j 168-170, Fig. 57 )f the common early form was a simple reotan-
| gular mano, the long two-handed mano becoming popular in the
i later Elden phase. Wedged and finger-grooved forms were rare,
j and no Hopi triangular types were found. The similar Piper
| Site had virtually all two-handed, unifacial manos (Bliss
: 1956: 122),
In the southern Sinagua area (the Verde Valley),
again the common form was the two-handed unifacial mano. This
\
\ was true of Montezuma Castle, although a few wedged manos
I
! were also found there (Jackson and Van Valkenburgh 195^* 28,
r
| PI. 32), and of Tuzigoot,- where a few loaf-shaped and trl-
i • . . . ' : . " .
! angular manos were noted (Caywood and Spicer 1935s 77-78).
In other Verde Valley sites, for example those reported by
Breternltz (1960j 1^), triangular or grooved manos rarely appear.

Thus5 long* two-handed, unlfacial manoe for us© In
troughed metates were the common form in the Southern Slnagua
area during Its entire history, and this may also have "been
true for sites on the plateau. On the plateau, however, a
more complicated culture contact situation was involved, and
there is a greater diversity of types* Wedged, triangular,
and loaf-shaped Anasazi types occurred with some frequency#
The coaoaon pattern in the Northern Slnagua area Is of northern
Hogollon or Chaco Anasazi derivation, with later northern
Anasazi influence in the post-1070 period*
Cobble Grinder and Hammer Stones
Large Cobbles» The tools were made from river
cobbles, and have flattened and smoothed surfaces, probably
the result of use in grinding and polishing (Fig* 18)* They
are too big for primary use as pottery polishers, however»
and would not have come smoothed from such worls. The five
largest ovoid cobbles (4-5 cm* wide, 5-7 cm* long) all have
one, flat* mano-lilce surface, as well as several small faceted
areas* One stone (from Room 15) has two convex grinding sur­
faces, and may have been a small bifacial mano (Pig* 18 1_) *
All were obviously used as hammerstones, and are pitted and
chipped*
Provenience* Booms 15, 3^a (2), 38a (2)s Trash*
Small Cobbles * Of the nine smaller cobbles, the one
91

Pig. 18. Cobble grinder and hammers tone 9 and a
stone ball* a-b, d-h, grinder hammer stones 5 c, stone
ball; 1* small cobble bifacial mano-grinder• Diameter
of o, 4.8 cm®

from Boom 51a was a round® flat diso (3.8 om« diameter, 1.0 cm,
thick) chipped on several edges, probably from use as a
se, * .
hammers tone (Pig. 18 h). Another, from Room 60b^wais a simi­
lar flat cobble grinder-hammer (5 ©nu in diameter, 2,0 cm.
thiok), and has two grinding surfaces, one with a stained ring
of hematite ore. The other ovoid chert specimens generally
also have faceted surfaces, most showing pigment traces and
pitted and chipped areas. These tools were obviously used as
paint-grinding stones, and probably also as small hammer-
stones . There is one flat polished slab of petrified wood,
and a flat smoothed sandstone cobble with one faceted or
smoothed side (Fig. 18 f).
Provenience. Rooms Jk (2), 38a, ^5b, 51a (2), 561
Trash? Burial 16.
Pebble Polishing Stones
These 13 tools are small pebbles of chert, quartz,
quartzlte, and obsidian (Pig. 16 d, h, k, o)» All are under
** cm. in diameter, and 1.5 om. in thickness. None shows a
clearly worked or faceted surface. They may have been
pottery-polishing pebbles, such as are utilized by modern
Pueblo Indians.
neous (8).
Provenience* Rooms 3^b, 51a (2), 6la, 665 Miscella­
93

Distribution. Many such cobble and pebble tools
were found at Awatovi (Woodbury 195**• 88-97)* They are
called cylindrical hammers tones t pounding and rubbing stones,
pebble pounders, and peicking stones. All are rounded or
ovoid water-worn ston«§* shaped and faceted by use • Their
division into separate types is arbitrary, since all were
probably multi-purpose tools,varying in size and material.
Both Woodbury (195^ 88-97)# and Kidder (1932» 60-66), note
that such tools are conmon in all areas of the Southwest,
suggesting their importance. They were probably used as
they." are in modern pueblos for pecking and roughing such
;
stone tools as axes, aanos, and metatesj for crushing pig- '
ment, pottery clays, seeds, and fibres? for pounding hides,
smoothing plaster! and polishing pottery* Modern Bopi
potters crush temper and pigment, and polish their sun-dried,
but unfired, pottery with such small, natural pebbles®
\ '
Specifically, in parts of the Mogollon area such
rubbing tools may decrease from early to late (Martin, Rinaldo
and Barter 1957* ^2| Martin, Rinaldo, and I^ongacra 1961: 98),
but Wheat (1955 s 11&) states that they were common until at
least 1000« They are noted in suoh late sites as Higglns
• I -
Plat Pueblo (Martin et al, 1956s 67-70) and Point of Pines
Ruin (Wendorf 1950: 63). Morris (1939s 128-29, 136, PI* 133-3**)
i : .
features identical examples from La Plata Anasazl sites, and
comments that local pottery-polishing pebbles rarely show
the clear facets of those from the Kayenta area or the modern j
9^

Hopt pueblos* Many cobble tools were found at Be 50-51» and
at Pueblo Bonito 9 but few polishing pebbles (Judd 1954s 125)•
However, at Alkalai Ridge, Betatakin, and Paa-ko (Brew 1946:
2371 Judd 1954: 5*M Lambert 1954, PI* 27)» many cobble and
pebble tools were noted* They are also found in Hohokam
sites. Th6y are rare at Snaketown, bat are cited from Los
Maertos (Haury 1945a: 129, 138), University Indian Rain
(Hayden 1957? 141-142), and Ventana Cave (Haury 1950s 254-256).
In Sinagua sites they are common* Bartlett (1934:
21-22), and Mc • Gregor (1936 s 41) note many examples from
Pueblo II sites, mostly of quartz and chert pebbles. However,
Mo.Gregor cites few pottery-polishing pebbles, uhile Bartlett
found many* They are also reported from such rriins as the
Piper Site (Bliss 1956, Pig* 90-91• 120), Montezuma. Castle
(Jackson and Van Valkenburgh 1954: 28), Breternltz* Verde
Valley sites (i960: 14), Tozigoot (Caywood and Spicer 1935 *
84), Winona and Ridge Rains (He*Gregor 1941s 173, Fig* 59)j
and the Big Hawk Valley sites (Smith 1952a: 126)* All of
these ruins show heavy Hohokam influence, and since Sinagua
and Hohokam pottery is not polished, the use of such pebbles
and cobbles In these sites is probably not related to pottery
manufacture*
In general, such cobbles represent a widespread
southwestern artifact type found in all areas and at all
periods* They probably wsre generalized, all-purpose, grinding,
crushing, and polishing tools.
95

Paint-grinding Pestles
96
All six pestles are made from elongated river cobbles
squared and smoothed to a mirror surface at one end {Fig* 13
b - d). All specimens are also faceted on various side areas
Three pestles are of whiite quartz or quartzite, two are of
chert, and one is of jasper. All were used as grinders and
one is covered on the grinding surface with pinkish pigment.
. -
The grinding edge was produced by chipping and thinning of
the sides to narrow the* tip, which was then smoothed flat.
The tools are 5-? cm. long and 3-^ cm. in diameter (one is
5-6 cm.), with a grinds jag surface averaging 2«3 cm* In
diameter.
neous (2).
Provenience* Rooms 3*#>t 35# 55Miscella­
Paint-grinding Cylinders and Bars
Three cylinders and two bars of chert, obsidian, and
basalt were found which were probably paint-grinding imple­
ments • The cylinders, of basalt and obsidian, are 4 mm.
and 1.5 cm. in diameter, and 2.0 and 4.7 cm. long (Pig. 19
b, d, g). The chert bars, squared on all sides, are 1.7 cm.
and 2.8 cm. long, 5-7 inm* thick, and 7-8 wide (Pig. 19
h| k)« One is beveled at one end to a ohisel edge, probably
in use during the pulverization of small pigment hunks.

Fig* 19* Chunks of faceted minerals 9 and pigment
grinding cylinders and "bars . a, # f y l_t n? o v hematite
chunks 5 £f llmonlte; 1, m„ azuritej £, kaolin j b» ctf d,
gt medicine cylinders, or paint grinding cylinders; h,
k, paint grinding bars. Length of o, 4.7 cm.

Boom 35o*
Provenience,* Beveled "bar, Hoom 4lb, other bar,
; ' i
Distribution, At Awatovi (Woodbury 195**: 9**-95«
- • " •
Pig. 19), 6k paint-grinding pestles were found. They are
stated to be characteristic of the prehistoric and modern
Hopi region, and are identical to those found at Wupatki•
They are also noted at;Spruce Tree House and Cliff Palace,
on the Mesa Verde (Fences 1909s kit 1911as 66), and were
fotmd at Pueblo Bonito,i Aztec Ruin, and Sikyatki (Pepper
! I :
1920: 237, 363-65, Fig* 102j Morris 1919* Fig. 75 Woodbury
195^J 95)• Roberts found them at the Village of the Great
:
Kivas (1932, PI. 55), However, only one Hohokam example
was cited, at Casa Grande Ruin (Fewkes 1912s 129, Fig. 30).
It would thus appear that the pestle is a late, perhaps
Chaco, Anasazi trait.
98
Pigment-grinding cylinders and bars, however, are
frequently found. They are usually called medicine cylinders,
but Woodbury suggests that they may be a type of nose plug.
They are often found with burials, and Eaury mentions a
similar rod of wood foiirnd in the nose of a mammy at Ventana
7 i
Cave (Eaury 1950 s ^21). Hods have also been called nose plugs
at the Hidge Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19klt 20^-209)• Several of the
Wupatki specimens are too small for this use, however, and
have faceted areas, suggesting that they were small paint-
grinding stones rather! than ornaments. Pigment appears, in

grooves worn in their sides,
JudcL (195^* 286-89) quotes a Zuni workman to the
effect that in his pueblo such hematite cylinders were used
in magic rites to catch deer- The cylinder was placed on
the fresh track of a deer and the gods were "by this implored
to aid the^himter in the chase, by, tiring the deer*
Specifically, in the Anasazi area examples occur in
the Mesa Verde region (0*Bryan 1950» Pl« 3*H Morley 1907 s
6075 Morris 1939 s 1301 PI. l*K)f Woodbury 195*0* in numbers
at Chaco culture sites, often with burials, in klvas as at
Pueblo del Arroyo, and inlaid with turquoise at Pueblo Bonito
(Dutton 1938: 370, PI. 6; Judd 195^: 286-89J 1959: l^l?
Morris 1919* 271 Martin 193&, Fig. 1*H Pepper 1920: 105*
176). Roberts found them in Whitewater District sites
(19^-0: 129, Pig. 48c), Kidder notes them from Pecos (1932s
92-93), and Jeaaoon from the Chama valley (1923, PI. 56).
In the Mogollon area, Hough (191^: 27), notes them
in Tularosa phase sites, and they occur in early sites of
the Porestdale Valley (Wheat 1955: 114). Two were also found
in a ceremonial kit in Gourd Cave (Kent 1957* Fig. 100).
In the Hohokam area, however, they are noted only
at the Babocomori Village Site (D1 Peso 1951: 181). In
Sinagua sites, they are reported only at Walnut Canyon,
where cylinders of agate and hematite were found (Hlxey and
VoU 1962).
Such tools appear to be an Anasazl and Mogollon trait,
99

and were probably used as pigment grinders and ceremonial
objects in medicine tits.
Bubbing Stones
,Y
100
Two tools were found which have one smooth, mirror-
like, surface, not scratched or nicked enough to hare been
used in real grinding, suggesting that they were polishing
or rubbing tools. One was an irregular chunk of sandstone,
5*5 £ 2-0 osi-j and 2.5 thick (Pig. 23 o)» The other was
an irregular limestone fragment, with a convex and unworked
top {Pig. 23 §.)• single, smoothed, grinding surfaces
continue slighter up and around the edges of the tool sides,
as they would if the tools were used as hands tones.
Grooved Arrow-shaft Straightsners and Abraders
Single-grooved Shaped Tools. One comer of a rectan­
gular; smooth, thin, round-cornered palate was found, made
of limestone, which haig a diagonal groove down its length
(Pig. 20 cj. is l.i cm. thick, and cm. wide* said
the groove is well polished in use. It is ? ns&o wide and
1 mm. deep.
Provenience. Section k (trash).
Single-grooved I Pebble Tools. Five straighteners
are made from irregular, but generally ovoid, basalt cobbles,

Fig* 20. Grooved arrow-shaft straighteners and
abraders* a8 double faced grooved tocil§ b, e, f, h-i^
single-grooved pebble tools; c.# a single-grooved tool
made from a portion of a paint pallete; d, double-grooved
straightener; g, single-grooved tool with bordarlrt^
ridges* Length of ±9 10*5 cm*

101

102
with a groove across their width (Fig. 20 e-1,). The cobbles
vary from 6x^x3 cm. to 10 x 7 x 5*5 cm. in length, width,
and thickness. Their grooves are 8-16 mm. wide, and 2-7 mm.
deep. They show some polish, and are across the center of
the cobble through the area of maximum width and thickness.
Pour tools also show evidence of use as grinding stones.
Provenience* Rooms 51& (3)I Miscellaneous (2).
Single-grooved Ridged Tools, One specimen, part
of a former sandstone mano, has slightly raised ridges around
the central transverse groove, which is 1.6 cm. wide, and
7 mm. deep (Pig. 20 f}.
Provenience. Room 3*
Single-grooved« Double-faced Straightaner. One
basalt tool, measuring 7.5 x 6.0 s 5«° cm., was similar to
the pebble straighteners ? but had a single groove across its
width on both sides (Pig. 20 a). The grooves are 1.2 and
1.5 cm. wide.
Provenience. Miscellaneous,
Multi-grooved Straighteners. These two double-
grooved "onlfacial tools are made of sandstone and limestone,
in contrast to the pebble straighteners* made of basalt.
The limestone tool is 11 s 6.2,5 cm., the grooves are 1.3 cm.

103
apartt 1.0 cm. wide, and 2 am. deep. The tool has one polished
end, indicating secondary use as a grinding tool. The second
tool, a small sandstone chunk, 6 x ^.5 2 2 cm., has two
parallel 2 cm. wide, 1 mm. deep grooves running diagonally
across its -width, 1 cm. apart (Fig. 20 d)* One end has been
used as a grinder, and shows azurite stains.
Provenience. Room ^5^1 Miscellaneous.
Distribution. Cosner (1951: 1^7-1^) has shown by
experimentation that such grooved tools are efficient cane and
reed shaft smoothers. The grooved stone tool is heated and a
damp cane shaft is drawn through the groove. Solid wood shafts
were unaffected by this treatment, however, and thus straighten!;
tools could only have been used with cane and reed shafts. It
should be noted that many unworked reeds were found at Wupatki,
as well as several completed reed forshafts and composite
arrows .
Woodbury (195**» 101-111} calls shaped tools "shaft-
smoothers 1 *, and unshaped tools, "simple grooved abraders".
Other authors feel that the texture of the stone is important,
distinguishing "straighteners" as those tools with smooth
grooves in un-abrasive material, and "smoothers" as tools with
rough grooves in abrasive materials. Neither definition is
adequate, however, for all of the tools from Wupatki have the
same size and kind of groove, with similar polish (varying
with material, of course, limestone taking a much better polish

than "basalt). Since all are made of imshaped cobbles and
hunks of rocks, they would be abraders according to shape,
10^
but smoothers according to their polished grooves. Woodbury
Is undoubtedly correct in stating that the same tool was
probably used for both straightening and abrading.
Wupatki specimens match those called by Woodbury
"transversely grooved shaftsmoothers M , although one Wupatki
example may be a form of his "ridged shaftsmoother". However,
Wupatki revealed none of the carefully carved loaf-shaped
varieties found at Awatovi. Woodbury believes that trans­
versely grooved tools are not found in the Hopi area prior to
Pueblo II times, and again lose popularity after Pueblo III
times (195^* 111). In fact, shaftsmoothers are southern
Anasazi tools, found„ for example, in Chaco Canyon, and they
spread south to the Kogollon and Hohokam areas in late Pueblo III
or early Pueblo IV times (Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939s 80-89?
Woodbury 195^* 110-111). Ridged smoothers may have been used
for bending and flexing shafts, but are not found until
Pueblo III or early Pueblo IV times, according to Woodbury,
perhaps originating in the Largo-Gallina area of northwest
New Mexico, from which they spread south (Woodbury 195^s 110).
Similar artifacts were, of course, also used by historic
California, Colorado River, Great Basin, and Southwestern
tribes to smooth and point wooden arrows and to straighten
cane arrow-shafts (Woodbury 195^* 109)* However, the modem
Hopi used grooved stones only for abrasion and smoothing, not

for shaft straightening.
105
The work of Martin and co-authors, describing Pueblo III
sites of the Mogollon area in western New Mexico and eastern
Arizona (195^: 1X0-112; 1956: 89-91; 195?J 66-69; 1959:
249-251; i960: 260-62), corroborate Woodbury's statement that
such tools are post-1000 in date in this area. All of the
sites had transversely grooved smoothers, such as the Wupatki
specimens, and they were also often manufactured from ovoid,
unworked cobbles. Ridged and loaf-shaped smoothers are
uncommon- Hough (1903, PI* 55; 191^• 17-18) found similar
tools in sites in the Petrified Forest and along the Upper
Gila, and notes that "some of these stones show evidences of
heat and some are cracked by having been subject to fire.**
At Jemez Cave, Alexander and Reiter (1935s 2 9) make note of a
similar tool, and indicate it also was broken by heat fracturing.
In the Hohokam area, such shaftsmoothers„ frequently
made of unworked ovoid cobbles, appear in the Tucson Phase
at the Tres Alamos and Babocomari Village sites in south­
eastern Arizona (Tuthill 19^7: 75-76, PI. 26; Di Peso 1951:
173-177)* Similar tools were found at Jackrabblt Ruin, and
in northern Chihuahua and south-eastern California sites
(Di Peso 1951 : 176). Somewhat different types were found in
small numbers at Los Muertos (Haury 1945a: 139) and at Casa
Grande (Pewkes 1912; 126, PI. 61), both late sites. Abraders
also appear at the late Salado ruins at Tonto National Monu-

meat, (Steen et al. 1962: 25„ 52). All of these sites show
northern Pueblo influence in several other traits.
106
Sinagua examples similar to those at Wupatki are all
late in date, and are undoubtedly the result of Anasazi in­
fluence, Several crude pebble tools are featured by Bartlett
from Pueblo II sites (193^* 33)f and Mc.Gregor illustrates
multi-grooved sandstone artifacts (1936: *f2). Pebble
smoothers occur at Walnut Canyon (Rixey and Voll 1962: 90),
and at Big Hawk Valley sites multi-grooved types are found
(Smith 1952a: 126-27). Smith suggests these are the earliest
examples in the Southwest, but Mc.Gregor (19^1: 180-82) found,
at Winona and Ridge ruins, a pebble type and a ridged tool
with crossed grooves, which he considers to be as early.
Thirty examples similar to those at Wupatki were found at
Tuzlgoot (Caywood and Spicer 1935s 83).
These distributions suggest that the Hohokam smoothers
are post-1100 in date, and are an Anasazi Introduction.
Mogollon and Sinagua types probably resulted from a century
earlier Anasazi contact, in the case of Wupatki and the Sina­
gua, perhaps from the Ghaco Canyon area. The trait, then, is
of 11th century southern Anasazi derivation.
Stone Axes
The nine stone axes found are of olivine gabro and
basalt. Considering the amount of timber used in the con-

107
construction of the ruin, the small number of axes probably is
not a true sample. Early pot hunters may have removed others
once present.
Three-quarter Grooved Axes. The polls of these six
axes were flat on top (three cases), or domed (three cases)
(Pig. 21 a-b, d-e^, gj • The domed top may be the original
form, becoming flattened in use particularly when the head
is used as a hammerstone, evidence of which was found on most
axes. The three-quarter grooves are cut about two-thirds of
the way towards the poll on the outer face. They measure
6-10 mm. in depth, at the front, but are shallow, 3-5 mm.,
on the wide faces of the ax. The back edge Is vertical and
ungrooved, while the front edge tends to be slightly convex.
A horizontal cross-section of the body of such an ax indicates
a slightly convex outline, blade to poll, and a slightly more
convex surface, side to side. The thickest and widest point
of the ax is usually at the top front groove edge. No ax
has a markedly long blade; none is slender. All can be des­
cribed as thick, heavy, and short. However, four of the six
blades are sharp, although nicked, and one was pounded to a
flat blunt surface 1.5-2.0 cm. wide, perhaps in use as a
hammer. One of the axes is probably in the process of manu­
facture, and is still nearly square in outline, having a
blunt bit, and a wide shallow groove around three sides
(Fig. 21 d).

Pig. 21. Stone axes from Wupatkl. a» b, g,
three-quarter grooved axes of olivine gabro? d, three-
quarter grooved ax in a state of manufacture; cs, full-
grooved ax, re-worked from a three-quarter grooved speci­
men? f_® notched full-grooved ax. Length of b, 17 cm.

108

109
Measurements: widths of the axes vary from 5-9 cm.,
and they are 9, 10, 12, li*, and 17*5 cm. long. Their thick­
ness varies from 3-5 "to 6.0 cm., and the grooves are 2.5-3• 5
cm. wide.
Provenience. Rooms 5±& (2), 60b, 63; Unknown (2).
Full-grooved or Notched Axes. One of the three ex­
amples is essentially a three-quarter grooved ax of olivine
gabro which has a fourth shallow groove chipped into the
back edge (Fig. 21 c,). It has a sharp bit, a flattened poll,
and is generally flat in section. It measures 7.8 cm. long,
and is ^.0 cm. thick. The grooves are 3.5 cm. wide, and
5-8 mm. deep.
The other two full-grooved axes, one of basalt, and
one of olivine gabro, appear to be notched, rather than grooved
(Fig. 21 £)• The greatest width of the specimens Is again
at the top of the poll directly above the groove, and is
about 9-0 cm. The length of the two axes is l^f.5 and 15*5
cm., and they are ^.0 and 3*5 cm. thick at the bit edge of
the groove• They are more flat in section than the three-
quarter grooved axes, but again the groove is about one-third
of the distance from the poll! on one specimen it is equally
deep at both edges (8 mm.), but shallow on the two faces
(1 mm.), and on the other, is 7 mm. deep at one side, and
2 mm. deep at the other. In both cases the poll is flat and

thin, the sides thinned and rounded, and the bit flattened,
abraded, and chipped.
Provenience. Hooms 5^ a i 63? Unknown;
Distribution. In Hohokam sites the three-quarter
grooved ax is typical (Haury 19130? 1950s 3 2 9)»
Snaketown and Los Kuertos have only this one type. The Wu-
110
patki axes resemble the Snaketown Santa Cruz phase specimens,
types B, D, and E {Gladwin et al. 1937» PI* 77), but no Wu-
patki ax possesses the Hohokam groove ridges. At Casa Grande
Ruin (Fewkes 1912: 123, PI. ^9-55)» the Tres Alamos Site
(Fulton and Tuthill 19^0j 28}, the Gleeson Site (Tuthi11 19^7'
70, PI. 2*1-), and Babocomari Village (D1 Peso 1951s 157-163)»
axes are also three-quarter grooved, with the exception of a
few modified full-grooved examples which still posses the
Hohokam groove ridges. Hohokam axes are commonly longer and
more slender in outline than those from Wupatki. Sayles
(Gladwin et al. 1937s 115)» and Reed (1951s ^5)» believe that
this ax type was introduced to the Hohokam from northern
Mexico at about 700. However, Jennings et al. (1956: 97),
believe that the ax was diffused to Mexico from the Southwest.
Notched and full-grooved axes are the typical types
found in the Plateau areas. Stubbs and Stallings, Jr.
(1953s 10*0 believe that these types were modified from the
three-quarter grooved ax, and were perhaps first developed

Ill
in the upper Little Colorado Blver drainage. Mogollon sites,
however, lack the full-grooved ax until about 800-900, and
the type did not reach its greatest popularity until Pueblo
III or IV times in both the Mogollon and Anasazi areas. Axes
were rare in the northern Southwest until this period (Smith
1952as 121). Finally, the extent of the distribution of the
full-grooved ax was south through the Verde Valley, Kinishba
area, and into the Mimbres Valley of New Mexico (Cosgrove
1932, PI. 381 Nesbitt 1938, PI. 44; Woodbury 195^-: 35-37)
Axes were always rare in the Chaco Canyon area and the pro­
duction of notched axes was centered in the San Juan and Rio
Grande basins.
In the Slnagua region, only three-quarter grooved
axes were found at Pueblo II sites (Bartlett 193^: 29-31;
Mc.Gregor 1936: 34*-36), and at Winona and Ridge ruins, the
Piper Site, and Kings Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19*KL: 173, Fig- 60;
Bliss 1956, Fig. 91; Spicer and Caywood 193&• 55-56). The
last two sites have typical Hohokam ridged grooved axes, and
all three, of course, are Hohokam-influenced sites. At
Montezuma Castle, both three-quarter and full-grooved axes
occurred, of types very similar to the Wupatki examples
(Jackson and Van Valkenburgh 195**' 29, PI. 35-36). Tuzigoot
axes were also of both kinds, but the full-grooved examples
were different from Wupatki specimens (Caywood and Spicer
1935 : 79-82). The one Big Hawk Valley ax was full-grooved
(Smith 1952a: 119).

Thus, the three-quarter grooved ax spread from the
112
Hohokam to the remainder of the northern Southwest at a late
period, not appearing in eastern Arizona and the Mogollon
area until 800-900. By Pueblo III times, such axes are
common In Mogollon, Sinagua, and Salado ruins. They reach
the northern Pueblo and Hopi areas only after 1300, "but this
form never replaced the full-grooved ax, which remained the
dominant form at all periods in the northern pueblo regions.
However, the full-grooved ax may have been a modification,
at about 900, of the southern three-quarter grooved form.
The two types were used concurrently in small numbers at
some Pueblo sites, such as Wupatki, and at Awatovi.where
Woodbury found at least 26 three-quarter grooved tools (195^«
25-29).
The three-quarter grooved ax was present in Pueblo II
pre-eruptive Sinagua sites (by 1000?) before the Hohokam
plateau villages were founded, although such axes were rare
until after the eruption of Sunset Crater and the subsequent
Hohokam Immigration. Most Sinagua axes were of the short-
bitted Kogollon variety, rather than the longer and more slender
Hohokam type. The notched or full-grooved axes of Wupatki
must have come from Anasazl peoples settling in the area after
the eruption of the crater.
In short, the Wupatki axes are of a generalized Kogollon
type, with late Anasazl additions. Little Hohokam influence
can be seen in this assemblage.

Stone Cylinders
One hundred and twenty-seven vesicular "basalt stone
cylinders were found in the pre-19^2 excavations at Wupatki
Huin (Fig. 22). Two of these, grooved at the top and with
tapered bodies, fit into the category of plumb-bobs (Fig.
22 The other 125 cylinders are generally round, but of
113
various minor shapes. I have divided them into four categories;
round (Fig. 22 a-d, 1), notched or hot-dog shaped (Fig. 22 e^, h),
strangulated at one end (Fig. 22 f), and rectangular with
flattened sides (Fig. 22 i-k). Some, particularly the round
or hot-dog shaped cylinders., are smoothed and well made, but
many are irregular and crude in finish.
The function of these cylinders is unknown. The
plumb-bobs may well have been used in the manner which the
name implies, but the function of the 125 plain cylinders is
questionable. They were probably multi-purpose tools, utilized
for such activities as shaft smoothing, rubbing, pigment
grinding, and plaster smoothing. It has been suggested that
they were used as relay tokens during foot races, in a manner
similar to that in which the Hopi use wooden batons today, or
were used as" stones to be kicked in a game similar to modern
Hopl-Zuni kickball games. Milton Weatheril, of the Museum
of Northern Arizona, states that he has seen the Hopi use
such stones to shell green com, and remembers seeing them
used by the Hopi to weight down rabbit nets. Watson Smith

Pig. 22. Stone cylinders from Wupatki. a-f, il­
ls vesicular basalt stone cylinders; vesicular "basalt
plum-bob. Length of 1, 15 cm.

11^

(1952as 129) suggests that they may have "been a form of
115
paho, or ceremonial wand. The suggestions of their use as
com shellers or ceremonial tokens have received the most
attention. However, none of the 127 Wupatki specimens re­
vealed any evidence of fiber or corn parts in their inter­
stices, none have been found In any kind of religious assoc­
iation, and few of the tools indicate long use in any kind
of grinding activity.
Cylinders. All of the cylinders have one or more
smoothed areas, and a few have lengthwise shallow grooves.
The ends are rounded or slightly beveled* Heddish clay is
tightly packed into the smoothed portions of the basalt, but
only a few cylinders show any clear grinding surface. The
•?
red clay may represent local earth conditions. Some specimens,
however, Include white clay In their Interstices, suggesting
use as plaster-smoothers, clay-pulverizers, or, perhaps,
pottery anvils. The rectangular flat-sided specimens, In
particular, show evidence of this clay and frequently have a
beveled end surface. The rounded cylinders, however, while
*
having flattened red, white, and yellow clay filled areas,
do not show as much use as grinders. In short, evidence of
their use is slight, but they appear to have been utilized as
general smoothing, pulverizing, or pottery-making tools# It
may be significant that no stone pottery anvils of the typical
Sinagua type (Colton 19^6s 287-288) were reported from Wupatkl*

The stone cylinder may have served this purpose.
The measurements of the cylinders vary widely, hut
116
generally they are 2.5-3*0 cm. in diameter, and about 6-9 oi,
long. The largest examples are 11.5 x 3»5t H-7 x 3«5»
12 x 4, and 12 x 4.3 cm., and the smallest examples are 4*5 x
2.6 and 5«2 x 2.3 om.
Provenience. Fourteen rooms are represented, but
it should be noted that the largest number of cylinders with
definite provenience, 61 of 83, came from four adjoining rooms
45b (22), 51a (22), 51h (10), and 55h (7)« The other large
concentration was found in Room 7» at the opposite end of
the ruin, which had eight. The other locations are as follows
Hooms 3 (2), 8 (3). 31, 35© (2), 38, 44, 62b, 63 (2)|
Trash.
Plumb-bobs. These two artifacts are tapered and cone-
shaped with a groove around the cylinder just below the flat
top. Of vesicular basalt, both have a flat, squared top, and
taper to a blunt point. They are 6.5 and 7.0 cm. long, 2,0-
2.5 cm. in diameter, with a groove 3-7 . nmu wide and 3 mm.
deep, cut about 1.2 cm. from the end. They were also put to
secondary use as smoothers or pulverizers.
Provenience. Room 45bj Miscellaneous.
Distribution. Plain cylinders have rarely been re­
ported in sites of any but the Slnagua and Hopi areas# However

117
they are more common than is suspected» Woodbury notes that
they are found in many sites of the Flagstaff region and con­
siders them to be typical Sinagua artifacts, suggesting that
they Indicate contact between the Sinagua and Hopi at about
1200-1300. At least 28 specimens similar to those at Wupatkl
were found at Awatovi Ruin, dating to the Pueblo III-IV period
(Woodbury 195^5 181, Fig. **0).
05ie Arizona State Museum collections from Point of
Pines Ruin, Turkey Greek Pueblo, and other nearby late Mogollon
sites of Pueblo III-IV date, Include many cylinders* Hough
also lists them from the Stone Ax .Ruin 9 and Kawaika-e. (1903 s
322, 3^4) „ and a few occurred at the early Mogollon S. U.
site (Martin 19*K> s 62), perhaps the earliest reported occur­
rence* They are also reported from Table Hock Pueblo (Martin
and Binaldo i960, Fig. 138), and the Hooper Banch Site
(Martin, Rlnaldo, and Longacre 1961, Fig. 70), both Pueblo
XII-IV settlements•
They are apparently not found at Anasasi sites, except
In the Hopi Mesa area.
In the Sinagua heartland, Rixey and Voll found cylinders
at Walnut Canyon (1962: 90-91)* commenting that they were
the •.most numerous of all the artifacts." King lists 20
specimens from Nalakihu (19^9* 91-93» Fig. 70)| Smith found
them in the Big Hawk Valley sites (1952a: 126-27) and suggested
that the tapered cylinders (plumb-bobs) were Hohokam in
derivation, while the plain cylinders were a local Sinagua

118
invention. Woodbury oites examples from the Juniper Terrace
Site (1954: 181), and Bartlett states that they were commonly
found in Pueblo II sites (1934: 24, 26, Fig. 19-20), However,
Colton (1946: 288) believes that none have been found from
sites dating earlier than 1070, except for those found at
the Cohonina Pittsberg Village Site. McGregor (1951s 97)
adds two additional Cohonina specimens, Bliss notes similar
specimens from the Piper Site (1956: 122-23)» and identical
examples came from Winona and Ridge ruins, where Mc.Gregor
states that large numbers were found. He believes that they
are Hohokam in origin (1941: 211), although they are not found
in the Hohokam phase levels of the site but only in the Sinagua
phase levels, at a 1120-1200 period.
In the Verde Valley area (the Southern Sinagua region),
four came from Tuzigoot Ruin (Caywood and Spicer 1935* 86),
and they were found by Bretemitz near Montezuma Well (1960s
15), and by Jackson and Van V&lkenburgh from Montezuma Castle
(195^: 29, PI. 38).
The plumb-bob cylinder is noted from several Hohokam
sites, for example, Roosevelt 9:6 (Hauiy 1932s 99)# Snaketown
(Gladwin et al. 1937» Fig. 81), the Gleeson Site (Pulton and
Ttithill 19*K5, PI. 20 c)f and Los Muertos (Haury 1945a, Fig.
106, Pi. 86 b), all dating from 900-l460. However, plumb-
bobs are not noted from Mogollon and Anasazi sites, although
some do occur in collections from the Point of Pines area.

They are, of course, found in small numbers in the Sinagua
region.
In summary, it can be seen that the plumb-bob is
not common in the Sinagua area, and apparently not found at
119
all in the Anasazl and Mogollon regions. It would appear to
be a looal Hohokam trait which spread after the eruption to
the Flagstaff region with the new Hohokam immigrants. On
the other hand, the plain cylinders are typioal Sinagua
artifacts and are not found in the Hohokam area. They might,
however, have originated as a modification of the plumb-bob
cylinder during the Pueblo II period, perhaps during contact
with Hohokam peoples in the Verde Valley to the south. Plain
cylinders are not noted for any Anasazi sites other than the
late Hop! Mesa area sites. These cylinders no doubt are
evidence of Sinagua and Hopi contact and trade at the 1200-
1300 time level, and the specimens which occur In a few late
northern Mogollon sites are probably also evidence of Sinagua
trading activity. The great preponderance of specimens in
Pueblo III Sinagua sites indicates that this Is a local trait.
Chipped Stone Tools
Hundreds of cores, waste flakes, and chipped chunks
are found in the Wupatki stone collection, but most showed no
secondary chipping or evidence of use other than as raw
material. Many sharp-edged waste flakes may have been used

as small knives, "but ag&ln there is no clear evidence. In
120
fact, acceptable chipped stone tool types were rare, and only
nine major categories were established*,
Chopping Tools
Two discoidals were found which may have been chopping
tools (Pig. 23 f, h). They are flat discs of basalt and
shale, measuring approximately 6«5 x 5»5 x 2,5 and 10 x 10
x 3 cm., which were heavily chipped and battered along their
edges, and show pigment stains* There are also two large
irregular hunks of black obsidian, heavily chipped for raw
material, which have one unusually sharp and pointed edge and
a rounded back (Pig. 23 g.) • They show evidence of use as
large chopping tools. In addition, an ovoid quartzite cobble
was found, bifacially chipped at one side, forming a crude
chopping surface (Fig* 23 d)« It shows use marks, and had i;
been battered and dulled. These types are amorphousj,and un­
common at Mupatki•
Scrapers
Large Bifacial Crescentlc Side-scrapers. This beau­
tifully made tool (Fig. 2k ]>) was chipped from black basalt,
several chunks of which were found in the Ruin, five in
Room 15 alone. It is crescentic in shape, bifacially chipped,
and has secondary chipping along the inner, or concave edge,

Pig* 23o Miscellaneous minerals and stone tools
from Wupat&l* a-b, chunks of gypsum; c_5 e, rubbing stones;
f,p h* discoidal chopping tools; g., obsidian chunk# or chop­
ping tool; d9 cobble chopper* Diameter of hf 15 cm.

i't,\ -tt *. 1
/ i
A
/
J'V>\v p «A •-' '*'.
V
v- v' y^vrvf ,
g h
f
121

122
foiming a sharp cutting surface. On© side is flat, the other
slightly convex, in section. Several areas along the edges
of the tool show use chipping. It has "been Identified as a
};
hide-scraper, probably in analogy to similar examples from
the Great Plains. Its dimensions are: 13• 3 long, 5*5 on*
In greatest width, and 1.5 cm# in thickness, at the oenter.
Large Gore Ovoid Side-scrapers. These four tools are
bifacial, and generally round or ovoid in outline. They are
chipped over most of their surface, but have original core
remaining in the center. They are flat; on one side and con­
vex on the other, and the edges are sharpened, one showing
use-chipping. The jasper scraper (Boom ^5**)# is chipped along
two edges and measures 7.^ x 5.6 x 1.6 cm. The other three
specimens, one of chalcedony and two of chert, are ovoid
(^•5 cm. dia., 1.8 cm. thick), rectangular (6 x 4.2 x 1.6 cm.),
and trianguloid, (6,3 x 5*8 ^ 1*5 cm.).
Provenience. Room 4-5bj Miscellaneous (3)•
Large flake Orold aide-scrapers* Three tools are
large, heavy, thick, unlfaclal ovoids (Fig. 2*1-&). They were
chipped to shape with the removal of a few large flakes, and
reveal secondary flaking scars or use chipping along their
edges. One is of basalt, and two are of chertj they are domed
and have steeply sloping sides with sharp edges. The bottom
is flat. EifCh has one more steeply sloping side ending in

FIgo 24. Chipped stone tools* a, small
blades; b-d# h 9 large blades; e^, 19 drills or gravers |

123

12k>
an unusually sharp edge, resembling that of an end scraper.
They are about 6*0 cm. in diameter and are 2*0-2 A cm. thick.
these scrapers are ovoid in shape, tiro are rounded rectangles.
A small flake is utilized, the bottom being unworked, clearly
revealing the. bulb of percussion. The flake was chipped
around at least three sides, the center was left domed and
high, and chipping flake scars run off from the center to the
edges. Secondary use chipping occurs along two or three of
the edges® Three of the tools are unifacial, but one is bi-
facially chipped (Pig. 2k f, ^ k* £)* They are 3.5-^«5 cm*
wide, 2.5-^.5 cm- long, and ln0-1.2 cm. thick, and are made
of yellow chert, obsidian, chalcedony, and obsidian, in order
illustrated! the other two specimens are of chert.
End"scrapers. The three chert and-scrapers were found
in trash deposits (Pig. 24 s}» Two are essentially laSrge,
flat-bottomed flakes, chipped smoothly on top# leaving a small
amount of core. All edges are sharp, but one edge, the widest,
is rounded in outline and secondarily chipped# either inten­
tionally or by use. The tools average 6 z 4 x 1.2 cm. in size.
Blades
Room 51a; Miscellaneous (2).
Small Plake Ovoid Side-scrapers. jPour of six of
Large Blades. Pour large blades were found which are

125
triangular In outline, diamond-shaped in section, and carefully
chipped on all surfaces (Fig. Zh b, c., d, h). They are of
chert, flint, Jasper, and obsidian. Three have a straight
broken base, evidence that they are the tip fragments of
larger blades (Fig. Zh

knives are each of different shape (Flg» 24 k, 1# r);
126
but all have three factors in common. They all have but one
sharpened edge, are thin and flat In section, and have a
broad flat-backed area opposite the cutting edge. Measure­
ments: g, 5.0 x x 1.0 cm.; k, 4.0 x 4.3 x 0.6 cm.;
1, ?»8 x 3.0 x 0.8 cm.j r, 5«3 x 3.0 x 1.0 cm.
Pnre touched Flake Knives. At least twelve flakes
of obsidian, chert, basalt, petrified wood, and chalcedony
were noted, each of which had at least one sharp edge
revealing use-chipping marks. These were probably used as
knlve edges.
Drills or Gravers
All five speoimens are made from small flakes» chipped
so as to leave a sharp point at one end. In one case the
point was carefully chipped to leave a slender, finger-like
extension. The Illustrated examples (Fig. 24 e., 1), are of
chalcedony; others are of jasper and chert. They vary from
3*5-*4.5 cm. long, 2.5-3*5 cm. wide, and 5-12 mm. in thick­
ness. The specimen illustrated in Fig. 24 6 measurjes 3*5 x
2.5 x 0.7 cm.
Strangulated Blade-knive
One tool of chalcedony (Fig. 24 o) has a ridged
center, flat base, and slightly concave sides and ends, the

127
ends shaped "by "taking out one large flake on each side. The
specimen is 5*5 cm « long, 1.3 cm, wide at the center, 1*7 cm.
wide at the ends, and 7 ram* thick.
Distribution. Little has been written on chipped stone
material 8 from late Southwestern sites, and even less has been
well illustrated.
Small snub nosed end-scrapers are rare in the South­
west. They are found in some early Mogollon sites, such as
Tularosa Cave (Martin et al. 195 2 # Pig. 57) t and. similar tools
are illustrated from the later Swarts Huin (Cosgrove 1932,
PX. They seem to occur in several Anasazi sites, such
as Paa-ko (Lambert 195^: 139)* and at Mesa Verde site 3^
(0*Bryan 19509 PI. 26), the last site having different types
of such scrapers than Wupatkl, however. They are also found
at Pecos Pueblo, but Woodbiacy thinks that they are a Plains
Indian introduction at that site (1954j 135-36). Some
Hohokem sites, such as Ventana Cave and University Indian
Huin, also had similar artifacts (Haury 1950: Fig. 36;
Hayden 1957v PI. 35).
Large and small ovoid side-scrapers with flat, un-
worked bottoms are quite common, and are noted for Paa-ko
(Lambert 1954* 139)» ^he Mineral Creek and Hooper Ranch sites
(Martin, Rinaldo, and Longacre 1961, Pig. 5^)» the Swarts
Ruin (Cosgrove 1932, PI* *1-5-46), Tularosa Cave (Martin et al.
1952, Fig. ' 5*»-55)t Ventana Cave (Haury 1950, Fig* 30, 32),

| and University Indian Ruin (Hayden 1957,.PI. 35» 160-61}.
: In other words, these tools come from Mogollon and Hohokam
sites.
Large blades and flake knives occur In virtually
i all periods, areas, and sites in the Southwest, and are
: common in the Pueblo III period. Strangulated knives may
I be included in this category, and such a blade is featured
! in the early Tularose Cave material (Martin et al. 1952,
I Fig. $Z}9 and in later Reserve phase sites (Martin and
Rinaldo 1950k. Fig. 186).
Drills are also widely found, although they are
rare at Wupatki. Some of the specimens that have been
identified as blades at Wupatki may, of course, be drljlls
(Pig. 24 a, mg Fig. 26 r), and if so, would compare with
128
others found at such sites as those of the Reserve phase in
I west New Mexico (Martin and Rinaldo 1950b, Fig. 185)» or
! Paa-ko (Lambert 195^* PI* 33-3^)•
The large basalt crescentic side-scraper has no close
Southwestern parallel; however, it may represent a Plains
Indian tool type.
In the Slnagua regiont adequate comparative data are
I lacking. However, Bartlett (193^: 9-12, Fig. 1?) features
Pueblo II chipped tools from the Flagstaff area, among which
are crude flake side-scrapers, rectanguloid end-scrapers, and
a hafted "mescal knife." Large blades are also featured from
Winona and Ridge ruins, and from Cohonlna sites, where they

are common (Mc.Gregor 19*1-1# Fig* 65» 1951» Fig. 35) •
129
the Hohokam-influenced Piper Site (Bliss 1956* 118f Fig- 89),
there seem to "be core-scrapers, and possibly small disc
side-scrapers *
In total, too small a sample of chipped stone material
is illustrated or reported in the literature of the pre­
historic Southwest on which to base any firm conclusions.
Arrow and Dart-points
Small Arrow-points. The small points are classified
by using a modified version of M.Gregor's point typology
(19^1: 183-88), and those additions to It suggested by
Colton (19*1-6: 289-90). The classification is based upon the
following criteria% in order of importance: over-all shape,
base notching, shape of base, and treatment of sides. All
of these small, light, thin arrow-points are carefully chipped
from small flakes, and are re-worked by pressure flaking. All
are generally triangular and are under 4-.6 cm. in length,
and 2.0 cm. in width, and all but type N are under 5 mm. in
thickness, averaging about 3 mm.
Triangular IXn-notched points
Type A—Straight base, smooth straight sides (Fig. 25
a-b)| similar to Mc.Gregor's types B and D, lumped because
there is little difference between these types except for
size* which is variable.

— — - —TABLE 3 - -
MEASUREMENTS AND MATERIALS OF SMALL ARROW-POINTS
Wupatki Mc. Greg •
Type Type Tot. Measurements Materials
A BfD 61 1.9 x 4.3 0.9 X
Max. Mln. Ave. Obs. Che. Chal. Jas» Pet.Wd.
H r
O C
1.2 x 2.7 37 15 5 4 -
B C 2 0.7 x 1.8 0.7 X 1.8 1 - - - 1
c P,CJ,H 29 1.5 x 4.6 0.9 X 1.7 1.2 x 2.8 7 15 2 4 1
D Q 7 1.4 x 3.4 0.9 X 1.7 1.0 x 2.7 7 - - - -
E E . 7 2.0 x 2.9 1.4 X 2.3 1.6 x 2.4 2 4 - 1 -
P J,L 9 1.2 x 2.7. 0.7 X 1.5 o
•
.
vO
M
2.2 4 3 2 -
G 0,F 7 1.4 x 3.5 0.7 X 1.6 1.1 X 2.5 7 -
mm - -
H I 11 2.0 x 3«2 0.9 X 1.7 1.1 X 2.1 6 4 - 1 : -
I M 7 1.2 x 2.9 1.0 X 1.7 1.1 X 2.5 1 5 1 -
J N 24 1.6 x 4.1 1.1 X 1.8 1.3 x 2.8 4 16 3 1 -
K K 2 1.1 x 1.7 0.6 X 1.3 2 - - - -
L R 5 2.0 x 4.0 1.8 X
0 0
1.9 x 3.9 2 1 1 1 •
M T,U 2 1.3 x 2.0 1.2 X 1.7 2 - - - -
N V 1 1.5 x 2.0 1 — mm — _
Totals: 174 83 63 14 12 2 M
VjJ
o
.

Fig. 25. Small arrow-points from Wupatki. a-b#
Type As o, T^pe B5 df f» £, Type C5 e, Type D| h9
li^e H} 1, %8 P| k, 1, Type I; m, n, Type J; o, Type
Si E» gL» Type Gj r, Type B; s, t, Type M. Length of a§
2,5 cm*

f f

131

I 132-
Type B—Slender, straight base, serrated, straight
sides (Fig* 25 r).
Type C—Concave base, straight, smooth sides (Pig, 25
Si* £» &)» similar to Mc.Gregorys types F, G, and H, which
differ only in size.
Fig. 25 e).
(Fig. 25 c).
Type 0—Concave base, straight, serrated sides :
Type S—Concave base, concavet smooth sides
Triangular Notched Eolnts
Type F—Low, side notches, straight, smooth sides
(Fig. 251)5 similar to Me.Gregor * s types J and L e which
differ only in size and slight convexity of sides, traits
too variable for firm classification, n
Type G—Low side notches, straight but serrated sides
(Fig. 25 £, gjj similar to Mc.Gregor's types 0 and P, -which
differ only in a slight convexity of base, and in workmanship
of serrations. These traits, however, form an intergraded
series at Wupatkl.
Trpe E—Low side notches, concave base, straight,
smooth sides (Fig. 25 h# J,? Fig. 26 f).
Type I—High side notches, straight* smooth base
and sides (Fig. 26 k, 1).
Type J—High side notches, concave base, straight
sides (Fig. 26 m, n).

Pig. 26. Large and small points and "blades from
Wupatkl« a, slender blade, Type Q; b, large point Type
Ft c» small point Type N; d» h, small point Type L; e,
Type G$ snail, point Type Hi obsidian pebble point;
Type A| ^ m» n» Type Hf o, Type E; £» Type I|
Faleo-Indian Plainvlew point f r, drill or point during
manufacture; s, blade* Length of a, 7.5 om.

133

Type K—Smaller than J, high side notches, con­
cave base and convex sides (Pig. 26 o).
Stemmed points
13*}.
Type L—Expanding stem points, deep corner notched,
slender straight sides and "base (Pig. 26 d, h).
Type M—Straight stem, straight, smooth sides
(Fig. 26 s_, t); similar to Coltonfe types T or U, which should
be lumped.
iEype N—Straight or triangular stem, concave base,
straight serrated edges (Pig. 26 c).
In summary, 1^ types were designated at Wupatki
Ruin, including 17*4- small arrow points. These 1*4- types in­
clude 20 M.Gregor-Colton types, which appear to be much too
finely split; and a further reduction from the modified 1^
types could also probably be made. Length of point, con­
cavity of base, and concavity or convexity of sides are very
hard to define. Some concave base points, such as type E
and J (Fig. 25 c_, m), form a recognizable type, but others,
such as the point in Fig. 25 o, might represent an accidental
slight concavity of the base, rather than a deliberately
created form. Similarly, the slight bowing in or out of the
sides of a point appears to be often accidental. For example,
is that point featured In Fig. 25 i_, really a convex-sided
point type, or does it simply have an accidental slight bowing
of the sides? One new type has been added to the Mc.Gregor-

Coition list, which would be designated V, in their series
(Colton 1946: 289-290), but Is type N in the Wupatki
typology. In short, out of 22 Mc.Gregor-Colton types,
including new type V, Wupatki has 20, placed in 14 new
groups•
The study of the materials of manufacture show that
83 points were of an obsidian type which came either from
the nearby Sitgreaves Crater or the San Francisco Peaks,
according to recent work by H. S. Colton. The second
largest group of points (63) was made of chert, and of the
remainder, 14 were of chalcedony, 12 of Jasper, and two of
petrified wood. At Winona, the Wupatki type A points were
generally of chert, but at Wupatki, they are about 2:1
obsidian over chert. However, Wupatki type C points are
2:1 chert over obsidian, and type J points are commonly of
chert, as are type I points, while types D and G are only
135
of obsidian. The other points are of a variety of materials.
.Thus there is a correlation of type with material at a single
site, but not necessarily between sites.
Provenience. There are little concrete data on the
y",
provenience of small arrow point types. They appear to have
been found widely scattered in the ruin, although 15 small
points were found in Room 66, the only known concentration.
Many were found in the trash areas. Specifically, without a
breakdown according to types which is impossible with present

136
data, small un-notched points occurred at least In Rooms 10,
4-1, 45b (2), 51a-"b (3), 55b, 60, 66a (4), 66b (5). Small
notched points occurred in Rooms 45b, 50b, 56a, 57» 63, 66b
(6), and 68. It is noteworthy that Room 66, the ceremonial
Dance Plaza, had many points. It has been stated that among the
Hopl, points were used as ceremonial symbols, were worn on the
clothing of warriors, burled x-jlth warriors or priests, and
were an integral part of many klva c "emonies (Woodbury 195^*
124-0-41). The tfupatkl concentration appears to be early evi­
dence of such ceremonial usage, and may also explain the
preservation of the large paleo-Indian point, to be described.
Heavy Arrow or Dart-points. These 24 points ha"v.
been classified using a modification of the Mc.Gregor typology
{192+1: 190-92, Fig. 65}• All points are over 4-5 mm. thick,
and longer than 3.5 cm. or wider than 2.2 cm. In general,
they are longer, wider, thicker* and heavier than the preceding
points, were chipped more crudely from large flakes or small
cores, and were probably often used as knives as well as
projectile tips. Their classification again is based upon
over-all shape, notching or stemming, base or stem form, and
treatment of sides.
Triangular Points
Type A—A broad, thin point with high side notches
and a deeply indented base (Fig. 26 l)i similar to Mo.Gregorys

Wupatki
Type
TABLE k
MEASUREMENTS AND MATERIALS OP LARGE POINTS OH KNIVES
Mc.Greg.
Type Tot. Measurements Materials
Length Width Thick Obs. Che. Cha. Ba» Jas.
A K a ib 5-5 2.5 0.4 tm 1 - -
B F? 3 k-5 1.5-2 0.6 1 2 - - -
C M? i b
7.5 ty.O 0.7 1 -
D - 3b 6.7-7.5 3.0-3-7 1.3 - 2 1-
E - 1 5-5 1.8 0.8 - - 1
P mm 1 6.0 1.6-2,0 0.7 t'm - 1
G L 1 *K7 2.8 1.0 mm l H» •• »
H J? 3 4.3-6 1.5-1.8 0.7 1 2 - - -
I - lb 2.0 0.6 - 1 -
J - ib 5.2 b 2.5 0.7 - 1 - - -
K 9 (See text) 2 3 2 11
a refers to Mc.Gregor 19^1*. Pig- 6^» otherwise all references are to Mc.Gregor
19*Kt: Fig. 65. C
b refers to a fragmentary specimen-

small point type K, "but larger in size.
138
Type B—A crude, slender, thin point with low irregular
side notches and a straight base (Pig. 26 k, 1)| similar to
Mc.Gregor's large point type F, but more slender.
Type C—Broad, thin, un-notched blade with a suggestion
of small nub extensions on either side of the base, giving
it a slightly winged appearance; somewhat similar to Mc.Gregor's
large blade9 type M.
Type D—Un-notched unstemmed slender, thick, blade
(diamond shaped in section); found in Room $laf 51t>, and
trash deposits (Fig. 26 a).
Type E—A well chipped, broad and parallel-stemmed
point, with triangular sides, concave base (Fig. 26 o); found
with Burial 34.
Leaf-shaped points
Type F—A well chipped, short, straight-stemmed, con­
vex sided, notched based point (Fig. 26 b).
Type G—A crudely chipped, thick, ovoid, un-notched
and unstemmed point, with a convex base (Fig. 26 e); similar
to Mc.Gregor's type L.
Type H—A crudely chipped, thick, slender, long point,
with a rounded convex base (Fig. 26 J_, m, n); similar to,
but smaller than, Mc.Gregor's type J.; found in rooms; 55"b, 66a,
and trash.
Lanceolate points
Type I—A slender, parallel-sided, and slightly winged

and concave based lanceolate point fragment (Fig. 26 g.) •
Type J—A paleo-Indian Plainview, or unfluted
Folsom point was found. It has parallel straight sides, a
concave base, fine but irregular flaking, and 2.5 cm. of
basal grinding on each side of the base. It is of light
brown chert, and has a small flute where a flake was taken
out of the bottom center of the base at one side. The base
was thinned by removing a series of small flakes, and the
point is lenticular in section and quite thin. It closely
139
resembles those points illustrated and discussed by Wonnlngton
(1957: 107-111, Fig. 69, Figs., p. 265), who identifies
them as Plainview points, indicating a date of 9,170^" years.
Such points have a distribution from Alaska to Mexico, usually
along the High Plains. The point was probably found in the
area by Wtipatkians and saved as an heirloom, perhaps for
ceremonial use (Fig. 26

It measures 4,4 x 1.5 x 0.7 cm. In addition, three large
dart bases were found, two with Burial 34. All three are
chert flakes, bifacialy chipped and lenticular in section.
140
The base form is half moon-shaped and the point has a rounded
shoulder. The base measures 2.5 cm. long, 2.0 cm. wide,
the shoulder measures 2.5 wide and 3*0 cm. long,. The frag­
ments are 6-7 mm. thick. They are reminiscent of the bases
of points from the Pinto Lake sites, in California,
In addition, four miscellaneous fragments were found,
and these blade fragments, of obsidian, chalcedony, and
jasper are essentially parallel sided knives (Fig. 26 s).
Provenience. Again, the provenience data is sketchy,
and types are not located as to provenience. However, large
points were found at least in Hooms 34, 51a-b (2), 55"b, 62b,
66b, and with Burials 19 and 24.
Distribution. Southwestern arrow-points were stemmed
until 900-1000. They were commonly broad, thick, and had
downward angled tangs. However, the Pueblo III type was a
small, light, thin, triangular point with shallow side-notches.
This is of course only the general situation, for any type
of point may be found in small numbers in any period in the
Southwest. Examples of the large stemmed early points may
be seen in the collections from Tularosa Cave and oaves of
the Reserve area, among others (Martin et al. 1952: 207}
195^}-: 89, Pig. 64). Wheat (1955* 137-^2) indicates the same

141
conclusions In summarizing the entire Mogollon area prior to
1000• The Swarts Ruin (Cosgrove 1932, PI. **9-50)» and
Roberts * Piedra and Whitewater sites also had such stemmed
points (1930s 151-52? 1940; 123-24), and Roberts defined the
typical Pueblo XI type point as being like Mc.Gregor's type
R, i.e., slender, stemmed, and with downward angled tangs#
At both Klatuthlanna and Alkalai Ridge, there were stemmed
and tanged points in the early period, while In the later
periods side-notched, smaller points were common (Roberts
1931: 159; Brew 1946, Fig. 170, 172). At the Pueblo III
Village of the Great Kiiras, Roberts found chiefly side-
notched, small points (1932: 146, PI. 59). In late Mogollon
sites, small points are the rule (Martin, Rinaldo, and
Longacre 1961: 103? Martin and Rinaldo i960, Fig. 143;
Haury and Hargrave 1931s 55).
In late Anasazi sites of Pueblo III date, side-
notched, small points are also the rule? for example, they
are found at Pueblo Bonlto, where stemmed and tanged points
are noted In the early period, and notched points in the
I later period (Judd 1954: 253-257, PI. 73-74), At Aztec Ruin
(Morris 1919: 32), side-notched points were common, as they
were at the Lowry Ruin (Martin 1936, Fig. 8), Pueblo del
Arroyo (Judd 1959, PI. 40), Leyit Kin (Button 1938# PI. 4),
and Be 50-51 (Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939: 91).
Other late New Mexico pueblos such as Pindl, Paa-ko,
and the Chama Valley sites (Stubbs and Stalllngs, Jr. 1953>

PI. 1?; Lambert 195^ Pl» 33; Jeancon 1923» Pl» 15) had
many side-notched, points, some large blades, and a few
stemmed and tanged points. Mesa Verde area sites (0*Bryan
1950, PI. 27; Morris 1939, PI. 122-129) have many side-
notched points, as well as some stemmed and tanged forms,
142
and at Pecos Pueblo (Kidder 1932: 18-24) side-notched small
points were typical.
Hohokam points were expanding stemmed and tanged
In the early periods (Haury 1950: 3^0), but by the Sacaton
phase, a long, slender point with serrated edges is typical
(Haury 1945a: 126; Woodbury 195^* 121). Also, by this period
the small, triangular, side-notched point is common. Many
are noted at Sna&etown and Los Muertos (Gladwin et al. 1937:
93-94, PI. 85-88? Haury 1945a: 126, PI. 35-36). However,
the Hohokam points of the southern sites such as Tres Alamos,
Gleeson, and the Babocomorl Village, tend to be large and
stemmed, although small points are also found (Tuthill 1947:
70; Pulton and Tuthill 1940, PI. 23? D1 Peso 1951* PI. 58).
In sites such as those in the Sierra Ancha (Haury 1934,
PI. 73)» points are small and side-notched, but at the Salado
Tonto Cliff Dwellings they are rare and variable in type
(Steen et al. 1962: 25, 50).
T3ius, all authors agree that tanged and stemmed
points are an early type, while the small, triangular, side-
notched point is typical of the Pueblo III and later sites.

Martin et al. Indicate a starting date for the Mogollon
and Anasazi projectiles by 900. This clearly agrees with
1^3
the previously cited distributions. Woodbury also notes that
large, stemless blades or points are typical of late Pueblo
sites (195^! 121), drills are rare (as they are at Wupatki),
and serrated points are typically Hohokam. In fact, serrated
forms are rarely found in the Anasazi area until Pueblo III
times, except in a few sites in the Sinagua and Chaco areas
(Gladwin 19^5• PI* 17 b) • They are typical in the Hohokam
and Mogollon areas by 900, and probably all Anasazi examples
are due to Hohokam contacts. Large blades, of course, are
commonly found In Anasazi and Mogollon sites of all periods,
but are always rare in Hohokam sites. Long, slender, stem-
less and tangless points are probably also Hohokam and while
side-notched small points occur as early as the ninth or
tenth centuries in this desert area, side-notching apparently
actually originated in sites in the north in late Basket-
maker times. The Hohokam examples may be the result of later
Salado introductions (Woodbury 195^: 123-26).
Three-quarters of the Sinagua arrow-points in the
3.120-1200 period are side-notched, small, and triangular
{Colton 19^6: 290). At Walnut Canyon (Rixey and Voll 1962:
91), plain and side-notched small points were found, a few
stemmed points, and a large well-chipped knife. However, at
Big Hawk Valley, not one point was notched; all were triangular
and small (Smith 1952a: 131). Nalakihu points were variable,

"but several large, plain, triangular blades are featured
(King 1949s 7 1 )* Piper Site, all the points
144
were triangular, side-notched, and serrated in typical Hoho-
kam fashion (Bliss 195^: 117-118), while typical Kings Ruin
points were triangular, un-notohed, and un-serrated (Spicer
and Caywood 193^: 50-51)* Winona and Ridge ruins had many
different point types, including the majority of those found
at Wupatki (Mc.Gregor 1941: 183-88, Fig# 64)# The triangular;
small, un-notched point was common, but type N, the small,
high, side-notched point, and type J, the small, low, side-
notched point, were the common varieties, in the early and
late phases, reading backwards. Several varieties of serrated
edged points were also found. Mc.Gregor's type N (Wupatki
type J) is alleged to be the standard Wupatki form in the
Winona report (1941: 187 )> but Is actually a minor type#
Several heavy points and blades were found at Winona, but
stemmed points were rare, more so than at Wupatki# Con­
sidering the Verde Valley sites, Tuzlgoot had nearly as many
stemmed as unstemmed types, but side-notching is not
mentioned (Caywood and Spicer 1935: 73-74)#
It appears that small, triangular, notched or un-
notched points began to replace large, stemmed, leaf-shaped
points in both the Mogollon and Anasazi areas by about 900,
and certainly by 1100. However, the larger point types con­
tinue throughout Southwestern history, and are never com­
pletely superseded# The Hohokam area, in general, also

went through this pattern of change, but did develop its
own unique point type the long, slender, serrated-edged,
1^5
triangular point in the later post-900 period. Large blades
are found throughout the Pueblo sequence in all areas,
although less commonly in the Hohokam region#
In the Sinagua area, the common point is small, tri­
angular, and un-notched at Wupatki Ruin, high and side-notched
at Winona Ruin. At other Sinagua ruins, the point type is
directly related to the type of cultural contact represented.
At Big Hawk Valley, no side-notched points were found, and
this is a site with heavy Anasazi influence. At the Hohokam-
influenced Piper Site, all of the points were side-notched
and serrated, a typical Hohokam pattern. Winona and Ridge
ruins, showing Hohokam, Anasazi, and Sinagua influence, had
all of the point types studied in the area. Wupatki Ruin
is thus typical of the sites of this period in the Southwest
in terms of its arrow-point collection, and shows Hohokam
contact, along with a general Anasazi-Mogollon arrow-point
group.
. Provenience data are sketchy, but do not indicate
any concentration of points except in the ceremonial Dance
Plaza, again pointing out the ceremonial significance of
arrow-points to all Southwestern pueblo peoples. There was
a clear correlation of point type with preferred material of
manufacture at any one site, but apparently not between sites.

• 146
Finally, it is clear that point types have been defined in
much too limited a range of variation, and that in the South­
west only broad generalizations may be made in linking spe­
cific types to specific periods in time.
Chipped Stone Discs
Large Discs. The two large sandstone discs found are
of a size and weight making it unlikely that they were used
as pot coversi as such discs are usually identified# The
largest specimen is 2.5 cm, thick and 38 cm* in diameter.
One side is rough, the other smoothed, and the smooth side
bears red pigment stains, scratches, and cuts, suggesting that
it was used as a grinding surface or lap stone. The other
disc is 28 cm. in diameter, and also bears pigment smears on
one surface.
Provenience. Rooms 55a» 55b.
Small discs. Small discs are usually called pot
covers, and have been found in place in several Southwestern
sites. Sixteen sandstone specimens came from Wupatki, and
are generally well rounded and smoothed, although they show
some chipping scars around the edges (Pig. 27 a-c, e-g).
One has a beautifully smoothed and beveled edge (Fig. 27 a).
Many are scratched in the center, and at least three besir
pigment smears. One is 2.5 cm. thick and 15 cm. in diameter
(Fig, 27 b), but the others are 6-7 mm. in thickness and

Fig«> 27* Sandstone hoes and pot covers* a-c9 e-
stone pot covers? d, small triangular hoe* Length of
da 12.5 cm*

148
range from 7*7-16.0 cm, in diameter, the most common slab
being 8-9 cm, in diameter. There is also one disc which has
rounded square corners, and is essentially a squared slab.
It is 7 mm. thick, and is 7.2 cm. Sq. (Pig. 27 c).
Provenience. Hooms 35 (2), 41, 45 (2), 51a, 55a,
55h (2)} Miscellaneous.
Distribution. Pot covers of stone, round, thin
discs of shale, sandstone, and slate have been widely found
in the prehistoric Southwest, several in place, covering
buried pots. However, while there are numerous examples
from Anasazi sites, they have not been found in numbers prior
to 1000 in Mogollon sites, although a few examples are Imown
in northern Mogollon sites near the Anasazi area (Wheat 1955*
114-116). In later periods they were found at the Mineral
Creels and Hooper Ranch sites (Martin, Binaldo, and Longacre
1961s 67, 71), caves of the Reserve area (Martin et al. 195^s
| 1151 Fig. 56), where they are called "pit covers'*, and at
the Swarts and Starkweather ruins (Cosgrove 1932, PI. 53!
iNesbitt 1938, PI. 47). They apparently were never present
at Hohokam sites. It would appear, then, that they are an
Anasazl trait which diffused into the Mogollon region only
sporadically, and at a late period.
I They have been found in numbers at Pueblo Bonito
('Pepper 1920: 363-5? Judd 1954s 127, pi. 24 a). They were
fiound covering storage pots sunk in pits, and several were

149
used, as paint grinding slabs, as at Wupatki. They were also
found at Tseh So Ruin (Be 50) (Brand et al. 1937* Pl» 19)#
covering a pot at Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1959s 139: PI# 40),
Aztec Ruin (Morris 1925s 202), and at Leyit Kin (Button
1938* PI* 8). Other such Anasazi sites include Cliff Palace,
Piedra District sites, Chama Valley sites, Marsh Pass area
sites, where they were often found covering pots, Pecos
imeblo, where they were found on top of water jars, La Plata
area sites, the Cannonball Ruin, Pindl Pueblo, and Site 34
at Mesa Verde (Fewkes 1911a, PI. 22; Roberts 1930, PI* 49;
Je&ncon 1923, PI* 30; Kidder and Guernsey 1919» PI* 51hs
Kidder 1932: 75-76| Morris 1939# Fig. 142; Morley 1909:
307* PI* 37; Stubbs and Stallings, Jr. 1953: 122; 0'Bryan
1950: 84, PI. 31, 38)« They are clearly a common Anasazi
trait.
In the Sinagua area, Mc.Gregor (1936: 43) notes that
pot lids were found at all Pueblo II sites. Only one each
came from the Piper Site and Winona Village# an understandable
occurrence when it is noted that these are Hohokam influenced
sites (Mc*Gregor 1941: 176, Pig. 59? Bliss 1956: 123). They
are not reported for other Sinagua sites. The pot lid is
thus rare in Sinagua culture sites, but it was found in the
pre-eruptlve period. It is almost certainly an Anasazi intro­
duction.

Chipped Stone Hoes
Triangular Hoes, The largest group of stone hoes
ms triangular (Pig* 27 d, Pig. 28 c). All are sandstone
150
and were chipped from naturally thin and flat spalls varying
from 1.2-1.^ c$* in thickness» Their surfaces are smooth#
but four were put to secondary use as paint grinding tools,
A few have smoothed and ground rims (Pig. 2? d), hut most of
the tip areas show use-chipping, and in eight of eleven oases
|large areas of the tip are broken. In general, their sides
i
;are trianguloid, tapering to a rounded, blunt tip. In some
leases, however, one edge is straight, the other slightly
rounded and tapering to the tip.
Two small hoes were used as palletea, and are 7 cm*
wide at the top, tapering gradually to a broken point. Pour
!other larger fragments have squared heads ll-ity cm# wide.
I The specimens in the largest group are 25-2? om. long, 13-15
!•
cm* wide at the head, and have one tapered and one straight
side, blunt rounded tips, and show evidence of wear at the
pointed end. One hoe, although broken, is the largest and
heaviest single artifact, and is 16 cm. wide and 36 cm. long.
Provenience. Booms 3 (2), 7 (2), 9 (2), 55b (3),
60a; Miscellaneous.

Fig* 28. Sandstone hoes* a-b, leaf-shaped large
hoes; partially notohed hoe ; c_s large triangulold hoe •
Length of ov 27 cm*

15-1

Leaf-Shaped Hoes. Three hoes are leaf-shaped and
crudely roughed from sandstone (Pig. 28 a-b). They have no
smoothed edges or surfaces, "but one Is notched at the base
(Pig. 28 b)» They are 12-1A cm. in greatest width, and 19-
22 cm. in length, with rounded blunt tips.
Provenience. Boom 60a; Miscellaneous (2).
152
Miscellaneous Hoe. One sandstone tool found in Room
55b has a natural handle, curved in the middle* A low ridge
separates the blade from the handle. The entire tool is
slightly convex on one surface, and chipped to a flat surface
on the other. The tool comes to a blunt rounded tip, which
shows some use and wear. It was probably used as a stone hoe.
Distribution. Woodbury (195^* 165-66) and Morris
(1939i 139)t note that the Hop! tcamahlas. a broad-bladed
slender-handled stone tool, may have been used as a hoe. They
are found all over the Anasazl area but are quite unlike the
Wupatki hoes. Tcamahlas are now used ceremonially by the
Hopi. Other notched and chipped stone tools are found in
Anasazl sites, but are also unlike the crudely shaped Wupatki
specimens (Woodbury 195^*• 169)» although some Pueblo Bonito
examples are reminiscent (Pepper 1920s 363-65, Fig» 22), and
three, two notched, were found at Pueblo I and II Alkalai
Ridge sites (Brew 19**6: 2*K), Pig. ^9). Thus the Wupatki

153
stone hoes are not an Anasazl trait, "but resemble more common
Hohokam and Mogollon tools*
In the Mogollon region, stone hoes similar to those
i 5 Wupatkl (tin-notched, un-hafted, and crudely shaped), are
sporadically found In sites of the Black Elver, Mimbres, and
San Simon areas (Wheat 1955s 11^, Pig. 8), but are quite rare
prior to 1000. Martin found only two at the early S. U. Site
(19*H: 3l^s 319)* They are always rare in the Plnelawn Valley
area* even after 900, when they first appear (Martin et al,
1951s 203)- Later hoes may have been hafted and are quite
similar to those from Wupatki. One hoe was found at Poote
Canyon Pueblo (Martin et al» 1959 s 15*0 * several oblong speci­
mens appeared In the Plnelawn area (Martin, Rinaldo, and
Barter 1957s 70-72), one notched specimen is noted from the
Hooper Ranch Site (Martin, Rinaldo, and Longacre 1961s 103#
Fig* 71)* and two are noted from Turkey Foot Ridge Site
(Martin and Rinaldo 1950 a » Pig* 131). At the Swarts Ruin
they are well chipped, long, and slender, more like tcamahlag
than hoes (Cosgrove 1932, PI. W-), although a few broad,
notched specimens are also noted (Cosgrove 1932» PI* 5^)«
The Mattocks Ruin and Cameron Creek Ruin also had long slender
hoes (Nesbitt 1931# PI* 355 Bradfleld 1931» PI. 9*0- Thus
they are occasionally found throughout the Mogollon sequence,
in several areas, but are rare, especially in the southern sub-
areas. The wooden digging stick appears to have been the
typical agricultural tool in the Anasazl and Mogollon areas.

In the Hohokam region, hoes were occasionally found
from the Colonial period on, and are common by the Classic
period* An example similar to the Wupatki specimens was
found in a Sacaton phase level at Snaketown (Gladwin et al*
1937> PI. 40 a)• Several examples were also found at Los
Muertos, as well as at other nearby sites of the Classic
phase# They tend to be broad, -rather--.than-,long, '.as in the
Wupatki specimens, with the broad rather than the pointed
end used as the blade (Haury 19^5 a: 13^-37s 166-68, PI. 5®-
15^
56). Haury points out that most of these tools were unhafted
hand tools, and that save for manos and other handstones,
they were the most frequently encountered stone items. Such
tools may have been used to dig the Irrigation canals, aid in
planting, or loosen the clay for mortar and pottery making.
The Los Muertos tools were chipped from large cores, while
the Wupatki specimens were of natural sandstone spalls# In
both areas, the tool was chipped to shape, but the Hohokam
hoes are more crude in outline•
About 5 per cent of the Hohokam specimens are notched,
a trait not found at VJupatki save for a suggestion of notches
on one specimen, notching is common on Hogollon hoes,
present in the Chaco, and present on those few specimens
reported from the Canyon Creek Ruin (Haury 193^s PI. ?2) and
the Salado Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Steen et al. 1962: 22,
51-52). A hafted hoe was found at Casa Grande (Pewkes 1912s
13^}, as well as several rectangular notched and un-notched

specimens. Some possible hoes oame from University Indian
155
Ruin (Hayden 1957s 1^2-^5)• However, Hayden feels that most
of these implements are saws, not hoes. Somewhat similar
notched tools were noted at the Tres Alamos Site (Tuthill
19^7, PI. 27), Babocomari Village (Di Peso 1951: 153)> and
the Reeve Ruin (Di Peso 1958: 110-111 )•
It appears that semi-lunate, bladed, "broad, and side-
notched hoes, which are often found in the Eohokam and Salado
sites, may be of Salado origin. However, the origin of the
hoe, Itself, was probably equally shared by the Hohokam and
Mogollon. Eaury (193&: 105) believes that they are generally
southern in distribution, perhaps Hohokam in origin. He notes
that they are abundant by 700 in the Mimbres Valley, where
they were used in preference to the northern digging stick.
However, while the long and slender Mimbres and Sinagua tools
are probably specialized for digging in soft earth, the broad
and thin blades of the Hohokam tool may be evidence of its
use as a type of knife.
Bartlett (193^: 22-2*0 states that the Wupatki hoe
type seems to be adapted to farming in the Sunset Grater ash
fall area. The unconsolidated ash immediately spills back
into any hole dug with a digging stick, but the ash can be
scooped back from a considerable area, exposing the subsoil,
with a hand hoe. Such hoes are too fragile for work in the
compacted clay subsoil, however, and are usually only found
at sites in the ash fall areas. Bartlett cites them from

156
Late Pue"blo II sites (post-eruptive in date), and states that
they are common in Pueblo III sites. Colton (19Wj 286-287)
believes that the triangular basalt hoe was present in the
Sinagua area from 600 on, while the softer sandstone hoe was
used only in the ash fall sites, and did not come into promi­
nence until 1100,
Smith (1952a; 121-23, Fig. 46) points out that several
hoe types were found at the Big Hawk Valley sites, and that
unlike the Hohokam hoes their cutting edge was at the tip,
rather than along the long dimension of the hoe. Mc.Gregor
(19*1-1: 171, Pig. 59 d) found one hoe at Winona, and King
(1949: 88, Pig 68 a-b) found two specimens identical to those
at Wupatki at Nalakihu. Spicer and Caywood discuss several
crude examples from Kings Ruin (1936: 53» Pl« 16), and simi­
lar tools were found by Jackson and Van Valkenburgh at
Montezuma Castle (195^s PI* 3*0 and by Breternitz in sites
near the same area (l$60t 17)

Beads
Turquoise Figure Eight Beads
Stone Ornaments
Only one complete figure eight, or double-lobbed,
stone bead was found. It was pierced horizontally between
the lobes of the bead which are 3 nun- thick. The bead as a
whole is 1.3 cm. long and 1.1 cm. wide at the middle of the
lobes, A fragment was found which would have been smaller,
15?
1.0' s:-.0#8~2: 3»QtC2U, also horizontally pierced at the center
(Fig. 29 i).
Turquoise Barrel-Shaped Beads
DeST? blue. 3 ma. in diameter and 2 mm* in thick­
ness—*5 specimens.
Green. ^ mm. in diameter and 3 nJm» i** thickness—
2 specimens (Fig. 29 k).
Turquo i s e D1 s c Beads
2 mm. thick—85*
Thin beads • Beads not over 6 mm. in diameter and
Small beads. 1 mm. thick, 2-3 mm. in diameter—
?0 plus (Fig. 29 &).

Fig® 29* Stone beads 9 Inlay pieces and small
pendants* a, bead partially drilled; b-c, medium sized
beads s d, o_, mB £ c large beads; f» £9 inlay blanks of
lignite and arglllltei bracelet of small black stone
beads, surrounding a group of small turquoise and argil-
lite beads; h, nt pendants; 1_, double-lobbed turquoise
beads; k, turquoise barrel-shaped beads; 1, bracelet of
various sized beads; o, small stone bead. Length of
large inlay, f, 2„6 cm.

158

Medium beads. 1-2 mm. thick, ^-—6 mm# in diameter—
15 (Pig. 29 ^-c).
Thick beads. Those beads over 6 mm. in diameter,
usually 6-8 mm., and 3-5 mm. in thickness, with a central
hole 1-2 mm. in diameter—.20P(Fig. 29 1» to P strand).
Gray or Black Disc Beads
as thickness ) •
Thin beads« 130 (Diameter more than twice as great
Minute beads. 1-2 mm. in diameter, less than 1 mm.
thick—Ca. 125 (Pig. 29 £.» on strand).
gray chert—1.
Medium beads* 3 mm. thick, 6 mm. in diameter, of
Large beads. 2 mm. thick, 6-8 mm. in diameter, of
limestone—2 (Pig. 29 d, m, 33)-
limestone—1.
Very large beads, k- mm. thick, I**- mm. in diameter,
Thick beads. 1 (Thickness one-half or more of the
diameter). Gray chert, 10 mm. in diameter, 7 mm. thick,
central hole b mm.
159-

Travertin© beads
160
These beads are k-6 mm. in thickness, and 10-11 ram.
In diameter—3 (Pig* 29 1)•
Argillite beads
Minute thin beads» 1-2 mm. in diameter, less than
1 mm. thick—20 (Fig. 29 g).
3 (Pig. 29 1).
Medium thin beads. 3-5 nsn. in diameter, 1-2 mm. thick—
The small beads are about one-half as thick as their
diameter, and there are few really large beads (over 8-10 ram.
in diameter). No tubular beads occur in the collection.
Turquoise and black stone beads are the common types found,
while argillite and travertine specimens are rare. All of the
beads found are parallel-sided in section, and no triangular or
wedged specimens were noted, as they were in the shell col*
lections. This is probably due to the differing methods of
manufacture, the shell specimens being ground down from the
shell, while the stone beads were cut out from square bead
blanks, and then ground around the edges to a round shape.
In general, there is an intergraded series of beads at Wupatkl.
In fact, almost all varieties of turquoise beads were found on
the one complete bracelet figured (Pig. 29 1} from Hoom 35 or
36*

Provenience. At least in Rooms 35-36, 66a-b (many
specimens), 68, Burial 16, and Miscellaneous*
Pendants
Geometric Forms
161
Turquoise Pendants. These pendants are usually trl-
anguloid or rectangulold, with rounded corners and slightly
convex sides (Pig. 29 h, nS Fig* 30 a, b, f, g_) . These are
quite small, more suited for bracelet bobs and necklace drops
than single pendants. All are thin (ranging from 1-3 mm.),
and of a poor grade of green turquoise. In size they range
from 5^8 mm. to 13 x 20 mm., averaging about ^ 3: 9 mm. All
are pierced with a countersunk hole near one edge, usually
the narrowest end. One large round pendant (28 s: 3*4- x *+• mm.)
was found in Room 63,
Provenience. At least in Rooms 63 (3)» 66a (many),
68; Burials 19, 23, 27, 29, and 36 (string of 20).
Travertine Pendants.
Trlanguloid. With rounded corners, 12-1*+ mm. long,
9-12 mm. wide, 1-3 mm. thick—6 (Pig. 30 1).
Rectanguloid. With rounded corners, beveled edges,
and a perforation near the edge of the narrowest end. They

Fig* 30. Stone pendants, carved pieces, and
stone pipes, a-b, £, g_, turquoise pendants; c_, 1-n, tra­
vertine pendants; d, pierced azurite ball; e, 1., argil-
lite pendants; g., turquoise bird pendant; h, tuff disc
bead; J_, slate pendant; ks
carved basalt pipes, top
view; c_, r, .t-x, carved tuff pieces; s_, carved bear's
foot of travertine. Length of t, 3*4 cm.

162

Intergrade In size from 10- x 15 EM. to ^0-^7 mm. t with an
average thickness of 2-3 mm.—6 (Pig. 30 SI* B.)*
Round. 13 mm. in diameter, 5 nrm« thick. Found in
163
Hoom ^6, this disc was perhaps originally a nose plug inlay,
but It had been pierced at one edge for use as a pendant—1
(Fig. 30 c).
(M-); Burial 16.
Provenience. Booms ^4-5» ^6, 63 (2), 66a (many), 68
Argllllte Pendants. Two argillite pendants were found.
One is a triangulold specimen 10 mm. wide, 16 mm. long, and
1*5 una* thick (Fig. 3° e). The other is a round and well
polished pendant 29 mm. in diameter and 2-3 mm. thick, with a
central hole 8 mm. In diameter, and a small pendant hole 2 mm.
In jiiameter 3 n*m. from one edge (Fig. 30 i.) •
Provenience. Rooms 7"b, 66.
Sandstone^ Slate, Shale. and Azurite Pendants. One
triangulold gray slate pendant with rounded corners was found,
26 mm. long, 17 mm. wide, and 2 mm. thick (Fig. 30 I)* A
pierced disc was also recovered (sandstone), which was smooth-
sided and 1.5 una. thick, 35 mm. in diameter, with a central
hole 6 mm. in diameter. An elongated Irregular, "but well
smoothed, red shale pendant was discovered, and is 29 mm. long,
11 mm. wide, and 3 mm. thick, with a countersunk large hole

(6 mm. diameter) in the middle of one end (Pig. 31 j.).
Finally, a mm. in diameter asurite ball was found, which
had two holes drilled diagonally together at one side, pro-
Tiding a V-shaped channel for suspension (Pig. 30 d).
Provenience. Rooms ?b, Miscellaneous (3)»
Naturalistic Pendants
Azurlte Bird. The largest carving, a bird form In
blue azurite, is In the round (Fig. 31 u). It is essenti­
I6ty
ally a heavy-bodied rounded form, with a slightly elongated,
small ball perched on top at one edge, forming the head.
The base of the body is flattened and has two drilled holes
coming diagonally together to form a V-shaped channel for a
cord suspension. Slight grooves are cut near the base to
simulate wings. It is about 15 mm. long, wide, and high.
Argllllte Bird. This figure has a flat back, but is
carved in the round (Fig 31 m). It has a bulging wing and
chest area, blunt tail, beak, and a small head with shallow
eye-holes. It is horizontally pierced in the middle of the
chest, and is 17 mm. long and 7 mm* thick, A round k mm. long
channel runs the length of the tail.
Turquoise Bird. Essentially this figure has a half-
moon shaped body and a flat back with a small cone-shaped
head at one side, separated by a groove from the body.

Fig* 31* Stone ornaments• a, e_t h, k, n, o9
r, s_9 nose plugs5 b» arglllite slide or bead; c, f, 1^, 1,
nose plug inlays; d» slate insect silhouette carvings
arglllite pendant; arglllite bird pendant; g_, anthro­
pomorphic figure; u, azurite bird pendanta Length of a,
^*0 cm.

«= 0 "I 3 jf
•
CD
ON
Vji

There is a suspension hole near the base of the chest {Fig.
30 £).
Caterpillar or Insect. Of gray banded flint, this
166
figure is flat and long, has identations along its body indi­
cating segmentation or leg areas, and has a short tail, but
no head {Fig. yi d). It appears to resemble Hohokam shell
carvings. It measures 32 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, and k mm.
thick.
Anthropomorphlc or Animal Figure* A turquoise carving,
a fragment about 8 mm. thick, appears to have a carved human
face with drooping, bulging eyes (Fig. 31 2.)•
Carved Toff Pieces
Twenty-three pieces of carved tuff were found which
had been worked into a variety of geometric shapes, pierced
in various areas. They can be roughly divided into six
classes:
A. Cylinders. Rough cylinders of tuff, 15 mm. long,
8 mm. In diameter, up to 33 mm. long and 20 mm. in diameter.
Some pieces have flat faceted surfaces (Fig. 30 o, t)—6.
B. Rectanguloid. There is one carefully cut parallel-
sided block 2b mm. wide and 13 mm. thick (Fig. 30 z). Others
are of miscellaneous rectanguloid shapes, broken at various
places. They range up to 25 mm. wide and ^5 mm. long. One

had a hole drilled down one side, two others have holes
drilled in the centers (Fig. 30 u, w)—5*
167
C. Ball, A rough, round ball 17 mm. in diameter was
noted (Pig 30 r)--l.
D. Bead. One disc "bead was found. It is flat on
one edge, 13 mm. in diameter, and has a hole 3 nnn. in diameter
in the center (Pig. 30 h)—1.
E. Discs. This type includes two small discs 10 mm.
in diameter (Fig. 30 v), and two large discs, 15 and 18 mm.
thick, 20 and 3 2 mm. in diameter, with holes 7 mm. in diame­
ter—4.
F. Miscellaneous. These are unworked or faceted
chunks, with holes drilled through them. One is trianguloid,
with a V-shaped notch cut into the top—6.
Nose Plugs
Provenience. Rooms 11, 12, 51"b»
The nose plugs are studied in terms of Mc.Gregor's
classification (194-1: 204-208, Fig. 70-71; 194-5: 303-307).
The following list Includes only those Mc.Gregor types found
at Wupatki Ruin#
Type A. A straight cylinder with flat ends. The one
specimen found at Wupatki is of argillite, and is 19 mm. long
and 8 mm. in diameter (Fig. 31 o)«
Type B. A small, slender nose plug of light brown

168
auartzite. It is sharply curved, "but has no discernible end
carving. It is 5 mm. in diameter, and 17 mm. long (Fig. 31 &)•
Type C. A straight cylinder with square-cut flat ends.
One side is nearly straight, the opposite side is deeply
notched. One Wupatki specimen (Fig. 31 h) is of argillite,
and is 18 mm. long and 8 mm. in diameter; the other specimen
is of diorite (Fig. 31 r), is thicker and heavier, and is
crudely shaped, with a deep notch in one side. It is possibly
an unfinished plug of another type. It is 25 mm. long, and
16 mm. in diameter.
Type F. The most common variety found at Wupatki is
sharply curved along both sides, and has its ends hollowed
out for inlay pieces. All of the Wupatki specimens are of
argillite, and their ends are 15 mm. in diameter, and deeply
concave. They vary in length from 15-25 mm. and all are well
polished (Fig. 31 £.» n, s_) »
Type G. One specimen found at Wupatki would corre­
spond to a nevr type proposed by Mc.Gregor in 19^5 which might
be labeled type G. This late Elden phase type is character­
ized by a large, heavy, curved form, and has enlarged bulbous
ends which are flat or convex at the tips. The bulbous end
pieces made the object appear as if it were notched (Fig. 31.
a), and the type, in outline, would resemble Mc.Gregor's type
F, if the postulated inlay pieces were seen in place at the
end of the type F plug. It is of limestone, and is 40 mm.
long and 16 mm. in diameter, while the bulbous ends are 18 mm.

. 169
in diameter and 10 mm. long. It is well smoothed and rounded.
Provenience* At least Rooms 7 and JO.
Nose Plu/g Inlay Pieces
Mc.Gregor found a nose plug in place, at the Ridge
Ruin, with a "button, such as these inlay pieces, in a position
at either end of the plug. Nose plugs of type F, with hollow
ends, were designed to accept such inlay pieces, probably
cemented in place with lac. The round thick buttons illus­
trated are almost certainly such nose plug inlays (Figo 31

l?o
greatest width, and 13 mm. thick (Fig. yi b)« It is a rounded
cylinder with a flat "bottom, square-cut ends, and a hole 8 mm.
in diameter running the length of the object, leaving a short
V-shaped out through the flat base at either end. This was
probably some kind of a pendant or large bead, and looks like
a modern tie-slide.
Travertine Bear Foot
A carved travertine replica of a bear's foot was
found in Hoom 68 (Fig. JO _s). Three toes are indioated by
incisions, and the start of a leg has been carved in the
round. It is 13 ram. wide at the base, 21 mm. long, and 8 mm.
thick.
Inlay Pieces
Sixteen inlay pieces were found which had been cut
from a soft red shale. They are rectangular, ranging in size
from 7 x 20 z 2 mm. to 6 s 8 z 2 mm., and their edges are
vertical and sometimes beveled# They were cut from a larger
sheet by incising rectangles and then breaking out the square
sections. Many were found in Hoom 67.
Twenty-seven squares and 15 fragments were inlays of
similar shape and size made from polished bituminous coal,
ranging from 6 1 20 x 1 mm. to 5 z ? x 1 mm. in size. They
have polishing scratches on their surfaces, and were beveled

171
at the edges® The beveling helped in setting the pieces into
mosaic patterns. Most of these specimens also came from Room
67# and all may once have formed a single mosaic ornament.
Mosaic Ornaments
Parts of four inlaid objects were found in Room 62a,
and with Burial one. One was composed of small inlaid pieces
of red shale and shell on a wood base® It was restored in
the field by J. W« Brewer, Jr. Another mosaic, large and
rectangular, was set in wood, and was composed of 12 x 16 rows
of shell, and 253 small pieces of turquoise, 2 mm. square,
which had been set in two facing segments. Two other tri­
angular, square-tailed mosaic bird effigies are on exhibit in
the Wupatki National Monument Museum. They are constructed
of shell, turquoise, and shale, inlaid on a large shell.
Miscellaneous Ornaments
Turquoise
Thirty turquoise pieces were found. They are bits of
pendants (7)» beads, rectangular inlay pieces (1*0, miscel­
laneous flat pieces (6), and a small, round, turquoise pebble
(6 mm. in diameter), the last possibly a small nose plug
inlay.

Argilllte
Five argilllte fragments were discovered. These
include a crude, round, flat disc (13 x 15 mm.), a "blunt
cylindrical cone tip (6 mm. diameter), a small, carefully
cut, square bead blank, ground smooth on top with cutting
marks still visible near the edges (7 mm. square), and two
172
halves of hollow, thin-walled, argilllte tubes (wall: 2 mm.
thick; diameter of the whole tube: 9-10 mm.).
Kayenlte
Tito pieces of kayenite, a stone found only in Mojave
County, Arizona, were found in Room 66. One of these blue,
cross-bedded crystals has been cut to a rectangular shape
23 mm. square and 10 mm. thick. It is a trade item, and
perhaps was considered to be of ceremonial value, consider­
ing its rarity and location in the Dance Plaza.
Distribution of Ornaments
Beads. Haury, as far back as 1931 (80-87), studied
small beads from all over the Southwest; and he discovered
that in late Hohokam sites stone beads were twice as common
as sliell and clay beads combined. Turquoise was the common
stone material utilized, as it is all over the Southwest to
this day, Haury illustrates a 32 foot necklace of shale
beads, approximately 2 mm. in diameter, which he believes

took over 16 months to make? and similar seven foot long
necklaces are known from Casa Grande Ruin, and the Nltsie
Canyon# in northern Arizona. In these cases, the beads are
173
1 mm. thick and are pierced with a hole .5-1«0 mm. in diame­
ter, although some blconlcal or conical perforations are
noted. Spines of Cacti are suggested as the drilling tool,
and in modern experiments they have worked well. The beads
were probably finished by stringing the pierced, square bead
blanks and grinding the entire strand in a grooved sandstone
slab.
In 1959* Haury (Haury and Gifford 1959? 6-11) again
discusses the manufacture and distribution of stone beads in
the prehistoric Southwest, starting with the data from over
100,000 such beads found in a cache near Tucson. The beads
are about 50 per cent of black talc, 48 per cent of red stone
(shale?), and 2 per cent of turquoise. The black beads are
about 1 mm. thick, 2-4 mm. in diameter, and have a square
central hole about 1.0 mm. in diameter. Several of the red
beads are triangular in section, and have several types of
central hole. Their size is about 2-5 mm., and they are up
to 3 mm. thick (average: 1 mm.), with perforations of about
1 mm. in diameter.
The bead-maker's kit found at the Swarts Ruin
(Cosgrove 1932, PI* 69), consists of small square blanks,
pierced square blanks, strung and pierced blanks, and round

"beads, indicating the complete sequence of manufacture of
such disc beads. Another kit found at Pindi Pueblo (Stubbs
and Stallings, Jr. 1953* 25) consists of large plates,
pierced square small blanks, and turquoise and red shale
beads. The pierced and strung bead blanks were rubbed to­
gether along grooved tools such as those featured by Judd
(195^i 86, Pig. 13)» Haury (1945aj 144, Fig. 86), and the
174
Cosgroves {1932, PI. 97)« Probably stone drills were used to
perforate the larger and more erratically pierced red stone
beads. At Pindi Pueblo, small quartz drills were used, but a
cactus spine probably served for the smaller perforations in
the turquoise and black stone beads in all sites (Haury and
Gifford 1959* 9-10| Judd 195^* 86; Stubbs and Stallings, Jr.
1953s 116-120).
Beads were used everywhere in the Southwest by at least
A. D. 1 (Haury and Gifford 19591 6). Particularly large
numbers of turquoise beads were found at Pueblo Bonito.
Turquoise, in fact, is found in larger quantities at Pueblo
Bonito than at any other Southwestern site, although this
material was prized in all areas, as it is today in Pueblo
villages (Judd 195^* 81-84). Turquoise beads vary at Pueblo
Bonito from 2-10 mm. in diameter (averages 6 mm.), and are
straight-sided. Their thickness is 1.0-7.0 mm. Also found
at Pueblo Bonito and in some northeastern Arizona sites are
barrel-shaped beads (Judd 195^» Fig. 12, PI. 21 j Pepper 1920,

F±g« 73; Kidder and Guernsey 1919» Fig- ?6). The celebrated
175
turquoise disc "bead necklace from a cache at Pueblo Bonito is
the most striking illustrated example of this type of orna­
ment (Judd 195**» PI* 19)» out red and black shale beads were
also found here. In the Kesa Verde area, 0*Bryan features
disc beads from Site 34, and Woodbury (195^* 135-36, Fig* 32)
features small and medium disc beads from Awatovi Ruin, In the
Hop! Mesa area.
In the Hohokam area, several beads and blanks were
found at the Gleeson Site (Pulton and Tuthlll 1940, PI. 22),
at Los Muertos (Haury 1945a: 143-44), at Gasa Grande (Haury
1931? Hough 1914: 25)» and at Snaketown, where numbers were
found In the same size gradations as those at Wupatki, al­
though in more varied shapes and forms (Gladwin et al. 1937s
127* Pig* 51)* Also at Snaketown are found figure 8 stone
beads, pierced from front to back, rather than through the
sides, as at Wupatki. Barrel-shaped beads are apparently not
found. At the Swarts Ruin, gray and turquoise disc beads are
found in all sizes (Cosgrove 1932, PI* 70, 76), and turquoise
barrel-shaped beads are noted. Mattocks Ruin had many red
shale, black, and turquoise beads of all sizes (Nesbitt I93I,
PI. 99-100), and Hough (1914: 24-26) notes many fine examples
in the central Mogollon region, where they are found In all
periods (Wheat 1955s 147)* although not In any great numbers
before 1000.

176
Thus, beads were commonly made of stone all over the
Southwest by the Pueblo III period, and strands ranged up to
32 feet long. The typical beadB a straight-sided, 1 mm. thick,
centrally pierced, small disc, was ground out of rectangular
blanks using a sandstone slab, and was typically of red shale,
chert, or, in the northern areas at least, turquoise. Cactus
spines were generally used to make the central perforation.
Barrel-shaped and figure 8 beads are more rare than disc
beads but are found in several areas. However, the figure 8
stone bead, like the same bead type in shell, must be a late,
post-1000 trait.
In the SInagua area, gray, black, brown, and turquoise
disc beads were common from at least the Pueblo II period
(Hc.Gregor 1936: ^3-^5? Bartlett 193*5-: 60, Fig, ^3), and by
the Pueblo III period such ornaments were common at Winona
and Ridge ruins, duplicating all Wupatkl bead types.
Pendants. Geometric stone pendants were typical
Southwestern ornaments in all periods, although they are more
rare in early Mogollon and Anasazi sites (Wheat 1955* 1^75
Woodbury 195^: 1^9}• Five types were found at Wupatki: bird
figures, a pierced disc, a ball, an animal figure, and many
small ovoid or trianguloid specimens.
In late Anasazi sites such as Awatovi (Woodbury 195^*
1^9s PI. 2?f 29), Woodruff Butte (Fewkes 190^, Fig. 85),
Kawaika-a (Hough I903, PI. 96), Pindi Pueblo (Stubbs and

Stailings, Jr. 1953* PI* 26), Mesa Verde Site 3^ (O'Bryan
1950» PI® 3*0 s and. Pueblo Bonito (Pepper 1920, PI. 72-7**
Judd 195^: 96-10*0, many such drops were found often strung
with disc beads in necklaces or wristlets, or worn as ear­
rings . Modern Pueblo and Navajo Indians wear such pendants
today, as they did when the Spaniards arrived (Judd 195^•
177
97-98). They are also found throughout the Mogollon sequence
(although rarely in the early periods). Many occur at
Hohokam ruins such as the Gleeson Site (Fulton and Tuthill
19^0, PI. 22), Los, Muertos (Haury 19*+5a: 1^2-^3, PI. 66),
and Snaketown (Gladwin et al. 1937» PI* 107-8). In the
Slnagua area, specimens are noted from Pueblo II sites
(Bartlett 193*1-: 60-61; Mc.Gregor 1936: ^), and at later
sites, such as the Piper Site (Bliss 1956, Fig. 90), Winona
and Ridge ruins (Mc.Gregor 19^1: 201-202), Tuzigoot (Caywood
and Splcer 1935s 87-89» Fig. 17)» and the Kings Ruin (Spicer
and Caywood 1936: 66-68). Pierced disc pendants are found
in Slnagua sites only at Wupatki and some earlier Pueblo II
ruins (Bartlett 193^> 60-61). They are noted at the Swarts
Huin (Cosgrove 1932» PI. 70), the Gleeson Site (Fulton and
Tuthill 19*K>, PI. 22), and a pierced shell disc occurs as an
ear-bob with a Ventana Cave mummy (Haury 1950s 4-21). It may
be a Hohokam artifact type, which later spread to the Slnagua
and Western Pueblo groups.

Small turquoise bird effigy pendants, carved in the
178
round, are found in several southern sites. At Pueblo Bonito
(Pepper 1920, Fig. 50, 72, 735 Judd 195**: 98-100, 296),
several were pierced through the breast, as were the Wupatki
examples. Hough found specimens in Mogollon sites (1914: 28,
Fig. 43), Fewkes found them at the Woodruff Butte Site
(1904: 135)* In the Hohokam area, they were discovered at
Snaketown (Gladwin et al. 1937» Pl« 107)» the Gleeson Site
(Fulton and Tuthill 1940, PI. 21), and at Los Muertos (Haury
1945a: 142-43, Fig. 85). Such effigies may have been a Pueblo
trait. In the Sinagua area they are noted at Wupatki and
Winona ruins. On the other hand, zoomorphic pendants in
silhouette, such as the figures at Winona, Awatovi, and
Wupatki, are rare in the Southwest, and are more typical of
Salado and Hohokam workmanship (Mc.Gregor 1941s 202).
Examples of round balls with intersecting perfora­
tions forming a channel are rare, but several items at Pueblo
Bonito are pierced in this manner (Judd 1954: 99t Pig* 20 £,
21 b, 23 c-d), and the Items in Figure 20 c (jet), and
Figure 23 c are similar to the Wupatki specimens of blue
azurite. The Chacoan flourite ornaments and the Wupatki
azurlte examples are almost unique, although Fewkes found
similar items in Hopi area sites.
Carved tuff pieces do not form a wide-spread arti­
fact type. They are rarely noted in the literature, one

example being 'those specimens found in Pueblo II Sinagua
sites (Bartlett 193^-: 27, 35, 60),
179
Nose plugs, and nose plug: inlays . He • Gregor (19^1:
205-09? 19^5' 303-07# Pl» 25) has at least twice considered
the distribution of nose plugs in the Southwest. They first
came to his attention with cremations, where several were
found which had been discolored except for the central area
which would have been protected by the septum of the nose.
With the burial of the Magician at the Ridge Ruin, one plug
was found in place tinder the nose (Mc.Gregor 19^1: 206),
Bliss found a similar plug in place at the Piper Site (1956:
120), and Haury, at Ventana Cave, also found a wood plug in
the septum of a mummy (Haury 1950: ^21). Mc.Gregor states
that the use of such stone plugs was limited to an area a few
miles east of the San Francisco Peaks during the period of
1070-1200 (19^5' 30**) • A typological sequence was suggested,
the straight bar form considered to be the most early,
followed by the notched straight bar form, the curved forms
with hollowed ends, and finally the large curved form with
bulbous ends (Mc.Gregor 19^1: 208), As previously suggested
it appears that the large and late form is a copy of the
earlier type P composite curved form when the disc inlays of
this form are set in place. The late bulbous type is found
mainly in the east of the Sinagua area. At least one set of
nose plug Inlays was found in place in the hollowed ends of a

curved plug, cemented with lac (Mc.Gregor 19^5> PI* 25 J.).
Little "balls of turquoise and argillite may also have been
used as inlays.
All of the Wupatki plug types, save for the slender
180
rod form, are found at Winona. "£ype F, with its inlay pieces,
was the common type at both sites. King (19^9* Fig. 71)
found a similar plug at Nalikihu, and at the Piper Site (Bliss
1956: 120, Fig. 90, 92), at least five were found, four in
argillite and one of sandstone, most of them of the straight
rod form. Bliss also found one clay plug. As previously
mentioned, a wooden nose plug in place was found at Vent ana
Cave, and one possible stone example is also mentioned (Saury
1950: ^22, Fig. 80). At Snaketorn there were three artifaots
called nose plugs, but they are unlike the Wupatki and other
Sinagua specimens and were probably lip labrets (Gladwin et al.
1937» Pig* 108 f). Finally, one curved plug was found at the
Jackrabbit Ruin, a desert Hohokam site (Haury 19^5b: 61).
Outside of the Sinagua area, however, the most striking
group is the series of type F plugs found by Pepper at Pueblo
Bonito. This appears to be the only published non-Slnagua or
Hohokam site which has numbers of this artifact (Pepper 1920,
PI. 73» all items in the bottom three rows, except the two
center pieces), and it has rarely been cited in the literature.
The Pueblo Bonito specimens are made of turquoise rather than
argillite, but all are identical in type to the Wupatki plugs,

181
and they probably date at 1050-1100, or slightly earlier than
any of the Slnagua specimens* This is again an indication of
Mesoamerican-Hohokam contact at Pueblo Bonlto after 1000-1050 9
and may also be evidence of post-eruptive Chaco contact In the
Slnagua area. Nose plugs are only a post-eruptive introduction
in the Flagstaff region.
Mosaics* Many turquoise, shale, lignite, arglllite,
and shell mosaic fragments were gathered at Wupatki, and
several pendants have been reconstructed from them. Mosaic
working was common in the Southwest by 1000-1100, particularly
in late Slnagua or Western Pueblo sites, such as Chevalon,
Homolovi, and Chavez Pass ruins (Fewkes 190*4-: 85-87), and In-
late Sacaton or Classic phase Bohokam sites (King 19^5•
3; Gladwin et al» 1937 * 127-28)* It is probably of
Mesoamerlcan origin (Woodbury 195^: 150), and it is thus not
surprising that in the Anasazi area Pueblo Bonito and Aztec
ruins are particularly important mosaic manufacturing centers
(Judd 195^: 104-6, as was Hawaikuh, a Zuni area ruin. Modern
Hopl women make such ornaments, as do individuals of several
other Pueblo groups.
Inlay work was done on baskets at Pueblo Bonito
(Pepper 1920, Fig. 71)» on shell throughout the Southwest
(Fewkes 1904: 85-87), on bone at several sites, particularly
Pueblo Bonito (Judd 1954, PI* 6)» on stone, such as lignite,
and on wood, as the Hopi do today (Fewkes 1904: 85-87)•

Shell Is the common backing utilized, and the figures most
often represented are birds with outstretched wings and
182
frogs, forms also found at Wupatki and at many Sinagua ruins,
such as Tuzigoot (Caywood and Spicer 1935» PI* !?)» Bidge
Ruin (Mc.Gregor iykli 288), Wukoki (Fewkes 1926, Fig. 105 £.)»
Montezuma Castle (Jackson and Van Valkenburgh 195^» PI® ^)»
and Kings Ruin (Spicer and Caywood 1936: 66-68), These
mosaics and mosaic inlays, particularly those at Ridge Ruin,
were the most elaborate in the Southwest, save for the Pueblo
Bonito examples (Mc.Gregor 19^3)• Winona and Ridge Ruin
clearly show much Chaco influence, as does Wupatki. Mosaic
work is thus a generally late Hohokam, Chacoan, Sinagua, and
Salado trait. It was probably Mesoamerican in origin, spread
to the Hohokam, and was spread by the Hohokam or Mesoamerican
traders to Pueblo Bonito, and the Verde Valley area. Chaco
traders then probably spread the trait north and east to the
Sinagua and Salado areas, and the Sinagua may have spread the
trait to the Hopl Mesa region after 1200.
Origin of Raw Materials
The origin of the stone itself is a more difficult
question. The red argillite has been traced to mines near
Del Rio, Arizona, and Howell notes additional deposits at
Fort Defiance, Arizona (19*K)s 58-59). Some additional out­
crops near Chaco Canyon and in the mountains of the Mogollon

183
area are also to "be expected. The stone is soft and red, and
resembles the pipestone or catlinite used in the middle west.
The Del Rio mine was worked from about 900-1400, probably by
the people of the Tuzigoot area, and Wupatki was the most
northern site which received its material (Bartlett 1939s 78).
The turquoise may have come from the Los Cerillos mines,
south of Santa Fe, or perhaps from deposits near Kingman,
Arizona# More distant possible mines are in the Mohave
Desert or near La Jara, Colorado, the Hachita Mountains of
New Mexico, or the Dragoons of southern Arizona. The Hop!
traded with several areas, and clearly with the Mojave Desert
by 1400 (Woodbury 195^ = 151-52). Lignite comes from beds
near the Hopi mesas, among other areas, and red shale,
travertine, basalt, tuff, and sandstone come from the local
Wupatki area. However, the kayenlte comes only from Mojave
County, Arizona, and is a rare trade item. This may suggest
trade routes running west from the Sinagua area, perhaps
mainly shell trade routes, and might indicate that the Mojave
Desert turquoise mines were known to the Sinagua.
Stone Pipes
Ceremonial Artifacts
Two vesicular basalt, tubular, stone pipes were found,
of the so called cloud-blower type. One is a brown, fine­
grained basalt tube 2.5 cm. in diameter and 3.8 cm. long,

pierced with a funnel shaped hole at both ends, producing an
hour-glass cross-section. The hole at the two lips is 1.5
and 1.8 cm. in diameter, but it is only about 5 sm. in dia­
meter at the small central aperture. The second specimen,
a black, medium-grained, basalt tube, is slightly larger at
18if
one end than the other. It is 3*7 cm. long, and 2.7 and 3*3
cm. in diameter, at either end. Stubby and thick, this piece
has an hour-glass central perforation 2.0 cm. in diameter at
the lip, and about 1.8 cm. in diameter at the midpoint (Pig.
30 k, top view).
Distribution. Tabular pipes, widening towards the
top, are typical of the Pueblo area, where they are called
cloud blowers, referring to their use among modern Indian
groups in ceremonies during which a priest blows smoke from
the pipe, simulating rain clouds. However, while short,
conical pipes were common in the Basketmaker and early Pueblo
periods, clay tubular pipes, generally long and thinner than
the Wupatkl specimens, are the typical form in the Pueblo III
period (Hough 1903: 316-17? Morris 1939s 150; Woodbury 195*N
Pi. 36 c), except at Pecos Pueblo, where slender, polished
stone pipes are noted (Kidder 1932t 83-85), and at Pueblo
Bonlto (Pepper 1920: 191» 3^3-65» Fig* 19 )•
In later times, thick tubular pipes with separate stems
of wood or bone are typical of the Mogollon, where the trait
may have originated about 700 (Woodbury 195*1-: 17^-75) or

185
earlier (Wheat 1955s 11^» 12*{—25» Pig* 8). This type became
less common after 900. Lava and. basalt examples identical
to those at Wupatkl occur at the Mogollon Village (Haury
1936, PI. 15)• sites In the K1atuthianna and Whitewater areas
(Boberts 1931» PI* ^0| 19^0, Pie 4-8), Tularosa Cave (Martin
et al. 195^! 1^7)» caves of the Reserve area (Martin, Rinaldo,
and Bluhm 195^s 113), Turkey Foote Ridge (Martin and Rinaldo
1950a: 336, Pig. 126), the Starkweather Ruin (Nesbitt 1938»
PI. ^5)» sites in the Petrified Forest area and in caves of
the Upper Gila River area (Hough 1903: 316-17, 322, PI. 52;
191^: 111-ll^s Cosgrove 19^7# Fig* 129), and at Cameron Creek
Ruin (Bradfleld 1929* PI. 9*0-
In the Hohokam region, I find them noted only for the
Gleeson Site (Fulton and Tuthlll 19^0: 3lt PI. 20), where
they are stated to be Intrusive Mogollon objects.
Such small, stubby, conical lava pipes with wide
apertures are thus probably Mogollon in derivation, being
overwhelmingly found in sites of that culture, and the
Wupatkl examples can also be considered to be Mogollon in
origin. One Sinagua example is noted by Mc.Gregor (I936:
Fig. 19 f), and another by Bartiett (1934: 58-59)p which
would both be Pueblo II In date, but neither have the bl-
conical drilling of the Wupatki specimens. They do, however,
suggest that the trait Is probably pre-eruptlve Mogollon in
origin for the Flagstaff area.

Stone Balls
Small Balls
Seven small, river worn, balls were found, ranging
186
from 7-27 mm. in diameter (Pig. 16 c>, 1_, n). They are of
obsidian, chert, basalt, and sandstone, and four have polished
surfaces, perhaps because of use.
Large Ball
One large (5 cm. in diameter) basalt ball was found
(Pig. 18 c_). It is flattened slightly on several areas.
Distribution. Woodbury (195^* 171-73) states that
stone tells have been found all over the Southwest, in all
time periods. Various suggestions have been made as to their
function. Ethnographically, they have been reported by Hopi,
Zunl, and Pueblo groups to be sling stones; rolled across the
floor in kivas to imitate thunder? used as club heads wrapped
in leather and set in wooden handle^; used in kick-ball games
and races; used in cup and ball and hidden-ball games; and
used as hammerstones. The modern Hopi use stone balls ^-6 cm.
in diameter as kick-balls in races, and small balls (under 2
cm.) are used in a hidden ball game. The Wupatki balls are
mainly small, and thus the suggestions of their use as game
tallies is the most likely. Only the large stone ball would

have been efficient as a hammerstone, kiva "thunder" stone,
or club-head, and it is Just the right size to "be used as a
kick-ball.
187
Specifically, large stone balls are noted from Awatovi,
the Hopi site of Kokopnyama (Hough 1903: 338), and from the
Cannonball Ruin (Morley I908, PI. 39), sites in the Ackman-
Lowry area (Martin 1939: 388, Fig. 103), the Chama Valley
(Jeancon 19 2 3* PI- 17)» the Swarts Ruin (Cosgrove 1932, Pi.
^2), Reserve phase sites in western New Mexico (Martin and
Rinaldo 1950b: 3 2 7)» the early Twin Butte Site, in the
1
Petrified Forest (Wendorf 1953a: 13^, Fig- 80), and in several
Eohokam sites such as Los Muertos and Snaketown (Haury
l*K)j Gladwin et al. 1937* PI- ^2). Haury believes that they
were used in the Pima kick-ball game. Fewkes (1912, PI. 69,
Fig. 3**) also illustrates balls from Gasa Grande Ruin, and
Di Peso {1951: 1^5, PI. 67) cites examples from the Babocomori
Village Site, where he believes that they were used as kick-
balls or club-heads.
Small balls have been cited for the Ackman-Lowry area
(Martin 1939s 5&» Fig. 1*0, sites in the La Plata area (Morris
1939> PI. 179), the Chama Valley (Jeancon 1923, PI. 20, 55-56),
Paa-ko (Lambert 195^, PI. 27), Betatakin (Judd 1931: 55),
Pecos (Kidder 1932# Fig. 37), and Cliff Palace (Fewkes 1911a:
68)» They are common and widespread in early Mogollon horizons
(Wheat 1955s 16*0, and apparently continue in popularity. They

are noted for Hinkle Park Cliff Dwelling (Martin, Rinaldo»
188
and Bluhm 195^: 112-11*0, Tularesa Cave (Martin et al. 1952:
112, Pig, ^3)» ^he S. U. Site (Martin 19^0: 62), the Turkey
Foote Ridge Site (Martin and Rinaldo 195° aj 3 2 7)» a^d Table
Rook Pueblo (Martin and Rinaldo 1960s 257, Fig. 138)• Hough
found them in sites near Luna, New Mexico (191^* 21), and at
the Stone Ax Ruin, near the Petrified Forest (190^, PI. 55 )•
Roberts cites them from the "Whitewater District, and his Zuni
workmen there stated that suoh balls were used in the Zuni
hidden-ball game, played to petition for rain and the growth
of crops (19*K): 125-26, Pl« if-7). They also appeared at the
Swarts Ruin (Cosgrove 1932: 55» P- 5 ** 58)» and Kate Peck Kent
reports several small balls which were found in a oeremonial
medicine bag in Gourd Cave (1957» Fig. 100). A few small
examples also came from the Babocomari Village Site, in
southern Arizona. They were discovered in graves, and Di Peso
believes that they are clearly ceremonial (1951» 67)•
In short, the small stone balls, possibly more common
in the northern Pueblo area sites, were probably used in
various fertility ceremonies, such as hidden-ball games, or
may have been fetishes in medicine kits. It should be noted,
however, that some authors designate as small balls stones up
to *1-5 cm. in diameter, an object clearly too large for use In
hidden ball games. Probably any object larger than 2.5-3.0
cm. is too large for such games.

Large stone balls, possibly more common In the
189
southern desert area sites, were probably used as kick-balls
in a foot race game similar to that which the Pima play
today, and which the Hopl and other Pueblo groups have long
performed. Hop! balls are *4—6 cm. in diameter. Such objects,
however, have also been suggested to be club heads.
In the Sinagua area, stone balls are common.
Mo.Gregor calls small Pueblo II specimens marbles (1936:
and suggests their ceremonial use. King found two large and
one small ball at Nalakihu (19^9# Fig. 68), and Smith (1952a:
135) found two small balls in the Big Hawk Valley sites. At
Winona and Ridge ruins both types occur, and they were the
"•..most abundant group of small stone objects..." (Mc.Gregor
19^1 J 180, 192, Fig. 62). They are also reported at Tusigoot
{Caywood and Spicer 1935' 86) and Kings Ruin (Spicer and
Caywood 193& : 58 )•
In short, stone balls are relatively common in both
pre- and post-eruptive Sinagua sites. The small balls are
perhaps a Pueblo trait, the large °klck-balls" perhaps a
southern introduction to the Sinagua area, and ultimately to
the Hopi Mesa region.
Quartz Crystals
The nine, small, natural crystals found are all of
different shapes and sizes, varying from rounded hunks with

a flat base, to rhomboid, bar-shaped, and Irregular pieces.
Fossils
Two shell impressions in stone were found, one
resembling a geeten (Fig, 16 e), the other an Impression of
190
a Bryozoan form (Fig. 16 a). The Pecten came from a rock of
the Kaibab limestone formation, while the other shell impres­
sion originated in the Shinarump conglomerate layer.
Medicine Cylinder
One long, tapered, and carefully smoothed cone-shaped
object was found. Made from a chert nodule of the Moenkopi
formation, this flat-based, well-finished cylinder of banded,
black stone probably had ceremonial functions. It measures
1.3 cm. in greatest diameter (at the base) and is 6.2 cm.
long (Fig, 16 1).
Distribution. The crystals, fossils, and cylinders
are common in the prehistoric Southwest, and are found with
burials, in shamans' kits, and In kivas, indicating their
ceremonial significance.
Haw Materials, Pigments, Minerals„ and Ores
Raw materials were found in several areas of the ruin.
Large obsidian chunks were collected which were partially
flaked, and large and unflaked basalt pieces were also found,

along with slabs of sandstone and pieces of salt. In addi­
tion, there were many small pieces of turquoise, argillite,
191
red shale, and travertine, and a few nodules of lignite, steb-
nite, zircon crystal, selenite, specular hematite, and kaya-
nite. Most of these minerals and ores were collected to be
used as ornaments, and some had been partially worked. In
addition, there were samples of ores almost certainly designed
to be used as paint. These included four chunks of gypsum
(one large ball 13 cm. in diameter, and three flat slabs)?
some pebbles, and 13 faceted chunks, of malachites two pieces
of azurite; nine facted chunks of llmonlte; some samples of
pinkish clay; kaolin5 and about 57 pieces of hematite, in
pebble9 bar, cylinder, and chunk form, at least 32 of which
had flat, faceted surfaces, evidence of pigment grinding
(Fig. 19).
Provenienoe. Rooms 10, 12, 3^, ^5b (3), 51a (2),
5ab (5), 55b, 59, 62a, 62b (3), 66, 67 (11).
Distribution. Pigments and minerals are found in most
sites in the prehistoric Southwest. The types found at Wupatki
are typical, with few exceptions. Argillite is more common
at Wupatki than at most Southwestern ruins due to its proximity
to the Del Rio argillite mines, some 75 miles away. Turquoise
is also found in unusual quantity, along with lignite and
travertine• Selenite, however, often appears in collections,

192
and there were probably deposits near the Hop! mesas, north­
west of Wupatki (Woodbury 195^* 191)* Hematite was the most
common ore found at Wupatki, as it is in the majority of the
Southwestern ruins. As Stubbs and Stallings, Jr. point out
(1953' 125), as well as Judd (195^* 283-286), such pigments,
hematite In particular, were ground on any handy flat surface
(pot covers, manos, stone hoes), and were used in a variety
of ceremonies• Today hematite Is Important to the Navajo,
Eopi, Zunl, and other Pueblo groups, who wear it as a sun
screen, use it as a ceremonial or war decoration, and as a
paint pigment. All of these ores, minerals, and pigments
have also been found in medicine kits, suggesting their
ceremonial functions.
Even the study of the distribution of such ubiquitous
raw materials can yield cultural data# Bartlett, for example,
notes that hematite is not native to the San Francisco Moun­
tain region, and must have been imported. Llmonite and kaolin
are found in the Painted Desert area, east of Wupatki, and
malachite, azurlte, and other minerals possibly come from
near Cameron, Arizona, or the Verde Valley area. Kayanite is
most unusualj and is only found in mines in Mojave County,
Arizona, while lignite must have come from the Hopl Mesa area,
and argillite Is definitely from the mines at Del Bio* near
Prescott, Arizona. The turquoise may have come from mines in
New Mexico,-near Kingman, Arizona, or the Mojave Desert

turquoise workings (193^* 6^4—65). "Eh© obsidian, chert,
"basalt, sandstone, shale, and possibly the travertine, are
probably local, however, and in Colt on* s opinion, the
obsidian probably came from Sltgreaves Grater*
Conclusions
Wupatkl stone artifacts may be divided into five
major categories, of which the first is ground stone tools*
Metates are ubiquitous Southwestern tools, and at Wupatkl
Ruin all of the major types were present. Six flat-slab
193
metates were found, similar to those used by the Hopl today,
and their distribution in the Southwest suggests that they are
of Anasazl origin, and are typical of northern Pueblo sites
after 1100* However* at Wupatkl, as in the rest of the
Slnagua area, full-troughed metates were the most popular
form® and this type is clearly of early southern or Hohokam
origin® The strong Hohokam emphasis on the full-troughed
motate can be seen in the southern Sinagua Verde Valley area,
where virtually all metates are full-troughed. Plateau
Sinagua peoples also commonly utilized the full-troughed
metate, except for those groups in Anasazl Influenced areas
such as the Big Hawk Valley, Nalakihu, and Wupatki, where
one-end-closed and flat-slab metates appear in numbers equal
to those of the more typical Hohokam and late Mogollon full-
troughed metates found at the same sites.

19*v
In short, strong Hohokam influence in the Verde Valley
and Flagstaff regions is suggested "by the metate form of the
Sinagua, which is basically Hohokam; but at Wupatki and a few 1
other plateau Sinagua sites, several additional metate types
were found which clearly indicate strong Anasazi influence in
the post-eruptive (1070-1200) period, another suggestion of
the cultural change in the Flagstaff region.
Stone bowls are rare in the Flagstaff area, but
several forms were found at Wupatki, In most Sinagua sites
only one bowl variety, the pebble mortar, is noted in any
numbers. These generally come from late Hohokam influenced
Verde Valley and Flagstaff region sites» and they are common
in sites of the Hohokam and Mogollon cultural regions, but
rare in all but a few southwestern Anasazi sites. This sug­
gests that such bowls were traded from nearby Mogollon and
Hohokam sites. large carved rectangular bowls are also a
Mogollon type, while carved and incised sandstone bowls are a
typical late Hohokam artifact. Comparisons also suggest that
flat paint mortars of the two and three hole variety may be
Mogollon or Chaco Anasazi. Thus a Mogollon cultural base is
indicatedj with later trade from nearby Hohokam and Chaco
Anasazi sites. Such bowl types were probably later introduced
into the Hopi area by Sinagua trades or immigrants.

The Wupatki manos are again of a variety of types.
195
The large loaf-shaped finger-grooved mano is Anasazi in ori­
gin, as is the wedged or "Hop!" type, which is a trait diag­
nostic of the Pueblo III period. However, the two-handed,
unifacial, upturned-end mano, commonly found at Wupatki, is
also common in Mogollon sites dating from the earliest periods.
It is not so common in the Anasazi area.
Among the Sinagua, the two-handed unlfacial type was
always the -most popular form, and wedged or finger-grip loaf
forms do not occur until the post-eruptive period. The typi­
cal mano found in the Verde Valley ruins is of the slender
Hohokam type, but at Wupatki and other northern plateau sites
several varieties are present, suggesting a complicated con­
tact situation where a Mogollon mano assemblage was supplanted
after 1070 with a typical late Anasazi industry of grinding
tools.
So called pebble and cobble grinding and polishing
stones are ubiquitous in the Southwest. However, it is
interesting that many Hohokam and Sinagua sites reveal them,
for polished pottery was not made by either the Sinagua
or Hohokam. Such stones are probably all-purpose crushing
tools. Pigment cylinders, on the other hand, are Anasazi
artifacts found only in those Hohokam and Mogollon sites with
strong Anasazi Influence. This is probably the case at
Wupatki, where such influence occurred after 1070. They are

196
used In modern Pueblo ceremonies, and are a common Hopi arti­
fact type. However, while the cylinders are common, pestles
for pigment grinding are rare, and considering the fact that
such tools are earlier in the Chaco and Sinagua area than in
the Hopi area, they may be a Chaco or Sinagua invention,
which later passed to the Hopi,
The Wupatki type arrow-shaft abrader is of Pueblo
origin, and was common prehistorically during the late Pueblo
II and early Pueblo III periods, and is again common today
among many Southwestern groups. The type spread to the
Hohokam In the Pueblo IV period, perhaps during the Salado
immigrations, and spread to the Mogollon area only in late
Pueblo III times. It is thus of early Pueblo II south­
western Anasazi derivation, and the Wupatki examples are
probably "che result of Anasazi influence through the Chaco
area.
Wupatki stone axes are of two distinct types. The
three-quarter grooved variety is of Hohokam derivation and
spread to the Mogollon in the late Pueblo I period. It
appeared in the Sinagua area about 1000, but was typically
the shorter-bitted Mogollon form. It did not appear In num­
bers until after 1070• The full-grooved ax was always the
dominant Anasazi form, and this type was not common In the
Sinagua area until post-eruptive times. Most Sinagua ruins
have only the three-quarter grooved ax, but some have a few

full-grooved, specimens, clear evidence of post-eruptive
Anasazi contact. The Sinagua, in turn, may have spread the
197
three-quarter grooved ax to the Hopi region, where such axes
appear only after 1250-1300.
The plain stone cylinder is a typical Sinagua trait.
It may he a variant of the Hohokam plumb-bob, but spread only
at a late time to the nearby Western Mogollon or Western
Pueblo groups, and after 1200 to the Hopi Mesa region. It
never appeared in the Anasazi area, or the southern desert
region. The plumb-bobs found at Wupatkl are probably Hohokam
in origin*
Chipped stone tools are the second major stone arti­
fact category. Most such tool types are not well enough
published to provide provenience data for adequate compari­
sons. The Wupatkl sample, in general, seems to be Mogollon
in origin. Specifically, however, the arrow and dart points
or knives form a typical Western Pueblo collection, with the
addition of several late Hohokam type serrated points. It is
clear that in the sites of the Sinagua area the point types
represented are closely related to the type of cultural con­
tact at each site. The chipped stone discs, however, gener­
ally called tt pot covers", are clearly Anasazi in derivation,
and are atypical of the Hohokam at all periods. Aside from
the Anasazi area, the trait is found only in a few late

Anasazl influenced Mogollon sites. It was probably a pre­
emptive introduction to the Slnagua.
198
Stone hoes, on the other hand, are almost never found
in the Anasazl area, save for the Chaco region, but are found
sporadically in early Mogollon and post-1100 Hohokam sites.
The local Wupatkl thin shale or sandstone hoe was found only
after 1070, for it is only suitable for the scooping of soft
cinder material•
Ornaments are difficult to compare because of their
widespread similarities. However, Chaco and late Western
Pueblo sites are noted for their emphasis on turquoise orna­
ments, a situation also true at Wupatkl Ruin. In addition,
a few Hohokam sites and Pueblo Bonito were the only South­
western ruins which had nose plugs similar to the Wupatkl
specimens. The nose plug is of post-1000 Mesoamerlcan origin.
Zoomorphlc pendants, small effigy pendants of birds and animals,
and mosaic work are all typical of late Hohokam, Western
Pueblo, and Chacoan sites, and are of continuing importance
in the modern Hopi and Zuni pueblos.
In short, ornaments at Wupatkl are of a generalized
Southwestern type, with the three exceptions, the emphasis on
animal carving in the round, turquoise and argillite ornaments,
and mosaics, all late Western Pueblo or Chacoan traits and
several specific Hohokam or Hohokam-Chaoo traits, such as
pierced disc pendants, nose plugs, and silhouette carvings.

199
Most of these traits later were Introduced by the Slnagua to
the Hopi.
Among the ceremonial artifacts, the stone pipes are
clearly pre-eruptive Mogollon types in form, shape, and
materials« Large stone "balls are a widespread trait, but
perhaps south em in origin, and may have been introduced to
the Slnagua by the Hohokam, and by the Sinagua to the Hopi.
Small balls, on the other hand, are an Anasazi and Western
Pueblo trait.
Finally, the study of the origin of the Wupatlcl raw
materials of stone also contributes to our knowledge of wide­
spread Slnagua cultural contacts and trade. The argillite
came from near Prescott, the lignite from the Hop! mesas, the
kayenite from Mohave County, the turquoise perhaps from the
Mohave Desert, hematite from the northeast, selenite from the
Hopi area, and malachite and azurlte from, near Cameron or the
Verde Valley.
Thus in stone, as in other artifact categories, there
are specimens at Wupatki Ruin which can be derived from the
three major Southwestern cultural groups. In the tool category,
the majority of the artifacts suggest a general Mogollon-
Hohokam base, with several post-eruptive Anasazi Introductions,
such as flat metates, wedged-manos, paint pestles, full-
grooved axes, and pot covers. Pew post-eruptive Hohokam stone
traits are noted, although plumb-bobs, hoes, and serrated

200
points may be such examples. Considering ornaments, however,
post-eruptive Chacoan and Hohokam similarities can be seen in
the nose plugs, mosaic work, turquoise industry, and fetish
carving. Silhouette carved animals and pierced-disc pendants
are Hohokam traits. Religious items show a Mogollon pattern,
•with possible Hohokam introductions, such as the large stone
balls. Haw materials indicate trade to the south with the
Hohokam, west to the Mojave Desert, and north to the Hopl
area.
The stone tools thus reveal much trade and post-
eruptive culture change, with emphasis on post-eruptive
Anasazi influence. Several Chacoan elements are present,
strengthening the supposition of post-eruptive Chacoan con­
tacts at Wupatkif and these traits also reveal the amount of
Mesoamerlcan influence in the Chaco area at this time, an in­
fluence which was probably spreading from the Chaco Canyon
area Itself to nearby cultural regions. Many of the post-
eruptive Sinagua traits were probably introduced first to
peoples along the Mogollon rim and in the Flagstaff area,
only later to diffuse to Wupatki; but it is clear that much
trading activity was present in this country during the
immigration period following the eruption.
After 1200, during the rapid depopulation of the
central Sinagua area, many traits, such as mortars, carved
bowls# pestles, three-quarter grooved axes, cylinders, bobs.

serrated points, mosaic work, and large stone "balls, spread
201
to the Hopi Mesa area, probably by way of Slnagua immigrants,
and thus many Sinagua traits were added to the Hopi tradition.
Finally, while local site provenience of most stone
specimens is little known, some distributions can be made
which are interesting. Rooms 3» 7» 35 j 50, 51a i 55 a -b,
62, and 66 seem to have the majority of stone artifacts
recovered, perhaps due to their greater depth of trash.
Rooms 3, 7* ^5b, 55a-b have a mixed, but perhaps basically
Mogollon, tool assemblage. However, the Dance Plaza (Room
66) f and Rooms 35 and 51a—b have a basically Anasazi artifact
assemblage of stone tools, including flat-slab metates, paint
bars and pestles, and discs; and the Dance Plaza, in keeping
with its supposed ceremonial nature, has many pigment samples,
arrow points, ornaments, a pigment pestle, and two flat-slab
metates. Metates are also found in Chaco kivas. In addition,
Room 62 had many ornaments, and the only large concentration
of arrow points, and Room 35 had many pigment chunks and pig­
ment grinding tools.
In terms of the artifact provenience, by types, flat-
slab metates are only found in the Dance Plaza and Room 51a,
Ttfhile one-end-close metates are noted particularly from Rooms
7 and ^1 % carved bowls come from Room 2, and square bowls from
Room ^5"b» while the cylinders mainly come from adjoining
Rooms **5, 519 and 55* However, 16 also come from several

202
adjoining rooms in the north section. Most of the cylinders
come from living rooms, not store-rooms. Many beads and pen­
dants come from the Dance Plazafl and Rooms 63» 67 ?
Points mainly come from Room 63 and the Dance Plaza® Mosaics
and raw materials come from Rooms 62, 67» and the burials;
and pigments, ores, and minerals are common in Rooms ^5» 551
62, and 67. It would appear that Rooms 62, 63» 67* and 68,
as well as the Dance Plaza contained the majority of the
ornaments, pigments, minerals, and arrow points.

METAL ARTIFACTS
Six small copper bells were discovered during the pre-
19^1 excavations at Vlupatki Ruin, as well as a small copper
pellet, probably a free clapper for the resonating chamber of
such a bell* All of the bells are, In shape, of the common
prehistoric slelghbell type, but one unusual specimen, briefly
described by Fewkes in 190*1-, is now unavailable for further
study.
Slelghbell Variety, Plain
Cop-per Bells
Four of the five bells found are complete and well
preserved, although patinated. All are spheroidal, thin-
walled (5/10 of a mm. or less), and smooth-surfaced. However,
the bell fragment, a lower half, shows that the inner surface
of such bells is rough. The bells have a square-ended slit
about 2.5 mm. wide, extending through the bottom half, or
widest portion, of the bell. The eyelet, an integral part of
the bell (diameter, 6 mm., hole diameter, 3 mm»)» is above
and at a right angle to this slit. The four complete and one
fragmentary specimen (all slightly squashed) measure 16, 16,
16, 16.5 and 18 mm. in diameter. The few clappers still
present In the bells are of small basalt pebbles (Fig. 32).
203

Fig* 32. Two views or a copper bell from Wupatki
Ruin* Diameter, about 16 mm.
%

20k

This is Pendergast*s Type IAla-1 (1962: $26)
Sleighbell Variety, Decorated
The "bell described by Fewkes (1904: 50® 19Hb) was
apparently quite similar in shape, size, and manufacture,
and also had a pebble clapper. However, it was decorated
on one side with raised ridges forming a face, producing a
wirework effect® The bell was a part of the Ben Doney col­
205
lection of artifacts, many of which came from Wupatkl, which
was broken up and sold in California early in the century,
and is now unavailable for study. From the drawings of
Fewkes (191lbs Pendergast 1962 s 526), the unusual feature
of the face oan be seen to be the fanged mouth, which Withers
(1946: 47) believes is similar to the mouth of Tlaloc repre­
sentations in southern Mesoamerlca and Honduras. She suggests
that the Fewkes bell represents such a Tlaloc rain god figure.
It is similar to Pendergast•s type IA5a (1962: 526), which is
perhaps typical of the Tarascan area, and is also found at the
Four Mile Buin, in the Southwest (Pendergast 1962: 523-526).
Of the four bells in the museum collection which have
been studied, three are made of pure copper with the addition
of 0.001^ silver (those found near Burial 22), and one,
discovered by David Jones in the northeast section of the
ruin in 19^1 (Cat. 1025/405 m* 246), is composed of copper,
traces of silver, and about 2.0$ gold. All four bells were

studied by William C. Hoot, Bowdoln College, Maine, and the
information sent to Katherine Bartlett, Museum of Northern
Arizona, in letters dated 19*K) and 1958.
All such bells were made by the lost-wax casting
206
method, in which a wax model was constructed and then encased
in a clay mold containing vents. The hot metal is poured into
the mold through one of the vents, and as it takes the form
of the wax, it melts this -wax, which then flows out of one
of the bottom vents. Provenience: Burial 22 (3)» northeast
section of ruin, trash.
Copper Pellet Clapper
The copper pellet, probably a free clapper for a
bell, is a small, solid, rough piece, 8 mm. in diameter,
which was found in the refuse of Room 66, the ceremonial
amphitheater.
Distribution. Such bells, well described from many
Southwestern sites, date, at a minimum, after 900, and
probably are closer to 1100 in date. They were traded into
the Southwest from a Mesoamerican source (Pendergast 1962 5
Withers 19^1 Judd 195^* 109-115)• Most probably they came
from west-central Mexico or^northern Mexico. However, those
with a high gold content or Haloc features specifically came
from the Tarascan area. They are thus evidence of the trade
relationships between Mesoamerica and the prehistoric

207
southwestern United States. This bell trade activity proba­
bly passed along the western Sierra Madre and thus into the
Hohokam cultural area of southern Arizona (Pendergast 1962:
535-55*0 • One possible route to Wupatki from here passed
along the Santa Cruz River to the Gila Salt Basin, up the
Verde River, and then up Oak Creek Canyon onto the Mogolion
Rim and into the Flagstaff area (Haury and Gifford 1959:
*4-55 Colton 1961s 85-91).
Modern Hopi, Zuni, and Rio Grande Pueblo Indian
dancers use larger varieties of such sleighbells in their
modern ceremonies and races, often tied around their anklets,
wrists, or parts of their costumes and ceremonial staffs.
This may be an indication of the earlier ceremonial signifi­
cance of prehistoric bells, but then again, several pre­
historic sites have yielded burials with wristlets or
anklets of copper bells, as well as the possible ceremonial
examples which have come from klvas.
In the Sinagua region» bells have been published
from only one site, Hohokam influenced Winona Ruin, where a
fragment was found in a context of the Sinagua Padre Phase,
which dates at 1070-1120 (Mc.Gregor 19^1: 262). However,
at the unpublished Copper Bell Ruin (N.A. 998), located
near Doney Crater at the west edge of fefupatki National
Monument, five identical bells were found strung between a
shell bead collection, forming the bracelet on the wrist

208
of a child "burial. Six other bells are noted in the files of
the Museum of Northern Arizona, and by Sprague and Signori
(1963: 11-12), as coming from the Flagstaff area, and
according to Root, all of these bells, and the bells from
Copper Bell Rain, have identical metal contents as those from
Wupatkl. All are also of about the same date, 1100-1200.
However, Fewkes (190^: 111) noted a bell from the Chavez
Pass Ruin, southeast of Flagstaff, but in an area of similar
culture, •which would be of later date.
Bells have been found in many Hohokam and Pueblo
ruins in Arizona and New Mexico. At least 109 examples from
k2 different sites were known to Withers in 19^6, and. the
recent work by Sprague and Signori (1963 : 1-20) indicates a
present known total of more than bells from 62 or more
sites in the prehistoric southwest. They are also known in
some numbers from Casas Grandes Ruin, northern Chihuahua,
Mexico, and from many other sites in southern Mesoamerica
(Pendergast 1961). The large cache of such bells and shell
beads from near Tucson, recently reported by Haury and Gifford
(1959: ^-5)» contained identical examples to those from the
Flagstaff region, and were probably traded from the same
locality. Root notes that the metal contents of all but one
of the Wupatkl bells are Identical to those from the Hohokam
and Casas Grandes areas, and thus all obviously were traded
in from a similar southern source. The one bell with a high

gold content Is probably from the Tarascan area (Pendergast
1962: 536).
Interestingly enough, at least 289 clay replicas of
209
such bells have been found in a few late sites in the South­
west, but seemingly rarely, if ever, In sites x-jhich also had
copper objects, Lambert (1958: 184-85) discusses many such
cases, and notes that one came from Unshagi Pueblo, dated
1375» 189 came from Pecos Pueblo, dated by Kidder at about
1500-1600 (1932: 138-140), one from a Pueblo III site near
Luna, New Mexico, and one from a post-1300 site, Pottery
Mound, near Santa Fe. Allen (1953) reports such a bell from
the Hohokam Twelve Mile Site, located near Gila Bend® Arizona,
and at least 95 clay bells came from Kawaika-a and Awatovi
Huin, in the Hopi Country (Fewkes 1898: 6285 Lambert 1958:
18^-185)« Several other examples, perhaps the earliest known,
come from Pueblo Bonito (Pepper 1920: 264; Judd 1954: 115)•
They are also found in Mesoamerica (Lambert 1958: 185)•
In addition, clay replicas of shells also occur at
some Southwestern sites, particularly in the Hop! area, for
example at Awatovi, Slkyatki, and Old WalpI (Fewkes 1898: 628,
733, PI. 173> 1904: 91)* Both of these groups of clay replicas
may Indicate a continuing need and use for such ceremonial
artifacts after the Mesoamerlcan trading network may have
broken down after about 1350» perhaps with the fall of Gasas
Grandes Pueblo, a large scale trading and manufacturing center#

CERAMIC ARTIFACTS
Utility Pottery
In total, 101 -whole pots, restored pots, or large
fragments of pots were recovered from the pre-19^0 excava­
tions at Wupatki Ruin. Of these, eight, four redware jars
and bowls and four black-on-white bowls, are now missing.
Included in the total are 15 pottery types of eight series
or wares (under the present typology by Colton) of local
Sinagua, local Anasazl, trade Anasazi, and trade Mogollon
derivation. Specifically, there are ^3 plainware specimens,
all of local Sinagua manufacture, eight corrugated specimens,
of local Anasazi and trade Mogollon derivation, three traded
Anasazl polychromes, two traded Anasazl black-on-reds, and
**5 black-on-white specimens of local and traded Anasazi
manufacture. Three-quarters of the pottery vessels (76)
were found with burials. These included almost all of the
types. Fifteen pots of nine types were found in rooms• Ten
pieces of sis types are unlocated, or were in trash deposits.
The ceramic conference on Kayenta wares, held at the Museum
of Northern Arizona, September 8, 1962, redefined several
types and such revisions are mentioned in the test.
210

Black-on-white Pottery
Tusayan VJhiteware
Flagstaff Black-on-white . Eleven Flagstaff Black-
211
on-white vessels were found at Wupatki (Fig. 33 2.» ll» jl, 1;
3^ h» k; 35 d, £}. These include seven deep "bowls, two
ladles. Described by: Colton and Hargrave 1937s 235? Colton
1955* Ware 8B, Type 6. Time; 1085-1275 (Breternitz 19&3:
3^6)» Range: Black Sand area east of San Francisco Peaks to
Hopi Mesas, Rainbow and Kaibito plateaus, possibly of local
manufacture. Description; coiled, fired in a reducing
atmosphere, gray core; temper, quartz sand. Surface finish;
exterior of bowls, surface scraped, not polished, covered with
a thin white slip* Rims: IA3s XA^, predominate. Forms:
bowls, jars. Paint: black carbon. Designs : bowl interiors,
jar exteriors; rims undecorated, except for the flaring helmet
rims} patterning, all over, with stripes, straight lines, and
barbed lines forming negative zig-zags; cross hatching; open
dotted squares; interlocking triangles; frequent single-barbed
and pinnate lines,
Wupatki Ruin Specimens: Revisions and Additions.
Forms: ladles with trough handles, globular and Chaco style
handled pitchers, horizontal lug handles on bowls (possibly a
late trait). Designs: large, thin-lined, triangular scrolls

Fig* 33* Black-on-white pottery, a, c, h-i.,
1, Flagstaff Black-on-whlte; b, d-g;, Walnut Black-
on-white* a« diameter 8.0 cm., b, f-k, same scale, b,
diameter 15*0 cm. $

212

Flge 3h* Black - on-"wh i te pottery. a# d,
Walnut Black-on-white; ^.c, Wupatki Black-on-white; e,
Jeddito Black-on-white j f» lf Holbrook Black-on-white $
h9 k, Flagstaff Black-on-whlte» Same scalep diameter of
A# 17.5 oa*.

213

Fig* 35. Black-on-white pottery. a~c, f#
Wupatkl Black-on-white ? d-e_9 Flagstaff Black-on-white
g, Hoi brook Black-on-white ? h, Walnut Black-on-white •
a-e, same scale5 a, 11.0 cm. highs f-h* same scale,
fi diameter, 18 cm.

214

are common, and bands of alternate hatching. Jar rims and
shoulders, and bowl rims, are often flattened and decorated
215
with a hatched design in alternate directions, a characteristic
of this type. Dotted squares, when present, are not alternated
with filled squares| as in Walnut Black-on-white. Interlocked
frets or key elements, open (undecorated) bowl centers, and
cross-hatching are rare traits# One bowl was studied which was
decorated only with a narrow band around the rim (Pig. 33 1) •
?a, 51a.
Provenience. Burials 1&, 16, 19» 22, 27, 29 (**); Rooms
Wu-patkl Blaok-on-white. Ten so called Wupatki Black-
oik-white vessels were discovered at Wupatki, including one
storage jar, four pitchers, one handled cup, two shallow lug-
handled bowls, one fragmentary large bowl, and one helmet-
rimmed bowl (Fig. 34 b, c_| 35

Designs: bowl Interiors, jar exteriors, all over design.
Negative effect, with "band patterns common} outlined with
216
thin lines, interwoven wide lines, wide outside framing lines,
solid triangles, cross-hatching„ diagonal-hatching, and rim-
ticking.
Wupatki Ruin Specimens: Revisions and Additions,
Forms: large storage jar, handled cup, pitchers (globular,
with narrow mouth and a vertical handle), helmet-rim bowls
(IC2?). Designs: fretted lines, negative round running
scrolls, negative square scrolls (meanders), thin lines
dividing patterns, open and star-shaped centers, and negative
aolid triangles are all common. Vertical handles are often
decorated with negative meanders. A cup exterior has an
outer rim design'of dotted squares. Pitchers are common
(four of nine specimens). Remarks; It does not superoede
Flagstaff Black-on-white as a type, but rather is contem­
poraneous with the latter half of its use. It is now con­
sidered a local variety of Tusayan Black-on-white.
55"b» Trash.
Provenience. Burials 5» ^3 Wi Hooms 7a, 7b,
Jeddlto Black-on-whlte. One bowl of this type was
found with Burial 1 (Fig. 3^ e). Described by: Golton and
Hargrave 1937s 24-7. Time: 1275-1350* Ban&e: Indian Wells,
Jeddlto Valley, Wupatki Ruin. Probably a trade item.

Description: coiled, fired in a reducing atmosphere, gray-
21?
core; temper, coarse sand; heavy thiols walls, slipped on both
sides. Paint: black watery carbon. Rims: IIIB3 (on
Wupatki examples). Design s vrt.de horizontal band Inside the
vessel, framed above and below with thin lines, producing a
negative effect. The rim is often ticked or dotted. The
Wupatki specimen is similar.
Proven!ence » Burlal 1.
Little Colorado Whiteware
Holbrook Black-on-white. Three bowls and one pitcher
of Holbrook Black-on-white were found at Wupatki (Fig. 3*4- f,
3L, Ij Fig. 35 £*) • Described by: Colton and Hargrave 193?:
235s Colton 1955: Ware 9B, Type 2. Time: 1075-1130
(Bretemitz 19^3 • 35&)» Range: east of the San Francisco
Peaks to the Petrified Forest. Description; coiled, fired
in a reducing atmosphere, gray core (iron base clay); temperj
opaque angular sherd fragments, some quartz sand. Surface
Finish: thick, chalky, dead-white slip, often fugitive on
the exterior surface, unsmoothed, unpolished exterior. Rims:
IIIA2o Forms; boirls. Paint: black carbon. Designs: al­
ways found on interior only, in Black Mesa Style.
Wupatki Ruin Specimens: Revisions and Additions.
Forms: small, globular pitcher with a vertical double strap

handle. Sims IA3, IA^„ on deep "bowls. Designi open cen­
218
ters, Black Mesa style, with rare over-all designs. Remarkss
Holbrook Black-on-whi te may have "been locally made in the
eastern part of the Black Sand area, according to recent
statements of Colton. The type blends into the early Walnut
style.
Provenience. Burials 21 (2), 27, 29.
Chevelon Black-on-white« One bowl of Chevelon Black-
on-white was discovered at Wupatki. The type is identical
with Holbrook Black-on-white (Black Mesa style), but has a
finger-indented corrugated exterior. Described by: Colton
1955i Ware 9B, Type Time; 1075-1130 (Breternitz 1963s
356). Range; San Francisco Peaks to Holbrook, Arizona.
Remarks: This is obviously a variety of Holbrook Black-on-
white.
Provenience. Burial 29,
Walnut Black-on-white. Eighteen Walnut Black-on-white
vessels were found at Wupatki, making it the most common type
(Fig. 33 b5 d-g, X* 3^ d, g, _£). These inolude ten
open bowls (none with handles, and one was possibly formed
from a broken ladle bowl), two ladles, one Jar# one cup, one
mug, two flat plates, and one missing effigy bowl. Described
bjr: Colton and Hargrave 1937s 2375 Colton 1955« Ware 9B,

Type 5* Time; 1065-1250 (Bretemitz 1963*^39)• Range:
219
east of the San Francisco Peaks to the Petrified Forest, south
to the Verde Valley and the Tonto Basin. Its center seems to
be in the eastern part of the Black Sand area, as far as
Joseph City, Arizona. Description: coiled, fired in a
reducing atmosphere, gray core* temper, opaque angular sherd
fragments, rare quartz sand. Surface Finish; bowl interiors,
jar exteriors; iron core clay covered with a thick paper white
slip. Elms; IA3» XA^, helmet rims common. Pitchers, IB2.
Forms: bowls, jars, pitchers, dippers, effigies. Paint:
thin watery carbon. Designs; bowl interiors, and, rarely,
exteriors, jar exteriors. Patterns; all-over layout, or open
circle in center. Bands with top and bottom frame lines;
decoration is balanced and symetrical, almost negative in
appearance. Solid elements, straight lines, triangular scrolls,
zig-zags (negative), predominate. Dotted open diamonds and
squares appear, but little hatching.
Wupatki Ruin Specimens: Bevisions and A.dditions.
Forms s flat plates, cups, mugs, babe-in-cradle ladle handles-
(as illustrated in Morss: 195^* Pig. 16 a-jb) j horizontal handles
rare on bowls. One plate was made from the base of a large Jar,
and there is one unusual bowl which has a painted interior with
a negative style design, an open center, and an everted rim with
a design decoration of negative zig-zags. The interior was made
and dried, and then a second layer of white slipped clay, which

was colled and deeply tooled, was attached to its exterior
(Fig® 33 b). The entire pot was then fired. Designs:
interlocked scrolls are diagnostic, and running negative
220
meanders are common, A round or square open center is typi­
cal, and dotted squares usually alternate with solid squares,
unlike the case in Flagstaff Black-on-white. Barbed lines
are usually found "back to "back producing a negative barbed
line, rather than facing each other as in Flagstaff Black-
on-white, which produces a negative zig-zag. Cross-hatching
is found on vertical handles, and interlocked frets or keys,
single thin band lines, and continuous encircling bands are
common, in contrast to Flagstaff Black-on-white. Late Walnut
designs blend into those of Wupatki (Tusayan} Black-on-white.
Remarks: Specimens of the Little Colorado and Tusayan White-
ware series seem to be virtually identical in design and form,
differing mainly in their temper and slip. The Little Colorado
series needs a thick white slip to cover its dark, iron-content,
gray paste. A few design elements, however, also differ,
suggesting that if there is not a series or type difference,
there is at least varietal difference. For example, alter­
nate hatching is characteristic of Flagstaff vessels, while
solid black squares, back-to-back barbed lines, and open cen­
ter design are more characteristic of Walnut vessels. Pitchers
seem to be more common in the Tusayan series, effigy vessels
more common in the Little Colorado series. Bretemitz*

ecent tree-ring studies (1963) suggest a longer time span
(1065-1300) the two series than was previously thought.
Provenience. Burials 16 (3), 19 (2), 29 (3), ^3;
Rooms 7, 7a (2), 7b, 63, 68 s Trash (3).
Sedware
San Juan Eedware
Tusayan Black-on-red. One small horizontal-handled
221
bowl and one vertical-handled pitcher (Fig. 36 J.) were found
which correspond in every way with the type desorlption given
by Colton (1956b: Ware 5B, Type 2). Time: 1050-1200
(Bretemitz 1963: ^30). Ranp;e; northeastern Arizona.
Orangeware
Provenience. Burial 29j Trash.
San Juan Orangevjare
Tusayan Polychrome. Two bowls of Tusayan Polychrome
were found. Both have horizontal handles, and match type
descriptions of Tusayan Polychrome, Type B, as given by Colton
and Hargrave (1937? 96) and Colton (1956b: Ware 5B» Type 9)®
Time: 1075-1280 (Breternitz 1963s ^33)« Han^re: northeastern
Arizona.
Provenience. Burial 29} Room 7a.

2 Z2
Kayenta Polychrome. One "bowl with a horizontal han­
dle was found which matches the type description "by Colton
and Hargrave (1937 : 99) and Colton (195^ : Ware 5Bf Type 11).
Time: 1265-1285 (Bretemitz 1963: 3^3 )• Range; northeastern
Arizona.
C-rayware
Provenience. Room 55b.
Tusayan Grayware
Tusayan Corrugated. Three Jars of Tusayan Corrugated
were found (Pig. 36 i_, 1), and the type is identical with that
described "by Colton and Hargrave (1937? i9) and by Colton
(1955: Ware 8A9 Type 11). Timet 950-1275 (Bretemitz 19631
is blaok with very fine indented
coil patterning reminiscent of Reserve Corrugated.
Provenience. Burials 3? 275 Room 68.
Moenkoui Corrugated.' One storage jar, one tall jar-
pitcher with a vertical handle (Fig. 36 c), and one everted-
rimmed jar-bowl (Fig. 36 k) were found. All are typical of
this type as described by Colton and Hargrave (1937s 197) and
by Colton (1955? ^&re Type 12), Time: 1075-1300
(Bretemitz (1963: 385). Ranges northeastern Arizona, south­
ern Utah.

Fige 36. Black-on-red, Corrugated, and Redware
pottery, a-b, d-h, Sunset Red; c, k, Moenkopl Corrugated;
Ic 1, Tusayan Corrugated; Tusayan Black-on-red• a,
c_s same scale, a, 13*3 cm* high; b9 diameter, 11.0 cm,;
d—1^ same scale, d9 diameter, 11*3 cm,; 1^, same scale,
J., diameter9 10*5 cm*; k, diameter 11*5 cm*

223

Provenience. Burial 29 (2); Trash,
Flagstaff Plainware
Elden Corrugated# One jar was studied of this type
zzh
typical of those described by Golton and Hargrave (1937s 63-
6*0. Time: 1125-1225. Range: Black Sand country, east of
the San Francisco Peaks. Remarks: The type is somewhat
similar to McDonald Corrugated, without decoration.
Linden Series
Proveni enc e * Buri al ^0.
McDonald Painted Corrugated. One shallow bowl was
found. It is identical to those described by Colton and
Hargrave (1937* 61-62). Time; 1200-1300 (Bretemitz I963:
379). Remarks; This type may have been made in McDonald
Canyon near Flagstaff, as well as in the Point of Pines
area, which is considered its center.
Redware
Provenience. Burial ^3
Alameda Brownware
Forty-three redware vessels were found at Wupatki
Ruin. They were of two types, Sunset Red (33 specimens) and

Turkey Hill Red (6 specimens)» Pour specimens (two jars, a
225
bowl, and an effigy-supported bowl)-, located In Room ?a, and
Trash (3)» are now missing and thus unolassiflable, although
they are known to be plain redware. All specimens noted for
Wupatki Ruin are typical of the types as described by' Colton
and Eargrave (1937s 163)» and Colton (1958b: Ware 1^, Types
7 and 10), except for the additions noted* This type is manu­
factured by coiling, and finished by a paddle and anvil pro­
cess, as contrasted with the colled and scraped Whiteware
series*
Sunset Red. The 33 specimens (Fig. 36 a, b, d-h) may
be divided for convenience into large, shallow, open bowls (5)»
small, deep, open bowls (8), shallow, small, open bowls (5) j
helmet-rimmed, small, open bowls (3)» a large, open Jar-bowl
with an everted rim (Pig* 36 d), two seed jarsr seven globular
jars with small, everted rims (Fig. 36 a), and two bowl-scoops,
one shell-shaped, the other with a double crimped rim forming a
spout (Pig. 36 £.» h). The large jar-bowl (a sort of a cauldron),
the seed jars, and the everted rim globular jars are new addi­
tions to the Sunset Red type description? and at Wupatki Ruin
the everted rim jar Is the most commonly found single form.
However, as a whole, the small, deep bowls are the most common
pieces found. No pitchers, ladles, or handled bowls or jars
were found. Since virtually all Sunset Red seems to be smudged
in the interior, a separate smudged type is unwarranted*

Range: Black Sand, area, east of the San Francisco Peaks.
•Time: 1065-1200 (Bretemits 1963* *KL9h
226
Provenience. Burials 1 (^), 3» (*0» 5 (2), 7 (2),
lk, 16 (2), 18, 22, 24-, 26, 29 (2), 38, 40, 4-31 Hooms 7a (3).
55b, 67, 70; Trash (2). All of the seed jars and everted rim
jars were found with burials»
Turkey Hill Red. Six vessels (five small bowls, and
one large storage Jar) were found at Wupatki Ruin. The speci­
mens fit neatly into the type outlined by Colton and Hargrave
(1937: 165), and by Colton (1958* Ware 1M-, Type 7). The
type differs from Sunset Bed mainly in having tuff rather
than cinder temper. Time; 1090-1275 (Breternitz 1963s ^29).
Range: San Francisco Mountain region. Remarks: At Wupatki
Ruin, bowls clearly predominate, and all "bowl interiors are
smudged making unwarranted a separate smudged variety.
Conclusions
Provenience. Burials 7? 16, 29? Room 7bj Trash (2).
One hundred-and-one vessels of fifteen types were
studied, three-fourths of these found with "burials. None
were "killed* 1 , but a few burials were found covered with
sherds, as they are sometimes in the Point of Pines area.
The black-on-red, polychrome, and black-on-white
types are typical Anasazi varieties of the northeastern

22?
Arizona area, and while some were possibly trade items, par­
ticularly the polychromes, most types were probably locally
made. Wupatkl Black-on-white, for example, is a local copy
of Tusayan Black-on-white. In addition, ooils of raw pottery
clay were found in several rooms at Wupatkl (51a-, 55"b, 62b),
indicating some local ceramic manufacture. Smith (1963s 1172)
Indicates that Flagstaff area pottery was also found at
Awatovis and some Flagstaff traits were copied there.
The total amount of corrugated pottery (eight examples)
is small in comparison to the quantities usually found at other
sites of Anasazi pottery complex. Corrugated vessels form the
typical Anasazi cooking pottery, and their rarity here is a
distinction between the Wupatkl pottery complex and the usual
Anasazi complex. The McDonald Corrugated vessel hints at trade
with Mogollon groups to the south, and at least one other
corrugated vessel is reminiscent of Reserve area utility
pottery* The four different types represented indicate the
diversity, and perhaps the relatively small importance, of
corrugated ware, as compared to the more common redware vessels.
In fact, the chief utility pottery of the iSinagua
region is of the Alameda Brownware series. Sunset Red is the
common type 5 Turkey Hill Red may be only a minor variety of
it. At Wupatkl, Sunset Red vessels outnumber Turkey Hill Red
vessels by more than five to one (33/6), and the variety of
forms is also much greater in the Sunset Red group. These

edware types are very similar to Mogollon and Hohokam red-
ware, and several of the Vfupatki vessel traits (the caldron
form? everted rim jars, some jar shoulders, helmet-rims on
228
bowls, negative designs, textile designs, scrolls, etc.) are
similar to those of Hohokam pottery types.
In addition, a pitcher of Flagstaff design, "but per­
fect Chaco ceramic form, was also found, as well as several
northern Anasazi mug and cup forms, and a Hop! Jeddito Black-
on-white vessel. The Jeddito bowl was probably the result
of a post-1300 Hopi trading expedition. EJffigy figures, more
common in late Hohokam and Mogollon pottery forms, such as
Roosevelt KLack-on-white, are not common at Wupatki.
The utility pottery thus appears to be southern or
eastern in derivation, while the decorated pottery is typical
of northeastern Arizona, with some post-1070 Hohokam Influence.
One Chaco trait is noted, a few Hohokam vessel forms are pre­
sent, and several possible Mogollon pottery traits are noted,
as well as one Mogollon burial-offering type. Connections are
also seen with later Hopi pottery.
In comparing the vessel pottery collection to the
collection of potsherds from the ruin several differences
appear. More than 35»000 sherds were studied, among which
types of pottery were defined (Colton 19*5-6: 59)» as compared
to the fifteen types represented among the complete vessels.
As a whole, the ratio of painted to untainted sherds was about
\

1;3» while in -whole vessels, it was 4»5s5*5* Many redware
vessels were found, but no plain brownware specimens, and
Turkey Hill Red is more common in comparison to Sunset Bed
229
in the vessel collection than it Is in the sherd distribution*
The ratio of Alameda Brownware to Tusayan Grayware is greater
In whole vessels than in sherds (5:1 to about 3:1), indicating
a stronger probability of Sinagua occupation of the ruin than
do sherd collections. However, the increase of brownware
sherds from bottom to top in the site may indicate an original
settlement of basically Anasazi origin which was later swamped
by Sinagua immigrants®
Flagstaff Black-on-white was more than five times as
common as Walnut Black-on-white in the sherd collections, while
In reverse, Walnut was twice as popular as Flagstaff among the
whole pottery. Wupatkl Black-on-white was about one-third as
popular as Flagstaff in the sherd counts, and more popular
than Walnut; but in "whole vessel counts, it was only half as
popular as Walnut, and equally as popular as Flagstaff. In
the study of complete pottery vessels, then, the popularity
of the three major Black-on-white types is in inverse ratio
to that of the sherd complexJ the ratio of painted to un-
palnted pottery is less great? and the ratio of brownware to
grayware is higher. This obviously raises the question of the
validity of the two study methods, and of their correlation.

Considering the ceramic artifacts, redware discs
230
were less popular than redware sherds or redware whole vessels,
but corrugated discs were more common, and black-on-white discs
less common, than would be supposed. Walnut Black-on-white was
the most common type made into discs, and it was also the most
common vessel type. However, more ceramic artifacts were of
Hohokam style than were whole vessels•
Finally, the bowl was the most common form found, fol­
lowed by jars and pitchers. Seed jars, ladles, scoops, plates,
cups, large storage jars, and effigies were rare. WUpatki
Black-on-white had more pitchers represented than is common,
while Walnut had the greatest variety of forms, including cups,
mugs, effigies, and plates, which were generally missing among
the other types. The redware series was distinguished by the
absence of handled bowls and pitchers, but it did include all
of the seed Jars from Wupatki®
Sherd Discs
Sherd Ob.tects
Fifty-two sherd discs were found, which can be divided
into five major types: plainware, corrugated ware, black-on-
white, blaok-on-red, and polychrome wares. Specific pottery
types can often be identified (identifications checked by
H. S. Colton).

Plalnware
231
This category Is composed of eleven Sunset Red discs, and
one each of Cedar Creek Red, Winona Brown, Turkey Hill Red,
and Sunset Brown. Four are finished objects, carefully
rounded and smoothed, "but the other eleven are Irregular, and
in various stages of manufacture (Fig- 37 £.» d, g_s i_, 1).
They range in size from 1.7-5-1 cm. in diameter, and five
were pierced near the center, three specimens countersunk
from both sides with a minimum aperture of 5-6 mm., the other
two pierced and countersunk from one side, with minimum aper­
tures of 3-5 mm«
Corrugated
Provenience. Rooms 35» 53- a (2), 66; the Spring; Trash.
Five discs are made from wall sections of Tusayan
Corrugated vessels, three are made from the bottom center
sections of Elden Corrugated vessels, and six came from un­
defined types. These discs are usually more crudely shaped
than the plainware discs, perhaps because of the coarse nature
of the corrugated pottery. As a group they tend to be large
in size. Three are but 1.8, 2.5, and 2.6 cm. in diameter, but
most vary between 3*6-70 cm., and sis are between ^.9-6.0 cm.
in diameter. Five specimens are pierced, countersunk, and
drilled from both sides, with a hole either *+ mm. (3) or 6 mm.

Fig* 37- Ceramic artifacts* a, fired ladle
handle; b, h9 m, n, u, corrugated sherd discs; c, d,
±t If redware sherd discs; e^, £, r, s^, w, black-on-
white sherd discs; gm9 v, black-on-red sherd discs; o.t i,
polychrome sherd discs; f. 9 k, sherd pottery scrapers; t_,
pierced nipple-ended Sunset Red bowl. Diameter of t,
801 cm.

232

233
(2) in diameter (Pig* 37 2i* H, £.» u} • One specimen (Fig.
37 }>)f Is 1.8 cm- in diameter, $sd is a small coiled piece,
probably made for use as an applique ornament on pottery
(See Roberts 1932, 51* 23 for a similar applique piece}•
Black-on-white
Provenience. Hoom 7J Trash#
Five discs are well finished examples, carefully
smoothed and drilled (Fig. 37 £» £• rf s_, w). One, a
perfectly round, 5*0 cm. in diameter, sherd of Sosi Black-
on-white, was the best made disc in the collection (Fig.
37 h) • Oft its undereoated inner surface at one edge of the
hole a wide groove was worn, as if a thong tied through the
hole had rubbed in this area. In fact, the entire back edge
of the disc shows wear.
The other discs (one Kana-a Black-on-white s one Black
Mesa Black-on-white, one Padre Black-on-whitet two Flagstaff
Black-on-white, nine Walnut Black-on-white, three undeter­
mined), are less well made, ranging in size from 2.7 to 5*6
cm. in diameter. Ten of the specimens were drilled in the
center (including sis of the nine Walnut Black-on-white
pieces), and all but one were countersunk from both sides.
The perforations vary from 3-H- mm. in diameter, and one disc
had a concentric scratch about 2 mm. from the edge of the
hole, perhaps made during the drilling of the hole. Thus the

lack-on-white discs, Walnut Black-on-white in particular,
were more often pierced than any other type*
Black-on-red
Provenience. Rooms 3* 7» ^5* » T^ash (11).
These four discs are all of Tusayan Black-on-red
(Pig® 37 g., v). One is a care rally made and smoothed rec-
23k
tanguloid object, 2«9 x 3.1 cm. in diameter, the other three
specimens were roughly round, pierced in the center, and
measure ^.5, **•?» and 5»7 cm. in diameter. One specimen
has concentric scratches around the central hole*
Polychrome
Provenience. Rooms 35 and 63; Trash.
One disc and a rough fragment of Tusayan Polychrome
were found, "both unpierced. The fragement is a crude ovoid
disc about ^ cm. in diameter; the disc is a well rounded and
smoothed object about 2.5 cm* in diameter, with its back worn
by use, and is one of the best made discs in the collection
(Flg« 37 0, x).
Provenience. Trash
The discs are thus generally ovoid, although three
rounded rectangles occur. Twenty-three of the 52 discs are

pierced, nearly one-half of these from the Black-on-"white
disc collection, and they were found in ten rooms and the
trash pile* Several have concentric scratches around the
"back of the central hole, perhaps the result of the attach­
ment of a thong# or the drilling process• One disc previ­
235
ously found at the Pueblo II Medicine Fort Site had a leather
thong knotted to it through the central hole (Bartlett 193^»
50)» and was called by Bartlett a button® Disos found at
Winchester Cave, in southern Arizona, were tied in pairs
and wrapped in little packages (Pulton 19^1: 2*f). Similar
objects have been found made of gourd, wood, stone, and shell,
but their use is still problematical. In addition to buttons,
they have been called spindle whorls. However, their small
size, light weight, and small and generally biconically
drilled and countersunk holes would not make them suitable
for spindle whorl fly-wheels. The small, round, unpierced
specimens have been called game tallies, and resemble discs
used in the Zuni game of stone warriors (Judd 195^: 229).
Smith (1952a: 152-53) notes that they also resemble the wheels
on toys found by Ekholm in the Euasteca, and the gourd disos
which are used in the Hopi Niman Kachlrta ceremony. The
largest group of discs, of course, the black-on-white examples,
were probably traded from the Hopl area. However, the
Wupatkl discs were made in nearly equal numbers from corru­
gated wares, plainwares, and decorated wares, an unusual

occurrence. Discs are generally made from decorated wares,
and rarely from corrugated pottery at all.
236
Distribution. Over 300 discs have been found in the
Flagstaff area® Colton (19^6: 291) notes that they are of
all pottery types except Alameda Brownware (Wupatkl thus
being an exception), and occur in all Sinagua phases until
1200, but are generally scarce in the Verde Valley ruins
thereafter. Many are found in Cohonina sites (Smith 1952a:
152 5, and in Hohokam sites in the Gila Salt River Valley,
especially from the Sedentary and Classic periods. They are
common at the Kings Buin, near Prescott (Spicer and Caywood
1936: *5*6), and in all periods and sites of the Mogollon cul­
ture (Wheat 1955' 107-09? Martin et al. 1956: 120? Cosgrove
1932: 88). This is also the situation in the Anasazi area
(Kidder 1932: 1^5-^6; Brew 19^6, Fig. 165? Kidder and Guernsey
19195 Stubbs and Stallings Jr. 1953: 9^1 Judd 195^: 228-229).
Discs are, in fact, not only common in the prehistoric South­
west, but are also found in most prehistoric North American
pottery sites (Smith 1952a: 151).
Sherd Pottery Scrapers
Tito objects were found which are probably pottery
scrapers or smoothers (Fig. 37 f, k)„ One, a triangular-
shaped fragment, 3.8 x *W8 cm., was chipped from a Tusayan
Black-on-white sherd, and chipping marks show clearly on the

top and back. The two longer sides were later carefully
smoothed, probably by use* The second specimen is a pear-
shaped object, made from a Flagstaff Black-on-white sherd,
which has been carefully smoothed on all sides, but was
chipped at the top* It is ^*7 cm. long, and *K0 cm» in
greatest width.
237
Distribution. Such sherd scrapers are found through­
out the Southwest, and similar objects are used by the modern
Hopi.
Miniature Pottery
Included here are pottery pieces under three inches
(7.5 cm.) in diameter. They are both crudely coiled and
scraped, and made by pinching the form from a lump of clay,
Unfired and Undecorated Pottery
The four unfired pieces are small, crude, thick-
walled vessels, made from a light red-brown clay. The small­
est piece is about 2 cm. in diameter, and the second specimen,
2*5-3*0 cm. in diameter. Both of these pieces were moulded
from round lumps of olay, and hollowed by pressing a finger
into the still moist lump (Pig. 38 g, m).
The remaining two pieces, however, are different in
that they both have a low, flaring, Hohokam-type Gila shoul­
der® smooth, thick walls, and a flattened base. Each has a

Fig. 38. Ceramic artifacts, a, h, unflred human
figurines% b-c, fired human figurines; d, J[, n, fired
animal figurines; e_9 miniature ladle; f, ladle handle;
£* SLs Es t, unflred miniature pottery; k, o, sj fired minia­
ture pottery; 1, nose plug; rs lug handle; g,, unflred Jar
stopper with corn impression. Diameter of g_, 9.0 cm.

238

small, deepj rounded hollow in the center, "but the rim area
had been flaked from both of these vessels• One Is &*3 cm.
wide at the shoulder, 2.2 cm. high, and 3*0 cm# wide at the
239
rim, with a hollow 2.0 cm, in diameter; the other is 6*0 cm.
wide at the shoulder# 4-. 5 cm. wide at the neck, 4.0 cm. high,
and has a hollow 2«5 cm. in diameter in one side (Pig. 38
t_). They are tempered with white angular fragments, quartz
sand, and mica.
Provenience. Room 62b.
Fired and Decorated
Plalnware. One-half of a Sunset Brown miniature Jar
was found. It has thick (up to 7 sua*) walls for its size,
a widely flaring shoulder about 6 cm. in diameter# a slightly
outflared rim, and a constricted neck, some 3 cm. in diameter.
The jar is 4*. 3 cm. high (Fig. 38 k).
The second specimen of plainware is a round, bowl of
Turkey Hill Bed, smudged a lustrous black on the inside
(Pig* 38 .s). It is 5.8 cm. in diameter, and at least 4 cm.
high, although the rim is now broken and irregular. The
walls are thick, about 5 nrnu, and the paste and temper are
rough. The inside shows many scratches, made in use after
the pot was fired. This piece may represent a small utility
•vessel, as contrasted with the toy-like nature of the minia­
ture storage jar previously discussed.

Decorated. One crude globular Flagstaff Black-on-
white "bowl -was found. The design was crudely painted in a
broad "band around the central portion of the vessel, which
240
was some 5 cm. in diameter. The rim of the bowl is missing,
and the sides are warped and cracked, but it probably had:a
small incurved rim, much like that of a seed Jar (Pig. 38 £)•
Provenience. Room 45a, $la; Trash.
The purpose of such miniature pieces is problematical.
They have often been identified as children's toys, or the
first attempts at pottery making by children. However,
Edmund Nequatewa, formerly a Hopi Indian associate of the
Museum of Northern Arizona staff, suggested that such vessels
were made by potters to assure their future pottery-making
success, particularly after the potter may have come into
contact with a burial procession. The miniature pottery,
then, is essentially an offering to the dead, and is placed
in a trash area where the dead may find it (Mc.Gregor 1941s
68). Hough (1914: 117-120) also noted that the Hopi, and
peoples from several Rio Grande Pueblos, leave miniature
pottery as offerings at springs, and that they carry back
water from such sacred springs in such small miniature pot­
tery pieces. Katharine Bartlett (193^* 53) illustrates simi­
lar specimens from Pueblo II Sinagua sites, and notes that
modern Hopi potters leave such miniatures at ©lay pits as

offerings to the gods. Similarly, Judd (195^* 215)> who
found such fired and unfired miniatures at Pueblo Bonito,
notes that he has heard that some potters made such fired
vessels to present as offerings to the gods in order to in­
241
sure the future successful manufacture of full-sized vessels.
However, there are other explanations for the unfired,
heavy-walled, Gila-shouldered miniatures. Mc.Gregor (19^-1:
70-71, Pig. 21) suggests that they may "be incense "burners or
pottery anvils, but there is no fire hardening of the interior
of the two Wupatki specimens, nor any evidence of use of the
narrow central depression. Unfired, they are much too fragile
for use as pottery anvils. It seems significant that they are
similar to those specimens found at Hohokam influenced Winona
Ruin, and that they resemble full-sized pottery common at
Hohokam sites such as Snaketown. Similar pieces have also been
found at several Pueblo sites, such as those reported by Kidder
(1932: 135)* Helter(1938: Part II, Fig. 22), Hough (191^: 117-
121), and Fewkes (1898 s 62*4-). They may Indicate Hohokam influ­
ence in the Flagstaff region, and it is interesting that these
two pieces, as well as the amorphous globular pots, are from
Room 62b, which also contained the two Hohokam figurines of
the same clay.
Distribution. Miniature pottery was common all over
the prehistorio Southwest. In the Slnagua cultural area
Bartlett cites Pueblo II examples (193^® 53)» and pieces were

242
also found at Winona Ruin (Mc.Gregor 1941; 68), and Tuzigoot
(Caywood and Spioer 1935? 67 )• These, it should be noted,
are the more Hohokam influenced Sinagua sites. In the
central Hohokam area, such pieces are noted by Haury, at
Los Muertos (1945a: 109), and by A. E. Johnson at recent
excavations near Gila Butte, but they are apparently not
noted for Snaketown, nor the Tres Alamos Site* They are
found, however, at the Gleeson Site (Pulton and Tuthill 1940,
PI. 15)* They thus may be either a Classic period Hohokam
trait, or possibly a Pueblo introduction.
In the Mogollon cultural area they were found at all
periods (Wheat 1955s Martin et al. 195 2 » Fig* 685 Hough
1914: 117-120; Wendorf 1950s 85)I and they were also probably
equally common throughout the Anasazi sequence (Judd 1954:
215? 1959: 164; Horris 1939» PI. 188j Brew 1946, Pig. 991
0'Bryan 1950, PI. 48, 50? Jeancon 1923» PI. 37 b, h? Kidder
1932: 134-35)* In short, they seem to be found in nearly all
areas and periods of the prehistorio Southwest, although in
the Flagstaff region they are found in those sites with
Hohokam cultural influence.
Figurines
Unfired Human Figurines
Of the four human figurines found at Wupatki, two
are unfired and of red-brown clay, resembling the material

used in the manufacture of the unfired miniature pottery,
also found in Room 62b (Fig* 38 h) • They are either un-
tempered, or contain very fine sand and mica. Although
2*1-3
markedly different in size (one is 3 cm. long, 2.5 cm. wide,
and 1.2 cm. thick, the other 9-5 cm. long, 3 cm. wide, and
3*0 cm. thick), they are similar in shape. Both are tubes
of unfired clay, with a tilted back, flattened and widened
section for the head and face, and a pinched-up ridged nose.
No other body or facial features are Indicated, and the base
of both specimens is broken off. However, both appear to
have been legless and armless, and of a single piece
construction.
Provenlsnce. Hoom 6 2b.
Such figurines may have been used as fertility offer­
ings. They are used in this manner today by Hopi, Zuni, and
Hio Grande Pueblo peoples, and are an integral part of many
Pueblo solstice ceremonies. They would thus appear to be
parts of increase rites and ceremonies, and in this regard
Morss notes that newly opened virgin lands are best settled
by a group with a high birth rate, where there are continu­
ally new hands available to work the soil* The Sunset Crater
eruption and ash fall provided suoh a wide open new territory
(Mores 195^: 53-62). An increase cult may have thrived in the
region, and the Hohokam peoples who entered the area after

Zl&
1070 may have Introduced "both the figurines and such a cult.
Distribution. The Wupatki figurines resemble those
from Prescott Branch and Fremont River area sites the most
closely. Stuart Scott*s descriptions of Prescott area
figurines match the Wupatki figurines closely in terms of clay,
general appearance, body features, size, and date (Scott
i960: 1^-16, Fig. 2). His specimen, illustrated in Fig. 2
is Identical to the large figurine from Wupatki. Haury
(Gladwin et al. 1937, Pl^ 207 d) also features an identical
Prescott figurine, but the Sacaton phase Hohokam figurines
at Snaketown, frith their realistic faces and limbs, are
different from Prescott style figures, as are most of the
elaborately dressed and coiffured northern Fremont River
area figurines. However, Morss (195^# Pl« 2) does illustrate
some very similar Fremont River examples.
The Prescott figurines Scott (i960: 25) believes to
be closely related to the early Hohokam phase figurines,
and to have diverged from them in style at a later date.
Morss (195^i 26-3**) states that the Hohokam and Mogollon
"southern" figurine complex, Including those items from the
Prescott area, never spread to the Anasazi even after the
appearance of figurines in the Flagstaff region. In fact,
the Mogollon figurine complex seems to lose importance after
900-1000. The Prescott figurine complex, he believes, is
only a variety of the Santa Cruz, or Colonial, Hohokam style,

and Is found In several Hohokam sites, such as Tres Alamos
(Tuthi11 19^7s PI* 23 k), Texas Canyon, and other San Simon
Valley and San Pedro Valley Hohokam sites (Moras 195^' 35 )•
2^5
The complex did not begin before the Colonial Hoholcam period,
nor was it particularly characteristic of the Prescott area*
Thus while Mc • Gregor (19^+1, Pig* 23 f, gj separates the
Prescott-Sinagua figurines from the Hohokam, and Scott
connects them only with the early Hohokam periods, Morss
believes them to be an integral part of the Hohokam complex
(195^5 36).
Such figurines, then, are probably representative of
Hohokam influence in the Flagstaff region, either directly
from the Salt River valley, the Verde River valley, or the
Prescott region* They are seemingly not present in the
Flagstaff area before 10?0* It should also be noted that
Morss believes that the babe-in-cradle figurine type, fre­
quently found as part of a ladle handle, was also Influenced
by the Hohokam style figurines traded Into the Flagstaff area
about 1070 (195^ 1 38-^+0) e Two babe-in-cradle figurine ladle
handles of Walnut Black-on-white were found at Wupatki (Morss
195^9 Fig* 16 a, b), and others were found at the Big Hawk
Valley sites (Smith I952as Fig. 17)* Xoungs Canyon (Fewkes
1926), and in a somewhat different style, from Tuzlgoot
(Caywood and Spicer 1935* 65)* This again Indicates the
Hohokam contact in the Sinagua area and at Wupatki Ruin.

Fired Human Figurines
2k6
Two fired human figurines were catalogued from Wupatki
(Pig. 38 ]>-£.)• One is a small portion of a Sunset Red figur­
ine, basically a rounded tube; it is 1»3 cm. in diameter, and
flattens out at the base, idiere it has a deep incision forming
a cloven hoof. It is probably the base of a human effigy frag­
ment, such as those found by Mc.Gregor at Winona Ruin (19^1 f
Fig. 21). The second fragment is the round# flat, head por­
tion of a human figurine of Tusayan white ware, measuring 5 mm.
thick, and approximately 2 cm. in diameter. It has black
painted dots for eyes, a painted line for a mouth, and a small
vertical painted line, representing the nose, dividing the two
eyes. Since it was broken off at the narrow neck region, it
is problematical whether it ever had an attached body. It may
represent the head portion of a babe-in-cradle figurine, but
comparable individual examples are unknown from other South­
western sites, although the ladle handles featured by Mores
(19Fig. 15) have similar heads.
Provenience. Room 62b.
Animal Figurines
Three fired animal figurines were found (Fig. 38 d,
J.i n). They are all fragments broken in front or directly
behind the rear legs, and thus It is not certain if they were

individual figurines, or were attached as small ornamental
pieces to the rims and handles of pottery* They are appar­
2*1-7
ently all of Tularosa Black-on-white, and this style of pot­
tery often does have such ornamental lugs attached to bowl
and Jar rims and handles* The figures, impossible to identify,
are slipped and painted with black iron paint. Two have
horizontal black stripes running down their backs, while
the third specimen is covered with a series of cross-hatched
lines, forming squares, each of which contains a dot. Bach
figure was formed as a tube, and has a projecting snout,
mouth pointed downward, two vertically projecting ears or
antlers, and at least two legs. They are now 3-*+•2 cm. in
length, 1-1.^ cm. in diameter, and stand at least 1.? cm.
high at the shoulder.
Provenience. Room 7? Trash, near rooms 10-15 (2).
Distribution. Tularosa Black-on-white dates at
about 1100-1250, and the lugs may have been broken off of
such Mogollon vessels and traded into the Wupatki area.
The individual animal figurine was a typical Salado ceramic -
trait (Mc»Gregor 19^1: 78), and they are also noted through­
out the Mogollon sequence (Wheat 1955- 105-06? Martin et al.
1956s 120). The Wupatki figures do not resemble the Prescott
animal figurines illustrated by Scott (i960, Fig* 3). Judd
notes that modern Hopi and Zuni peoples deposit unflred clay

animal figurines in their oorrals and grazing fields during
Increase rites, and they are also used as house guards and
fetishes*
Ceramic Turtle Shell
A hollow replica of a turtle shell was found In Room
63. Made of fired Sunset Brown pottery, the shell is approxi­
mately 8 x .10 cm. in size, and is about 4«5 total thick­
ness* It has heairy thick walls with cross-hatched incised
lines on the top, representing the turtle shell scales, a
hollow center, and an elliptical opening at the front some
3 om. long and about 2 cm» in greatest diameter. It is flat
and egg shaped in section, has a sharp ridge at the middle,
and a small nubby tail piece# It has a smooth bottom, and
the center hollow shows no use.
I know of no other such replica, but turtle shells
are worn by Hopi Kachina dancers on the right leg as a type
of rattle, particularly in the Niman Kachina, or Home Dance*
This replica may have been used In the same manner
prehlstorlcally.
Ceramic Nose Plug
One small ceramic nose plug was found, made of Sunset
Redware (Fig. 38 15« It is a small, slightly curved plug
8 mm. thick and 2.2 cm. long, with ends slightly hollowed

for Inlay pieces. It Is quite small and. thin, "but closely
resembles stone nose plugs, and Is identical to a similar
ceramic example found at the Hohokam influenced Piper Site
(Bliss 1956, Pig. 92 d).
fleramlc Spindle Whorl
Zk-9
One fired Sunset Brown spindle whorl was found in the
trash pile at Wupatki, in Section It is a moulded whorl,
a flattened spheroidal bead in section, 2.5 cm. in diameter
and 1.5 cm* thick, with a straight hole in the center some
5 22a® In diameter* The top and bottom areas are flat, and it
has a thin incised line around the center.
Distribution. The whorl is slightly smaller than the
artifacts of similar appearance called spindle whorls or ear
spools by Mc.Gregor (194-1: 7^—76* Fig* 22), and those found
in the Gamp Verde area (Hough 19l^» Pig* 151)» by Pewkes
at Elden Pueblo (192?: 213). Bartlett (193^5 ^3) notes
Identical examples from late Pueblo II Hohokam influenced sites,
and they were found by Bliss at the Hohokam Influenced Piper
Site, near Flagstaff (1956s 125 )• In other words, they are
found at Hohokam Influenced sites In the Sinagua area.
They seem to hare been common In Classic Hohokam sites
and in the Mesoamerlcan cultural area. Examples come from
Los Muertos (Saury 19*4-5a, Pig. 72 g), Snaketown (Gladwin et
aim 1937• PI- 213), Ventana Cave (Haury 1950: 359-60, Fig#

84 a, b), and Casas Grande (Felices 1912? 36-3?)» "which are
nearly identical to the Wupatki specimen in appearance and
size. However, such whorls are not found in Anasazi or
Kogollon sites, except for an isolated example which was
found at Tularosa Cave (Martin et al. 1952» Fig» 66)» Such
250
whorls, then, are typical Hohokam artifacts, and the Sinagua
examples found in the Flagstaff area, and at Wupatki, indicate
Hohokam contact in these areas« All such whorls seem to date
post-1100; they were probably manufactured because of
Mesoamerican influence in the Hohokam area at about this time
(Haury 1945b: 60-64).
Bowl-Funnel
A small (8 cm. diameter) well-made and polished bowl
of Sunset Smudged or Sunset Brown pottery was found in Room
51a. It has a small, pierced, nipple-like protuberance at
the bottom (Fig. 37 t)« This object may have been a type of
funnel, and it resembles a specimen figured by Wendorf from
the Point of Pines Ruin (1950, PI. 1?), which is identified
as a pot cover. This last specimen has an unpieroed nipple,
however, and is three times as large as the Wupatki artifact.
No other such pierced nipple-ended bowls seem to be reported
in the literature.

Miscellaneous Fired Fragments
Of the four fragments found, two, a hollow tube of
Tsegi Orange ware broken at both ends (6,5 cm. long, 2,5
251
cm. diameter), and a slender pointed cone of little Colorado
White ware (5*3 cm. long, L4 cm* diameter), are probably
both portions of ladle handles (Fig- 37 Fig. 38 f), A
third fragment, a hollow cone-shaped piece of Tularosa Black-
on-white, appears to be a lug fragment of an effigy vessel
(Fig* 38 i.). The fourth fragment, a spool shaped piece, is
a handle ltt.g from the side of a Tusayan Gray Ware vessel
(Fig. 38 r)i
Unflred Pot Covers
At least one complete, unflred jar stopper was found
at Wupatki, as well as several fragments of similar pieces
(Fig, 38 2.). The complete specimen is 9 cm. in diameter.
All were fibre tempered, and shaped by pressing and smoothing
the moist clay into and over the tops of jars. This type of
stopper formed a rodent-proof seal. Most of the Wupatki
specimens show the impression of com cobs on their base,
and the size of the complete specimen Indicates that it fits
a jar mouth about 8 cm. in diameter. Such jar stoppers are
widely found throughout the Southwest.

Haw Clay
Several lumps of raw pottery clay were found at
Sftipatki. One had been stored In a plaited yuooa ring bas­
ket in Room 62b, and hardened into the baskets flattened
bowl shape, some 20 cm. in diameter, and 5 cm. deep. Field
252
notes also indicate that lumps of pottery clay were found in
Rooms 51a and 55&* and that colls of such clay were found
in Room 62b. The clay found in Boom 62b is identical in
appearance to the clay of the unfIred figurines and miniature
pottery found in the same room. Room 62b may have been some
type of pottery work-shop area. Similar stocks of raw clay
are noted for several other sites in the prehistoric South­
west. For example, see Judd's comments concerning such raw
clay supplies found at Pueblo Bonlto (195**s 18^).
Conclusions
The ceramic artifacts from Wupatkl indicate several
avenues of cultural contact. The sherd discs and pendants are
examples of a widespread, trait, and are usually classified as
spindle whorls, gaming pieces, scrapers, op pendants; bat the
number of imported and pierced Black-on-white pieces, especially
Walnut Black-on-white, indicates a cultural preference of some
interest, perhaps related to the use of such discs in cere­
monies similar to the Eopi Nlman Kaohina ceremonies of today.

253
The four miniature pottery pieces are Interesting In
that they all were found In one room, all are noted for
Hohokam sites elsewhere, and two of the specimens seem to
have a Gila shoulder, a Sedentary Hohokam trait. The three
fired examples, one of Sunset Brown, one of Turkey Hill Red,
and one of Flagstaff Black-on-white, are simple bowl and jar
forms, most probably made as offerings to the dead, or to the
gods to Insure future pottery-making success, a continuing
trait among modern Hopi and Zuni Indians. These, too, were
fotukd In Room 62b, as were the unfired figurine fragments of
Presoott or early Fremont River types, which appear to be
Integral parts of the Colonial Hohokam figurine complex.
These again clearly Indicate Hohokam religious Influence at
Wupatki, probably related to a fertility or increase cult.
The animal figurines, however, are portions of pottery of a
Mogollon type, traded in from the southern Mogollon region}
they may also refer to an increase or fertility cult, as they
do among modern Pueblo groups. The ceramic turtle shell may
be a Hopl ceremonial artifact, or indicate that the Hopi
received such traits from peoples of the V/upatki area; but
the nose plug and spindle whorl indicate Hohokam influence.
Finally, there are pottery forms such as helmet rims,
cauldron shapes and the Gila shoulder, and design styles,
such as meanders, scrolls, textile designs, and quartered
layouts, which are probably Hohokam in derivation*

25^
In total, then, there are objects indicating Anasazi,
Hohokam, and Mogollon influence, many of a ceremonial nature.
Hohokam influence is particularly clear, and the concentration
of artifacts of Hohokam type in Hoom 62b is interesting*

BONE ARTIFACTS
Two hundred, and eighty-one bone artifacts were
studied, five-sixths of them awlse These came from the
Museum of Northern Arizona and C.W.A c Wupatki Excavations
of 1933-3^t the work of Erik Heed in Room ? during 1936»
and the work of Davy Jones in Rooms 10-15 3- n 19^0-b-l •
Material from later excavations at Wupatki is currently being
studied at the National Park Service Southwest Archeologlcal
Center In Globe, Arizona.
Edward Lincoln, in his Identification of the pre­
historic faunal remains from Wupatki, notes that antelope
and rabbit were by far the most common species recorded.
This is equally true of the artifactual bone material®
Nearly all tools are of antelope metapodials, the only other
bone found in quantity being the radius of the jackrabbit.
In general, this section is based on the classifica­
tion system of Kidder (1932s 202-03)« with modifications to
suit the Wupatki material. The primary classification is
based Upon functions as defined both by the general shape of
the tool, and by analogy to similar modern Indian tools.
Awls, for example, are ethnologioally known as piercing tools
and are sharply pointed, slender, and relatively long, in con
trast to the flat, wide, rectangular pendants or bull-roarer
255

shafts. The second area of conelderation is the tip, which
In the case of awls is slender and sharply pointed* in con­
256
trast to fleshers, which hare flat, thin, squared tips* The
third point of consideration is head form, which is particu­
larly important in the case of such specialized artifacts as
weaving tools and hair ornaments. However, both the species
of bone utilized and the length of the tool appear to be of
minor importance•
In defining sub-types of artifacts, the diagnostic
attributes vary according to the primary type. In the case
of awls, which form the bulk of the Wupatki material, sub­
types were distinguished depending upon whether the artifacts
were made from whole bone or split or splintered bone frag­
ments, and further subdivided by the type of bone used, the
condition of the head {whether unworked, partially worked,
or ground entirely away}9 and tip shape and decoration. Tip
and head fragments have been added to the totals, when possi­
ble. For example, in defining split bone awls * the classifies'
tion is based upon general form and the condition of the head,
and thus split head fragments have been added to the proper
awl class.
In short, the majority of the Wupatki bone artifacts
were piercing tools * and only a few flaking tools, musical
instruments, and ornaments were recovered. Splinters of
bone were rarely used at Wupatki, and the average tool was

carefully made "by splitting,, polishing, and smoothing ante­
lope metapodialso
Bone Tool Manuf actur ing
There are ten fragments of slightly worked bone in
the collection, six antelope metapodials, an immature mule
257
deer antler, a mountain sheep rib, an antelope humerous, and
a Jackrabbit tibia, These bones show such slight evidence of
workmanship as transverse nicks on the ends of the shafts and
scratches at the head regions, probably evidence of butcher­
ing, specifically the cutting of the tendons at the head
region with stone knives• There is also a series of bones
which indicates the general manufacturing process. One com­
plete metapodial has only a few nicks near the head. A
second had its central groove deepened and cut into the
central cavity by incising with a sharp stone blade, and the
distal end was grooved, cut, and broken off of the shaft. A -
third bone lacks both heads, which were grooved, cut, and
broken away; the central groove was cut completely through
along the entire length of the bone, and a half section of
the shaft was split out. All completed tools have small
scratches on the smoother portions, indicating that the
finishing of the tool was done by stone abrasion, probably
"by rubbing the tool along sandstone ledges near the ruin.
In general, little work is required to make a bone tool, and

they were no doubt often broken and discarded® Rarely, were
258
they decorated or placed with burials, an indication of their
relative lack of value.
Awls
Awls form the most common class of bone tools at
Wupatki• Two hundred and forty awls were studied, and
grouped into sixteen types and sub-types. The antelope
metapodials used are very hard, split easily, and are just
the right length. At Wupatki, which is on the border of a
plains habitat, the antelope was one of the more common
animals? and it is easy to hunt, particularly in group drives,
because of its herding instincts®
The awl is commonly used by modern Indian groups such
as the Hopl, Pima, Papago, Havasupai, Yavapai, Walapai, and
Rio Grande Pueblos> as a basket-making tool and as an aid in
skin preparation (Glfford l9*K)s 18, 275 Drucker 19^1! 122).
The Eopi also use awls in weaving and wicker work (Hough 1918 s
254), and some groups use awls for shelling com and stringing
it in bunches, or In piercing holes in wood (Gifford 19^0s 18,
27). Hop! workers at the Museum of Northern Arizona also
mentioned seeing skins stretched out and tacked to the ground
with long bone awls. However, coiled basketmaklng is undoubt­
edly the most common task requiring bone awls, and Hough (1918:
266) notes that the bone awl is the best tool for such work

"•••for the substance does not chip or cut the sewings"
Unspllt Bone Awls
Ulna Bone Awls
259
Thirteen ulna awls were recovered, five showing little
modification of the bone, four with some modification and
smoothing, and four tip fragments (Fig. 39 a, i_, . Dog
(Canis famillarls), fox (Lynx rufus ), and antelope
(AntelocaPara americana) are represented. All points show
wear and chipping, and several have "broken shafts. Their
length is dependent upon breakage and re-use, and not function.
None of the implements shoi-j evidence of use as loom tools or
flayers.
Provenience. Rooms 7b, 9 (2), ^5^* 51b, 55b,
56at 59 (2), 60a| Trash (2).
Distribution. Ulna awls are common in the prehistoric
Southwest. In the Anasazi area, only a few are noted from the
Chaco Canyon (Brand 1937» PI. 18; Dutton 1938, PI* 1; Judd 195^4-,
PI. 90s Morris 1919* 39» Pepper 1920, PI. 9), but they are
common in most other Anasasi sites of all ages# Basketmaker
(Morris and Burgh 195^» Fig. 89) to Pueblo (Brew ±9^-6: 2^2-^-3,
Fig. 178; Morris 1939» PI. 100, 108). Many were found by
Kidder, at Pecos (1932: 173)> and by Hodge, at Hawlkuh (1920,

Fig. 39. Bone awl types with heads present, a,
i, ulna bone awls, type 1; b, d, k, m-n, head slightly
ground and smoothed, type c, h, head split, but un-
worked, type 33 head heavily ground and smoothed,
type 51 £» head entire, shaft split; 1, unspllt awl,
heavily ground and smoothed, type 2. Length of 1_, 15-^
cm.

260

Pi. They are common and widespread In the Mogollon
area, throughout history {Wheat 1955s 138-391 Haury 19**0»
Fig. ^01 Wendorf 1950s 775 and the many Mogollon site reports
of Martin, Binaldo, et al.) • Hohokam sites do not all reveal
such tools* Sna&etown and Los Muertos lack them, "but they
are found at the late Gleeson and Tres Alamos sites, as well
as at Yentana Cave (Pulton and Tuthill 1940, PI. 26j Tuthill
19^7? PI* 35? Haury 195° 1 377)* Perhaps they are a late
Pueblo introduction. In the Sinagua area, sueh awls are
numerous in late sites , suoh as Montezuma Castle (Jackson
and Van Valkenburgh 195^* 80) f and Tuzigoot (Caywood and
Spicer 1935s 68), and they are also possibly cited for Walnut
Canyon (Rixey srnd Voll 1962 s 91)# and the Kings Ruin (Spicer
and Caywood 1936 s 60)« However, they were not found in
Pueblo II Sinagua sites, nor at Winona Ruin or Nalakihu,
both of which are late Pueblo II or early Pueblo III sites.
They appear to be a post-eruptive Sinagua tool type, perhaps
a Kayenta, Anasazi, or Mogollon introduction.
Metapodials. Heavily Ground and Smoothed
Three unsplit mefcapod.ial shafts were found which
have heads heavily ground and smoothed to a cylindrical
shape (Fig. 39 1)* Their length is 3-8 cm., their width,
1.0-1.7 cm. One has a out and deepened epiphysial notch,
and two have holes ground through the top of the head

Into the central groove. They are probably awl heads.
Provenience» Ur&nown.
Distribution. Fewkes (1926, Pi. 2) Illustrates two
such awls from sites in Young's Canyon, near Flagstaff, and
4 similar example from Chavez Pass Ruin (190*H PI. 45)#
Three similar awls were apparently found with a burial at
Tonto Monument (Steen et al„ 1962: 5 2 » Pl« 15 JL) • Fulton
and Tuthill (19^0, PI. 26) picture one from the Hohokam
262
Gleeson Site, in southern Arizona? Bradfleld (1931* PI. 95 )>
adds another from the Cameron Creek Ruin? several were found
at Point of Pines Ruin (Sciscentl 1963); and Pepper may have
found similar examples at Pueblo Bonito (I920, PI. 9). They
iseem to be rare, but are found In several Sinagua sites, and
in a few ruins elsewhere in the .southern part of the Southwest*
Split Bone Awls
Head Entire, Shaft Split
These three awls are different in appearance, bone
type, and size, and two of the tips are missing. The com­
plete awl, a jackrabbit tibia, is sharply pointed, ?.i cm.
long, and 2-3 mm. wide. The two fragmentary awl-shafts are
of antelope radius (Fig. 39 f).
Provenience. Trash pile.

Distribution- This general and amorphous type Is
found throughout the prehistoric Southwest.
Head Split, feat Unworked
There are five awls and seven awl fragments in this
category, split from the distal end of antelope metapodials
i
(Pig. 39 o» h)» Complete specimens are short and stubby,
varying from 7.5-9•$ om* in length9 and ?-i0 mm. in width,
but some broken fragments range to 16 cm. in length. All
263
tips are tapered to sharp, rounded points, and the shafts are
round in seotlonf nicked horizontally, and well smoothed and
polished. Three complete specimens had been side-notched,
or shouldered, by transversely nicking the shaft at the mid­
point and splitting out a splinter. This trait, probably a
Chaco-Anasazl or Mogollon introduction to the Sinagua, is
discussed in the conclusions. Its function may have been to
limit the piercing stroke of the awl in such activities as
basket weaving, without at the same time forcing the basket
coils apart, as a tapered awl would do.
Trash pile.
Provenience. Rooms 12, 30, 51a? 55^5 Burial 1 (2)|
Distribution. This type Is widespread in the prehis­
toric Southwest. Mogollon sites of all periods and areas
reveal them (Wheat 1955? 139-if-O) and many site reports picture

them (Bradfield 1931» PI. 955 Cosgrove 1921, PI* 62-63?
Haury, 19^0s 114? the reports of Martin, Rinaldo et al.j
Nesbitt 1938, PI. 48). They are also found in sites of the
HohoJcam culture {Haury 1950 i 37&S Tuthlll 19^7 , PI• 45),
Commonly in sites of the north and west Anasazi tradition
(Brew 1946, Pig. 177? Morris 1939. PI. 101? Morris and
Burgh 195V Fig. 89; Martin 1936: 6?5 Roberts 1930, PI. 40?
26k
1931. PI. 25, 29? 1932, PI. 42? 1940, PI. 34? Wendorf 1953a,
Pig. 91), as well as in Chaco and west New Mexico sites
(Jti&d 1954, PI. 33; Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939» PI. 12? Pepper
1920, PI. 9), although they seem to be uncommon In late sites
(Hodge 1920? Kidder 1932), except for Paa-ko (Lambert 1954,
PI. 35 W* They are found throughout the Sinagua sequence
(Bartlett 193^* PI. 41; Caywood and Spicer 1935s Pl»
King 1949: 104; Mc.Gregor 1936, Pig. 20; 1941 s 228; Spicer
and Caywood 1936: 59). The trait is thus widespread In area
and time, and is useless for cultural distinctions.
Head Slightly Ground and Smoothed
In this type the distal end of the slightly altered
split antelope metapodlal shows some evidence of smoothing
and polishing, and the shaft is also worked (Pig. 39 bf d, g
k» 2L» a).* Eight of the 18 tools are made of immature meta-
podials (Pig. 39 b, d), and seven are complete with sharp, i.
rounded points. Two specimens have a hole drilled vertically

265
from the top of the head into the central groove. The holes
are wide at the top (8 mm.5, and smaller (3 nmu) where they
enter the central groove * This type of piercing is found in
several. Wupatki artifacts, and was probably used as an area
through which to tie a leather thong to the tool, which was
then suspended from the wrist, in use. The width of the tools
ranges from 8-12 mm., the length from 5~ 1 3 cm., with an average
length of 10-12 cm. Two specimens are side-notched, and two
head fragments were burnt.
Trash (9).
Proven!ence. Rooms 7b (2), 12, 15, 28b, 55b, 62b (2)j
Distribution. The distribution of this type is simi­
lar to that of the preceding type, i.e., it is commonly found
throughout all areas and periods of the prehistoric Southwest.
Vertical piercing of the head, however, seems to be a distinc­
tive trait of the post-eruptive Slnagua (Bliss 195^' 12^,
Fig. 90, items 28; Mc.Gregor 19*H: 227-29, PI. 7^ cj Smith
1952a i 1*1-0), and it is a trait which may have been intro­
duced into the Slnagua Angel phase (1070-1120) from an eastern
or southeastern source, according to Mc.Gregor (19**-ls 228-229).
However, no other comparative material is know, save for a
possible example reported by Hough (I903, PI. 14-), from the
northern Mogollon region, and a few late examples from Point
of Pines Bulh (Soisoenti 1963). The origin of this trait is
possibly local.

Head Heavily Ground and Smoothed
In this category, the head was heavily altered, In­
266
deed often squared off, by smoothing and grinding (Pig. 39 §J
Fig. kO a-b, h, i, n). There are six complete tools with
isharp, tapering points, four rounded and two flat, in section#
i
]
ISie shafts are both flat and round, in section, and are well
smoothed„ Widths and lengths vary greatly® The two largest
specimens are 22#4 and Zk cm. long, with flat shafts 1.^ and
1.8 cm. wide, and the other awls vary from 9*0-17»0cm* in
length, and 7-10 ram* in width. Three heads were "burnt, four
specimens have holes (5-10 mm. in diameter) vertically through
the head, and one burnt fragment shows the beginning of such
I.
an attempt. One specimen also has a smaller (2 mm.) hori­
zontal connecting: hole in the head, and one (Fig. *K> a) has
a large (8 mm.) hole drilled horizontally completely through
the head.
Trash,
Provenience. Booms 7b (2), 12, 15, 28a, 55^9 6Zb\
Distribution. Among the Sinagua, such awls are found
at Pueblo II sites (Bartlett -193^* ^1-42), at early Pueblo III
sites (Mo.Gregor 19^1* 228-229)V and at later ruins, such as
the Big Hawk Valley sites and Tuzigoot (Smith 1952as 138-^0j
i
iCaywood and Spicer 1935' 68-70), and the Kings Huin (Spioer

Pig. **0. Modified bone awls and needles* a-bt
h-ijt n8 awls with head heavily ground and smoothed9 type
5t a, is vertically and horizontally pierced; o., £.-&* X"
mf o# awls with heads completely ground away „ type 6; d-
e» rabbit bone needles, d, head ground away, e, head
pierced but entire* Length of h, *23o0 cm.

26?

and Caywood 1936: 59)* However, the type seems to be rare
in the Hohokam area; only one is noted, at Vent ana Cave
(Haury 1950 5 376-77)* It is common in the Anasazl region
268
(Fewkes 1911a, PI. 51I Hough 1920, PI. 9? Judd 195^» 3?1* 33!
Kluckhohn and Heiter 1939; 1331 Lambert 195^* 155I Kidder
1932: 205* 209s Morris 1939» PI. 102-03; 0'Bryan 1950, PI.
35? Stubbs and Stalllngs Jr » 1953 : 130)* Mogollon sites also
reveal many examples (Br ad ft old 1931 > PI «> 951 Cos grove 1932,
PI.631 Martin et al. 1956, PI. 62; Nesbltt 1938s *+8?
Roberts 1931» PI* 29l 1932, PI. ^2; Wendorf 1950: 79). Wheat,
however, notes that this type occurs late in time, probably
post-800-900.
In short, the type is not as common as the preceding
awl types, although it is more typical of later sites such
as Hawikuh and Pecos. Generally, it is characteristic of
late northern Pueblo sites and rare in the Hohokam area.
Vertical piercing of the head may be a local trait character­
istic of Pueblo III Slnagua sites. Lateral piercing of the
head, however, is found in many sites of the Mogollon,
Anasazl, and Slnagua cultural regions.
Heads Completely Altered or Ground Away
In this, the largest alass of awls, the head is absent
or much altered, although there may be a swelling or remains
of cancellous tissue to indicate where the head was previously

Head Heavily Ground and Smoothed
In this category, the head was heavily altered, In­
266
deed often squared off, by smoothing and grinding (Pig. 39 ej
Fig. 40 ll» Lj **)• There are six complete tools with
sharp, tapering points, four rounded and two flat, in section.
i
v
i©ie shafts are both flat and round, In section, and are well
ismoothed. Widths and lengths vary greatly* The two largest
specimens are 22.4 and 24 cm. long, with flat shafts 1.4 and
1.8 cm. wide, and the other awls vary from 9«Q-17.0 cm. in
length, and 7-10 mm. in width. Three heads were burnt, four
specimens have holes (5-10 mm. in diameter) vertically through
|the head, and one burnt fragment shows the beginning of such
an attempt. One specimen also has a smaller (2 ml.) hori­
zontal connecting hole in the head, and one (Fig. 40 a) has
a large (8 mm.) hole drilled horizontally completely through
the head.
i. '
:
LTrash.
Provenience. Hooms 7b (2), 12, 15, 28a, 55b, 62b{
Distribution. Among the Sinagua, such awls are found
at Pueblo II sites (Bartlett 1934s 41-42 )t at early Pueblo III
sites (Mc.Gregor 1941s 228-229), and at later ruins, such as
the Big Haisk Valley sites and Tuzigoot (Smith 1952a! 138-40?
iCaywood and Splcer 1935* 68-70), and the Kings Huin (Splcer
;• •
i

Fig* 40. Modified bone awls and needles* a-bp
h-ij n, awls with head heavily ground and smoothed, type
5i St.* vertically and horizontally pierced? ot 2r
m, o# awls with heads completely ground away, type 6; d-
a, rabbit bone needles, d, head ground away, e, head
pierced but entire* Length of h#~23*0 cm*

267

and Caywood 1936s 59). However, the type seems to "be rare
in the Hohokam areaj only one is noted, at Vent ana Cave
'[Haury 1950s 376-77)« It Is common In the Anasazi region
268
(Fewkes 1911a, PI. 51? Hough 1920, PI. 9! Judd 195^» PI- 33l
ICLuckhohn and Helter 1939s 133I Lambert 195^ s 155I Kidder
:l.932i 205, 209J Morris 1939, 21* 102-03? 0*Bryan 1950, PI.
35; Stubbs and Stallings^ Jr» 1953 s 130'). Mogollon sites also
reveal many examples {Bradfield 19-31» PI* 95? Cos grove 1932,
PI. 63? Martin et al. 195&* PI* 62? Nesbitt 1938s ^8?
Roberts 1931» PI. 295 1932, PI. ^2; Wendorf 1950s 79). Wheat,
however, notes that this type occurs late in time, probably
post-800-900.
In short, the type is not as common as the preceding
awl types, although it Is more typical of later sites such
as Eawliruh and Pecos. Generally, it is characteristic of
late northern Pueblo sites and rare in the Hohokam area.
Vertical piercing of the head may be a local trait character­
istic of Pueblo III SInagua sites. Lateral piercing of the
:head, however, is found in many sites of the Mogollon,
*
;Anasazi, and SInagua cultural regions.
Heads Completely Altered or Ground Away
In this, the largest Glass of awls, the head is absent
or much altered, although there may be a swelling or remains
|of cancellous tissue to indicate where the head was previously

269
located {Pig. 40 c_9 H-ELs 2.) • The shafts of these well-
made awls are thin and flat in section, and show much grind­
ing, smoothing, and polishing. Thiss along with their vary­
ing lengths9 indicates long use and constant resharpening.
Of the 33 examples (13 heads, 20 complete awls), 32 are of
antelope metapodial and one is made from an antelope tibia.
They range in length from 7*5-18*3 cm., with a constant
gradation between these limits, and in width from 9-18 mm.
All gradually taper to a sharp point, and all have been cut
off squarely at the head and ground smooth. Six specimens
are laterally pierced, close to the head (hole diameter 4-
7 mm.}, with countersunk holes drilled from both sides. One
specimen has a vertically pierced connecting hole, and small
grooves were noted on the top of this tool, and several other
heads, perhaps indicating the area where a thong strap had
worn*
At least five of the shafts and heads of these awls
bear incised decoration, and they may thus have been used as
hair ornaments. The Incised designs are simple geometric
figures!, often parallel lines forming v's, and were probably
made with a sharp stone flake. Some designs zig-zag down
the shaft, and others are composed of cross-hatched parallel
lines in box forms. One burnt and decorated head fragment
was noted. Simple, broad-band painting occurs on a few
shafts, originally green or blue in color.

Provenience. Rooms 7b, 5.2, 15 (3)» 28a, 35c, ^5"b»
56b (2), 55b-(^), 5?b, 635 Trash.
270
Distribution. In Sinagua sites such awls are rarely
found, prior to 1070, although a few possible examples are
indicated by Kc.Gregor (1936: 20) and Eartlett (193^' ^2).
They are found in such Pueblo III sites as Nalakihu, Big Havjk
Valley, and Tuzigoot (where specimens were also decorated
along the shaft), as well as at the Salado Tonto Cliff
Dwellings (King 19^9' 104>; Smith 1952a, Fig. ^8| Caywood and
Spicer 1935? 68-69; Steen et al. 1962s $2$ PI. 15 g-i.)® How­
ever, they are not found in the Hohokam influenced Winona
Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19^1)•
In northern Anasazi cultural areas, such awls are
found at Durango, in early Basketmaker sites (Morris and
Burgh 195^» Fig* *K))» and in several Pueblo sites (Brew
19*4-6, PI. 180; Fewkes 1911a, PI. 3^-35? Martin 1936s 70, Fig.
18-205 Norris 1939> Fig. 103-10^). In Chaco and other New
Mexico Anasazi sites they occur at Bo 50-51» Pueblo Bonito,
and Leyit Kin (Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939s 13^5 Judd 195^» PI*
33? Pepper 1920, PI. 9-105 Datton 1938s 66), and at Pindi
Pueblo, Paa'ko, Pecos, and Eawikuh (StubbsandStallings Jr.
1953# PI. 30! Lambert 195^: 15^1 Kidder 1932, Fig. 77I Hodge
1920, PI. 9-13). They are common in the Mogollon sites
(Bradfield 1931, PI. 95? Cosgrove 1932, PI. 59? Martin 19^3 8

271
83* Martin et al. 1956: 116; Roberts 1931» PI. 28? 1932, PI.
40 f Wheat 1955s 140-43) • However, they appear to be rare in
the Hohokam region, where only a few examples are illustrated
from Los Muertos (Haury 1945a: l6l). They are probably a
northern introduction to the Sinagua, and in all areas appear
to be popular only at a late period.
Unclassifiable Split-bone Tips
Eighteen miscellaneous split-bone awl tips were found.
At least ten of these have the earsfully smoothed, polished,
and flattened appearance of the well-worked awls previously
described. All of the tips are sharply pointed and well
smoothed. Such fragments are common in Southwestern sites.
665 Trash.
Provenience,, Eooms 9, 10, 12, 15, 30, 35c, 5?a9 58a,
Splinter-bone Awl Tools
Forty-eight tools were fashioned from long, slender
splinters, or irregular fragments of bone shafts, rather than
from split sections. These splinters may have been gathered
from the bone debris resulting from the extraction of bone
marrow, or may have been re-used sections of broken bone tools.
However, such tools are in the minority at Wupatki, a site
where the bone tools are unusually well made, in marked con­
trast to the situations at many sites in the Southwest. For

272
example, In the Glenn Canyon sites excavated "by the Museum of
i:
Northern Arizona and the University of Utah, irregular splinter-
bone awls were the rule (Gunnerson 1959s 28, 78-81? Lister 1959s
104-05).
He-used Splinters of Split-bone Awls
Twenty-six awls were made from the broken and re-used
fragments of the tips or shafts of split-bone awls (Fig. ar
j* s h-k9 n-n) • These intergrade in size and shape from tiny
needle-like fragments to large, nearly complete split-bone awl
•tips (length: 2.5-16.0 cm., widths 5-15a«)« Most fragments
are well smoothed, probably in prior use as split awls,' but all
now have broken and Jagged edges, although some care has been
taken to smooth these rough areas. One small, sharply beveled,
flat section is covered with an incised decoration of cross-
hatched diagonal lines, meeting in v*s. These fragments are
probably made from antelope metapodials, although one may be a
long bone fragment.
Provenience. Hooms 7h, 9» 28, 30 (2), 35c, 45b, 51a,
55t>» 56a, 63 (2), 66, 73 (2)* Trash.
Splinter-bone Awls and Bodkins
Sixteen tools {12 complete, 4 head fragments) were
fashioned from small splinters of long bone, and are divided
into three categories: awls, pins or bodkins, and small

Fig* 41 • Splinter-bone awl tools• a-

Ji
h f j k I m n

curved pieces. The shafts are slender, rounded In section,
squared at one end, and sharply pointed. Hone are Incised
or drilled# but one of the flat curved splinters bears a
running scroll decoration in red paint.
27*+
The pins are short, slender, sharply pointed pieces,
3-iO cm. in length, while the bodkins are pointed with a taper­
ing needle-like tip, but are fat and rounded at the opposite
lend (Pig. e). They are 8.5 and 10.1 cm. in length. The
curved shafts are slender, short, and flat in outline, 9-10
•cm. in length (Fig. *KL d).
Irregular Pointed Bone Fragments
Several splintered, irregular fragments of long-bone
shafts are crudely pointed at one or both ends to form a
ipieroing tool (Fig. **•! f). They are shafts of antelope femur,
land are wide, thick, and rounded (convex) in section, varying
from 7.5-11.5 cm. in length. They are crude tools, less well
polished, smoothed, and worked, than the other awls.
Psovanlence. Rooms 7a, 7b (2), 2, 9, 15, 28, 30 (5)»
35o, ^5t> (3). 51a, 5lb, 55b (3), 56a, 63 (2), 66, 68 (2), 73
(2)j Trash.
Distribution. Splinter-bone awl tools are commonly
|found in the prehistoric Southwest. Hodge}and Kidder (1920,
[PI. 6, 7* 9, 15» 275 1932: 212-13) picture identical artifacts

in their publications, although the bodiins they Illustrate
are pierced. Similar awls are found at Alkali Ridge (Brew
19^6, Pig. 181), the La Plata sites (Morris 1939, PI. 10*!-
2 75
105)» Pueblo Bonito (Pepper 1920, PI. 10), Leyit Kin (Dutton
1938 1 66), Pindi Pueblo, and Paa'ko (Stubbs and Stailings Jr.
1953# PI* 30, 335 Lambert 195^-s 155)- Most of the published
Mogollon sites also contained such tools, and they were found
at the Prescott branch Kings Ruin (Spicer and Caywood 1936:
61). Wendorf (1950, PI. 13 k) illustrates an identical, un-
plerced bodlcin from Point of Pines Ruin. Such types are
commonly found in Sinagua sites, escept perhaps for the rare
bodkin and curved splinter forms, and are apparently not
limited to any one time or cultural period.
Mult1-purdose Awl Tools
"There are four types of multi-purpose awl tools from
Wupatlci# all sharply pointed at one end, resembling the awls
previously described, but all having, in addition, a specialized
head devoted to another function. Obviously, awls were used
fpr a variety of Jobs, and every awl was, in a sense, a multi­
purpose tool; but in this category, there is evidence at the
head of a specialized function.
Split-bone Awl-flaking Tools
Three complete and 12 tip fragments of such tools were
studied (Pig. k2 a, 55, &, h, 1, n)• Fourteen were of

Fig* iJ-2. Bone awl-polishing tools, fleshers, and
flakers• a, o, £-h» 1» split awl-fla3cing tools; to,
antler tine flaking tools; d, m, awl-polishing tools; e.»
fs i» ©» chisel or fleshing tools. Length of 1, I3.0 cm.

-: V - "

antelope metapodlal, and one of antelope tibia. They are
classified as flakers because of their broad, round, blunt,
277
and flattened shafts and tips, usually chipped and broken in
use. Kidder (1932s 229, Fig. 191) identifies many such
flaker tools from Pecos, and indicates that they are awls,
dulled through use, which were then utilized as flakers,
particularly for the secondary chipping and retouching of
blades and points. In (rbsnn Canyon sites dug by the Museum
of Northern Arizonat flint chipping is a common trait, and
much chipping detritus was found in several areas, as if the
process was a speciality of this area. Several of the bone
tools pictured in their publications are identical to types
classified here as bone flakers (Adams, Lindsay, and Turner, II
1961, Pig. 5*0.
The three complete Wupatki tools generally resemble
awls of the second, fourth, and fifth types, except for the
tip, and are 8.5* 9*0, and 12.5 cm. in length. One has a
narrow, squared shaft, one a slender, rounded shaft, and one
a broad and flattened shaft. The tip fragments vary from
^.0-16.5 cm. in length, but are as thin as 2 mm. They are
generally well polished and smoothed.
Provenience. Rooms 30 (3)» ^6b, b, 55b, 59, 62,
63, 66b; Trash (5).
Distrlbut1on. The Eopi have recently used bone
flakers in making arrow-points (Hough 1918: 288). Kidder

(1932: 229), found, oyer 150 such tools at Pecos, many were
found by Hodge at Hawikuh (1920, PI. 17-19, and. by Lambert
at Paa'ko (195^» 35 e). They are noted at sites In the
278
Glenn Canyon, La Plata, and Mesa Verde areas (Gunnerson 1959s
28j Lister 1959: 104-05; Morris 1939 > Fig, 107; 0*Bryan 1950,
PI. 35). In the Hohokam area, Eaury found several at Ventana
Care (1950s 380), and they are pictured from Mogollon or
Western Pueblo sites (Cosgrove 193 2 # PI. 68; Martin et al.
1956: 114, PI. 62; Roberts 1930, PI. 28} Wheat 1955: 144-45).
However, they would seem to be a generally unreoognized
category which is probably more widespread than Is noted.
The antler flaker, of course, Is the commonly recognized pre­
historic Southwestern flaking tool.
Splinter-bone Awl-pollshim?: Tools
This amorphous type includes tools which vary In size
and shape, but are lumped by their common possession of a head
which has been worn smooth in use as a polishing tool (Pig.
2.). Three specimens are 16-17 om. long, and 6-8 mm. in
width, originally manufactured as typical splinter-bone awls.
The fourth specimen is a wide (15 mm.) flattened, split-bone
fragment 10.5 cm. long, with convex sides. One end is
pointed, and the other is a wide round convex head, showing
much evidence of rubbing and polishing (Fig. 42 d).
Provenience. 7b, 62b; Trash (2).

Distribution. This type is difficult to compare,
but seems to have been found at several late Anasazi sites
(Martin 193&* Pig* 18 h? Morris 1939 > PI- 109 > Stubbs and
Stallings>Jr. 1953» PI* 30), several Mogollon or Western
Pueblo sites (Bradfield 1931, PI- ^0; Roberts 1930: 1^5;
1932, PI- *K)), and it is also noted for some Pueblo II-III
279
Slnagua sites (Bartlett 193^ : **3 5 Mc.G-regor 19^1, Fig- 7^ Jl)*
Awl Hair Ornaments
Four specimens were found, but many of the better-
made awls could, of course, have been used for this purpose.
Three are of antelope metapodials, and one is possibly of an
antelope tibia. They all are generally thin, long, and
slender> have sharply pointed tips, and a decorated shaft
or head•
One specimen, a beautifully polished 1^ cm. long
example of a type 5 awl, has a squared end into -which five
parallel incised lines, ^ cm. long, have been cut vertically.
A green or blue band was painted diagonally do-wn across the
shaft (Pig. 4-3 c).
The second specimen is a" well-polished, slender, split
metapodlal awl, 22.3 cm- long, probably of type with a tip
chipped in use. The head is nearly ground away, leaving
three portions of the whorl, which were cut to resemble two
horns and the head of a deer or antelope.

280
The third tool, possibly made from antelope tibia, is
21.5 CI &- long, slender, rounded, and beautifully polished,
and very gradually tapers to a slender point. Its head has
been carved to resemble a triangular, serrated-edged arrow
• *
point, 1.7 CEL. long, 1.3 cm. wide at the base, and only 2-3
mm. thick. There is evidence of about b cm. of pitch cover­
ing surrounding a string binding below the point, to which
feathers were probably tied (Pig. hj !>)•
The fourth artifact is a portion of a wide (2 cm.),
flat, split-bone shaft, with a thong hole drilled into the
top. This piece was heavily incised and decorated with inter­
locking frets and parallel lines.
Provenience. Rooms 62b; Trash (2)j Burial 29.
Distribution. Hair ornaments have been rarely reported
in the literature. However, Fewkes (1926: 12-13, PI. 8)
discusses two similar, wide, flat, heavily-incised bone shafts,
pierced at the top, which were found in Youngs Canyon. They
were lying on, or near, the skull of a human adult burial.
He believes that they were hair ornaments of the type worn by
the Zunl and Hopi warriors impersonating the "Little War God."
The specimens illustrated are Identical in size and shape to
the Wupatki pierced and Incised shaft fragments. An ornament
was also found by Pewkes at Elden Ruin, near the skull of a
burial (1927, Pig. 211), which greatly resembles the Wupatki

arrow-head specimen. The Wupatki ornament had "been wrapped
with string and feathers, as are modern Hop! and Zuni cere­
monial hair artifacts of bone (Fewkes 1926, PI, 8 c.) •
• «
Cosgrove (1932, PI. 59) ^nd Martin (1936, Pis- 13 £.) also
illustrate awls with carved heads representing antelope and
deer, iihich are similar to Wupatkl specimens.
Awl-weaving Tools
Such tools are identified by evenly spaced notches
worn into the sides or head by the loom warps during their
281
use in beating down the weft elements in weaving (Pig- ^1 g.) •
One of the Wupatki tools Is made of the split left radius of
an antelope, and Is 12«5 cm. long, has a sharpened awl-tip,
and a head into which a V-shaped groove has been out, in the
base of which are two additional worn grooves (Fig. ^4-1 1).
Provenlence. Room 62b; Trash.
Distribution. Weaving tools have been Identified only
for late Pueblo sites (Brew 19^6: 2^3» Kidder 1932: 226-67;
Morris 1939s 121; Lambert 195^: 153-5**-# PI* 35 je). However,
such tools have previously not been Identified at any Slnagua
sites, although these sites have yielded some of the most
striking textiles found in the Southwest (Kent 1957)- It
should also be noted that the modern Hop! use a bone awl in
their weaving (Hough 1918: 25*1-).

Miscellaneous Awl Fragments
There are 53 unclassiflable awl tip and shaft frag­
ments • All are sharply pointed, and either round or flat,
In section. A few are sharply beveled to a point, although
most are tapered.
282
Provenience. Rooms 10, 12, 15, 30» 35c, ^5$ 68?
Burial 1; Trash.
Bone Needles
All but one of the needles are made from jaclcrabblt
radii (Lepus californicus texlanas). The rabbit radius is a
slender, curved, hollow bone, and when the head is ground
away, or pierced, a hollow tube results, ideal for use as a
needle -(Fig. 40 d, e). The shafts are 5-6 mm* in diameter,
and the 13 complete specimens range from 8-11.4 cm. in length.
One end of every needle was beveled to a point, and In nine
of 15 cases the opposite end was ground squarely off, pro­
ducing a hollow tube. A small hole was drilled horizontally
to meet this tube in seven cases, but In only two cases,
where the head was left intact, was a hole drilled entirely
through the shaft. Four needles have points, but no piercing
or grinding of the opposite end, suggesting that they were
in the process of manufacture, and one needle has a six
inch strand of twisted yucca fibre string still attached

through the hole in its head. The splinter metapodial tool
(8.5 cm. long, 8 mm. wide) had been broken off at the head
283
through its eye-hole, perhaps in manufacture. It is reason­
ably clear that these tools were used as needles, but the
possibility exists that they may have been strung as necklace
tinklers.
Provenience. Rooms 7b (2), 15 (2), ^3, *4-5b» ^Sb,
51a, 55^ (^)* 6lb; Trash.
Distribution. Needles of rabbit radius are rarely -
reported. Some have been found at the Village of the Great
Kivas, on the Zuni reservation (Roberts 1932, PI. 45)» and-
soae may have been found at Leyit Kin, in Chaco Canyon
(Dutton 1938» PI* 1)• They are Identified at the Kings Ruin
(SplGer and Caywood 193&: 60-61, PI. 20) and at several
Sinagua sites, such as Nalakihu (King 19^9, Fig. 75 g) and
Montezuma Castle (Jackson and Van Valkenburgh 195^» Pi* 37)-
They are not found in Pueblo II Sinagua sites, however
(Bartlett 193^: 44).
This is a distinctive tool, and should have been
identified, if present, in other sites. Rabbit bone tools
are not uncommon in the Southwest, and the lack of the proper
material is obviously not the answer. Such needles may well
be distinctive of Pueblo III Sinagua or Chaco sites, while
the split metapodial needle is the common needle type found

• •
23k
In all areas of the Southwest, and Is also distinctive of the
modern Rio Grande Pueblos and the Hopi (Gifford 19^0 s 27).
Chisel-spatulas
Pour tools were found (two of antelope metapodial,
two of antelope humerus) which are slender, rectangular, flat-
shafted bones, ending in a thin, sharp, flat, and rectangular
tip, resembling a modern paint scraper, or spatula. Three of
these are 13 mm, wide, one is 16 mm. in width.
One tool, of antelope humerus, preserved much of the
swelling of the head forming a smooth handle. This tool was
11 cm. long (Fig. kZ o). Another tool Is 12.8 cm. long, 13
ram. wide, and 3 nmu thick. It has a rectangular, slender,
flat, shaft, well polished and smoothed (Pig# hZ f)„ The
third tool was formed of a split-bone awl, of type 5 (Fig.
#2 e). The fourth specimen is the spatulate tip fragment of
a 16 mm. wide tool (Fig. bZ Aj „
These tools were among the most carefully made arti­
facts at Wupatki. They were probably used as fleshers in the
skinning of small animals, and perhaps also for the slicing
and flattening of the grass and yucca fronds used in basket
weaving. Kidder notes that similar tools of wood were used
in animal skinning in Basketmaker settlements of the Kayenta
area (1932: 222),
Provenience. Rooms 5 la » 55^ (3)»

Distribution* Similar tools are round in several
areas of the prehistoric Southwest. Hodge (1920: 97-101,
PI. 1*1—15» 23) found many at Hawlkuh, and Kidder (1932, Fig.
197) found many examples at Pecos, these, of course, late
examples. They are also found in Basketmaker sites at
285
Durango and in Pueblo sites in the La Plata district (Morris
and Burgh 195^* Fig* 9^5 Morris 1939• 111, Fig. 107)» and an
identical example is noted from Mancos Canyon (Reed 1958»
Pig. 5*0 9 a s well as several from Chaco Canyon sites, such
as Pueblo Bonito (Judd 195^» PI* Pepper 1920, PI. 11).
In New Mexico they have been reported from Pindi Pueblo,
Paa'ko, and sites in the Chama Valley (Stubbs and Stallings^
Jr. 1953, PI- 3^? Lambert ±95^' 153, PI. 35 b; Jeancon 1923,,
PI. 31) • Ihe are noted in several Mogollon or Western Pueblo
sites (Eaury 19^0: 115? Roberts 1932, PI. *4-0, *1-85 19*K), PI.
38s Wheat 1955s 1^3)» and in two Hohokam sites, Ventana Cave
and Snaketown (Haury 1950s 380? Gladwin et al. 1937, PI* 125).
Among the Slnagua, such tools are noted in Pueblo II sites
(Bartlett 193^1 ^23 Mc.G-regor 193^, Pig. 20), and at Winona
Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19^1# Fig. 7*0 • They are thus widely dis­
tributed through space and time in the prehistoric Southwest,
particularly in Anasazi sites, but are not as commonly found
as are most awl tools.

Pierced Rectangular Shafts
Five wide, flat, rectangular, long-bone shafts were
286
foundj all pierced at the head (Pig. 4-3 a, k). One is of
antelope tibia, but the other bone cannot be identified.
Ihey are fragmentary, each missing much of the shaft and
tip, and are 2,0-2.5 cm. wide, and 1-5 mm. thick. All are
pierced near the center of the shaft, 6-8 mm. from one end.
Two short fragments are decorated. One has parallel, incised
lines which meet in a V under the hole (Fig. ^3 k). Another
has square interlocked scroll design, about 3 cm. wide.
These shafts may have been hair ornaments, perhaps
originally with attached leather thongs or feathers, but they
may also have been used as ceremonial bull roarers, as similar
wooden objects are utilized today by the Hopi and Zunl.
Bartlett (193*1-: kZ-kj) notes that one such bone tool with an
attached thong was found in a Sinagua site.
Provenience. Hooms 7b, 35c, 5 la > 68.
Distribution. Such specimens are rarely reported in
the literature. VJendorf notes an identical specimen from
"Point of Pines Ruin (1950» Pl» 1^1)» Roberts reports one
from the Village of the Great Kivas (1932» PI. ^8), and one
is featured from the Hooper Ranch Site In eastern Arizona
(Martin, Rinaldo, and Longacre 1961s 61). In the Hohokam

Pig* ^3, Rectangular bone shafts, hair orna­
ments, dice9 flutes, cut tubest and miscellaneous Items*
I-k, pierced rectangular shafts 5 b-c^, awl hair orna­
ments j d, scapula scraper?; e$ cut bone tubes; f, h,
rectangular and ovoid bone dice; JL* miscellaneous awl
fragment; 1-m, bird bone flutes or bird calls; n, phalange
ornament* Length of b, 21.5 cm.

287

egion, Haury found a similar piece at Ventana Cave (1950,
Fig. 89)» and. they have been reported from Anasazi sites in
Chaoo Canyon (Judd 195^ : 133» PI* 37 £.)» where Zuni workmen
288
identified them as bull roarers. At Pecos and Hawikuh, Kidder,
and Hodge, each found similar pieces, which they called pen­
dants, The examples at Hawikuh had a pair of holes at either
end, and thus appear to have been functionally different than
the Wupatki specimens (Kidder 1932, Fig* 225; Hodge 1920, PI.
53). In the Sinagua area, one similarly pierced shaft with
an attached thong was found at Medicine Cave, a Pueblo II site
near Flagstaff (Bartlett 193^s ^2-^3)• and. Fewkes illustrates
similar objects from sites in Youngs Canyon, identified as
hair ornaments (1926: 12-13, PI. 8). These tools appear to
have been Mogollon or Chaco-Anasazi ceremonial or ornamental
objects.
Flaking Tools
Two antler tine and one antelope femur flailing tools
were found. The two mule deer antler flakers are slightly
carved fragments with rounded blunt tips showing chipping and
use marks (Fig. ^2 b, k). They are 10.6 cm., and 12.0 cm.
long, and about 1.5 cm* in diameter at the base. One tool
base is slightly hollowed, and both are well polished and
have a worn, flattened surface on a portion of the shaft, as
if each had also been used as a rubber or polisher. The split

antelope femur fragment, 13-0 cm, long, 2.0 cm. wide, has a
round shaft, and retains a portion of the bone head as a
289
handleo The shaft has been smoothly polished and is beveled
to a blunted point.
Provenience, Rooms 10, 30.
Distribution, Such flaking tools, especially the
antler flakers, are common In the prehistoric Southwest in
all time periods. They are still used as chipping tools by
most Southwestern tribes.
Bone Whistles
Four whistles of bird bone were collected. They are
square-cut at both ends and have one 4- mm. In diameter square-
cut hole in the middle of the shaft. The hole was cut from
one-third to one-half of the distance from the ends, by
incising deep scratches across the shaft. One tool is slender
(5 mm. in diameter), short (4- cm, long), and somewhat flattened,
and is split along Its length. A second specimen of turkey
wing bone (MITHagrls gallopavo) is 8 cm. long and 7-10 mm. in
diameter. The third specimen, made of the bone of a red-tailed
hawk (Butea .1amal censes) > Is 10.3 cm. long, and 6 mm. in
diameter (Fig. 4 3 1) • The fourth specimen, made from the
curving squat bone of an osprey (Pandlon halloetus), is 6.5
cm. long, and 8 mm. in diameter, and has a round center hole

4 mm. In diameter, carefully drilled 1.5 cm. from one end
290
(Fig. 43 a)« All of these whistles probably had a pitch stop
directly in back of the hole in the middle of the hollow tube,
direct evidence of such a stop still appearing in specimen
two.
Provenience. Rooms 51^» 55^* 59» Trash.
Distribution. Bone whistles are used as game decoys
by modern Rio Grande Pueblo groups, and by the Hopi and Zuni
(Gifford 1940t 5? Hough 1918; 296). Similar whistles, also
with pitch stops in back of the hole, are specifically used
by the Hopi in their flute ceremony, as well as in other
ceremonial dances (Voth 1903# Pl» 7)«
Prehistorically, Wheat (1955 5 144) states that bone
whistles have a northern distribution, and are an Anasazi
introduction. They are found in northern Mogollon sites,
such as those in the Porestdale Valley (Haury 1940s 115) •
Martin, Rinaldo, and Longacre (1961: 95) also found them in
some quantity at the Hooper Ranch Site near Springervllle,
Arizona, and Roberts (1932, PI. 47) illustrates examples
from the Village of the Great Kivas. Di Peso discovered them
at the Babocomarl Village Site, in southern Arizona (1951s
98), but they seem to be absent from the remainder of the
desert area, and the Mimbres region. They are found, how­
ever, in several late period New Mexico sites such as Pindi

291
Pueblo, Paa'ko, the Chama Valley sites, Forked Lightning Ruin,
Pecos Pueblo, and Hawikuh (Stubbs and Stallings,Jr. 1953» PI*
35; Lambert 195^# PI- 35 £.? Jeancon 1923» PI. 29? Kidder 1932:
252; Hodge 1920, PI. 33-3*1") • They appear to have been absent
in Chaco Canyon sites, and possibly also in Mesa Verde sites,
such as Spruce Tree House and Cliff Palace, Morris* sites in
the La Plata district, and Brew's site of Alkalai Hldge, Utah.
Nevertheless, early Basketmaker examples are reported by Kidder
*
and Guernsey (1919# PI- 86), and Roberts reports them In the
Pledra district (1930: l*i-7) > and. th3 Whitewater District (19^*0,
PI. 37)- They are found In Sinagua sites of all periods
(Bartlett 193^* ^35 Mc.Gregor 19^1» Fig. 75? Caywood and
Spicer 1935s 68). They also appear at the Kings Ruin, near
Prescott (Spicer and Caywood 193&: 61).
The bird bone whistle, then, seems to be a northern
trait of Anasazl origin, and appears to be more common both
in northern Pueblo sites, and in later Pueblo periods. It
was known to the Sinagua throughout their history.
Gaming Pieces
There are two possible bone dice in the collection.
One is an egg-shaped example (2»2 x 2«5 om.) and is made from
a fragment of metapodial shaft (Pig. ^+3 h) • One side is
slightly convex and polished, the other ground nearly flat,
and the. die bears slight traces of red paint but no other

decoration. The second example is rectangular with rounded
ends {k-,5 cm. long, 1.5 cm. wide, 1.0 cnu thick), and the
292
"bone is rough and chipped on all surfaces. It has no decora­
tions or incisions (Fig. ^3 £)•
Provenience. Room 62b; Trash.
Distribution. Similar pieces have been identified
as bone dice. They are used in a game similar to that played
by the modern Eopi Indians, in which such dice, in combinations
of heads or tails, control the movements of men on a draxm
course. Bone dice games are also common at Zuni Pueblo, and
dice there, as at Wupatki, are ovoid and painted red on one
side (Gifford 19^0: 1^7)• Dice are also found in the Great
Plains (Judd 195^* 279-80; Gunnerson 1959* 62, 80-81). Such
ovoid pieces are common in Basketmakers sites (Morris and
Burgh 195^» Pis® 95 )• However, Basketmaker and later Pueblo
dice are usually covered with incised lines (Brew 19*1-6, Fig.
188; Judd 1959: 13^5 195^* 280; Pepper 1920, PI. 12; Roberts
1930, PI. ^3; 19^0: ^3). The Wupatki dice are more similar
to those found In Glenn Canyon sites (Gunnerson 1959 * 80-81),
which are ovoid and also covered on the inner surface with
red paint. Similar dice are absent in the Hohokam area, but
are common in all periods in Mogollon sites (Wheat 1955® 1^6-
^7; Baury 19*K), Fig. 4-1; Martin et al. 19521 190; Martin and
Rlnaldo 1950a, Fig. 132), where they are commonly plain,

undecorated pieces, such as the Wupatki specimens. In the
293
Sinagua area dice are found at Winona Ruin, Nalakihu, and at
the Big Hawk Valley sites (Hc.Gregor 19^-1, Fig. 75; King 19^9:
1005 Smith 1952aj 1^2). The large rectangular specimen is
similar to dice found in the Glenn Canyon (Gimnerson 19591
80-81), and the Reserve area (Martin, Rinaldo, and Bluhm
195^» Fig. 7^)* Bone dice, then, appear to "be a common
Mogollon-Anasazi trait, absent or rare in the desert area.'
Plain, undecorated, red painted dice, however, appear to be
typical of the Mogollon, Sinagua, and Glenn Canyon areas*
Bone Tubes
Two cut long-bone tubes were found, probably made
of the humerus of an antelope. They were first grooved deeply
with stone knives, and then broken off at either end. One
tube was cut near the head, and flares sharply {Fig. ^3 _e).
It is 6.0 cm. long, and 3•0-5•0 cm. in diameter. The second
tube is of more uniform size, ^.2 cm. long, and 2.5-3*0 cm.
in diameter (Fig. 43 g). Both tubes are undecorated, care­
fully hollowed, and well smoothed.
Provenience» Rooms 55b» 62b.
Distribution. Such tubes are commonly found in
Mogollon and Anasazl sites of all periods. In the Hohokam
area -fehey are also common, and are frequently incised and

29^
decorated (Gladwin et al. 1937» Pl» 126-27? Tuthill 19^7* Pl«
36). Among the Sinagua, tubes were found at Winona Rain and
Tuzigoot (Mc.Gregor 19^1s 230; Caywood and Spicer 1935* 68).
Undecorated tubes are of northern origin, and probably were
used as ring and bracelet bone blanks, while in the desert
area such tubes were used as decorated ornaments. The Wupatki
specimens fit the northern type, and rings and bracelets of
bone are mentioned in the field notes, although none are pre­
sent in the artifact collection.
Scraper
One tool was found made from a short section of the
right femur of a cottontail. The head was left as a handle,
and the shaft was beveled at one side to produce a sharp edge,
which shows some nicks and use marks. It is a very fragile
tool, but may have been used as a delicate scraper. No clear
comparisons can be ma.de.
Provenience. Trash.
Phalange Ornament
One antelope first phalange in the collection was
slightly altered by the grinding of two crossed grooves into
the head (Pig. ^3 n) • This may have been a gaming bone such
as those found in the Great Plains, and Jeancon (1923s 30#
PI. 33) notes that such pieces are also found in the Chama

295
Valley, and are similar to Jemez plateau specimens which were
pierced and strung as necklace ornaments.
Proven!ence , Room 55^>»
Miscellaneous Fragments
Three additional fragments of "bone were found which
are possibly tools. One, perhaps a scapula fragment, has been
carefully smoothed on all surfaces, and may have been used as
a scraper or weaving tool (Pig. 4-3 d) 0
The second is a tri­
angular section of long bone (6.0 cm. long) which appears to
have been pointed, and may have been a small flaker or awl
(Fig. ^3 i_) • The third is a cut and smoothed section of long
bone of amorphous shape, about 5*2 cm. long, and a maximum
of 3«5 cni. wide.
Conclusions
There is an unusually large sample of bone tools at
Vfupatki. However, it is difficult to compare bone tools, for
with the exception of the large and well reported collections
of a few sites, such as Pecos and Hawlkuh, workers have either
recovered few such tools, or consider the subject to be un­
important for extended discussion. Nevertheless, bone tools,
because of the availability of material and ease of manufacture,
were an important part of native Southwestern Indian culture.
In addition, studies of the distribution of bone tool types do

296
indicate spatial and temporal differences, and different tool
types Indicate a number of specific subsistance and labor
activities.
Unsplit Bone Awls
The unsplit ulna awl (type 1) seems to be common In
most areas of the Southwest, except for the southern desert
region and the Slnagua area, in which they appear only late
in time. This generally northern type probably was introduced
to the Sinagua after 1070, and was perhaps carried by the
Sinagua, after 1150, Into the desert area.
Unsplit awls (type 2) of other bone types were rare
at Wupatki. Such awls, particularly with unmodified heads,
seem to be typical of Hohokam sites such as Snaketown, Tres
Alamos, and Gleeson, and of Pima groups at Babocomari Village
and San Cayetano del Tumacacori. They are also found at several
late Anasazi sites, especially in the Chaco region (Brew 19^6;
Button 1938; Hodge 1920; Judd 195*+; Kidder 193 2 ? Kluckhohn and
Reiter 1939» Morris 1939)• Mogollon groups used similar tools
(Cosgrove 193 2 ? Nesbltt 1938; Sciscenti 1963; VJendorf 1950).
It Ic interesting that most of these examples are late In date,
post-1100-1200 as a rule, and that in many of the Pueblo sites
such tools are few in number. The type Is rare, but present
In Sinagua sites. They are noted at Tuzigoot and some Pueblo
II ruins (Caywood and Spicer 1935S Bartlett 193^5 Mc.Gregor

1936)« It may be a pre-eruptlve Hohokam introduction which
never achieved popularity, Few such awls were found at
Wupatki, and the heavily ground and,smoothed examples found
297
resemble Slnagua specimens noted by Pewkes, and a small num­
ber of rare, post-1070 specimens from the Hohokam, Chaco
Anasazi, and northern Mogollon regions*
Split Bone Awls
Awls of the split bone type are the common form at
Wupatki Ruin. Types 3 and awls with split but
otherwise unaltered or slightly altered heads are common at
all periods in all areas of the Southwest. In general, bone
tools become more highly polished and more highly altered,
as time goes by. The type 5 awl, with a highly altered head,
is the common Pueblo III awl type (except perhaps in the Chaco
region), but is rare and late in the Hohokam area® Type 6,
awls with heads completely ground away, is the common
Wupatki awl type, and is clearly a late Pueblo type, post-
900 in date. It is also rare and late in the Hohokam area.
It may be a post-eruptive Pueblo introduction to the Slnagua,
It was sometimes used as a hair ornament, and was more fre­
quently decorated than any other type.
The few examples of tools with vertical piercing of
the head may represent a unique Sinagua artifact trait, for
only a few northern Mogollon area examples are known, all of

post-1070 date. It is interesting that such pierced tools
298
were mainly concentrated in the north room block at Wupatki,
in Rooms 7 a^d 10-15•
Side-notching of bone awls, noted by Haury (1936:
110), Wheat (1955• 139-^0), and others as a characteristic
of the Mogollon is noted in at least five cases at Wupatki,
on tools in Rooms 7» 28a, 30, 5^ a » and Burial 1. However,
this form may be accidental, due to reuse and resharpening
of splinter awls, rather than to intentional shaping. Such
awls are found in small numbers among many Mogollon groups
(except for the San Simon and Porestdale branches), for
example, in sites such as those in the Mimbres, Pinelawn
Valley, Tularosa area, and Point of Pines (Bradfield 1931*
PI. 29; Cosgrove 1932, PI. 63; Martin 19*K)» Fig. 32; 19^1,
Fig. 8^5 Martin and Rlnaldo 19^7» Fig. 121? Martin, Rlnaldo,
and Antevs 19^9» Fig. 67\ Martin et al. 1956s 115; 1959* Fig.
133? Kaury 1936s 111, PI. 20? Wheat 195^ Fig. 58? 1955* 1*K>-
kl), and they are also noted for Anasazi sites in eastern
Arizona and western New Mexico (Dutton 1938: 66j Jeanoon
1923, PI. 2^; Lambert 195^. PI. 35 Roberts 1929, PI. 20;
1931# PI- 25j 1932, PI. 42; Stubbs and Stallings>Jr. 1953.
PI. 29j Wendorf 1953"b» Fig. 91), Such side-notching of bone
tools is found at several Sinagua sites, such as Montezuma
Castle, Tuzigoot, and Winona Rain (Jackson and Val Valkenburgh
195^» Fig. 37; Caywood and Spicer 1935* PI* 16 c| Mc.Gregor

19^1 > Fig. 7*0« The trait seems to "be common in Chaco
299
Anasazi, Western Pueblo, and Mogollon sites (in other words,
it is oentral in distribution in the Southwest), and pro­
bably was introduced to the Sinagua from the Chaco area, or
the northern Mogollon region, in post-eruptive times. At
any rate, side-notching is not limited to Mogollon groups.
It may have been spread to the Verde Valley sites from the
Plateau.
Splinter-bone Awls
Splinter-bone awls are in the minority at V7upatki,
although they are common in most Southwestern sites. A few •
irregular pointed bone fragments were also found, but
Wupatki tools, as a rule, were carefully split and fashioned.
It is also Interesting that no bird bone awls, and only one
rodent tool, other than needles, were found, although similar
tools are common in most Anasazi sites. However, such tools
are also rare In Mogollon and Hohokam ruins, and are perhaps
absent in Slnagua sites. They may be of Anasazi tradition,
and simply did not diffuse to the Sinagua or Hohokam.
Awls: Conclusions
The majority of Wupatki bone awls are made of split
sections of the distal end of antelope metapodlals, usually
with some modification of the head area. They are well made

and polished, and their length is variable, depending upon
300
use and re-sharpening rather than type, although a tool with
the head ground away tends to be shorter than an unworked
bone tool, of course.
Only a few awls are decorated. Two have painted
designs of simple bands, six,simple incised geometric decora­
tions# Most of the decorated awls come from Rooms 7 and 10-
15, and they have designs similar to those specimens reported
by Lambert from Paa*ko (195^j PI. 35 s).
Provenience.
It should be noted that all the artifacts from the
ruin, save for those in Rooms 50b, 51a, and some from 66b,
are from trash fill, and thus the provenience, as listed,
correctly assigns the artifact only to the trash fill of any
room, save for those artifacts in Rooms 50b» 51 a » and 66,
However, while bone awls were found in nearly all areas of
the ruin, only six fragments were noted from Room 66, the
ceremonial Dance Plaza, and none were found in Rooms ^3 and
49, the putative kivas• Only four tools were found with burials.
Bone was apparently not a material of value, and did not have
any ceremonial significance to the people of Wupatki, perhaps
because bone was readily available, and bone tools were easy
to manufacture' when needed. It is interesting to note the
large number of bone tools in the southeast room block,

particularly In Rooms ^5» 50, 51» 55? and 62b, all ad­
joining, or close together. In addition, many tools were
301
f ound in Room 30, and in the north room blocls in Rooms 7 and
15• The only two burials with "bone tools (Burial 1, in
Room *J-6b, and Barial 29» in Room 30) contained, respectively,
awls of the unsplit type 2, and one side-notched awl; and an
awl flaker. These are rare varieties in the Flagstaff area,
of post-eruptive date, and probably of eastern origin# Bone
types Ur and 5 have Identical proveniences, are most often
vertically pierced, and perhaps should be lumped into one
type. They are generally late in time, absent in the Hohokam
area, and are typical Sinagua and northern Pueblo types.
Type 6 has a similar distribution to types ^ and 5. Re-used
splinter bone awls may "be a "bit more common in the southern
room block*
Mult1-purpose and Specialized Tools
The multi-purpose tools are the most difficult cate­
gory to compare, for they have not been often identified.
Awl flakers, polishers, and hair ornaments appear to be
widely found, at least in the Mo5011on and Anasazi areas, but
there are few awl-weaving and polishing tools at Wupatki,
as compared to later Anasazi sites. Multi-purpose awl tools
appear to be more northern than southern in distribution.
The types of weaving tools and whistles found are Anasazi

in origin, while the bone dice and hair ornaments are more
302
characteristic of the Mogollon. Chisels, pierced bone shafts,
and antler flakers are found in all but Hohokam sites. In
general, specialized tools are rare at Wupatki, considering
the size of the bone assemblage. There are no long-bone
fleshers and scrapers, incised tubes, rib tools, or wide
spatulas, and only a few bird bone tools and weaving tools.
There are several distinctive Sinagua bone traits, such as
vertical piercing of awl-heads, and the rabbit-bone needle.
In short, the Wupatki tool assemblage is unspecialized, and
composed of about 80 per cent awls, along with some flakers
and needles.
Provenience
Both antler-flakers were found in Room 30, as were
three flaker-awls, and a hair ornament? and nine of 16
needles were found in adjoining Rooms ^5-^6, 51» and. 55•
Pour needles were found in Room 55» whioh also contained
three chisels, a bone Thistle, 12 awls, a flaker, a flaker-
awl, a scraper, and a tube; 2k tools in total, twice as many
as in any other room. The adjoining Room 51> abandoned
during much of the occupation of Room 55» kad 13 tools,
including sis awls, two whistles, a flaker, a flaker-awl,
a weaving tool, a chisel, and a needle. This suggests that
these two rooms may have been animal skinning and tool-making

work-rooms, for they had many of the fleshing and sewing
tools of the pueblo, and many unworked animal bones were
303
also taken from these rooms. Rooms 7, 12, 15 s 30, and 62 had
many tools, but in general the southern unit had more
specialized tools, including most of the needles, flakers,
and chisels»
Conclusion
The Wupatki bone assemblage compares most closely
with a general northern Pueblo assemblage, but few specific
Chaco Anasazi traits were noted. There are no specific
Hohokam bone traits at Wupatki, and in fact, little correla­
tion with the Hohokam assemblages published; two-thirds of the
Wupatki bone types are not commonly found at all in the Hohokam
area. There are some bone tools at Wupatki which are not found
in other nearby Sinagua sites: the awl flakers, pierced
rectangular flat shafts, and the awl weaving tools * These
appear to be northern Anasazi bone tool traits, perhaps indica­
ting heavy post-eruptive Anasazi influence in the Wupatki area
not present in such strength at other Sinagua sites. There
are also some unique post-eruptive Sinagua bone traits at
Wupatki, such as vertical piercing of awls, and hollow rabbit-
bone needles. As a whole, the bone assemblage at Wupatki is
large, the tools are made from split sections more often than
is common (splinter-bone implements being found in greater

numbers at other sites), and most of the tools found are
used to this day by the Hopi Indians.
It is difficult- to tell how much change occurred in
the bone industry after the eruption of Sunset Crater, due
to the lack of information on pre-eruptlve bone artifacts.
However, it appears that flakers, hair ornaments, weaving
tools, ulna bone awls, bone needles, chisels, bone dice,
and vertical piercing and side-notching of awls are post-
30^
eruptive traits. Thus the tool complex becomes more elaborate
than before, mainly due to the rapid introduction of new
Anasasi traits.

SH3LL ARTIFACTS
A remarkable large and varied collection of shell
artifacts -was recovered during the excavations at Wupatkl
Ruin, indicating an unusual interest in this type of orna­
ment. Shell working is, of course, an important trait of
the Hohokam culture, and thus this emphasis on shell at
Wupatkl can perhaps be explained by the hypothesis of strong
and varied influences of peoples of the Hohokam culture at
the site.
The shells include those collected -while fresh, and
others, Judging from their worm holes and sand encrustations,
which were picked up on the beaches, long dead. A quantity
of unworked shell was found as well as the more than 1600
worked pieces of 30 different marine species, one land snail,
and two fossil crinoid stems. All of the species and vari­
eties identified (by H. J. BoekeliAan, Howard R. Hill, and
George Wlllett) are listed below. Only a few habitat nota­
tions have been changed, when at least two other publica­
tions disagreed. In general, the provenience data given
by Tower are followed (19^5* 10-13)•
At least three of the species listed below (indicated
by an asterisk before their name) seem to be identified for
the first time in the prehistoric Southwest. Of the 30
305

species Identified, three definitely came from the Pacific
306
Coast, 1^- from the Gulf of California, and one from the Gulf
of Mexico. The Vfupatkl Ruin shell collection thus shows
evidence of trade from two different areas of the west coast,
as well as the Gulf of Mexico, but most trade probably was
with the Gulf of California. Wupatki is, in fact, one of
the few Southwestern sites to reveal a shell from the Gulf
of Mexico, and is probably the one farthest west.
Gastropods
Type List of Shell Specimens
Agaronia testaoeae Lam.
Cerithidea albonodosa Cpr.
Columbella major Sby.
Conus comptus gld.
*Conus perplexus Sby.
Conus regularfs Sby.
Haliotls corrugata Gray
Haliotls refescens Swainson
Murex nigrltus Phil.
Nassarius leucous (Pilsbry and Lowe)
*011va sulcata cumlngli Rve.
Oliva spl'ca'ta venulata Lam.
Olivella bacteria
Olivella bipllcata Sby.
Olivella dama Quclos
Pollnlces reclusianus Desh.
Strombus galeatus Wood
^Trivia "ibiandria Gray
Turltella tigrlna Keiner
Pelycepods
6 Area campechlensls pexata Say.
Cardlum elatum Sby.
Chama echlnata Broderip
Glvcfrmerls maculatus Broderip
Pecten cTrcularis Sby.
Gulf of California
Pacific Coast
Gulf of California
Pacific Coast
Gulf of California
Gulf or Pacific Coast
Mass. to Texas
Gulf or Pacific Coast

Pecfcen vogdesl Arnold
Peoten dentatus Sby.
or P.^ezcavatus Anton
Spondylus llmbatus Sty.
Seaphopods
307
#Dentallum nehexlrconum Sharp et Gulf or Pacific Coast
Pilsbry
#Dentallum hexlgonum
#Dentalluia RflTnl-nnlitum Broderlp et
Sowerby
Land Snail
Cerohells
Fossil Crlnold Stem
Note: The asterisk, denotes specimens not previously
noted in the South-west, while the sign, #» denotes specimens
tentatively identified "by staff members of the Museum
of Northern Arizona,
Unworked Shell
There are numbers of fragments of broken, or slightly
worked shell in the collection, the most common being Cardlum
elatum Sby., followed by Haliotus, Conus regular!s Sby.,
small Glyoymerls» Pecten, and single specimens of Pollnlces
reoluslanus Desh«» Spondylus llmbatus Sby•, and the land
snail, Cerohellx. Only the Conus and Haliotus shells were
worked. Twenty-eight Haliotus are cut and broken, and many
of the Conus shells were cut and sometimes ground and pierced
before they broke into fragments, and perhaps thus should be
better included under worked shells. The approximately 100
Cardlum specimens, including one nearly complete shell and

12 large shell fragments, show no signs of workmanship9
308
other than cutting. No caches of raw material were found at
Wupatki, as at some other sites. At Snaketown, for example,
Qlivella and Glycymerls shells were cached (Gladwin et al.
1937: 138); and at the Flieger Ruin, near Oracle, Arizona,
and at a site near Tucson, Arizona, *5-1 partially worked
Glycymerls shells, and 3,153 unworked or partially worked
Qlivella, Nassarlus« Gonus, Cardium, and Chione shells were
found hidden in Jars (Stanislawski I96I: 22-27).
Worked Shell
The majority of shell at Wupatki is in the form of
artifacts, the main types of shell utilised being, in order:
Glycymerls, Qlivella. Conus, Cardium« Hallotus. Pecten,
Nassarlus. Oliva, and Turitella. The most common artifacts
are Glycymerls "bracelets and rings, Gonus shell tinklers,
Oilyella beads, and the many -varieties of disc and lobed
beads. Small cut pendants or inlay pieces are also common.
Beads
Whole Shell Beads
Beads of whole shell are generally made from the
three species of Qlivella. preponderately Qlivella dama Duclos.
(Pig* kk e). However, there are also beads of Nassarlus
leucops (Pig. c) and a small Glycymerls variety (Fig.

Fig. ^4-» Shell beads, a, bracelet of small and
large disc beads; b, bracelet of small disc beads, sur­
rounding diso beads, a tubular bead, and a bead blank in
the center? c, bracelet of Nassarius beads; d9 long bead;
e» necklace of Olivella; f, bracelet of disc beads; g.,
five small and large figure 8 beads; h9 bead of shell
from hinge area; k, rows of large disc beads, two
beads of Polinces; 1, Cerohellx. or land snail shell; m,
Crinoid stem. Length of g, figure 8 bead left corner,
1.7 om.

309

310
^5 1)» as well as three of Polinlces reclusianus Desh. (Fig.
^ i), and one each of fossil Crlnoid stem {Pig. m),
Agronica testaoea Lam. (Fig. ^5 2.)» Trivia solandrla Gray,
Ollvella blpllcata Sowarby, and Columbella ma .lor Sowerby
(Fig. §5 £)#' - These shell types are small and were treated
similarly in manufacture. The Ollvella, Columbella, and
Agronica were ground smoothly at the whorl end, and strung
lengthwise through the hollow longitudinal canal of the shell,
the typical manufacturing method for Ollvella beads in the
Southwest and California. At Wupatki„ however, there are
three different types of Ollvella beads. In one, the shell
was ground smoothly at the tip; in the second, about one-third
of the top of the bead was ground away up to the widest point
of its circumference, producing a barrel-shaped bead; in the
third, the bottom half of the shell was ground away, as well
as a portion of the whorl end, producing a small cylindrical
bead.
Types 1 and 3 are equally common, while type 2 is found
only one-half as frequently. There seems little point in
making an exact count of such beads. There are nine strands
of 2kr or more beads, obviously necklaces or bracelets, and
groups of such beads were found in ^-1 other localities through­
out the site. Some strands Include only one type, but all
three bead types are strung together on some strands, fre­
quently along with disc, long, and figure 8 shell beads,

311
small Conus and Qliva pendants, and stone "beads and pendants.
The small Gl?,roymeris shells were pierced in the umbo,
and strung as pendants or "beads. Ten groups of this bead
type are found, and in at least one instance, in Room 7, they
fossil- a small bracelet of 22 shells, 2.h inches in diameter*
The Has sarins (12 instances) * Trivia, Qllvella
biplicata, and Polinices (one instance, each) were all pierced
through the side into the central canal, and strung through
the middle, rather than longitudinally. They, too, are
undoubtedly necklace and bracelet beads•
Cut Shell Beads
Disc Beads. There are two examples of fossil Crlnoid
stem, which are hollow, and were probably used as a type of
bead (Pig. ^ m)• One is 10 mm* in diameter, 4-.5 mm, long;
the other, 15 mm. in diameter, and 8 mm. long* This is pro­
bably a rare bead type* Also found were two rectangular
(6x8 mm.) pieces of shell, probably bead blanks. When
pierced, strung, and rubbed in a small grooved arrow-shaft
smoother, they would produce a small, round bead, 5-6 mm* in
diameter.
The several common varieties of disc bead were cut
from such shells as Glycymeris. Oyster, and Cardlunu and are
found in a number of colors, pinlc, yellow, blue, gray, orange-
red, deep purple, tan, and white. At least one string of
beads was dyed a light purple. The large disc beads were

cut from the hinge area of one of the thicker shells, such
as -Glycymeris.
Disc Beads—Small. Small disc "beads are the most
common variety. At the minimum, more than 600 such beads
were found, including at least four complete strands, one
of necklace length, and the other three, 1, 3» s^id 5 inches
ill diameter, probably bracelets. One has stone beads and
barrel-shaped shell beads as pendants (Fig. a). These
312
generally white or red beads are well smoothed, circular, and
vary from 2-5 mm* in diameter. Their central hole is at least
one-half or more the diameter of the shell. The beads are
1-3 mm. thick (2 mm. average). At least 30 specimens or
small groups of this type of bead were found (Pig. *14 a, b, f).
Disc Beads—Large. Large disc.beads are thin in pro­
portion to their size, varying from 2-k mm. in thickness, and
8-11 mm. in diameter. They are gray, white, tan, yellow, and
an artificial purple, and the central hole is one-quarter to
one-half the diameter of the total size of the bead. All 13
of the dyed purple beads were found on a strand near Burial
23, and at least 1? instances of beads of the other colors are
noted (Fig. ^ i,, k).
Disc Beads—Triangular in Section. The best made of
the large disc beads were 7-11 mm. in diameter, and were tri­
angular in section. They are thin, varying from 1-3 mm.

313
depending on side, and have a central hole less than one-half
of their diameter. With their shape, they can be alternated
so as to form a very close-fitting strand of beads, and their
color, frequently a deep artificial purple or pink, is striking-
They are possibly of Oyster shell, and about 15 instances are
reported•
Saucer-shaped Disc Beads. Four examples were found of
saucer-shaped disc beads, which were halves, or sides, of
Qllvella blpllcata and Conus shells, •which were pierced at
the center with a large hole, and then strung (Fig. ^5 h)•
Barrel-shaped Beads„ A barrel-shaped bead was also
found at Wupatki, this type being thick in relation to width,
sometimes as thick as wide. They vary between 4—6 mm. in
width and length. Approximately three dozen specimens were
noted.
Tubular Beads. Several beads found are thin, and
much longer than wide, quite tubular in appearance (Fig. 44- b,
bottom of central group). Several are 2-3 mm. in diameter,
and 5-6 mm. long, two are 2x3 mm., and one, a pinkish tube,
is 5 x 10 mm. All have longitudinal holes nearly as wide as
the tube itself. Mc.Gregor (194-1 s 219) calls these lon/g or
tubular beads, notes that they are rare at Winona and Ridge
Ruin, and attributes them to Hohokam influence. Two such
beads in the Wupatki samples have been identified as

Dentallum semipolitum and Dsntalj-um hexagonmn.
Long; Beads. Five instances were found of a type
which I have called long beads (Mc.Gregor's Type D., 1941»
Fig. 72). They are rectangular, varying from 10-14 mm. in
length, 7-10 mm. in width, and up to 5 mm. in thickness,
and are pierced -with a small hole at the top of the lobe
314
to present a kind of ear lobe effect. They are often alter­
nated Tilth disc beads in necklaces (Fig. 44 d).
Double-lobed, or Figure 8 Beads. A minimum of 32
specimens (7 instances) of double-lobed or figure 8 beads
were found. They are pierced in but one lobe, are figure 8
in shape, and vary in width between 5-7 mm., in length
between 8-10 mm. The type common at Wupatki, included in two,
10-bead, short strands, average 5 so 11 * thick and 8 mm. long
(Fig. 44 g). However, there are two large specimens, 13
and 16 mm. in length, and 10 mm. in thickness, which Indicate
a larger subtype (Fig. 44 g, left end of either row). The
two 10-bead strands, as i?ell as strands of other bead types,
were found near Burials 23 and 24.
Miscellaneous. One bead of thick shell was found9
of an irregular twisted shape and pierced in the center, which
was apparently cut from the hinge area of a Qlvcymerls (Fig.
44 h).

Distribution. Qllvella dama, whole shell beads are
the most common variety at Wupatkl, as they are all over
315
the Southwest. They have been found in Anasazl sites of all
periods, along with beads of Qllvella bipllcata, the Pacific
Coast variety. By 900-1000 they are present in many Hohokam
and- Mogollon sites, appearing in a few Mogollon sites as
early as *K)0-500, according to VJheat (1955 * 1^6-47), and are
again followed in popularity by Qllvella bipllcata.
There are, of course, inter-site variations in type
percentages. Wupatkl Ruin has nearly all Qllvella dama,
while Snaketown only has a few specimens of Qllvella
bipllcata (Tower 19^5' 27-28). Fewkes (1896s J66) notes,
that Chevalon, Homo1obi, and Chavez Pass ruins had much
Qllvella bipllcata; Caywood and Spicer (1935i 87) state that
Tuzigoot had mainly Qllvella dama; and Mc.Gregor (19^1; 215)
notes that Winona and Ridge ruins had both Qllvella dama and
Qllvella bipllca.ta. Such beads were rare In Pueblo II
Sinagua sites, and only two groups are reported (Bartlett
193^: 62; Mc.Gregor 1936: ^jS-^6).
VJinona Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19^1» Fig. 72), Kings Ruin
(Spicer and Caywood 1936: 63)» Montezuma Castle (Jackson
and Van Valkenburgh 195^» PI* )» Aztec Ruin (Morris 192^:
93)« and Pueblo Bonlto (Judd 195^» Fig. 1^), had Qllvella
beads of Wupatki types 1 and 3. Mc.Gregor (19^1! 219) "be­
lieves that beads of Wupatki types 2 and 3 (extensively

ground) are generally later in time than whole shell beads
(type 1), a fact which Judd (195^4-; 89 )t and Roberts (1931:
316
160-61) also corroborate* However, these Ollvella types are
almost absent at Snaketown (Gladwin et al. 19379 PI* 113)9
although in Classic times, they were common at Los Muertos
(Haury 19^5- : 1^8), the Gleeson Site (Fulton and Tuthill 19^0:
38), and the Tres Alamos Site (Tuthill 19^7' 67). By this
late period, Ollvella beads were mor,e common in the Hohokam
region than in the Anasazi area, where their use diminished
after the Pueblo I period (Hoberts 1931J l6l). However, as
previously noted, such beads are found at Pueblo Bonito,
Aztec Ruin, and also in Pueblo III sites near Durango, Colorado
(Morris 1939> PI* 178), as well as in Mogollon sites such as
Cameron Creek Village (Bradfield 1931 > PI* 98), a^d the Swarts
liftiin (Cosgrove 1932: 6^65). In addition, at Los Muertos
(Haury 19^5&* 1^8), whole shell beads of Trivia » Glycymerls.
;and Columbella were found.
Nassarius beads are rare in the Sinagua area, and in.
addition to Wupatkl Rain are noted only at Tuzigoot Pueblo
(Caywood and Spicer 1935 * 87). However, they are commonly
found in Classic period Hohokam sites (post-1100), i.e., at
the Gleeson Site (Pulton and Tuthill 19*K): 38), and Los
Muertos (Haury 19^5 a: 1^7)J and a cache of them was found at
the Flieger Ruin (Stanislawski I96I! 26). However, only a
few specimens were found at Snaketown (Gladwin et al. 1937»
PI. 113)9 ^d at the Kings Rain (Spicer and Caywood 193&* 63)•

31?
They are found at Pecos (Kidder 1932: 183), and Pueblo Bonito
(Judd 1954: 89)s among Anasazi sites, but seem rare in this
cultural area. Many were found at Cameron Creek Village
(Bradfield 1931* 62), and the Swarts Ruin (Cosgrove 1932,
PI. ??), but seemingly in few northern Mogollon sites« They
appear to be a southern, or Hohokam, trait, round rarely and
in small numbers*
The disc bead, made of a variety of shell types, is
also a "widespread Southwestern archaeological type, but it
is difficult to compare such beads for they have not gener­
ally been carefully separated into types. However, they are
commonly found in Sinagua sites of late Pueblo IX or Pueblo
III date, and the proto-Hopi Wlnslow and Kolbrook area
pueblos reveal many examples (Fewkes I896: 367 )• They appear
to be absent or rare prior to this time, however. At Winona
and Ridge ruins all of the Wupatkl types are present (Mc.Gregor
19^1, Pig. 72).
In the Hohokam area, round disc bead forms are rare,
but are found at the Tres Alamos Site (Tuthill 19^7: 67),
and the Gleeson Site (Pulton and Tuthill 19*K)s 38). They
are common in the later phases of SnaJsetown (Gladwin et al.
1937s 1*K>), where thick tubular or barrel-shaped beads are
also found. At Los Muertos, however, the larger and smaller
disc-shaped beads are noted, barrel-shaped beads are denied,
and the triangular-sectioned disc beads are illustrated with

the same color range as the Wupatki specimens (Haury I9^5&s
148-^-9) • Mc.Gregor believes that this is a widespread
Pueblo III type (19*H: 213).
318
In the Anasazi region, such regular disc and barrel-
shaped beads are noted for Pecos Pueblo (Kidder 193 2 : 1^5)»
and a number of beads of both the smaller and the larger
variety were found at Pueblo Bonito (Judd 195^' 89-91). They
are apparently common in Mogollon sites of all ages, but were
particularly popular in the latter periods (Bradfield 193^»
PI* 100, 101, 113; Cosgrove 1932, PI. 70? Martin et al. 1956s
111 5 Wheat 1955* 1^7-^9)• Saucer-shaped disc beads are rare
in Hohokam sites, and are characteristic of late Anasazi
pueblos. However, it should be noted that present Pueblo
groups, and the Navajo, make a great variety of such bead
types today.
Tubular beads are not common in any area of the South­
west. He.Gregor (19^1» Pig- 72 h) illustrates some from
Winona Ruin, and states that such beads are rare s.t Winona
and also at other nearby sites, and are probably of Hoholcam
origin. However, although the bead type is found at Snaketown
(Gladwin et al. 1937j Pl« 113)» la the Santa Cruz and Sacaton
phases, the type was near extinction by the classic Hohokam
period (Eaury 19^5-: 1^9)• They are found, although in small
numbers„ in Mogollon sites of all periods (Wheat 1955 : 1^7)•
Such beads are made from either the tubular casing of a

marine worm, Vermetus. or the Dentallum shell.
The figure 8, or double-lobed bead, Is stated to
appear in the northern. Southwest in Pueblo III times. How­
ever* they were found by Haury in a Pueblo II Mogo11on site
dating at about 900 (1936: ?3), Lancaster et al. found them
319
in Mesa Verde Pueblo II sites (195^: 66-68, PI. 42, *K3)f and
Roberts found them in sites of 900-1100 (19315 I6I5 19^0: 131).
Most Important of all, Wendorf discusses their presence
at the Anasazl Twin Butte Site, in the Petrified Forest, which
is dated at 500-?0C, or in the Basketmaker III period (1953a.*
150, PI. 92). Thus, although they are stated to be late in
time, and may have been so in popularity, they clearly appeared
several hundred years earlier than is commonly accepted.
In the Slnagua area they first appear at Winona Ruin
and Wupatki Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19^1: 218-19)# but apparently are
not found In other sites. In the Eohokam region, they are
noted for Snaketo-wn, where the smaller variant appears in the
Santa Cruz period, and the larger form in the Sacaton phase,
(900-1100), but they are not found in the Classic period at
Los Muertos (Gladwin et al. 1937' 1*K)$ Haury 19*4-5--) • The type
does ^ however* appear In small numbers in the Classic phases
of the Gleeson and Tres Alamos sites, in southeastern Arizona
(Pulton and Tu thill 19*4-0, PI. 255 Tut hi 11 19^7, PI. 33). It
thus appears to be a late and rare trait for the Hohokam and
Slnagua.

320
In the Anasasi and. Mogollon regions some numbers are
found in the Pueblo III period, as well as earlier. Roberts
states that they are diagnostic of this period (1931! 162),
a fact which is found to be false. However, numbers appear
in such late sites as Pueblo Bonlto (Judd 195^* 91-93; Pepper
1920: 83, 125), Aztec Ruin (Morris 1919'- 95)» Cameron Creek
Village (Bradfleld 1931* 62, PI. 103)» Mattocks and
Starkweather ruins (Nesbltt 1931» Pl« M £1 1938» PI. 50)»
and the Swarts Ruin (Cosgrave 1932, PI. 17) • They are also
found In several central Mogollon sites (Martin et al. 1956,
Fig. 59)• Wheat believes that this type was introduced to
the Mogollon from the Hohokam after 900 (1955s 1^9)•
Thus the distribution of the figure 8 bead is wide,
and Is not limited to Pueblo III sites alone. It is a trait
more typical of later periods, but was present by at least $00-
700 in the Anasazi area,, and is clearly widespread by 900. It
seems to be earlier in the north than in the south, although
in later periods It is more popular in the Hohokam region and
in other sites influenced by the Hohokam culture. The large
bead variant is possibly limited to the Pueblo III period.
Pendants
Whole Shell Pendants
Most pendants in the Wupatki collection are made from
complete shells. Conus shell tinklers are the common type,

321
followed "by Oliva and Pecten pendants, and a few examples of
pendants made of Turltella. small Glycymerls. and Cerlthldla,
These shells were probably not generally used as single pen­
dants, or drops, "but were often sevni to clothing, used as
necklace, bracelet, 5 and choker units, and were used on cere­
monial rattles and staffs,
Conus Shell Tinklers. At least 1*4-8 whole or frag­
mentary shell tinklers were found at Vlupatki. Two varieties
of Conus were found, C. perplexus Sowerby, and _G. rerrularls
Sowerby, the latter being twice as common. All of these
shells were treated in the same manner; the spire was ground
away, up to the greatest diameter of the shell, and a perfora­
tion was then made near the anterior end (Fig. *3-5 SrK» ik-EL*
t.-w) „ The shell was pierced in two ways? typically, by rub­
bing a groove with a V-shaped tool until the wall of the shell
was breached, and secondly, by drilling# About 30 additional
broken fragments were also found.
Tinklers were often strung as necklace drops, and do
Indeed mcke a tinkling rattle, in groups. However, the Hop!
Indians today use this shell as a part of a ceremonial rattle,
tying bunches to a crook, and the Hopi snake priests wear
imitation tin Conus shells tied to the fringes of their kilts#
Conus shells are also occasionally used today tied to Hopi
ceremonial sashes, crossing the chest, as well as to a variety
of other ceremonial clothing (Fewkes 190^: 91; Kidder 1932s 190).

Pig. *4-5. Shell pendants and ornaments, a,
Area pendant 5 b-c_9 Pecten pendants s d, engraved Ollva
shell? &rS,* Conus pendants; h, pierced half
Conus shell bead5 i» £» small Glycymeris shells; two
pendants of Turltella and Cerithldea: k, Cardlum or
Glycyaierls bead blanks; g_f Colombella pendant; r,
Hallotus inlay blank; s., Ollva pendant; 2, pendant of
Agronlca. Length of £3 , 8« 3 cm.

322

This was probably equally true in the Sinagua area
in prehistoric times. Mc.Gregor, during excavation of' the
323
famous Magician's Burial, at Ridge RUin, found this personage
holding a string of Conus shells in his hand, and also found
evidence that Conus shells were sewn on the leggings, or kilt,
which was, laid over the body (Mc.Gregor 19^3: 283). Fewkes
also notes that bodies at Chavez Pass Ruin had Conus shells
attached to their burial garments (190*4-* 91 )•
There are also several examples of a large Conus. C.
regularls Sowerby, which could have well served as single
large drop pendants.
Oliva Tinklers and Pendants. Of the nine Ollva shells
found (five Ollva sulcata cumlngll Rve., one Ollva solcata
venulata Lam., three unidentified), seven w^re worked in the
same manner as the similar Conus shells (Pig. 45 s,). The spire
was ground off, and a hole was drilled or abraded into th© llp»
They were probably used in the same manner as the Conus, but in
addition, being a large shell, many Ollva specimens probably
served as the central, large, drop pendant on necklaces.
One shell (0. s-plcata venulata Lam. ) Is beautifully
engraved (Fig. iJ-5 d). The shell seems to be unworked, saire
for the engraving which was filled with red dye or paint. The
design is that of a large band with pendant zig-zag lines filling
the inner space, top to bottom. It probably was originally
hung as a pendant.

321^
Finally, one specimen was found which had "been ground
at both endst producing a small hollow tube.
Area Pendant. One Area shell (A, compeohlensis
•pexata Say.) was found, and it is one of the most interesting
shells in the collection, for it is a Gulf of Mexico, or
Atlantic Coast variety, one of the few such Atlantic Coast
shells found in the prehistoric Southwest. It is partially
chipped and broken, and the umbo is pierced. It probably
served as a small pendant (Fig. ^5 &)•
Pecten Pendants. Two fragments of Pecten circularls
Sowerby were pierced near the umbo, and clearly used as pen­
dants, as was the one discovered fragment of P. vogdesl Arnold
(Pig. 45 b-c). The only complete pendant of Pecten from the
collection is of an unidentified species, but is nearly
identical to the others, although larger, being about cm.
in length. It is also pierced.
Turltella and Cerlthidla Pendants. Six pendants of
Turltella tigrlna Keiner were found (Fig J[, top), as well
as one pendant of Cerlthidla albonodosa Cpr.(Pig. ^5 J[,
bottom). They vary in size, but have all been pierced for
suspension with a large drilled or abraded hole in back of
the whorl opening.

325
Glycymerls Pendants. Two small, but heavy, and well
polished Glycymerls shells were discovered. One was a frag­
ment » and one, the complete specimen, was pierced in the umbo
region# by abrasion (Pig. ^5 £) • They also were probably
pendants.
Distribution. Pendants are the second most commonly
found shell artifacts. With the exception of the unique Area
specimen., the shells used at Wupatki are common in the pre­
historic Southwest (Tower 19^5* 20). However, Haliotus pen­
dants, common in most areas, especially in the Anasazi region,
are not found at Wupati.
Conus and Ollva tinklers are the typical pendant type.
Tower notes that they seem to be a Pueblo trait, but believes
that this is a sampling error (19^5* 30). Martin et al. (1956:
110) state that Conus shells indicate a late cultural horizon
in the Southwest. In the Mogollon region, they are found at
the Swarts Ruin (Cosgrove 1932, PI. 71)$ the Starkweather Ruin
(Nesbltt 1938s 110), and Higgins Plat Pueblo (Martin et al.
1956: 109)* Such Anasazi sites as Aztec Ruin (Morris 1919: 94),
Pueblo Bonlto (Judd 195^ : 89)» and Pecos (Kidder 1932: 190-92),
also had such pendants; and Los Muertos (Haury 1945as 149),
the Kings Ruin (Spioer and Caywood 1936: 64), the Gleeson and
Tres Alamos sites (Fulton and Tuthill 1940: 37? Tuthill 1947s
PI. 33). and Snaketown (Gladwin et al 1937, PI. 113) all

326
reveal specimens . In the Sinagua area they are noted at Winona
and Ridge ruins (Mc.Gregor 19*1-1s 220), Montezuma Castle (Jackson
and Van Valkenburgh 195*1-, PI. ^3), Tuzlgoot (Caywood and Splcer
1935: 87), and the late Sinagua or early proto-Hopi ruins of
Homolobi, Chavez Pass, and Chevalon, where Fewkes (1896: 366)
found several varieties of Ollva and Conus, one specimen of
Qllva "being identically engraved as the single Wupatki decorated
specimen.
In general, the tinklers seem to be late in time, the
earliest examples not older than 1050 but they are found in the
southern Southwest, as well as the Pueblo areas, and, In fact,
appear to be more common in those Sinagua, Mogollon, and Anasazi
sites which had considerable contact with the Hohokam cultural
area.
The Turltlllafl Cerlthldla, Glycymerls* and Pecten pen­
dants have interesting distributions. In the Hohokam area they
are present in some numbers at the Grewe Site, Los Muertos,
Snaketown, and Ventana Cave (Gladwin et al. 1937s PI. 11^5
Haury 19^5a: 1^9j 1950s 365-67), and at the Gleeson Site
t
(Pulton and Tuthlll 19^0, PI# 2k)* Only Turltella was found
at the Tres Alamos Site (Tuthlll 19^7, PI. 33), and Glycvmerls
pendants were cited for Kings Ruin (Splcer and Caywood 1936s
6k), In the "Anasazi region, Turltella, Cerlthidia, and
Glycymeris are found at Pueblo Bonito and Aztec ruins (Judd
195^* 89; Morris 1919s 93)• Pecten appears to be absent.

327
Glycymeris was the only shell used at the Durango Pueblo III
sites (Morris 1939s 1^2), and at Pecos (Kidder 1932: 190-92).
In the Mogollon region, we find at Higgins Flat Pueblo (Martin
et al. 1956: 110), Pectena Glycyroeris. and, possibly, even an
Area pendant. At Swarts Ruin, Turltella, Pecten. and
Glycymeris are found (Cosgrove 1932; Tower 19^5: 29), and at
Cameron Creek Village, Turltella and Pecten seem to be pre­
sent (Bradfleld 1931, PI- 103)«
The comparative sample is not large, even if all sites
were utilized, but Glycymeris pendants seem to have been com­
mon, while Cerlthldla were rare. Turltella is found in
Hohokam, Sinagua, and Chaco Anasazl sites, but only in southern
Mogollon sites. Glycymeris has the widest geographical spread,
Turltella and Cerlthldla are more restricted to southern sites,
except in the Slnagua area. Pecten is the most interesting
shell, however. It makes a fine pendant; but while it is com­
mon in the Mogollon, Sinagua, and Hohokam areas, it is appar­
ently absent in sites of the Anasazi region. Its use also
appears to be late, except in a few Hohokam sites.
In Sinagua ruins, such pendants are found at Winona
and Ridge Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19^1, Fig* 69), and at Tuzigoot
(Caywood and Spicer 1935s 87)» "but apparently rarely at the
pueblos of Homolobi, Chevalon, and Chavez Pass (Fewkes 1896),
although Turltella is found at Chevalon Ruin (Fewkes 1904:
91)• Shell is rare in the Pueblo II Sinagua ruins. It thus

appears that most of these shell types were post-eruptive
introductions to the Sinagua, "but the numbers in which they
appear at Sinagua sites again suggest the large amount of
trade and contact which occurred between the Sinagua and
328
Hohokam. In addition, the largest Sinagua shell collections
are at sites in the Verde Valley, or at Winona and Wupatki
ruins on the plateau, both areas of known Hohokam settlement.
Glycymeris 3ings and Bracelets
Glycymeris rings and bracelets are common artifacts
in the prehistoric Southwest, and two methods of their manu­
facture were apparently utilized in all areas, including
northern Mexico# A suitable shell was obtained, usually
Glycymeris maculatus Brod., native to the Gulf of California?
and in one method, the upper surface was then deeply Incised
in a circle, and this central portion was tapped out of the
shell with a hammer stone. The remaining rim area was then
ground smooth with a fine-grained stone. In theJlphokam area
a variant technique was utilized. The convex surface of the
shell was rubbed upon a slab of smooth-grained sandstone until
a hole was worn, and at this point, the center was reamed out
and the bracelet was polished (Woodward 1936s 120-21). These
ornaments have been found all over northern Mexico, and may
represent a Mesoamerican trait.

At the Boqulllas Site in northern Sonora, Woodward
reports that Brand and Sauer found much shell refuse and
numerous pieces cut from the centers of Glycymeris shells
(1936: 119) • This was substantiated by recent work at that
site by A. E« Johnson (i960) of the Arizona State Museum.
329
It was apparently a shell bracelet manufacturing center, and
is, of course, closer to the Gulf than any Hohokam sites known.*
Bracelets were probably manufactured near the Gulf in sites
like this* traded to Hohokam peoples in the Gila-Salt Valley,
and then by way of Hohokam traders, to other groups in the
Southwest.
However, some raw Glycymeris shells were traded into
the Southwest, and some manufacturing must have gone on in
Hohokam sites. Although shell chipping detritus is rare,
Haury, at Ventana Cave (1950s 368), found evidence of manu­
facturing, and a cache of Glycymeris shells was recently
reported from Tucson, Arizona, unworked save for chipping of
material from around the rims of the shells, probably to reduce
the weight for transportation. This was probably a trader's
cache of raw material (Stanislawski 1961s 22-27).
Glycymeris Bracelets
A total of 169 fragmentary and eight whole Glycymeris
bracelets were found at Wupatkl (Flg» ^6 a-c_, £-£)• Only
three pieces of chipping detritus from the manufacturing

Fig« 46. Glyeyraerls bracelets and rings, a-b,
thin bracelets; c_, carved umbos of thick bracelets; d,
rings; e-^ft thick bracelets; g.f incised thick bracelets.
Length of oP bottom, 8.3 cm.

330

process were found, one of these being a shell from which
the center had been incised and reamed. In the main, these
331
specimens were probably traded into the area as finished pro­
ducts, doubtless by way of Hohokam groups to the south, per­
haps in the Verde Valley. There are basically two varieties
of-.'bracelets* a thiols and a thin type. In addition, the
bracelets may have carved decoration, be pierced in the umbo
region (perhaps for use as pendants), or bear Incised
decorations.
Eight bracelets were found in the original complete
form, six from Burial 23, and one each from Burials 19 and *J»3.
All are about two infehes in diameter, and are of the thin
type, i.e., 3-5 mm® in greatest thickness (average if mm«)
(Fig. a). All are seemingly too small to be bracelets,
and yet one was found around the left wrist of a burial in
Room 7, and specimens found at Turkey Creek Ruin, Point of
Pines, Arizona, have been found around the wrists of burials,
as they have in ruins of the Winslow-Holbrook area (Fewkes
1896* 36I-62), the Swarts Buln (Cosgrove 1932, PI. 73)»and
Kiatuthlanna (Roberts 1931 * 162), among other Southwestern
sites. Sometimes the smaller examples were worn about the
wrist, -while the larger specimens were worn above the elbow
(Roberts 1931' 162). Seven of the bracelets are pierced with
a small hole through the umbo, possibly the result of manu­
facturing and polishing, rather than deliberate drilling

332
(Fig. 4-6 b). However, they may have been used as small pen­
dants, or perhaps ear-drops. One specimen, found with Burial
19, was carved so as to make the umbo region stand out in
relief.
Thin Bracelet Fragments. Thin bracelet fragments are
the most common form} 128 specimens are preserved (Fig. 46 a-
b). These are 3-5 nm. thick, and are carefully smoothed and
polished. They are undecorated, except for two specimens, to
be later described. Although few bracelets are complete
enough to allow measurements, most seem to be about 1.5-2.5
inches in interior diameter. The umbo, when present, is ground
flat in order to conform to the general thickness of the
bracelet, and is pierced in all cases, probably the result of
the manufacturing process. Two specimens are carved on the
outer rim, one bearing a simple, continuous design of
diagonal scratches, the other a series of connected V*s. One
specimen also has an umbo area which is carved to produce a
2 cm. square raised portion.
Provenience. Thin bracelets were found in the trash
fill of at least 18 rooms, as well as with at least five
burials. Usually only two or three bracelets were found per
room, bat seven complete specimens were found with Burial 23,
and five specimens were recovered in Rooms 7 and 45b. Spe­
cifically, the following proveniences are noted: Rooms 7 (5)»

12 (2), 13 (2), 30, 35, 35a, 35© (2). 4-3. fc5b (5), 55a, 55*>
333
(3>* 59® 6lat 62b (2), 63 (2), 66 (2), 68, 69s Burials 19, 23
(7)9 2^, 28 (2), ^3s Trash.
Thick Bracelet Fragments, Thirty-six fragments of plain
thick bracelets were found, i*e., bracelets 6-10 mm* thick*
The umbo is generally pierced and flattened, but not carved*
None are decorated, but most are well polished. Their interior
diameter is about three inches, larger, on the average, than
the thin variety (Fig* 46 e-JT).
Provenlence. * They came from at least seven rooms and
two burials: Rooms 7a, 7b, 12, 28a (3), 45b, 51a, 68} Burials
3 and 25S Trash*
Two beautifully incised thick bracelet fragments were
recovered by David Jones in his 1940-41 excavations in the ruin
area* They both bear identical designs, elaborate cross-hatched,
thick, diagonal bands, with pendant, cross-hatched, small tri­
angles at the bottom of the bands, and they are probably por­
tions of the same bracelet (Fig* 46 &)*
Provenience* Booms 7 and 35c*
Very Thick Carved Bracelets. Three specimens were found
which are more than 10 mm* thick, and except for the small frag­
ment $ seem to be carved around the umbo. The umbo was

ground and drilled so as to provide a large hole cutting
through the bracelet. In one fragment, where the umbo is
33^
ground flat, the hole is 9 nna. in diameter (Pig, ^6 c, top).
In the other fragment, the umbo has been carved and ground
to present a disc-shaped raised area, with an 11 mm. in dia­
meter hole in the center (Fig# -6 c_, bottom) , Both of these
holes probably served as the mounting place for a stone (tur­
quoise?) setting, such as were found with the burial of the
Magician at Ridge Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19^3t Pl» 2). Interestingly
enough, both fragments were found in the ceremonial Dance
Plaza, Room 66, and were thus possibly worn in religious
ceremonies,
Glycymerls Rings
Fifteen Glycymerls rings *rere found in the excavations
(Fig, *4-6 d). These are sections of small Glycymerls shells,
ranging from 18-25 mm. in diameter, or under 1 inch. They
are 1-5 nm« thick, averaging 2-3 mm, Fewkes (1896j 362) found
isuch rlfcgs around the fingers of burials in the ruins of
Homolobi, Chavez Pass, and Chevalon ruins. One specimen
from Wupatki is apparently only partially worked, the center
has been rubbed down leaving a hole 7 mm. in diameter, but
the edges have not yet been smoothed.
Provenience. Rooms 3, 66, 69; Trash,

Distribution. Glycymeris rings and bracelets are
335
commonly found in Hohokam sites, and in many Mogollon ruins*
They are rare in Anasazi sites, and later in date in the
Pueblo region. Host such ornaments were probably manufactured
in sites near the Gulf of Mexico and traded into the Hohokam
area, and then north, thus explaining the diminishing impor­
tance of the artifact, south to north.
At Snaketown the thin bracelet was the early variety,
and the thick bracelet was characteristic of later periods,
particularly in the Sedentary and Classic phases. The heavily
carved, thick bracelet is especially characteristic of the
Classic. Haury believes that the thin variety was rarely
found outside of the Hohokam region. Rings do not appear
until the Santa Cruz phase, and are much more rare than
bracelets. Rings made from Conus shells are an innovation
of the Classic period, and do not appear at Snaketown, or at
Wupatkl (Gladwin et al. 1937s 1^2-^5)*
Wupatki bracelet and ring specimens are identical to
those at Snaketown, and even the carved bracelets find their
parallels there (Gladwin et al. 1937» Fig. 55 57 &-c, PI.
117 a-b), as well as at the Classic phase site of Los Muertos
(Haury 19*J-5a, Pl« 71-72, Fig. 95 .i-k) * Carving of the umbo is
also a Classic phase trait, but the Wupatki specimens do not,
in general, exhibit the extensive carving characteristic of
much of the Hohokam shellwork.

336
In particular, thin bracelets were common at the Tres
Alamos and Gleeson sites (Pulton and Tuthlll 19*K): 32;
Tuthlll 19^7 * 67)# and a few examples of rings were also
found. At the Kings Ruin (Splcer and Caywood 1936: 6^-65),
both the thick and thin types were found, as well as a few
carved and Incised examples, similar to Wupatkl specimens.
In the Anasazi area, bracelets are found at Klatuthlana
(Roberts 1931s 162), mainly of the thick variety, one specimen
was found at Aztec Ruin (Morris 1919s 101), several appear at
Leyit Kin Pueblo (Dutton 1938: 71-72, PI. 3)? and many speci­
mens were found at Pueblo Bonito (Judd 195^, Pig. 15 t;
Pepper 1920: 371)- None were found at Pecos, nor at Durango
area Pueblo III sites (Kidder 1932; Morris 1939: 176-77)» al­
though Morris figures several carved pendants, which appear
to be reworked bracelet fragments© Perhaps bracelets were
rare and precious enough trade items to be used even in a frag­
mentary state in the northern Pueblo region* Judd notes that
they often appear in ceremonial offerings in Anasazi sites
(195*4-: 107)• In the northern areas, then, they are clearly
rare, precious trade items, except in the Chaco area sites,
which maintained close trade relationships with the Hohokam
area. However, in the Mogollon area, rings and bracelets are
common throughout the sequence (Wheat 1955: 1^7-^9)8 but thick
shell bracelets occur rarely, and only after 600-700. Shell
rings are also late, and In any case, Wheat believes that the

337
shell specimens can be traced to direct Hohokam introductions.
Cameron Creek Ruin had many thin specimens (Bradfleld 1931:
58), Halanowan (Zuni area) at least three (Tower 19^5' 30),
the Swarts Ruin many, some incised (Cosgrove 1932, 65-66,
PI. 72), Mattocks Ruin had thin bracelets and rings (Nesbitt
1931j PI- ^1)» and thick specimens came from the Starkweather
Ruin (Nesbitt 1938» PI- ^9)- Thick varieties were also found
at Foot Canyon Pueblo (Rinaldo 1959? 26*0, and both types at
Higgins Plat Pueblo (Martin et al. 1956: 112-13), Thick
bracelets are thus found more commonly in late Mogolion sites,
and are common shell artifacts in this culture.
Among the Sinagua, such bracelets and rings were found
in numbers at Winona Village (Mc.Gregor 19^1: 221-22), but the
thin variety was typical here of the later levels of the site.
Few bracelets were found in the early levels, perhaps indicating
that this artifact was not common in the Sinagua area until
late in the sequence. However j, some Pueblo II specimens are
known. Bartlett lists 16 fragments (193^: 61). Incised brace­
lets are found, similar to the Wupatki examples. It would seem
that at Winona and Ridge ruins we find the first concentrations
of shell in the Sinagua area, and this large site complex is
indeed of partial Hohokam affiliation. However, while thick
shell bracelets were common at this time among the Hohokam,
thin shell varieties were always preferred by the Sinagua.

338
Thick and thin varieties were found by Fewkes in the
Eolbrook-Winslow area ruins (1896s 360-62), of Pueblo IV date,
and at the Eld en Ruin near Flagstaff, in which carved umbos
also appear (Fewkes 1927, Fig. 216 )0 They were common at
Tuzigoot, including carved specimens (Caywood and Spicer 1935*
89), and were also found at Montezuma Castle (Jackson and
Van Valkenburgh 195** : 84-)»
In general, shell bracelets were common in Sinagua
sites after 1070, and were the result of direct trade with,
or cultural contact with, Hohokam peoples. However, Sinagua
groups, unlike Hohokam peoples of the same time, preferred
less elaborate thin varieties of such bracelets.
Carved Shell
The single carving in shell from Wupatki is in the
form of a frog, made from a Glvcvmerls shell, and was discovered
in Room 51b. It is 4.7 cm. in diameter, and the umbo was ground
away, leaving a large perforation where a carved head may have
been attached. The convex surface of the shell was shaped so
as to leave a low ridge down the center, representing the back
of the frog, and the front and back legs are indicated by
shallow Incised grooves. The shell is polished and smoothed to
a lustrous white.
Distribution. Fewkes found similar specimens at
Chevalon and Chavez Pass ruins, and reports an example found

"by Hough in nearby McDonald Canyon (1896: 362; 1904: 92).
They are common in Salado and Hohokam sites, the frog being
the favorite animal so treated (Eaury 19**5&» Fig. 93» 152-
339
5**)» a trait characteristic of the Classic phase. According
to Hough (1904: 33-5) and Smith (1952b: 217)» the frog is a
symbol of water to modern Pueblo groups. Frog carvings are
found at Los Muertos (Haury 19^5&» Fig* 93) and at Casa
Grande (Fewkes 1912, PI. 75)* They seem to be rare in Anasazi
and all bat late Mogollon, or Western Pueblo, sites, and thus
the trait may be ascribed to Hohokam influence or trade.
Cut Shell
Thirty-five pieces of shell were found, obviously cut
from larger specimens. These fall into four categories:
blanks, inlay pieces, pendants, and "needles". In general,
they were made from Glycymerls« Hallotus. Cardlum. and Pec ten.
Blanks
Six small rectangulold pieces of Cardlum and Pecten
are unworked shell blanks, probably Intended to be small pen­
dants or inlay pieces. They range from 9 x 15 mm. to 25 x
32 and 20 x 38 mm. in size, are ground along the edges, and
are undeoorated (Fig. 47 £.» k, o, g., u).

Fig. 47® Carved, shell ornaments, a-cs, e., h,
Hal lotus inlay pieces % d, g, l-£9 1-n, £, r-t, u-£, cut
shell pendants; f, o, g_, pendant or bead blanks of
Cardlum and Pecten: w, shell needle or pendant. Length
of w» cm»

340

Pendants
3^1
The majority of the cut-shell artifacts are small pen­
dants# and they come in a variety of forms. Among them are
types such as the long, slender bar, a small rectangle or
triangle, a notched disc, a spread-winged "bird, a lizard, and
a rattlesnake tall* All have a small pendant cord hole in
their center, or towards the head, probably eliminating their
use as Inlay pieces (Pig. **7 d, i.-^, 1-n, ]d» r-t, v-^).
Shell Needle
One slender pointed fragment of reworked Glvcvmeris
bracelet was found, which has a small hole drilled at one end,
and a series of four parallel scratches at the pointed tip.
It may have been used as a needle (for other examples, sees
Martin et al. 1956 * 110; Wheat 1955s 116-17), "but is more pro­
bably a pendant form (Fig. ^7 w).
Inlay Pieces
Twelve fragments of Hallotus were cut for use as inlay
pieces (Fig. *4-5 r; Fig. ^7 SrS.9 2l)* Ten are simple rectan­
gular fragments, but one is a tiny (5 una. sq.) piece, which
has a round perforation at one end, and another is a disc with
a small triangular-shaped handle at the top.

Distribution. Cut pieces are characteristic of
Hohokam shell-work. Geometric forms are perhaps a later
style than the life forms, but life forms predominate at
Snaketown, geometric forms at Los Muertos. However, it has
3^2
also been stated that conventional examples precede realistic
forms, bird and reptilian pendant forms being especially late
(Gladwin et al. 1937 s 1^1-^2). The Los Muertos examples are
more closely related to those at Wupatki than are the Snaketorai
examples, closely similar reptilian and bird pendants, notched
discs, long rectanguloid pendants, triangles, blanks, and the
so-called "needle" being found in both sites. Life forms were
also abundant, as at Wupatki• Similar fragments also came from
the Tres Alamos Site, including a needle (Tuthlll 19^7» PI* 33),
and from the Gleeson Site (Pulton and Tuthill 19k09 PI. 25).
Such pieces are rare in Anasazi and Mogollon sites,
but as true of many Hohokam traits, are found at Aztec Ruin
(Morris 1919: 95), and at Pueblo Bonito (Judd 195**, Fig* 15)•
They are present through the Mogollon sequence, but are not
common in the early periods. The shell needle is also found
(Martin et al. 1956* 110, Wheat 1955 s 1^6-^7)# and cut shell
pieces occur at the Swarts Ruin (Cosgrove 1932, PI. 7*1-), and
at the Mattocks Ruin (Nesbitt 19311 ^1)«
In the Slnagua area needles and inlay pieces occur at
Winona and Hidge ruins, as well as Wupatki (Mc.Gregor 19^1:
221, Pig. 73).

Ceremonial Trumpets
One specimen each of Strombus galeatus Wood, and
Murex nlgrltus Phil# were found. The fragmentary specimen
3^3
of Murex was collected dead from the seashore, and was pierced
for suspension near Its lip. The Stronibus fragment, a portion
of the spire, had obviously been worked, for the base and the
exterior is well polished and had been ground flat# These
shell species have been found at other ruins where they have
been identified as ceremonial shell trumpets.
Provenience. Boom 63, Section b (trash).
Distribution. Lumholtz found Murex trumpets used
ceremonially on the east coast of Mexico in the latter part
of the last century, and Fewkes recovered Strombus galeatus
311(1 Melongena patula trumpets at the Holbrook and Wlnslow area
ruins (1896s 366), Strombus specifically at Chevalon and Chavez
Pass (190^: 92). He states that his Hopi workmen know of the
use of such trumpets in their ceremonies to imitate the Great
Plumed Serpent, a statement which Stephens corroborates for
the period around 1902, at Zuni pueblo (Tower 19^5* 31)•
At least 12 Strombus and two Murex trumpets were found
by Pepper at Pueblo Bonito (Eoekelman 193&: 27), and many frag­
ments of these species were also found, as well as several clay
mouthpieces for the trumpets. Several trumpets were pierced

for suspension at the rim, as were the Wupatkl specimens
(Pepper 1920: 125, 190, and others). Judd (195*** 305-306)
reports an additional specimen found 3in a kiva cache at
Pueblo Bonlto, pierced for suspension,, A Strombus trumpet
3^4
came from Tseh So Ruin (Bo 50), in Cfraco Canyon (Itower 19^5 :
3D, and Pecos Pueblo yielded several fragments of Strombus,
apparently not used as trumpets, but rather ground to cere­
monial dust, or used as fragmentary ceremonial offerings
(Kidder 1932: 19^).
Trumpets of Strombus galeatus and Melongena patula
have been found at Snaketown, in the Sacaton phase, the
earliest reported occurrence, for all other trumpets are of
Pueblo III or later date (Gladwin et al« 1937 s 14-7)« Several
trumpets were found at Los Muertos, more than one of Strombus.
find at least one of Melongena patula (Haury 19^5 a • 159)*
Haury also reported two Strombus trumpets from Gila Pueblo
(Boekeiman 1936: 29), In fact, Boekeiman notes that
(shell trumpets are found at 120 locations, from Argentina to
Canada., and such trumpets were used, of course, by Indians
of the eastern United States, and Mesoamerica*
It thus appears that shell trumpets are ceremonial,
and were derived from Mesoamerica, where the Plumed Serpent
is an Important diety. Except for their rare use at Pecos
Pueblo, they are southern and western in distribution in the
Southwest, and are found only in the Hohokam region, and to a

lesser extent, In the Hohokam influenced Chaco and Little
Colorado River areas* They are undoubtedly Hohokam trade
items 9 although the highest incidence of use is at Pueblo
Bonito* more evidence of the strong Hesoamerican influence
at this site (Ferdon 1955? Jennings et al. 1956)• The
shell -was probably gathered in the Gulf of California, and
all specimens are late in date, probably post-1100.
3^5
The Wupatki Ruin specimens were found in Room- 63, or
near Room 63» in Section trash* Room 63 held many other
specific artifacts also attributable to the Hohokam. In light
of the largo, round, ceremonial structure at Wupatki, remi­
niscent of the Chaco area ceremonial structures, and the
Hohokam ball court, the Plumed Serpent cult may be inferred
at Wupatki. The cult may, in fact, be connected with the
emphasis at Wupatki on the parrot, an emphasis also found in
the present and past Hopi and Zunt cultures (Smith 1952b: 180-
87» Eggan 1950) • both in ritual and in social structure.
Conclusions
Wupatki Ruin has a large number of shell artifacts,
including beads, pendants, rings, bracelets» ceremonial trum­
pets, carved effigies, and inlay pieces. They were made from
at least 30 different species, one from the Gulf of Mexico,
several from the Pacific Coast, and the remainder from the
Gulf of California. It is one of the few ruins in the Southwest

(one of six?) with a Gulf of Mexico shell; and with the
3k6
variety of species represented, indicating an unusual interest
and emphasis, resembles that of the Hohokam groups to the
south. In fact, the closest comparisons are with the shell
work of the Sedentary and Classic phase Hohokam, particularly
at sites such as Snaketown and Los Muertos. The shells, them­
selves, undoubtedly were passed from the Pacific Coast and
Gulf into the Hohokam country, and then by Hohokam traders
or settlers into the Flagstaff region.
Probably little shell working was carried on at
Wupatki, However, a minor amount may be indicated by the
unworked fragments of Cardium. Conus, Pecten. Glycymerls. and
Haliotus found. In general, shell was traded into the area
as finished articles, and all Wupatki specimens are orna­
mental or ceremonial pieces, characteristic of Southwestern
shell work, where little such material was used for tools,
currency, dye, or foodstuffs. Modern Southwestern Indian
peoples still use shell in the same ornamental and religious
ways today. The reports of wooden and clay replicas of
Glycymerls, Conus, and Qlivella shells from the Hopi sites of
Awatovl and Old Walpi (Pewkes 1896 s 3&0; Tower 19*4-5* 26),
indicate their value. Their ceremonial importance can be
seen from the numbers cached in kivas, found in kiva pilaster
offerings, and their use as ceremonial receptacles and
trumpets•

Shell Trade Routes
3^7
Some 82 separate species of shell have "been reported
In the Southwest, from more than 130 sites (Tower 19^5s 9)»
They have oome from many areas, but mostly from the Hohokam,
Mlmbres, Chaco Canyon, Sinagua, upper Little Colorado River,
and Pecos Pueblo regions. All of these areas, save for Pecos,
are on or near tributaries of the Glla-Salt and Little
Colorado river systems. Gulf Coast trade was always very
rare, and progressing northwards from Flagstaff, the amount
and variety of shell constantly decreases (Tower 19^52 18).
In addition, shell manufacturing and trade became of greater
and greater importance as time went on, culminating in most
areas around 1100-1200.
Because of trade items, we can see the tangible evi­
dence of contact between peoples of different cultural and
geographical areas. This is particularly true of shell
objects, for their place of origin can be definitely estab­
lished, and they are widespread In the prehistoric Southwest.
In addition, because of their value, they were often well pre­
served in burials and caches.
Shell trade routes were carefully worked out at least
as early as 1938# and have been of importance to the inter­
pretation of Southwestern archaeology since that time. In
that year, Brand worked out routes of trade from California

to the Southwest, and more recently Colton has defined two
major routes from the Pacific Coast9 mainly on.the basis of
shell artifacts. One passed along a path running from Los
Angeles to the New Mexico country, paralleling, in general,
Highway 66, This ran from the Coast to Needles, then along
3**8
the Hogolion rim to the Flagstaff area. Another route passed
from San Diego to the junction of the Gila and the Colorado,
and up the Gila to the Salt, branching there up the Verde
-River, which led either to the plateau near Flagstaff, the
gateway to the Anasazi country, or to the Little Colorado
Elver system, leading to the Zuni and Rio Grande Pueblo region.
Along these two routes, trading parties of coastal California,
Mojave, Havasupai, Walapai, Hopl, Zuni, and Rio Grande peoples
were active, linked in a network of trade relationships in
operation at least by early Spanish times, and quite probably
long before (Colton 19^1: 308-9# 317)*
Mojave and luman groups along the Colorado and at the
Colorado Delta served as the middle men in this activity in
early Spanish times, maintaining trading routes across the
deserts to the California coast. This was clearly an ancient
route, for Hohokam pottery and axe types have turned up in early
California sites, and Spanish explorers as early as 1539 saw
evidence of close trading relationships extending at least
200 miles east from the coast* However, some of the early
trade may have been initiated by the northern Sonoran tribes

(Jennings et- al. 1956: 105-07; Judd 1954: 37-89).
The Hohokam, as well as the Sinagua, seem to have
349
relied more on Gulf of California shells, while the Anasazi,
at least in the early period, relied on Pacific Coast shell.
Two major routes of trade ran from the Gulf to the central
Arizona area, one from the Colorado Delta up the Colorado
and Gila rivers, another from the area near the mouth of the
Yaqui River, up that stream to the Rio Concepcion and Sonora
and into the tributaries of the Gila Biver (Colton 1961,
frontispiece; Tower 19^5: 43). The focal point of trade
seems to have been the middle Gila-Salt basin. Here was the
greatest elaboration and use of shell. In fact, Colton
(1961: 88) and Haury (Gladwin et al. 1937s 136), believe that
the Hohokam may have been Instrumental in diffusing shell over
a major portion of the prehistoric Southwest.
Wupatki Ruin
The quantity and variety of Wupatki shell work relates
this site to the Hohokam area* It is, of course, on a direct
trade route from the Gila-Salt Valley, and in addition, most
shell traits at Wupatki were introduced after the eruption of
Sunset Crater, following the establishment of the Hohokam
settlement at Winona, a few miles to the south. The Wupatki
and Winona shell collections are quite similar.

Specifically, Wupatki whole shell beads such as
Olivella compare closely with similar types common for hun­
dreds of years in the Southwest. At this 1100 period, they
were of diminishing importance in the north, but were of
350
Increasing preference in Classic phase Hohokam, and associated
Mogollon, sites to the south, as well as at Pueblo Bonito and
Pecos. Nassarlus beads were always rare in the Sinagua area,
but again common in Hohokam sites, southern Mogollon sites,
and at Pueblo Bonito and Pecos. By 1100, then, whole shell
beads are southern, in emphasis. The disc bead is a widespread
type, found in all areas. It was rare prior to the eruption
in the Sinagua area. Tubular beads, a Hohokam and southern
Mogollon type, were never popular in the Pueblo areas to the
north. Figure 8, or double-lobed beads, on the other hand,
were typical of Anasazi sites of the 900-1300 period, and were
a late and rare trait among other groups, although of impor­
tance to the Hohokam, after 1100.
Pendants were common in all areas, but the typical
Anasazi pendant of Haliotus, a Pacific Coast shell, is absent
at Wupatki. The ubiquitous Conus and Ollva shell tinklers are
found in numbers. They are a generally late trait, post-1000,
in the Southwest, but do indeed appear in sites of all areas.
Glycymerls pendants are common, Area ancl Cerlthldla quite rare.
Turltella is found in Hohokam and Chaco Anasazi sites, but

351
rarely in sites of other areas. Pecten is apparently absent
in Anasazl sites, although it is found in Sinagua, Mogollon,
and Hohokam ruins. It is also a generally late trait, cer­
tainly post-eruptive in the Sinagua area. In short, the
majority of the pendant types discussed are late and southern
in distribution.
Glvcvmerls bracelets, probably manufactured along the
northern Mexican coast, were traded into the Flagstaff region
by the Hohokam, and are rare in northern Anasazi sites. The
thick variety is a characteristic post-1100 trait, and the
thin variety is supposedly localized in the Hohokam area.
However, thin bracelets were the common Sinagua form in the
12th century, even while they were losing popularity in the
south. The carved and cut shell pieces found at Wupatki may
also be traced directly to Hohokam contact, and also show some
similarities with late southern Mogollon and Chaco Canyon sites.
The ceremonial trumpets of Strombus and Kurex were
probably connected with a Mesoamerican-introduced Plumed
Serpent ceremony, still performed at Hopl and Zuni pueblos.
Such shells come in quantity from Chaco Canyon sites, and some
Hohokam and Tusayan Pueblo ruins of generally late date.
Perdon sees strong Mesoamerican architectural influences in
Chaco Canyon about 1050, and postulates the Introduction of a
Quetzalcoatle cult (Perdon 1955)* Here, also, appear many
other Mesoamerican traits, such as copper bells, parrots,

352
pottery stamps, not to mention the extended Inhumation of the
dead, a rare Southwestern trait at this time (Jennings et al.
1956: 96-97; Stanislawski 1963)*
In short, the shell work of Wupatki is closely related
to shell work of the Classic phase Hohokam, with some resem­
blance to the late Hohokam influenced Mogollon pueblos and
Chaco Canyon sites. It was perhaps a case of strong
Mesoamerican influence, at about 1050, first influencing the
Hohokam area, providing materials and ideas of considerable
trade value and influence, and then spreading quickly to the
Chaco Canyon area. Much trading activity originated along
the northern Mexican gulf coast, passed to the Hohokam, and
then by Eohokam traders and settlers north to the Flagstaff
and Anasazi regions. Trade in shell with the Anasazi, how­
ever, seems to have been slight, for the trade routes ran west
to the Pacific Coast of California. Biere was, of course,
considerable contact with the Anasazi peoples of the Chaco
Canyon area, and even some of their religious ceremonies
appear to have been similar to those at Wupatki.
Considering the provenience of shell objects at
Wupatki, Rooms 7* 35» **5» the ceremonial Dance Plaza,
Hoom 66, had much shell. The large amount in the plaza again
indicates the ceremonial importance of shell to the pre­
historic Southwesterner*

WOOD ARTIFACTS
There is a great variety of wooden artifacts from
Wupatki Ruin. In all, there are 1^9 worked pieces of wood
or plant stem which can be classified as artifacts, as well
as at least 11 groups of unworked, cut, or "broken raw materi­
als • Species of wood utilized Include ponderosa pine, pinon
pine, juniper, Douglas fir, cottonwood, and oak. As previously
noted, only rare Juniper and pine are now found near the ruin,
although cottonwood are found In the Little Colorado River
Valley, seven miles away. The artifacts Include tools, such
as digging sticks and weaving implements, toys and ceremonial
equipment, problematical objects, and miscellaneous cut and
ground pieces of wood of unknown use* The genus and species
identification of the wooden objects was made, when possible,
by Jeffery Dean, of the Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research,
University of Arizona.
Digging Sticks
Paddle-shaped Digging Sticks
Tools
Six paddle-shaped objects were found at Wupatkl,
three of oak, two of Douglas fir, and one of ponderosa pine
353

(Pig. 48 b, d-e; Fig. k, 1). The two complete specimens
are approximately k2 cm# long, with a paddle-shaped blade
35^
6-7 ceu in greatest width, and 30 cm, in length. The slender
tapered handle is 10-11 cm. long and has sharply angled
shoulders, 1.5 cm, in length. The handle widths are 1.5-
3«0, and 2.0-3.5 cm. Both edges of both blades show use, and
one blade is highly polished. The tips of both blades are
chipped and broken, probably in use.
The four fragmentary tools, two handles and two blades,
resemble the corresponding portions of the complete specimens.
They are similar in manufacture, shape, tip-use, and blade-
polishing. However, two of these fragments have narrower
blades, averaging 3.5-4-0 cm. In width, and one of the frag­
ments once had a handle which was curved upwards, perhaps
similar in shape, although wider-bladed, than some Anasazi
cylindrical sticks. Several specimens were burnt, probably
after they were discarded, and one has a fire-drill hole at
one edge, again undoubtedly from use after breakage.
All of these tools received rough use. Their tips
are chipped and broken, their blades, sides, and edges pol­
ished. If they had been weaving tools their tips would not
have been chipped. Their handles and short length also argue
against their use in weaving. They could be pottery paddles,
but their large size, blade-polishing, and tip-chipping also
argue against this use. They are probably one-handed digging

Fig* VJooden digging sticks or paddles® a,
tip of paddle? lb, d-£, paddle digging sticks; c» typical
Pueblo cylindrical digging stick tip. Length of b, e,
MrZ cm.

355

356
sticks or weeding tools, and as such, would have been effec­
tive in the soft cinders of the Wupatki area. Their "blades
stlso resemble those of the modern Hopi Indian tool, the coa.
which is commonly utilized to slice off weeds at ground level
{Underhill 19Fig* 21, 5)» However, Hough (1918, Pig. 2)
illustrates another Hopi tool with a similar blade which he
calls a wooden hoe. Modern ethnographic references thus
suggest that they were multi-purpose, one-handed farming tools.
Straight Cylindrical Digging Sticks
One tip fragment was found of the common prehistoric
and modern Pueblo digging stick (Fig. ^8 c). It is made from
a cylindrical, roughly smoothed, ponderosa pine branch, and
is 2.5 cm. in diameter and 28 cm. long, and has a slightly
thinned and flattened wedge-shaped end, 1.5 cm, in diameter.
There is a slight S curve near the tip, a feature common in
such sticks.
Provenience. Rooms 1, W-a; Trash (5).
Distribution. Digging sticks frequently have been
found in the Southwest. Both flat-bladed and pointed sticks
have been noted, but only rarely handled, short, wide-bladed
implements. Straight, cylindrical digging sticks are wide­
spread, but are mainly found in the Pueblo region. Grange
lists 18 Mogollon and Anasazl sites which produced such sticks

357
(Martin et al. 1952: 24-3-^), ranging in date from Basketmaker
to Pueblo IV. To Grange # s list can be added Martin, Rinaldo,
and Bluhm (195** * 18**) caves of the Reserve area, and a Hohokam
site, Ventana Cave (Haury 1950s **15 )• The handled, paddle-
shaped stick seemingly is not found in Mogollon or Anasazl
sites, however, although wide, flat-bladed tools are noted
at Pecos Pueblo (Kidder 1932* Fig. 239)* Jemez Cave (Alexander
and Relter 1935s **2), Aztec Ruin (Morris 192**: 19**-95* Fig.
18), and the Tsegi Canyon area (Kidder and Guernsey 1919 >
PI. **7)« These sticks have tapering, slender, knob-ended
handles, several feet longer than the Wupatki specimens.
Haury (19**5&» Pl« 23 a) illustrates a crescent-shaped scraping
tool from Painted Cave, which resembles the Wupatki blades,
although it has no handle, and a specimen was found at Pueblo
Bonito which is similar (Judd 195**s 15^» Fig. 1**1).
However, the only close similarities are with Hohokam
material. Fewkes (1912, PI. ?6) illustrates several blade
implements from Casa Grande Ruin, as does Elmore (King 19**5:
8). Fewkes* specimens are a bit larger than those at Wupatki,
but those of Elmore are identical in size. They are identified
as "shovels" and °pottery paddles" by Fewkes. Elmore calls
them "paddles"o Almost identical objects are featured from
Los Muertos (Haury 19^5a: 162, PI. 7**» Fig. 110), which Haury
calls digging sticks. In the Sinagua area, the pre-1070
digging stick reported by Bartlett (193*4-: 37) is of the

358
cylindrical, long-handled, knob-ended, Anasazi type. However,
the stick reported by Mc.Gregor (19^1* Fig» 7$ a) from Ridge
Ruin is identical to the Wupatki specimens, as are two other
blades from Montezuma Castle (Jackson and Van Valkenburgh
195^1 32).
It appears that the cylindrical Anasazi and Mogolion
digging sticks were typical of the Sinagua area prior to the
Hohokam invasion of the Flagstaff area about 1070; after this
period, the Hohokam paddle-shaped, one-hand digging stick,
similar to the Wupatki tools, was Introduced and became common®
IMs tool was shortly thereafter Introduced by the Sinagua to
the Hopi, who still use the tool as a weeding stick, the eoa.
Weaving Tools
Among the 26 weaving tools were found battens, a shed
rod, a temple or tenter, wooden spindle-whorls of two varieties,
a possible spindle-whorl stick, wooden awls, and a perforated
shuttle. The pierced pottery discs, often called spindle-
whorls, may also be a part of this complex. Weaving and trade
in textiles was probably an important craft at Wupatki, judging
from the many fine textile fragments found (Kent 195?)• Haw
cotton, cotton seeds, bolls, and parts of the cotton plant were
also found at Wupatki, indicating that cotton was grown nearby.
It was the only material woven into textiles at Wupatki.

Temple or Tenter
A flat* slender* rectangular, short piece of pine,
359
with slightly rounded ends, was found in Room 1 (Fig. 49 m).
It is 20 cm. long, 1.5 cm. wide, and 5 una* thick, and has
ten pairs of use-worn parallel notches cut into each side.
Shallow, worn surface grooves connect each pair of notches.
Kate Peck Kent (1957* Fig- 3 JL) identified this object as a
temple or tenter, an object used to maintain the proper width
of loom warps. No other comparative material is noted.
Spindle Whorls
Disc Type. Thirteen flattened, pierced, wooden discs
were found at Wupatki, five made from cottonwood, three from
Douglas fir, one from ponderosa pine, three from unknown
conifers, and one from an unknown species. They vary in size
from 6-10 cm. in diameter, averaging about 7 cm., and are
beveled to a sharp edge. They are 3-6 mm. thick at the cen­
ter. Six specimens complete enough for further study are all
pierced at the center, with countersunk holes on either side
ranging from 3-5 nnn. in diameter, 5 mm. being the mode. In
addition, three specimens, including the broken but repaired
item figured by Kent (1957» Fig* 3* b4) have additional small
holes bored near the central hole, as if for repair. The
Wupatki item illustrated has four such holes arranged in a

Fig, *4-9• Wood weaving tools* a, loom "bars br
weaving shuttle or flnlshing-needle; c_, battens d9 wood
awl; e_-f.» bead spindle-whorls; disc spindle-whorls %
k-|)# battens or shed rods« Length of a, 39.2 cm.

361
square around the central hole, all of the four angled slightly
In towards the central hole, and showing some wear on that side.
All of* the discs are well smoothed and polished (Fig. 49 &-£)•
Provenience. Hooms 2, 8, 41, 60b, 6la; Trash.
Dlstrltuitiono These artifacts are probably spindle
whores, and they should be efficient as flyweights, considering
the slender stick which would be required to fit their central
hole* Haury illustrates a complete spinning tool (whorl, shaft,
and attached cotton yarn) from Canyon Creek Suin (Haury 1934,
PI. 58, 66), and the Hopl and Zuni Indians use such spindle
whorls today (Kent 1957 s 4-73) as they did in the late nineteenth
centxiry (Hough 1918, PI. 30).
Wooden disc whorls were common in the Pueblo region
after 1100 (Kent 1957s 473). Kidder and Guernsey illustrate
specimens from the Kayenta area (1919, PI. 51), Morris notes
one from Aztec Ruin (1928a % 308), and Judd reports them from
Pueblo Bonito (1954s 153-54, Fig- 42), and Betatakln (1931,
PI. 36). Two were also found at the Cannonball Ruin (Morley
1908s 608), and Fewkes reports a whorl from Spruce Tree Bouse,
on the Mesa Verde, complete with shaft (1909 s 43). In the
Sinagua area, a bark whorl came from Montezuma Castle (Jackson
and Van Valkenburgh 1954s 32), three whorls (8 cm. in diameter)
were found at Walnut Canyon (Blxey and Voll 1962 s 94), and they
are Illustrated from the Salado Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Steen

362
et al. 1962: 21, 58)• Wooden whorls thus would seem to be a
Pueblo III Anasazi trait, which spread to the Sinagua and
Salado early in the period«
Bead Whorls. Two thick, barrel-shaped, cottonwood
bead whorls were found, pierced from both sides with an hour­
glass-shaped hole (Pig. ^9 £-£)•- The complete specimen,
found in Room 11, is a round, irregular cylinder 3•0-3*5 cm.
in diameter. Its perforation, drilled slightly off of center,
is about 5 In diameter. The fragment is a better made
disc 2.8 cm. in diameter and 1.7 cm. high, with a 2.5 mnu in
diameter central hole.
Provenience. Room 11; Trash.
Distribution. The wooden bead whorls resemble the
moulded clay bead whorls found in sites of the Classic phase
Hohokam, or in Mesoamerican sites. Similar wood whorls are
found in some numbers at Kiet Slel and Gourd Cave, but they
are rare in most of the Pueblo area. However, there may also
be examples at Betatakin (Judd 1931 : 60-61}. No Sinagua
examples are noted. The whorl type seems to be a late Anasazl
trait, although few examples are known. As Kent points out
(1957i ^73-7*0» the Hohokam, like the modern Pima and Maricopa,
may have used completely different spinning apparatus.

Battens, or Shed or Heddle Rods
Six implements were found -which are either -weaving
battens, or shed and heddle rods. Kent (1957s Fig« 3 e)
illustrates one of the larger Wupatki specimens, which she
calls a batten. They are thin, flattened, and vertically
363
split and polished pieces of Douglas fir (*0, or other conifer
(2), with rounded, spatulate, tapering ends, and a thin rec­
tangular cross section (Pig. 49 £, ). The fragmentary
specimen Kent features is 1? cm. long, 3*0 cm. "wide, and 5 mm.
thick. It is beveled towards the edges, as are most of the
specimens, and while smooth on the bottom, is slightly convex
on top, and shows some wear on the edges. A second fragment,
from Boom 3^a, is only 8.7 cm. long, but is otherwise similar,
although more tapered. The other four specimens are narrow
(1.5t 1*8, 2.0, 2.5 cm. in width), and the wider two are
rectangular with rounded ends, while the slender two come to
a blunt point. All are smoothed, and have polished beveled
edges and sides. These smaller pieces are perhaps shed or
heddle rods, which may have been used as battens towards the
completion of the weaving (Adams 1957s 49-55)*
Provenience. Boom 3^a» Trash.
Distribution. Similar, but larger, weaving battens
are currently used by Navajo and Pueblo groups. However,

the Wupatki "battens are a more appropriate size for the
weaving of objects on the backstrap or brocade loom, as the
Hopi do today, Haury's report on the Tonto Creek Ruin fea­
tures such slender weaving battens (1934, PI. 57)» and. the
Wupatki slender, rectangular battens are similar to his.
364
The other battens Haury features also resemble Wupatki speci­
mens, at least in shape. Other Identical specimens come from
the Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Steen et al. 1962: 60, 84). Kent
(1957> Pig* 3 e) features identical battens from Kiet Slel
Pueblo. However, the nearest similarities are to be found
with those weaving tools illustrated by Adams from a Pueblo
III Anasazi cache found on Navajo Mountain. These battens,
9.4-10.0 cm. long, are similar in appearance to Wupatki tools,
and are identical in width to the larger examples. The narrow
rectangular Wupatki specimens resemble those artifacts which
Adams calls shed and heddle rods (1957? 49-55)* In the Slnagua
area, such artifacts have been reported from Montezuma Castle
(Jackson and Van Valkenburgh 1954s 32) and Walnut Canyon
(Rixey and Voll 1962: 94-95)* In general, then, weaving battens
and shed or heddle rods appear to be an Anasazi trait which
spread to the Slnagua, but there are so few comparative exam­
ples that any firm conclusions are impossible. Weaving must
have been widespread in the prehistoric Southwest, and the
lack of prehistoric weaving implements is no doubt the result
of poor preservation, rather than actual presence.

Wooden Awls
There are two wooden awls in the collection which
365
are slender, round, tapering, and well polished and smoothed
pieces of oak and Juniper, rounded at the butt end. One of
the specimens, of oak, lacks the butt end and has a chipped
tip. It is 20,3 cm, long, and 1.1 cm. in diameter. The
Juniper specimen is 23.7 cm. long and 9 mm. in diameter (Fig.
^9 d). Both awls have tapering conical tips.
Provenlence« Room k^a.% Trash.
Distribution. Both specimens are similar to an awl
from Adams* Pueblo III Anasazi cache from Navajo Mountain.
He believes that suoh objects were used in weaving, and notes
that Hopl Indians use awls to pick the weft, and also draw
awls across the warp, to untangle the strands (Adams 1957'
53). Such awls are found at several other sites, such as the
Mogollon sites of Tularosa and Cordova Cave (Martin et al.
•!
1952s 398), caves of the Reserve area (Martin, Rinaldo, and
Bluhm 195**-: 196), and caves of the Upper Gila (Cosgrove 19*1-7:
J*6). They were also found at the Canyon Creek Ruin (Eaury
193*1-, PI. 67), and the Salado Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Steen et
al. 1962: 59)* and in the Hohokam levels of Ventana Cave
(Haury 1950* KL» 3^ i.) • In the Anasazi region, similar awls
are reported by Kidder and Guernsey for the Tsegi area (1919»

366
PI. ^9)9 "by Judd for Betatakln Ruin (1931: 57) 9 and by Morris,
for Aztec Ruin (19191 1928a: 330). Some may also have
come from Pueblo II sites near Flagstaff (Bartlett 193^: 36).
Wooden awls would appear to be a general and widespread
Southwestern tool type.
Perforated Shuttle
One peeled and smoothed stick of cottonwood was found
in Room 11, which has three small perforations through it
(Pig. ^9 b)« Thirty-six cm, long in its present broken state,
it has three parallel holes, 1 mm. in diameter, drilled hori­
zontally through it. Two are 9 cm. from each end of the stick,
uhlle the middle hole is 10 cm. from one perforation and 8 cm.
from the other. Each perforation is set in the middle of a
broad, shallow, rectangular groove, as if a firm rectangular
object had been tightly bound to the stick. Adams (1957s 52-
53) describes similar modern Hop! objects; and some of the
objects from his Pueblo III Navajo Mountain collection seem
to be similar. Adams and Kent identify these objects as
weaving shuttles, or finishing needles, used in interweaving
the last few centimeters of weft (Adams 1957s 53? Kent 1957s
^85 )• The modern tools are made from any handy twig.
Spindle-whorl Shaft
There is one slender, tapering, polished rod of wood,
identified as a spindle-whorl shaft, which has a diameter

367
neatly matching that of many of the pottery and wooden spindle-
whorls, i.e., about 5-6 mm. The completed spindle-whorl resem­
bles that one illustrated "by Haury from the Canyon Creek Ruin
(193b, PI. 58).
In general, then, the weaving tools of Wupatki form an
unusually large prehistoric sample for one site, and they seem
to compare most closely with Anasazi weaving tools of post-1100
date. The number of these tools, as well as the raw cotton and
many fine textile fragments found, indicates that Wupatki Ruin
was probably an important weaving center.
Fire-making Tools
Fire-hearths
There are two kinds of Southwestern fire-hearths, both
represented in our sample. There is the hearth made of split,
slender sticks, which are flattened, in section, and have the
fire-drill holes along both edges; second, there is the unsplit,
rounded stick hearth, which has its fire-drill holes along only
one of the sides. In both cases, the fire-drill holes are
bored straight down into the wood, and the edge is intentionally
notched so as to remove part of one side of the hole. As the
stick is twirled, a spark is caused to Jump out of the notch
into a pile of dry tinder placed at the side (Martin et al.
1952: 3^5; Haury 1950s ^15)• In several of the Wupatki hearths,
which are barely roughed out, the drill hole was only slightly

368
started, "but the wood had been previously vertically grooved,
cutting the nascent hole.
Split-stick Hearths. Split-stick fire-hearths are
the most common variety at Wupatki Ruin (Pig. 50 a-o., e-g,
I). Sticks of juniper, ponderosa pine, pinon pine, and Douglas
fir were used, complete sticks ranging from 9*5-15 cm. in
length, 1.2-2.2 cm. in width (average: 1.2-1.6 cm.), and
5-12 mm. in thickness (average: 7-8 mm.). In almost all
cases the hearths are drilled along both edges. Three exam­
ples are drilled on both sides. There was, however, an
attempt to not completely drill through the wood, although
this did occur; but only the two thin (5 mm. thick) Douglas
fir hearths have been perforated by all of the holes. The top
diameter of the conical holes ranges from 8-10 mm., indicating
that the same type and size of blunt drill was used on all of
the hearths.
Unsplit Rounded-stick Hearth. One unsplit hearth was
noted for Wupatki (Pig. 50 i,). It was made from a stick of
cottonwood, about 1,9 cm. In diameter, and has large holes
(approximately 1.2 cm. in diameter) drilled along one side.
It is notched along the edge, and the holes do not break
through the bottom of the stick. 13iis type of hearth obviously
utilized a larger drill and a slightly different firemaklng
technique.

Fig* 50. Fire making tools, a-c, e_-g, ^-1,
split-stick fire-hearths} i_, unsplit fire-hearth stick;
d, h, m, fire-drills. Length of 1$»0 cm.

369

Provenience. Type Is Rooms 2, 7, 11 (3), 34a, 73;
Trash; Type 2: Boom 11*
370
Distribution* Haury states that the rounded , unsplit,
stick hearth is Anasazl in origin (1950s 415)» On the other
hand, flat split fire-sticks were characteristic of the
Itogollon groups of Tularosa Cave until the San Francisco phase
(about 900) at which time Anasazl influence, and the Anasazi
fire-hearth type, took precedence (Martin et al. 1952: 345)*
Grange cites references for fire-drills at Aztec, Betatakin,
Canyon Creek Ruin, Cliff Palace, Kayenta sites, Painted Cave,
ijind Spruce Tree House, and Pueblo Bonito may be added (Judd
1954: 153 )• Most of these hearths appear to be of rounded,
lansplit sticks, with large holes drilled along one side* In
the Hohokam area, one hearth of this split type is reported
from Ventana Cave (Haury 1950, Pl» 34 b), and split rectangular
sticks are found at Casa Grande Ruin (King 1945: 8). Split
saguaro sticks were used at Tonto ruins (Steen et al, 1962,
PI. 1,). Mogollon hearths are of both types, as previously
noted, although the shift to the Anasazi variety does not occur
at all sites. In caves of the Reserve area (Martin, Rinaldo,
and ELuhm 1954: 193) both types were found together, and they
also both occur at Winchester Qave (Fulton 1941: 33» Pl» 9)>
and in the Upper Gila River caves reported by Cosgrove (1947s
146-48, PI..140).

The Hop! use spilt fire hearths with holes along
371
either edge (Hough 1918, PI* 26; Underhlll 195^» Fig 57)» as
do the Xuman, Piman, and Pal tribes (Drucker 19*H s 123), and
apparently all of the Pueblo groups (Glfford 19^0: 28)• Un­
fortunately, there Is no real comparative sample for the
Slnagua, although hearths appear at Walnut Canyon of at
least the split type, with holes along both edges.
Thus the hearths found at Wupatki, and probably the
other Slnagua sites, do not seem to be Anasazi types, bat
rather are evidence of southern Hohokam or Mogollon influence.
The fact that the modern Hopi and other Pueblo groups now also
use split-stick hearths, rather than the earlier Anasazi type
characteristic of the area, is perhaps another suggestion of
the Slnagua influence on the Hopi Mesa region.
Fire-drills
Five of the fire-drills are unpeeled, polished, smooth
sticks of cottonwood and hardwood. They have blunt, rounded
tips showing fire blackening, and use-worn ridges (Pig. 50 d,
h, m)• The sticks measure 7-8 naa. in diameter near the tip,
matching the typical, diameter of the fire-hearth holes. One
drill, however, is made from a reused arrow-foreshaft, as fire-
drills probably often were, for arrow-fore shafts are rounded
and pointed perfectly for such use.

She sixth artifact was made by tying two sticks to­
gether with wrappings of yucca fiber* The shorter end has
a small conical tip, and was clearly used as a fire-drill.
This is a composite fire-drill (Fig. &)•.
Provenience. Rooms 1, 3^ a s Trash*
Distribution» Fire-drills are common all over the
372
prehistoric Southwest, but the composite fire-drill resembles
the similarly tied, composite fire-drills of Shoshonean
groups of the Great Basin (Lowie 1924ft - 223)9' supposedly only
:
found outside of the Basin at the Tonto Cliff Dwelling (Steen
et al« 1962; 82).
Hunting Equipment
Among the wooden objects at Wupatkl are twenty speci­
mens of composite arrows (reed shafts and hard-wood fore-
shafts), a solid wood arrow, aiad several dart bunt points.
None of the objects, save for the largest of the bunt points,
lis complete and unbroken.
Heed Arrow-shafts
Four finished reed arrow-shafts were found, two of
these joined to fragments oi hard-wood foreshafts (Fig. 5*
;f» £» 1)» The reed utilized, Phragmites communis. was
identified by A. F» Whiting^ and he states that it now grows

Fig* 51« Hunting tools* a-b9 dart bunt points;
c-e8 h-k, arrow-f oreshaf ts i f-g_, lp reed arrow-shafts and
wood foreshafts bound in plape. Length of f# 31.0 cm.

37^
about a mile-and-a-half from the ruin, near the Heizer Spring
area# About 200 broken reed fragments were found throughout
the ruin, probably collected as raw material. Some of the
fragments were cut, and others seem to have been dyed a light
purple.
In the finished shafts, the reed is tightly bound with
sinew, particularly near the notched end, and at the point at
which the wood foreshaft is tied* There are pieces of feather
vane under the two concentric wrappings nearest the notched
end, which are 5*5 and 8,0 cm, apart in two examples. These
once held three flight feathers on each arrow, starting 1,5
and 2,0 cm, from the notch, lb form the notch, a node in the
reed is left unhollowed, sinew bound for strength, and is cut
with a smooth U-shaped notch, 4. mm, wide at the top and 2 mm.
wide at the bottom. In some cases, a wooden plug is also
inserted at the end of a reed section, bound in place, and is
then notched.
A thin, black band is painted on one arrow, below the
notch on the hardwood plug in back of the sinew binding.
Below this binding, under the once feathered area, a thick
(20 mm.) red painted band occurs. Thirty mm. below is another
wider sinew band. On another arrow, there is one 4-0 mm.-wide,
red painted band, placed just below the notch. Painted bands
may have once been present at the area of attachment of the
foreshafts, too, and some of the sinew bindings securing

these foreshafts may have once been set In pitch#
Provenience. Rooms 11, 3^b, M+a; Trash.
Arrow Foreshafts
375
At least nine of the 13 foreshafts are of cottonwood,
and one is of oak. The other three are not identified# They
are slender, smoothed cylindrical pieces, varying from 5-7 mm.
in diameter, and are usually grooved at one end, and then
sharply "beveled to a slender, short handle, 2-3 mm. in dia­
meter (Pig. 51 h-k) • A few specimens are beveled without
grooving. The slender handle end was Inserted into the hollow
reed shaft, and tightly bound Into place with sinew, sometimes
set In pitch.
The foreshafts in the Wupatki collection are all butt-
end fragments, but the tip was presumably split, and a stone
point Inserted and sinew bound tightly to the shaft. The long­
est specimen Is a crude 26 cm. long object from Room 11, but
most foreshafts are much shorter and more slender. They are
undecorated, and were apparently also used as fire drills
after being discarded as hunting equipment.
Provenience. Rooms 1, 11 (3)» 3^b (2), **4a; Trash.
Distribution. Grange (Martin et al. 1952s 3^1) lists
11 Anasazi sites where such shafts and foreshafts have been
found, to which may be added Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1959s

376
130), two Eohokan sites (Ventana and Double Butte caves), and
five Mogollon sites and areas, Tularosa and Cordova caves,
Winchester Cave, caves of the Upper Gila (Hough) and caves
of theUpper Gila and Hueco areas (Cosgrove), to whioh may be
added caves of the Reserve area (Martin, Hinaldo, and Bluhm
195^ * 186-87). The Wupatki arrow-shafts are not strikingly
painted ceremonial objects such as those found by Cosgrove
(19^7s 65), but Instead are clearly utilitarian objects®
Fainted bands are frequently reported from Anasazl sites,
and appear to be similar to the bands on the Wupatki examples
and to the examples from the Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Steen et
al. 1962: 81J-85). Morris describes specimens from Aztec Ruin
which are identical to the Wupatki arrows, and the painted
and feathered examples from Pueblo Bonlfco also appear to be
similar (Morris 1919: 59-60; Pepper 1920s 36-37, 109, 160).
Cosgrove (19^7 * 50-58) gives an excellent discussion
of the manufacture of composite arrows, but his specimens are
elaborately decorated, Martin, Hinaldo, and Bluhm (195^: 189)
note that some composite arrows are found in Basketmaker sites,
but that they are more common from Pueblo sites, where simple
band decoration is typical. The bow and composite arrow, how­
ever, may have originally been a southern trait, perhaps intro­
duced to the Hohokam about the time of Christ (Haury 1950: ^20).
By the time of the Wupatki occupation, the bow-and-arrow were
found throughout the Southwest, although as Haury states, the

3 77
compos It© arrow was only common In the northern Pueblo areas
(Haury 201).
Bartlett (193^5 37-38) Indicates that composite arrows
have been found in Pueblo II Sinagua sites, and they have also
been reported in several later sites, such as Montezuma
Castle (Jackson and Van Valkenburgh 195^' 32), Walnut Canyon
(Rixey and Voll 1962: 9*0# and Hldge Ruin (Mc.Gregor 19^3*
286-87)» where many decorated and painted cane pieces were
found with the Burial of the Magician, and were probably
ceremonial arrow foreshafts. Almost identical examples came
from Hidden House (Dixon 195&s **7-52), where they are said to
be typical Pueblo shafts. They are used by modern Hopi and
Zuni groups•
In brief, the composite arrow can probably be ascribed
to Pueblo influence in the Slnagua area, and Chaco sites again
provide the most clear-cut comparisons.
Wooden Arrow
A solid cottonwood arrow was found. Hie point is
broken, but most of the shaft and the notch-end are well pre­
served. It is 7 mm. In diameter, peeled and smoothed, and
decorated by incising a shallow wiggly line along the length
of opposite sides. The rectangular end-notch is 1.5 mm. deep
and 3 mm. wide, and the broken shaft is presently about $0 cm.
long#

Distributiona The solid wood arrow Is a rare and
378
generally late prehistoric or historic trait in the Southwest.
It is in use today by several Indian groups (Martin et al.
1952: 3^1)• However, modern Hopi and Zuni peoples use the
composite arrow. Eaury notes the solid wood arrow for Pima
(19**5&: 201), but not Pueblo peoples. Morris notes one such
arrow from the Aztec Ruin (1928a: 308), and Pueblo Bonito.
It would appear that such arrows are a southern trait, con­
trasted to the composite arrows, typical of the northern
Pueblo groups, but that they had been introduced into the
Chaco region by early Pueblo III times.
Dart Bunt Points
Two possible cottonwood dart bunt points were found
in Ho on 35a. They are cylinders with a sharply beveled
shoulder and a tapering foreshaft. The larger example Is
well smoothed, but the foreshaft,:although tapered, is quite
thick (Fig. 51 a). The cylinder is 5*5 cm. long, 2.8 cm# in
diameter, while the foreshaft is 3*0 cm. long, and 1.5-2.0
cm. thick. Because of the large diameter of the foreshaft
this object has been called a pot plug. The second specimen
consists of a fragmentary ball of wood some 3.0 cm. in diameter,
with a foreshaft 1.0.cm. long and slightly less thick (Pig.

379
Distribution. Grange (Martin et al. 1952: 339, Fig.
136) features similar examples, as does Cosgrove (19^7* Pig*
69) > and Hough (191*f: 61), all from late Mogollon cave sites*
Haury illustrates bunts from Hohokam levels of Vent ana Cave,
but his types are quite different from the Mogollon varieties.
Gremge notes that bunts are found at Anasazl sites but if so,
they are quite rare. They are apparently not noted for any
Slnagua sites* The bunt point would appear to be a trait
which is Hohokam or Mogollon in origin, and the Wupatki speci­
mens are more closely related to Mogollon examples.
Spoons and Ladles
There are four whole or fragmentary objects with a
handle and a bowl, which I have classified as spoons or
ladles. They were carved from cottonwood and oak, and three
are small specimens, under 20 cm. in length, while two are
much larger®
Spoons, or Small Ladles
All specimens are broken, and no complete measure­
ments can be made (Pig. 5** ©, h, . However, the bowls of
these objeots varied between 2.5-3*0 cm. in maximum width
and height, the slightly elliptical hollow interior of the
bowls varying in diameter between 2.0-2.6 cm., and 1.0-1.5 cm.

380
in depth. At the rim, the walls of the bowl area are 1.2 mm.
thick, but they range up to 7 mm. in thickness near the base
and at the wall areas near the handle and opposite it. The
exterior bowl length in one specimen is 6 cm., and the interior
length about 4- cm. The bowl rim is flat, but angled down from
the handle towards the front. Another less complete specimen,
perhaps still in a beginning state of manufacture, had been
carved from a piece of cottonwood but was never finished, pro-
i
bably because the bowl broke during manufacture (Fig. 5^ J.) *
Underneath and back of the bowl there are roughened grooves
and cuts, forming two shallow troughs. These may be the results
of attempts to thin the wood in this area, perhaps the first
step in carving the slender ladle handle. Back of the ladle
bowl there is a deep burnt and cut hollow which appears to be
the beginning of another bowl. This piece indicates the pro­
cesses utilized to manufacture these small spoons or ladles,
but in most cases the bowl area, in particular, was well
smoothed and finished.
Large ladle
There is one fragmentary large ladle specimen in the
collection from Wupatki (Pig. 5^ b). This cottonwood fragment
from Room 3*Kb, is a smoothed curved, 1 cm. thick section from
the base of a ladle bowl. It is flattened at one side, but
curves up to a height of slightly more than ^ cm. at the oppo­
site edge.

Distribution.. Two specimens from Tularosa and
Cordova caves are similar (Martin et al* 19521 398), "but
they are more round in outline than the smaller Wupatki
examples • Haury Illustrates a different type from Canyon
381
Creek Ruin (193** » Pl» 65 )• There appears to be no reference
to Anasazl or Sinagua ladles, although there is a very large
whole ladle from Walnut Canyon, "which has usually been thought
to have come from Wupatki Euln. There is also a large and
deep ladle, with a rectangular bowl, which was found near the
Little Colorado River, presumably at an Anasazl site (N.A*
557) a few miles northeast of Wupatki (Museum of Northern
Arizona collection)* Although the comparative examples are
Mogollon and Salado, the sample is too small for any conclu­
sions as to cultural placement. It is interesting that modem
Zunl and Rio Grande Pueblo groups today still use such ladles
(Glfford 19^0: 26).
Cradle-boards
Two hard-backed wooden cradle-boards were'found at
Wupatki, both of a general Pueblo type. One specimen also
resembles modern Navajo cradle-boards*
A large, almost rectangular, cradle-board was found
1 in an unknown location in the ruin* It is probably prehis­
toric, from the Clarke collection (36/291), but is similar

382
to modern Navajo "boards. It is carved from Douglas fir, and
is 69 cm, long, 21 cm. wide, and 1 cm, thick, and was made
from one wide board, apparently split and mended in prehis­
toric times (Fig, 52)« Pieces of over-3 under-3 yucca matting
were stuck to the back, and some of the holes in the "board
were filled with pieces of yucca fibre cord, evidence of
former bindings and wrappings.
The board is now somewhat warped and split, but still
shows high polish and smoothed surfaces. It has beveled and
rounded edges, and about one-third split off in prehistoric
times, and was then repaired. Eight nearly parallel pairs of
holes run along both sides of the prehistoric break, and some
show thong-worn grooves running towards the crack, evidence
of use of the board after its repair. The holes (5-10 mm. top
diameter) were roughly drilled and countersunk from both sides,
and around several holes is found a 3 cm, diameter concentric
groove, perhaps a by-product of the drilling technique.
The actual tie holes around the edge of the board num­
ber at least 23. There are several places where small slivers
of wood have broken out, which may have once contained holes,
and there is evidence of at least seven holes which have been
mostly split off. These tie holes are more cleanly drilled
than the repair holes, but are essentially the same size and
shape.. Several were later additions, either made after the
breakage, or to provide a new lacing pattern.

Fig* 52. A solid wood, Pueblo style, cradle-
board of Douglass fir. Length, 69 cm.

383

Frank: PInkley, of the National Park Service, gave
the Museum of Northern Arizona a cradle-board from Wupatki
384-
which is smaller than the previously described specimen, sit
is made of cottonwood. Now badly warped and broken, it was
once rectangular, with a rounded base and a slightly convex
top. It was well smoothed on both surfaces, and had beveled,
rounded edges. It appears to have been about 55-60 cm. long,
18-20 cm. wide, and 2.0 cm. thick. Three wide-spaced pairs
of holes (5-6 mm. diameter) were found along the edges of the
"board, and a single hole was located at the top edge, near
the middle. All of these tie holes were countersunk from
both sides•
In addition, a third hard-backed cradle-board is
mentioned in the field notes (Williamson and Van Valkenburgh
193*0 from Room 4-lb. It was stated to measure 17 x 22 x %
inches, but Is not now included in Museum collections.
There is also a mention of a tied-reed cradle-board,
which, If present, would be similar to those types long pop­
ular in Basketmaker and northern Anasazi sites. This* board,
too, is now missing.
Distribution. Grange (Martin et al. 1952: 259) states
that rigid cradle-boards are later in time than flexible ones,
but there are cradle-boards from Tularosa Cave which are late
in time, and yet are formed of tied-reed segments. These, of
course, are different from the Wupatki cradle-boards, but are

385
similar to the tied-reed board mentioned in the field notes.
They are closely related to the Basketmaker and early Pueblo
cradle-boards. The Wupatkl specimens are definitely not of
Basketmaker type , save for the reed board, but instead resem­
ble boards of the Pueblo period, featured by Kidder and
Guernsey (1919> PI• 46 a), as well as one featured by Fewkes,
from Spruce Tree House (1909s 4-3)• Hough, and Underhlll (1918,
PI. 2^| 195^, Flg» 9^), illustrate almost identical modern
Hopl cradle-boards. One Identical specimen is also known
from Hohokam Casa Grande Ruin (King 19^5 : 8) • The Wupatki
specimens would seem to be of a general late Anasazi type,
still being made today by the Pueblos.
Heed Cigarettes
Ceremonial Artifacts
All of the cigarettes are of Phragmltes communis, and
are cut at rigjit angles to the axis of the reed. All show
evidence of burning, and have one node, which is pierced in
the center (Pig. 53 a-d, g). They vary from 3»5-6*3 cm » l n
length, and from 1.0-1.6 cm. in diameter. The node falls at
one end of the cigarette, usually the burnt end, and the inner
hole in the node is small, piercing the center without removing
it. Tobacco or woody plant bark was smoked in the burnt for­
ward section. Field notes indicate that some were wrapped
with cotton string, and cigarette sashes of cotton were found

Fig* 53* Ceremonial artifacts, a-d, g, reed
cigarettes; e, k, shouldered and painted sticks, or pahos;
f8 n, "roundel" pahos; h~i^ m9 o, tabllta fragments;
pierced and painted stick; 1, ceremonial cane* Length
of £9 27,5 cm.

387
In the textile collection, although not around any cigarettes.
Provenience. Rooms 7* 38a, M; Trash.
Distribution. Cigarettes are found at an earlier time
period in the Mogollon region than in any other, "but they are
widely distributed In the prehistoric Southwest (Martin et al.
19£2s 252; Haury 19^5^* 196), and are also found in Mexico,
and among the modern Hopi (Jones 1937 s 17-18). They are com­
monly found in Pueblo III sites, but except for a few elaborate
Mogollon examples, they are usually plain and undecorated in the
later sites, as were most of the Wupatki examples (Martin et al.
1952s 353) • Martin, Rinaldo, and Bluhm (195^= 203) note
cigarettes in the caves of the Reserve area, and state that
the type is no earlier than Pueblo II in the Anasazi region*
The earliest examples seem to come from the Pueblo II sites in
the Flagstaff area. Ceremonial cigarettes, however, are
generally late in the Eohokam region, and are perhaps the
result of PueblQ Introductions. In the Sinagua area, they
are reported in Pueblo II sites (Bartiett 1934: 38-39), at
Montezuma Castle (Jackson and Van Vallcenburgh 195**: 32), at
Walnut Canyon (Rixey and Voll 1962: 9*0» and at the Salado
Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Steen et al. 1962 s 87 )• They appear
to be Mogollon in origin, but since the Sinagua examples are
the earliest non-Mogollon cigarettes known, the trait may
have passed directly from the Mogollon to the Sinagua. The

Sinagua, In turn, may have passed such cigarettes to the
Hopi, Salado 5 and Hohokam groups after 1100.
Ceremonial Cane
One object was found which has previously been
called a ceremonial cane (Fig. 53 !)• Probably of oak, its
388
head is flat in section, but dome-shaped in outline® It has
a slender, flat shaft, and a carved spool-shaped ridge
encircling the shaft, some 7 cm. from the head. The domed
head is round at the top, 1,7 cm, high, 2,1 cm, wide, and
9 mm, thick, at the center, A carved shoulder, and shallow,
groove, separate the head from the flat, 9-11 mm, wide shaft.
About 7 cm. from the base of the head, a spool-shaped band
encircles the shaft. Actually two parallel raised bands
form this spool, both being 1.^ cm, in diameter, and together,
7 mm. in width. The specimen Is cracked and split, and Is
broken 1^ cm, below the band, presently being about 23 cm,
in length. The uncracked surfaces are well smoothed and
polished, and there is evidence of red paint above the spool-
band.
Provenience, Room 3*ft>,
Distribution. This object is identical to those
found by Pepper, and by Judd, at Pueblo Bonito (Pepper 1920s
1^3-57; Judd 195^» PI* 38), They fall Into the category of

389
Pepper's type 1 (57 found at Pueblo Bonlto), although he men­
tions no painted type 1 specimens. Pepper believed that they
were ceremonial in use, similar to modern Hopl prayer sticks.
However» Hough (191^: 96-97* PI* 20) also notes such
pahos from the Mogollon Bear Creek Cave, and states that they
have been found in Anasazi sites, including several prehis­
toric Hopl pueblos* Fewkes connected these canes with cere­
monies of the Hopl Piute Society, in which they are used to
agitate the waters of the sacred spring; and 'he features
identical canes from SItyatkl (Pewkes 1898, PI, 17 z f-75).
Cosgrove also illustrates similar examples from Mule Creek
Cave, on the Upper Gila River (19^7: 128, Fig. 120). Many
of these were painted and wrapped with twine, and Cosgrove
states that they are a Pueblo trait, none being found in
Basketmaker sites.
Thus this cane type is a late Pueblo trait, particu­
larly noted for the Chaco Canyon region. It is found in
greatest abundance there, but is also found in several other
northern and western Anasazi and Mogollon sites. Grange
(Martin et al. 1952s 355) believes that the Mogollon examples
resulted from Anasazi contact. This suggests that ceremonial
canes at Wupatkl are evidence of Chaco contact. At any rate,
it Is clearly a late Pueblo trait, and the Hopl examples cited
either may be the result of a continuing Anasazi tradition in
that area, or post-1100 Sinagua contacts.

"Roundel" Pahos
390
Two carved cottonwood objects were found which may be
ceremonial pahos.
One is 6 cm. long, and is flattened, in section (Fig.
53 n)» the head is cylindrical (2.5 cm. x 2.8 cm.) and ends
with a sharply carved shoulder, and a 5 mm. wide and deep
groove. The remainder of the piece is flattened on two sides
and is 2 cm. thick, and 2.9 cm. wide. A flattened knob=ended
cylinder is produced, showing no traces of decoration, but
resembling the "roundel" pahos described by Hough from the
Blue River, Arizona (191^: 96» PI* 20), and by Cosgrove from
the Mule Creek Cave, on the Upper Gila (19^7, Pig. 120).
The second cottonwood specimen (Fig. 53 H) is 2 cm.
thick, 3 cm * wide, and 11 cm. long, is flattened on all sur­
faces, has a tapered, rounded end, and is broken off short at
the wider end. About 3*5 cm. from the tapered, small end,
there is a 1,5 cm. wide, and 5 mm. deep, U-shaped three-
quarter groove encircling the shaft. At this end there are
also several diagonal, shallow grooves containing bits of
yucca matting, cordage, charcoal, and white pigment, evidence
of some kind of wrapping or decoration. Some whitish pigment
also appears along the shaft.
The object may also be a "roundel" paho, similar to
those noted previously by Cosgrove and Hough; but Kent also

features an object Tilth a similar end which she calls a
roller for a belt loom (Kent 1957* **83 )•
Shouldered and Painted Sticks
Two other cottonwood sticks were found, which have
a shouldered and tapered area, and are painted.
The larger specimen (Pig. 53 k) is 19 cm. long and
391
1.7 cm « thick. About 2 cm. from the end, now broken, a sud­
den shoulder reduces the stick to a 1.2 cm. in diameter
tapered handle, and ^ cm. from the shoulder, and 2 cm. apart,
occur two cord-worn, shallow grooves surrounding the stick.
Starting 2 cm. from the top, two deep diagonal grooves run
to the tip on opposite sides, and the tip is partially covered
with a pitchy substance. It may once have had a reddish coat
of paint.
The second specimen (Fig« 53 ©.)» is 8.5 cm. long, and
1.3 cm. wide. It is a smooth cylinder, but 1 cm. from one end
there is a sharp shoulder, about 2 mm. deep, and the shaft
tapers for i cm. to a rounded stub, 1 cm. In diameter. The
' shaft shows traces of purplish-red paint, and is smoothly
polished, although a wide crack now runs the length of one side.
Provenience# Room 3^b; Trash.
Distribution. These may also have been portions of
pahos. Hough (1914, PI. 20) Illustrates specimens which

esemble the broken fragments, and they also resemble the
stub pahos Illustrated by Cosgrove (19^7» PI. 119)• The
larger specimen resembles an object Cosgrove calls a rattle
handle (19^7 s Pig. 67 c).
Pierced, Fainted Stick
392
An oak stick, 1*5 in diameter» has been polished
and smoothed, cut at either end# and pierced throughout its
27 cm. length (Pig. 53 A)» The stick is slightly curved,
however, and thus the hole (4 mm. in diameter) is not cen­
tered except at the green painted end, and it breaks through
the side of the stick cm. from the opposite end. Half
of the stick (13 cm,) was painted a pinkish-red, which has
worn away, but the other half (1^ cm.) is still painted a
dark green-black. It was either coated with a thick layer
of a black pitchy substance, mixed with a green pigment, or
a copper base substance which has changed to^ this color in
decomposition. The green seems to show through the black in
worn or scratched areas. This object probably had some
specific ceremonial use, bat no adequate comparisons are
available.
Stick Pahos. String-wrapped
Two sticks, 9.3 10.0 cm. long, and about 5 mm. in
diameter, were wrapped over half or more of their length with

loosely twisted# natural colored, -white cotton string. One
specimen also was wrapped with a few strands of tan colored
393
string. Cosgrove (19^7 s 126, Pig. 119) notes such pahos from
caves in the tJpper Gila River region, and Kent (1957: 619,
Fig. 124- a) notes similar ones from Klet Siel Pueblo. Cotton,
to this day, is an important Pueblo religious Item (Kent 1957 s
621).
Prayer Sticks
There were two groups of painted stick fragments which
were probably prayer sticks. The fragments, possibly of cotton-
wood, were painted a bright blue, green, red, and black. One
green band appears to have been bordered by a black stripe.
Both of these prayer sticks came from burials, one from Burial
26, and one from above the head of Burial 19. A complete prayer
stick was also reported "by Fewkes (1904: 50), found tied to the
leg of a parrot burial at Wupatkl.
Such painted pahos are common in modern Hop! and Zuni
rituals (Drucker 19^0: 76). Grange notes painted sticks from
Cordova and Tularosa caves, and believes that they were Intro­
duced to the Mogollon from the Anasazl after 900. However,
Martin et al. (1954s 200) state that prayer sticks are much
earlier in date than previously thought, and are not neces­
sarily a foreign introduction in the Mogollon area. Grange
cites their discovery at Betatakin, and at the modern Hop!

39^
site of Shongopovl; and Cosgrove, and Hough (19^7: 124 f 1914?
129-132), report similar specimens from caves on the Gila
River• Painted prayer sticks appear to represent a general
Pueblo trait in both the Mogollon and the Anasazi areas.
Proveniencea Burials 19, 26? Parrot burials*
Tabllta Fragments
One cottonwood specimen resembles the beveled end of
a weaving batten (Fig# 53 1) * It was about 7 mm. thick, 8
cm* long, and 4 cm* wide* The unbroken end was beveled and
slightly rounded. The surfaces of the wood are weathered,
roughened, and decayed, but still bear traces of a white
pigment covering on both sides* Some areas are also covered
with thick greenish pigment.
The second cottonwood specimen (Pig. 53 a) Is a thin
piece, 3 mm® in thickness, with clear traces of a white pig­
ment, bound by a black base material, on one side. A thin
handle, 5«5 cm. long, and 8 mm. wide, Joins a rectangle9 3 cm.
wide and 5 cm. long, with a beveled, sloping shoulder. This
%
changes into a broken portion consisting of at least two
small stepped elements.
The third specimen (Pig. 53 h) 9 of ponderosa pine,
is a half-section of a rounded, batten-like implement. There
is evidence of a thin attached handle at the thinned, beveled,
U-shaped base. It is 8.3 cm. long, 1.3 cm. thick, and 2.3 cm.

in wid.th, and is slightly beveled and rounded at the edges#
It seems to have been Intentionally blackened•
395
The fourth specimen (Fig. 53 2.) is a rectangular slab
of pinon pine, 17 cm* long, U.2 cm. wide, and 1.1 cm. thick.
It is roughened and broken at one side and end, and has two
black bands, 3®5 cm. and 2.5 cm# wide, across one side at
either end. •
Distribution. The three thicker fragments (Pig. 53
h, i_, o) are difficult to compare, but resemble artifacts
identified as portions of ceremonial objects from Peoos
Pueblo (Kidder 1932, Pig. 2^-1), or objects featured "by Judd
from Pueblo Bonito which he identifies as parts of altar
screens (Judd 195^* 275-76, PI. 38» 78). The thin, painted
oottonwood fragment Is related to the tablita and bird
effigies featured by Hough (191^: 105-06, PI. 22, 26), and
to the "tablitas and split stick wands", featured by Cosgrove
*
(19^7 s 12*1—26), both from the Gila Hiver area.
Gourd and Stick Wand
This object was made from a slender, 1^- cm. long,
polished and tapered oottonwood stick, 3-5 ®m» 1** diameter,
and six cut pieces of gourd rind. The six elliptical pieces
of gourd were cleanly pierced through the center, with a 5
mm. hole, and were then place on the cottonwood stick. The
gourd pieces, 3»0-3*2 cm. wide, and 5o2-5«3 cm. long, are

396
very similar to each other, and were planned as a set# Since
the gourd pieces are curved and warped they do not fit to­
gether tightly. The bottom discs are wedged on the tapered
stick but the top pieces are loose, and swing and rattle
independently. The entire gourd pile is 2.5 cm. thick, and
the pile begins about 3.5 cm. below the top of the stick.
This artifact may once have been a ceremonial rattle3 with a
plug at the top to prevent the loss of the gourd pieces.
Distribution. Morris (1919s ^65 192^: 167) features
a similar ceremonial object from Aztec Ruin. He calls this
specimen an "owl charm", quoting its Navajo identification,
and he also recovered a series of perforated shell discs, as
did Pepper, at Pueblo Bonito (1920: 162). Kidder and Guernsey
(1919: 1^4-^5, Fig. 6^-65) identify a somewhat similar speci­
men as an "owl bugaboo", again based upon a Navajo identifica­
tion. While these objects are not identical to the Wupatki
specimen, they are somewhat similar and may represent the same
idea. This may indicate a Ghaco origin of the trait.
Ball
found.
One half of a cottonwood ball, 4 cm. in diameter, was
It is well carved and smoothed (Fig. 5^
Distribution. Wood balls are common in the Southwest.
A Basketmaker example is featured by Guernsey and Kidder (1921,

Flg» Miscellaneous wood tools and ceremo­
nial items* a, possible oak digging stick; b, portion
of large ladle bowl; cs cottonwood disc; d, cylinder; e_,
h, X* small ladles or spoons; £, cottonwood ball;
pestle; i., lap board; k, 1, paddle-shaped digging sticks.
Length of a, 25.5 cm.
«

397

398
PI. 36), and Kidder (1932: 191) illustrates such a ball from
Pecos Pueblo. Fewkes (1912: 1^7) illustrates a ball from
Casa Grande Ruin, and Haury (193^» PI. 65) features one from
the Salado Canyon Creek Ruin. Fewkes notes that the Pima
still play a game with such balls, and Gifford (19^K): 51)
states that the Papago play a kick ball game with a wooden
ball, but the Hopl use a stone ball. Drucker (19^1s 125)
supports these statements, and adds the Yavapai to the list
of tribes still using wooden balls.
It appears that such balls were found in several
different areas, but that the modern use is restricted to
the southern desert tribes, particularly the Pima and the
Papago, and perhaps also to the Hopi Mesa region, where a
similar stone ball game is found. In any case, the use of
wooden balls appears to be ceremonial, a part of religious
foot races and kick ball games.
Carved Bird
Problematical Artifacts
A small carved bird of pine bark was found in Room
62a. It is a crude, thin, outline-figure of a bird in flight,
with wings spread behind, 2.2 cm. long, 1.3 cm. wide, and
about 2 mm. thick. Its use is unknown.

Tied Cane and Stick Pieces
399
Sticks of Juniper and small annual shrubs were split
or twisted, and broken into several smaller fibers; these
were tied into loops, wand-shaped pieces with 2-4 protruding
ends, and various knot combinations, including the overhand,
sheepshank, and square knot® At least four sticks were tied
4
with split yucca leaves* In three cases, two or three slender
sticks were bound together in a bunch with strips of yucca
fiber®
Provenlence. Boom 35 s -» Trash,
Distribution» Similar amorphous tied stick and fiber
objects are reported from Tularosa and Cordova caves, and from
caves of the Upper Gila (Martin et al. 1952s 358» Cosgrove
19^7 s 125)• They may be unpeeled twig pahos, but also resem­
ble "owl charms
Cylindrical Pointed Sticks
Pour sticks of ponderosa pine were found, generally
cylindrical in cross section, three varying from 1.6 to 1.9
cm. in diameter, the other specimen being only 1*2 cm. in
diameter.
The complete specimen (Fig» 50 a) is 39*2 cm. in
length and 1.6-1.9 cm. in width, tapering to a rounded, blunt

point at either end. It Is slightly flattened arid worn on
two surfaces9 and bears shallow grooves and nicks* One end
appears to have been use-worn, and several small areas bear
traces of a reddish pigment.
j*00
t
The three fragmentary pieces are similar# They have
tapered, conical, blunt-points, rounded shafts, and all are
well-smoothed, but show some wear or use# Milton Wetherlll
suggested that such objects may have been battens for belt
loom fabrics, but there are no adequate comparisons for such
artifacts, although one similar example is noted from Casa
Grande Ruin (King 19^5s 8)#
Cylinder
There is a 3,5 cm# long and 3,0 cm# in diameter
cylinder of cottonwood which has been cut at both ends, and
is slightly rounded (Pig# 5^ Pueblo Bonito (Pepper 1920s
108} Judd 195^- PI#. 78), cave sites of the Upper Gila
i Biver (Hou^i 191^! 61), and Tularosa Cave (Martin et al.

1952: 357-58* Pig. 162 c). One of Judd f s Zunl workmen at
Pueblo Bonlto stated that such cylinders were called water­
*K>1
melon, and were planted in Zunl fields to Insure a good melon
crop (Judd 195*1-: 2?6)„ Such objects may thus be ceremonial in
use8 although the watermelon is not, of course, a pr e-Hispani-c
plant.
A rectangular slab of cottonwood was found, measuring
13*7 cm, long, 7.5 cm. wide, and 4.0 cm. thick (Fig. 5^ .!)•
The slab had been rubbed smooth on all surfaces, but small
•y
charred areas and holes occur. The top and bottom surfaces
show use, probably as a rubbing platform or cutting board.
One surface is rough and chipped, the other is smooth, flat,
and of a lighter color than the surrounding wood. One end
may have once been attached to some sort of handle, suggesting
that this object may have been the blade of a paddle.
Distribution. In sites of the Tsegi Canyon area of
northern Arizona, and at Betatakln Ruin, Kidder and Guernsey
(1919i 119), and Judd (193*« Pl»- 33) note groups of objects
called lapboards which resemble the Wupatki specimens, although
they are larger in size.

Wood Pestle
A carved cottonwood cylinder was found, cm. in
if02
diameter, 7,0 cm. long (Fig. 5^ &)• The once rounded tip now
Is represented only "by a small protruberance projecting. One
end is sharply shouldered, and cut to a cylindrical, but
hollowed, handle, some 2,5 cm, in diameter, and 1,5 cm. in
length. Whether this artifact was once attached at both ends
#
to handles is questionable. It may have been a rolling-pin-
like object, but it also shows some use as a pestle, for the
end is roughened and chipped. It also resembles some of the
so-called bunt points noted in the literature.
Grinding Bowl
A carved, rectangular billet was found, cut from a
ponderosa pine knot. It has a natural bowl at one end. The
billet is unworked, except for the smoothing and chipping
marks visible in the natural bowl depression, probably
resulting from its use as a grinding bowl. It is 18.5 cm.
long, 10-11 cm. wide, and 2 cm. thick. The bowl area forms
a rounded projection 2.5 cm, below the normal thickness of
the wood. At the top, this depression is 7*0 cm. in diameter,
and 1.^ cm. deep. The base of the bowl is smoothed and
polished, probably because the billet rests on this portion.

Sandal Last
A small sandal-shaped piece of oak was found, 13*5
cm. long, 6.0 cm. wide, and 1 cm. thick. It has a rounded
end, beveled slightly on one side, and widens towards the
*K)3
front, which has a definite sharp bevel on the opposite side
from the heel. This object resembles wood and stone artifacts
identified in the literature as sandal lasts (Judd 195*N PI*
81), bat also may be a scraper, such as featured by Judd,
from Betatakin (1931 * 60). The Wupatki specimen does show
smoothing and breakage scars along the beveled areas at
either end.
Provenience« Room 11.
Distribution. Sandal lasts are stated to be common in
the San Juan area (Morris 1939s 131-32, PI. 144-^5), and per­
haps the entire Anasazi region. Morris features a large,
decorated last, similar to the small Wupatki example, as does
Judd, from Pueblo del Arroyo (1959s 88). They appear at Aztec
Ruin (Morris 1928a: 322), and in the Mogollon area (Martin et
al. 1952: 113)* However, the Wupatki sandal last is smaller
than these examples and thus if it is a last, it must be for
a child's foot. Such objects seem to be of northern Pueblo
origin.

Oak Digging Stick
A short, slender oak stick was found, rounded at
"both ends (Fig. 5^ &)• It Is flattened on two surfaces,
iK)4-
and measures 25.5 cm, long, 1.5 cm. wide9 and 1.2 cm, thick.
It has a rough surface, and is cracked, but has some polished
areas. It may be a small planting stick, but there are no
adequate comparisons.
Worn Sticks
Provenience. Room 35a.
Two sticks were found, one of pine, and one of cotton-
wood, which had been out and roughened through use. The
cylindrical cottonwood stick, 38 cm. long, and 1.3 cm. in
diameter, was cut and grooved slightly at one end, and was
worn flat on much of one side. The opposite end of the stick
bore evidence of cord-worn grooves, which apparently resulted
from a cord twined diagonally down the stick, for 8 cm. from
one end. The object may have been a loom bar.
13ie other object is a 31 on. long stick of pine,
split in half. The top is flat and roughened by use along
most of its length. This object, too, may have been a loom
bar.
Provenience, Room 11.

Tablet
A rectangule.r tablet of Douglas fir, 7x9 cm#, was
h05
cut to a maximum thickness of 1.5 cm. at the center. The top
is convex, the bottom nearly flat, and the sides taper to a
sharp edge (Pig. ^8 a). It is generally smooth, but has
several chipped and roughened areas, particularly near the
blade-like front edge. It may be a fragment of a paddle or
digging implement.
Cottonwood Disc
A cottonwood disc 2.5 cm. in diameter was found. It
measures 1.5 cm. thick, is flattened on one side, and has a
slightly raised rim on the other side (Pig. 5^ c). There is
a 2 mm. in diameter hole about 1 cm. long near the "bottom of
the side, angled up into the disc.
Cut and Drilled Sticks
There were four specimens of cut or drilled sticks;
two of Douglas fir, 25 and 29 cm. long and 5-7 nmw thick,
which had disc and V-shaped pieces cut from them, and two of
Cottonwood» probably fragments of fire-hearths, which had 5-
10 mm. in diameter holes drilled into them. Also noted were
a sharpened cottonwood peg or paho, 15 cm. long, 2.5 cm. wide,
and 1.0 cm. thick; two cut, and double pointed sticks, one

slightly shouldered and beveled, similar to hardwood arrow
k06
foreshafts, the other split in half and painted with vertical
black and red stripes, this last perhaps being a type of paho.
Conclusions
Pinon pine, and juniper were rarely utilized as raw
materials, either for artifacts, or in room construction.
Oak and ponderosa pine were used nine or ten times each in
the manufacturing of artifacts, and this is the only oak
identified at the site. Cottonwood (^5 occurrences) was by
far the most common wood manufactTired into artifacts, and
Douglas fir was the second most commonly utilized wood (17
occurrences). This is probably due to the fact that cotton-
wood and Douglas fir are soft and easily carved. Cottonwood
was available in the Little Colorado Hiver valley, and would
have been easy to secure and carry back, but the Douglas fir
would have been much more difficult to transport. Thfe oak
must have been traded from canyons In the Mogollon rim country,
perhaps Oak Creek Canyon.
In terms of provenience, Rooms 11, and had
the most wooden tools, but most of the objects came from the
trash deposits, or were not Identified as to provenience.
Weaving implements are in the largest numbers, and
are especially noteworthy. The collection is one of the
largest of prehistoric weaving implements reported, and

included are "battenst several type of whorls, a tenter, a
40?
wooden awl, a perforated shuttle or finishing needle, possible
shed rods, possible loom barsa and possible battens or loom
bars for backstrap looms. In general, these weaving imple­
ments seem to correlate most closely with reported Pueblo III
or later Anasazi examples, and also with modern Hopi imple­
ments, In this connection, it is important to recall the
amount and quality of textile material known from Wupatki
Ruin (Kent 1957), as well as the raw cotton and cotton plant
fragments found at the Ruin, Weaving vjas clearly an impor­
tant activity at Wupatki, and they obviously raised their
own cotton.
On the other hand, the digging sticks are clearly
Bohokam in origin, and seem to have replaced the Anasazi
type of digging stick in the Sinagua area after 10?0, no
doubt because of the influx of'Hohokam peoples after the
eruption of Sunset Crater. This digging tool was, in turn,
passed on by the Sinagua to the Hopi. The wooden ball,
fire-hearths, and the solid wood arrow may also be southern
traits, and elaborate weaving is a Hohokam characteristic.
33ie bunt points, ladles, and some pahos and fire-
hearths were probably Mogollon traits, and the ceremonial
cigarettes are clearly a Mogollon trait, introduced to the
Sinagua at an earlier date than to the Anasazi.

The Anasazi Introductions, besides weaving tools,
consist of the composite arrows9 cradles, sandal-lasts,
*K)8
ceremonial canes, and some pahos, prayer sticks and tablitas®
They are all traits typical of late Pueblo sites, and also
may have been shared by the Mogollon at this time. At least
one of the traits, the ceremonial cane, adds to the lists of
Chaco Anasazi influences at Wupatki.
In conclusion, it appears that the wooden artifacts
of Wupatki may be assigned as traits to all three of the
major cultural sequences of the Southwest, and further indicate
the heterogeneity of culture at Wupatki Ruin, and the variety
of influences brought to bear upon the people of this area
between 1070 and 1200. The SInagua, in turn, clearly
influenced the culture of the Hopl Mesa region to the north­
east, Hohokam digging-sticks, fire-hearths, and ceremonial
cigarettes were passed from the Flagstaff area to the Hopl,
and Chaco-type ceremonial wands may also have been Intro­
duced to the Hop! by the SInagua.

PERISHABLE ARTIFACTS
Many perishable artifacts were recovered In the
Wupatki trash deposits. They can "be divided into three
major artifact categories: (1) those of fur, skin* and natu­
ral fibers, including speoimens of feathers, human hair,
yucca, agave, plant stems, corn husks, and shredded bark;
(2) specimens made of domesticated cotton, Gossyplum hop!,
including textiles, cordage, ceremonial wrappings, and raw
material? (3) domesticated plant foods, and wild plant food
remains, for example, corn, beans, squash, or walnuts and
agave•
Raw Materials
Natural Fiber Artifacts
A variety of raw materials occurred in the trash
deposits« The most common fiber was yucca, identified as
two species, Yucca bacata (Whiting 19^15 Jones 1937: 18) and
Yucca glauca (Jones 1937s 20 )• Agave fiber was also found
(Whiting 19^1) . It Is difficult even in the field to sepa­
rate the two plants, and Charles T» Mason, Jr*, of the
Department of Botany, University of Arizona, believes that
yuooa and agave archeologlcal specimens can probably not be
accurately separated, for the most part* Both plants grow
409

wild near Wupatki Ruin, yucca being the most common. The
MO
yucca and agave raw material were found In chewed and matted
quids, about 18-20 cm, long, and 5-7 cm. wide (Fig. 61 d)•
The Havasupai and Hopi chew and eat quids of agave fiber
today, both as sweets, and as a food staple in times of want.
They also use the agave fiber for weaving. Identical speci­
mens are noted by Hough (191^s 69) from the Tulsarosa River
area, Morris (1919s 62) found them at Aztec Ruin, and Haury
reports them from the Canyon Creek Ruin (193^s 60, PI. 38).
Such quids seem to have been chewed wherever agave was found,
or traded. The Havasupai, for example, trade the Hopi agave
in return for textiles (Whiting 19*4-1). Crushed yucca root
is today used for soap by the Pueblo and Navajo groups, and
the fiber is commonly used in weaving various items. Speci­
mens of Indian rice grass were also recovered, and swatches
of human hair, pieces of woody plant stems, small swatches of
animal fur, groups of turkey feathers, and several specimens
of milkweed, Ascleplas latlfolia. The milkweed, probably a
variety of Apooynum (Whiting 19^1 )9 is a member of a family
which has six or seven species growing in Arizona and New
Mexico, from altitudes of about 4000 feet up, mainly in the
pine-forest zone. It is probably not presently found in the
Hopi area (Forrest Shreve 193** )• In addition, there were in­
sect cocoons, walnuts, Myrtania, and a reed, Phragmltes
cosmrunis, all described elsewhere.

Colled Basketry
Three-rod Foundation
At least 12 groups of three-bunched-rod foundation
basketry, sewn with an Interlocked stitch, were found at
Wupatki• The materials used were narrow leaf yucca for the
stitching, and squawbush for the rods. The specimens are
*
close colled In a clockwise direction, and are bound with a
split stitch, which also pierces the top rod. No complete
specimens or rim fragments were recovered, but apparently
shallow open bowls with flat bottoms were the main form.
*4-11
There are 4-8 colls and 10-12 stitches to the Inch (Pig. 55 A)*
Two-rod-arid-bundle
Two groups of two-rod-and-bundle basketry, with un-
interlocked stitches were recovered. The stitching and bundle
are of yucca, the rods are of squawbush. There are approximately
six colls and 12 stitches to the inch. Only small fragments
are found, but the weaving was probably done in a clockwise
direction, from the Inside (Fig. 55 !)•
Grass Bundle Coil
An impression was found of the base of a large Pima-
style, grass-bundle storage basket. This type of coiling
utilizes a thick bundle of fiber, such as yucca, bound with

Fig. 55* Basketry and perishable artifacts.
a-b» yucca self-needles; c$ twilled yucca belt; d-£*
twined yucca bag with leather draw-string; e_# h, l_t k,
painted basket fragments; g, yucca-wrapped basket rim;
J., three-rod basket; lt two-rod-and-bundle basket.
Diameter of 1?.0 cm.

**13
simple, wide-spaced stitches 9 about three-quarters of an inch
apart. There are about two coils to the inch, and the basket
was probably coiled in a clockwise directions from the inside*
Painted Coiled Baskets
Two painted baskets were found at Wupatki, both with
burials. Portions of one basket were found in a small Walnut
Black-on-white bowl found with Burial 16, in Boom 56b (Fig»
55 h-i_9 k_). This three-rod, interlocked stitch, coiled
basket has about 6 colls and 12 stitches to the inch. It is
thinly coated with clay on both surfaces® and painted in
several colors* The outside surface is a pinkish red, the
inside is also red, and covered with a green painted design
of straight and barbed lines, in a style typical of that on
Flagstaff Black-on-white pottery. It also has a green painted
rim. Burial notes from the Museum of Northern Arizona also
list a three-rod, colled basket from Burial 29, Room 30b,
which had a design in black-on-orange, done in a stepped motif.
Twined Yucca Basketry
A fragment of a twined yucca basket was found in the
trash. It is about 6.7 cm. square, and woven in plain twining,
with stitches running down to the left. There are about 10
warp rows and 23 weft rows per inch, and the warps are about
2 mm. apart (Kent n»d.)

Twilled Yucca Basketry
At least six fragments of two to three different
Mb
twilled baskets were found. They are woven In an over-three
under-three pattern. The narrow leaf yucca blades were first
split and woven to form a flat mat, which was then formed in­
to basket shape by forcing the dampened mat through a round
4
ring of some material such as squawbush. Originated in the
Basketmaker III period, they were common in nearly all Pueblo
III sites of the Chaco Canyon, Mesa Verde, Kayenta, and
Mogollon areas, and in modern Hopls Zuni, and Rio Grande
Pueblo villages (Morris and Burgh 19^1• 19-20). The Hopi
today weave such baskets with narrow leaf yucca (Yucca
angustlsslma), and a ring of Rhus trllobata.
The Wupatki specimens have no color decorations or
braiding. After the mat was woven and forced into the osier,
the ends of the elements protruding above were bent over and
In back of the ring, and were bound to themselves by slender
yucca strands twined around the rim of the basket. In both
modern Eopl and prehistoric Wupatki basketry, each twined
loop secures two yucca elements. 'Hie corner elements of the
original square mat are not looped and tied, but are cut short
below the rim on the Inside, and tied into the mat by the
twining loops. They range in size up to 25 cm. in diameter,
and k cm. in depth. The design is achieved by changing the

plaiting pattern, or interval, and is in the form of groups
of concentric V-shaped bands forming quarters pendant from
bl5
the rim and meeting in the center, forming diamonds, meander
patterns, or transverse bands. These designs are typical of
both modern and prehistoric baskets (for techniques and
design patterns, see Morris and Burgh 19^1: 19-20; Bartlett
192*9• 33-^1), In the Hopi area, twill baskets are used as
containers for food and seeds, for winnowing seeds and grains,
and as sieves. 03ie over-three under-three twill is the com­
mon Pueblo weaving style (Fig. 56 b, d-f,, h).
Distribution. Three-rod basketry, the most fre­
quently designed type at Wupatki, was also the typical
northern Pueblo III type, according to Morris and Burgh
(19^1: 13-15)9 and probably was common in later Pueblo sites.
It is not often found prior to 1100. Today it is the prin­
ciple form of the San Carlos and Jicarllla Apache, Pai groups,
Paiute Indians, and many tribes of eastexn California and the
Great Basin (Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939» Map 7# Table 6), and
may have been made by some Pufeblo groups until 1750-1800. In
the Pueblo III-IV period it is found in the Hohokam area,
along the Mogollon rim, in the Chaco Canyon, Mesa Verde, and
southern Utah areas (Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939 9 Map 8, Table
7). In the Pueblo II period, if found at all, it was pre­
sent only in the Great Basin and southern Utah (Map 9» Table
8).

Pig* 56# Twilled yucca matting and "basketry,
and composite fire-drill• a, c^, over-two under-two mat­
tings b„ d-f9 h, ring basket fragments; composite
fire-drill of yucca-wrapped sticks. Length of d, 16«5
cm*

klS

More specifically, the "basket type is reported at
**17
such Hohokam sites as Ventana Cave, Casa Grande, Los Muertos,
and sites of the Sobalpurl Indians, and the Indians of San
Cayetano del Tumacacori (Haury 1950s *K>7? 19^5^- 170-715 DI
Peso 1953s 1705 1956: 412), They are also reported from the
AnasazI area at Canyon del Muerto, Mesa Verde, Pueblo Bonito,
and the Hopi Mesas, while Sinagua and late Western Pueblo
examples are cited from Winona, Chevalon, Chavez Pass, Palatki
ruins, and the Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Kluckhohn and Hieter
19399 Hap 8-9» Table 7-8? Morris and Burgh 19^1' 1*1—15 5
Weltfish 1932; Mc.Gregor 194-1: 237; Dixon 1956: 60-61; Steen
et al. 1962: 23, 57).
It appears to be a northern Pueblo III-IV trait, per­
haps originating In the Chaco area, from which it spread to
the Sinagua, These, at least, are the earliest occurrences.
The type spread shortly thereafter to the Mesa Verde area,
and perhaps with the Sinagua, to the Hopi Mesa region. In
about 1200-1300 this basketry form may have been carried south
with the Salado and Sinagua Immigrants Into the Gila-Salt and
San Ped.ro river valleys.
Two-rod-and-bundle basketry was the most common type
in the northern Pueblo areas from Basketmaker to Pueblo II
times. Manufacturing processes were widely standardized
(Morris and Burgh 19^1s 5* 12-13). It was also manufactured
In other areas of the Southwest, except for the Hohokam region,

and was particularly important in the Mogollon area. In
historic times it has been made by Hopi, Navajo, Zuni, and
Rio Grande peoples (Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939s 96; Weltfish
3-93 2 * 35—3^) • In the Pueblo III-IV period it was found in
the Kayenta, Chaco, Mesa Verde, Little Colorado, Mogollon,
and Sinagua regions. Morris and Burgh cite many Anasazi
418
examples, and among the Mogollon it is noted at Higgins Plat
Pueblo, Tularosa and 0 Block Caves, caves of the Reserve area,
the Starkweather Ruin, and caves of the Upper Gila and Hueco
areas (Martin, Rlnaldo, and Bluhm 1954: 173; Martin et al.
1952: 306; 1956: 132; Cosgrove 19^7: 102-03; Nesbitt 1938:
100; Hough 1914: 89-90). In the Sinagua region It is specif­
ically found in Pueblo II sites, and in the Pueblo III sites
of Big Hawk Valley, Winona, Walnut Canyon, the Prescott phase
Kings Ruin, and Tuzigoot (Bartlett 1934: 44-45? Smith 1952a:
146; Mc.Gregor 1941: 237; Rixey and Voll 1962: 9^» Spicer and
Caywood 1936: 70; Caywood and Spicer 1935s 90). Only one
Hohokam site, Ventana Cave, seems to have had such specimens
(Eaury 1950s 406). The type appears to be associated with
the Anasazi, in particulai?, and with the Mogollon, but rarely
Is found at any but late Hohokam sites. It was probably a
long popular type in the Flagstaff region.
Grass-bundle basketry is the least common type found
at Wupatki. It Is essentially southern in distribution, and
is now made by Yuman, Diegueno, Maricopa, Pima, Papago, and

419
Hopl groups (Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939* Map 7» Table 6; Morris
and Burgh 1941: 10). Archeologically, specimens have been
noted in the Hohokam region at Ventana Cave, Snaketown# Casa
Grande# and the Tres Alamos Site (Haury 1950: 40; Gladwin et
al. 1937: 159-160; Kluckhohn and Reiter 1939» Map 8* Table 7)»
In the Mogollon region similar fragments are found at McEwen
Gave (Haury 1950s 406), and at Tularosa Cave, Table Rock
Pueblo, Hermits Cave, ahd caves in the Upper Gila River region
(Martin et al. 1952: 310; Martin and Rinaldo i960: 282; Ferdon
19*1-6: 15; Cosgrove 1947: 104-05)* All of these are probably
late examples, as are the Sinagua baskets found at late Pueblo
II sites, and the Pueblo III sites of Tuzigoot and Montezuma
Castle (Bartlett 1934: 44; Caywood and Spicer 1935: 90; Jackson
and Van Valkenburgh 1954: 132# Fig. 7)» Later examples also
occur at the Hopi ruin of Slkyatki, and specimens are found at
the Salado Tonto Cliff Dwellings# and in ruins in the Sierra
Ancha (Steen et al. 1962: 12# 57? Haury 1934: 74, Pi- 51)*
Considering the basket from the Sierra Ancha, Haury states that
"it has exact parallels in technique in the Pima granary baskets
of today." A few possible examples are also cited from Canyon
del Muerto and the Prayer Rock district, where they would date
at about 700 (Morris and Burgh 1941: 10). Essentially, then#
this is a southern basketry type probably Hohokam in origin,
which has exact parallels today in Pima and Papago work (Kissel
1916). It was probably introduced by the Hohokam to the Anasazi,

Mogollon, and Sinagua after 1000. Hie Sinagua in turn pro­
bably carried the trait into the Hopi Mesa country at about
1200-1300.
**20
Painted baskets are not common in the Southwest, al­
though some examples, often ceremonial artifacts, are known
from late sites. Host commonly, wlckerwork or ceremonial paho
baskets are painted on the outside; such baskets, for example,
appear at Painted Cave, caves of the Tularosa region, Pueblo
t
Bonito, and at ruins in the Chavez Pass area (Haury 1945c: 44;
Hough 1914: 90? Judd 1954, PI. 84, Fig. 99; Weltfish 1932s 26).
However, a few examples are known which were first clay or
pitch coated, and then painted in pottery patterns on this
prepared surface. Such examples, usually with a red background,
are noted from La Cludad, Los Muertos, and Gila Pueblo, in the
Hohokam area (Haury 1945a: 171-174), and Pueblo Bonito, Aztec
Ruin, and Tularosa Cave, in the Chaco Anasazi and Mogollon
regions (Judd 1954: 321, Fig. 101; Pepper 1920s 69; Morris
and Burgh 1941; 26; Morris 1928a: 271; Hough 1914s 90, 123-25).
In the Sinagua country, examples came from a Pueblo III ruin
east of Flagstaff (Haury 1945a: 171)» Winona Huin, and
Tuzigoot, as well as from Wupatki, and a few other unpublished
Sinagua sites in the Flagstaff area (Mc.Gregor 1941s 239;
Caywood and Spicer 1935s 90).
In short, while painted basketry is found in several
Mogollon and Anasazi sitesp painted clay coated baskets are

are, and are mainly limited to Hohokam, Salado, Chaco-
**21
Anasazi, and Sinagua sites. A Chaco origin may be postulated,
with a later spread to the Sinagua, and a Sinagua transmission
of the trait to the Hohokam after 1200. Such basketry may
be associated with turquoise encrustation of baskets and
other objects in the Chaco, and is thus possibly also ulti­
mately the result of Mesoamerican Influence.
Twilled ring baskets are commonly found in the pre­
historic Southwest, particularly in the Anasazi and Mogollon
areas. However, similar work is still being done by the
Pima and Papago (Kissel 1916), although mostly without the
osier ring. Kluckhohn and Reiter, and Weltfish (1939: 103-6*4-;
193 2 ) list a number of Anasazi, Salado, and Mogollon sites
which contained such examples, and to this list may be added .
a Hohokam site, Vent ana Cave (Haury 1950s *J-02), a Salado site,
Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Steen et al. 1962: 23, 57), several
Anasazi sites, such as those in the Chama Valley (Wendorf
1953bt 30)f sn

*1-22
10), and is commonly of over-two under-two twill in the early
periods. It is still made today in the Pueblo area, partic­
ularly at Eopi and Zuni pueblos, but since late Pueblo times,
such baskets have been of both over-two under-two, and over-
three under-three twill in the northern areas, while the
Hohokam and southern desert regions have always maintained the
over-two under-two twill pattern, with the exception of a few
late Anasazi contact sites, such as Vent ana Cave. The Wupatki
examples clearly fall into the northern Pueblo pattern.
Twilled Matting
Approximately 45 pieces of yucca or beargrass twilled
matting were found at Wupatki Ruin. These can be divided into
three categories.
Over-three Under-three Twill
The majority of the matting found was of this twill
pattern. No full sized or decorated pieces were Included,
however, and the one selvage fragment was made by simply twist­
ing over the strands, and reintroducing them into the weave.
The element widths vary from 3-7 mm. and are usually matched
together, so that matting of fine, medium, or wide weave is
produced (Pig. 5? b-c).
A variety of this type is formed by alternating wide
(7 mm.) and narrow (3 mm.) elements side by side (Pig. 57 d).

Fig® 57o Twilled, matting fragments„ and sandal*
afl four-warp twined sandal; ]>-

Over-two Under-two
Several fragments of this twill pattern were found»
They are made of narrow leaf specimens of yucca {Pig. 56 a,
c).
Combination Twill
One specimen is unusual in that it has a selvage of
k2b
under-two over-two, and a main "body area of over-three under-
three, with occasional spots of over-four under-four. It also
has a double selvage, of the Pima type, and is made of both
narrow and wide elements, as previously stated. It may
originally have been intended to be an over-two under-two
mat, but elements were later added making it over-three under-
three, except in the already bound selvage area. Some of the
later added narrow elements were not well woven in, however,
and are now missing, leaving gaps in the matting (Fig. 57
Matting Selvages
The matting all has been finished with a simple sel­
vage formed by diagonally folding over or doubling back each
strand of the mat and reintroducing it into the twilled weave
parallel to its previous path. In one case the elements
have been twisted around once at the border, as well as folded
over, and some elements are cut off short, and are not

eintroduced (Fig. 56 a, c; Pig* 57 c_-d). One fragment of
matting has a Pima-type double selvage (Pig* 57 A)9 as de­
scribed by Kissel (I9I6: 156-57f Fig. 14), and by Steen et
al. from the Tonto Cliff Dwellings (1962: 24). The Wupatki
double selvage is made by folding over the elements and re­
introducing them into the weave, but in two separate edges,
the front elements being bent backwards and downwards, the
back elements being bent forwards and downwards. There is a
separation of about 4 cm. Some elements also have been cut
short and not reintroduced, leaving an over-one tinder-two
selvage pattern.
Distribution. Matting is found in most Southwestern
sites. Kluckhohn and Heiter (1939: 101-0*0 feel that it is
an ubiquitous late Pueblo trait. It may have been more rare
in the south, but was present in nearly all the Mogollon sites
of all periods (Wheat 1955* Table 155 Martin, Binaldo, and
Bluhm 195^2 176), and Hohokam specimens are known from Ventana
Cave and Los Muertos (Haury 1950: ^4-02; 1945a: 162), and from
Snaketown (Gladwin et al. 1937s 159)* In the Hohokam area,
however, only over-two under-two twill was utilized, while in
northern Pueblo sites over-three under-three was more popular
in the later periods. Matting was more common all over the
Southwest by 1100 than ever before, and great quantities of
such matting were found, for example, covering or underlaying
burials at Pueblo Bonito and Aztec ruins (Pepper 1920, Table

1*26
71 Morris 1919: 53? 1928aj 309. 13, 17, 19, 67, 71). In the
Slnagua area, matting was found at Winona Ruin, Turkey Hill
Pueblo, Montezuma Castle, and Tuzigoot (Mc.Gregor 19*H: 2kk-
46 5 Caywood and Splcer 1935* 91 § Jackson and Van Valkenburgh
195^5 69-72). The Wupatki examples seem to be typical northern
Pueblo types, except for the Pima-style double selvages, which
perhaps Indicate Hohokam influence.
Sandals
Twelve sandals of several varieties were found at
Wupatkl Ruin* They are all of yucca cordage. None of the
typical Anasazi cotton cloth sandals were found.
Plaited and Twined Sandals
Checkerboard Weave« Unshaped Pattern. Two fragments
were found of over-one under-one plaited sandals, which have
a square outline, with no intentional shaping to fit the foot,
save foy a slight rounding of the toe. Their selvages are
formed by folding the weaving elements over and reintroducing
them into the weave on the sole of the sandal. On one speci­
men, the weaving elements at the heel were folded over on top
to serve as a cushion. All specimens are fragmentary, but
one is 6 cm. wide and 7 cm. long, while another is 8 cm. wide,
and 15 cm. long.

Checkerboard Weave, Shaped Patterns# Two fragments
42?
of plaited sandals were shaped to the outline of a foot. The
selvage patterns are identical to that of the preceding type.
The heel elements of one specimen were folded over on top,
and are secured by two horizontal cords passing over several
of the elements, one near the heel, and the other nearly 8
•cm. from the heel. Most of the elements, however, were cut
short about b cm. from the heel. The heel Itself is 5 cm.
wide, the partially destroyed instep about 4 cm., and the
rounded toe about 6.0 cm. in greatest width. The entire
sandal is 18.5 cm. long, and was probably designed for a
right foot. A matted bottom layer of rough-weave fiber was
later added to the sandal by sewing it to the sole with long,
vertical stitches down the sandal.
The other shaped sandal, again for a right foot, is
also of checkerboard weave, and has narrow elements in the
heel area and wide elements at the toe. It also has an added
rough sole layer at the heel, running about 9 cm. towards the
toe of the 20 cm. long specimen. This heel cushion was sewn
to the sandal by several rows of horizontal stitches, about
1 cm. apart. The heel itself is 4- cm. wide, the instep 3.5
cm., and the toe about 9 cm. The toe tie cords are looped
under the weaving elements near the toe, and are S twisted
into two cords of yucca.

*3-28
Over-two Under-two. There were two fragments of this
pattern with elements, respectively, of 5 8 mm• in width,
plaited diagonally in relation to the sandal's length. Both
are apparently unshaped fragments of square sandals 7-8 cm.
wide. The nearly complete specimen is about 23 cm. long. It
has a square heel formed by end elements looped over a warp
at the rear and reintroduced into the weave in-between the
normal weaving elements, but unattached on the top heel sur­
face of the sandal for about 6 cm. The toe is missing from
- both fragments, and both selvages are formed by bending over
the weaving elements and reintroducing them into the weave
(Pig. 58 d).
Over-two Under-one. Only one rectangular, unshaped,
fragmentary specimen of this twill pattern was found. It is
made of broad elements (i.5-2.0 cm.}, has a plain selvage,
and is 16 cm. long and 8.0-8.5 cm* wide. Extra elements were
woven across and down the sandal, probably to add more padding
(Pig. 58 b).
Souffer-toe Sandal. This putative sandal is a mashed
and matted fragment of Z- twist red-dyed yucca cord. A thick
bundle is the result, with little clear pattern revealed.
It seems to be loosely sewn along the edges to hold a matting
of fiber on what may be the sole of the sandal. It may also
be the remains of a string skirt, but is probably a sandal of

Fig. 58- Portions of yucca sandals, and looped
netting. a, five-warp twined yucca sandal; to, d, plaited
yucca sandals? c^ fragments of human hair coil-without-
foundation, or looped netting; e, sewn, concentric coll,
false-braided sandal. Length of e., 25 cm.

^30
the type called by Martin et al. a scuffer-toe sandal (1932:
Zk09 Pig. 107-08),
tflckerwork Sandals
Two wickerwork sandals were found, one fragment woven
on four concentric warps, and one sandal woven on five such
warps. Both specimens are fairly rigid, and one is probably
for the left foot, while the other is unshaped. The heels of
both sandals are squared, and the toes of both are square or
slightly rounded.
Concentric Four-warp Sandal. The sandal has four
warps, actually two continuous concentric warps, made of five
Z-twisted, k mm# in diameter, cords. The outer warp is braided
along one side and around the toe, but is of plain twisted
cordage along the other side and heel. The two continuous
warps probably were tied at the center of the toe and heel.
The continuous twined weave across these warps utilized 1 mm.
in diameter twisted-leaf wefts# The fragmentary sandal is 8
cm* wide, and 15-16 cm. long, and has a simple-loop heel
attachment 2 mm. in diameter, erf fouivply, Z-twist cords. The
loop itself is about 5 cm. in diameter, and is attached 3 cm.
towards the toe from the heel, by looping the cord around the
edge warps, and up between the warp and the body of the san­
dal (Pig. 57 a).

Five-warp Sandal. One five-warp sandal, 11*5 cm*
long and 6.5 cm. wide, has warps of Z-twisted, three ply,
3 mm. In diameter, cord. The wefts are of 5 ram* thick,
loosely Z-twlsted cord, and are woven continuously In a
^31
twined pattern over the warps. The sandal has no heel, toe,
or loop ties of any kind (Pig. 58 a)•
Concentric Coll Sewn Sandal
A sewn, coiled, double-layer sandal, shaped to fit a
right foot, was the most unusual specimen found. It is 1.3
cm. thick, and has a round heel and toe, with loop ties still
present. It is made of yucca, chain-stitched to resemble
bands of braiding, and is sewn along the edges in a looped
stitch, forming a smooth continuous border. Ten concentric
bands of braided colls are produced. The heel Is 8.5 cm. In
diameter, the instep and toe 7 and 11 cm. wide, and the com­
plete sandal is 2^.5 cm. long. It was constructed by sewing
concentric lines of chain-stitching on a base of matted yucca
fiber. The loops of the upper braided chain-stitch layer,
wore away from the sole during use, leaving knobs, or fiber
bundles, revealed on the sole. The specimen was apparently
torn across the toe prehistorically, and was crudely patched
by stitching horizontally across the toe with a 5-10 mm* wide
leather thong (Pig. 58 ©)•

A single strand two-ply» Z-twist, heel-loop is pre­
sent* It is 6 mm* in diameter* and tied around a sewn coil
element near the center of the heel, 6 cm. from the end, A
nearly identical toe-loop is tied around two braided colls,
two out from the center, and is 3 cm. wide at the base, and
7 cm. in total diameter®
^32
A virtually identical specimen was found at Vent ana
Cave (Baury 1950s ^35-37), and the manufacturing of this san­
dal has been well explained by Kaury. The type is apparently
rare in the Southwest#
Distribution. There are no Anasazl cotton cloth san­
dals at Wupatki. All of the Wupatki sandals are made from
wide elements of yucca or beargrass, and the majority are of
twill or wickerwork. Only one is sewn. As a whole, the
assembledge is not Anasazl, but rather is a typical Mogollon
group.
More specifically, checkerboard or twilled sandals
were the common variety at Wupatki. This type has been found
all over the Southwest, dating from Pueblo III times, a&d Is
particularly common in the Anasazl and Mogollon areas? bat as
Hart in et al. point out (1952: 236-37, Figs. 91-96), the
Anasazl twilled sandals are nearly always of narrow, fine-
twilled elements. In addition, Mogollon sandals rarely have
a notched toe, as is common on Anasazl specimens. Twilled

sandals are rare in the Hohokam region, "but are found in
several sites.
Besides the Mogollon and Anasazi sites listed by
Martin et al., the Anasazi sites of Jemez Cave, Pueblo del
Arroyo, and Pindl Pueblo may "be added (Alexander and Reiter
1935» PI. 18-20; Judd 195^: 124; Stubbs and Stallings, Jr.
1953. Fig# 6?)| Wheat (1955, Table 15), lists the type as
U>33
common from the earliest Mogollon periods, and they are also
noted from cave sites in the Reserve area (Martin, Rinaldo,
and Bluhm 195^, Pig. 84-85).
Sinagua examples are noted at Winona Ruin (Mc.Gregor
19*H* 246, Pig. 77), Montezuma Castle (Kent 195 2 *: 43r Pl« 3D,
the Verde Valley Salt Mine, and from silts in the nearby Clear
Creek River drainage (Morris 1928b, Pig. 3, 12).
In short, the rough, wide element, unshaped, twilled
or checkerboard sandal is probably a Mogollon trait. The
Wupatki specimens fall into the pre-eruptive Mogollon pattern,
and have identical loop toe and heel ties, and similar heel
cushions of matted fiber.
The wickerwork sandals have a more limited distribution.
Five warp types are specifically noted from early Mogollon
levels, and are found at Tularosa Cave, Jemez Cave, Hermits
Cave, and oaves of the Upper Gila and Hueco areas. They were
also found at the Hohokam site of Vent ana Cave (Wheat 1955,
Table 15i Martin et al. 195 2 * 233, Fig. 89-90? Alexander and

ELeiter 1935# PI* 20; Ferdon 1946: 13-14, Pl» 6} Cosgrove 1947:
90, Pig. 91-92; Eaury 1950s 433-34). Its distribution includes
the southern Southwest, mainly the Mogollon region. Wicker-
work , as a whole, is common in this area (Martin et al. 1952}
Cosgrove 1947), but the technique is, of course, also present
in the Anasazi region (Kidder and Guernsey 1919). The Wupatki
specimens are of a typical Mogollon pattern.
The concentric four-warp sandal is also stated to be
a Mogollon artifact (Martin et al. 1952s 239-40, 286-87, Pig.
103-04), and is found from the earliest periods (What 1955i
Table 15). Somewhat similar specimens are cited from the
Anasazi area, for example, at Betatakin (Judd 1931: 64, PI.
41), and sites dug by Kidder and Guernsey in northeastern
Arizona (Martin et al* 1952: 239-40). The type is related
to the more common Mogollon wickerwork sandal, but the con­
centric four-warp sandal tends to be more flexible. In the
Sinagua region, it may have been found in Pueblo II sites
(Bartlett 1934: 46), and is specifically noted from Pueblo
III ruins, such as Hidden House, Crack-in-the-Rock, and those
In Walnut Canyon (Dixon 1956: 30-31, Fig. 16; Smith 1952a:
147» Fig® 50? Rlxey and Vbll 1962 s 93 )• The specimens at
Wupatki are thus probably part of a continuing Mogollon
tradition.
The possible scuffer-toe sandal is of the type noted
-at Tularosa Cave, and in caves of the Upper Gila River area

(Martin et al. 19522 2*K), Fig. 107-08). They are found
IV35
throughout the Mogollon sequence (Wheat 1955* Table 15 )> and
are possibly noted at Montezuma Castle (Kent 195^, PI. 32).
The most Interesting sandal found at Wupatkl, the
ooncentric-coil, sewn sandal, Is clearly a Hohokam type. It
Is perhaps only found In the desert area, besides at Wupatkl.
Haury well described and illustrated such sandals from Ventana
Cave (1950s **35-39» Fig. *4-6), and he notes their discovery In
several Gila Hiver area sites, Including Snaketown. Identical
samples also came from Winchester Cave (Fulton 19^1: 25-26,
Fig. PI. 8). It Is a post-eruptive introduction at Wupatkl
Ruin, perhaps by way of Hoholcam immigrants.
In total, then, the sandal collection indicates a con­
tinuing Mogollon tradition at Wupatkl, with no strong Anasazi
influence, and one clear post-eruptive Hohokam introduction.
Cordage and Knots
Many specimens of cordage and twine were found made of
human hair, yucca fiber, and agave (Fig. 59 b-f., h-.I). They
were matted into hunks, found as Isolated strands, or included
with other specimens, and thus no specific oount is possible.
The figures that follow are approximate, and serve only to
indicate relative proportions. They are the result of the
separation of matted groups of cordage, and the sifting of
several boxes of raw ootton fiber which also contained small

Fig. 59• Cotton and yucca cordage and twine,
a, brown, blue, and white two-ply cotton cordage; to,
four-ply yucca cordage; c_9 cotton-wrapped yucca cord;
de f, i, yucca two-ply cordage; e^, braided yucca cord;
four-ply cotton cordage; h, three-ply yucca rope.
Length of h, 17-5 cm., diameter, 1.0 cm.

436

^37
cordage pieces. A total count from the ruin would obviously
be much higher*
I> Human hair cord* four strand braid
(k mm. in diameter)-- 3
IIo Agave fiber cordage, two-ply, Z-twist
(^-1 mm, diameter) 5
XXX* Yucca fiber cordage
A* Twisted
1* Two-ply (2-5 mm. in diameter)
a* Z-twist, some dyed red,
black, brown 60
b* S-twist 2
2. Three-ply, Z-twist
(*i—10 mm* diameter) 5
3. Pour-ply, Z-twist
(3-7 ninu in diameter) 5
B* Braided cordage
1. Three elements
(7-12 mm. in diameter)— 12
2 • Pour elements
(7-12 mm. in diameter) Ji­
lt can be seen from these approximate figures that
yucca cordage is by far the most common. Hie yellowish agave
cordage is the most slender* Twisted cord is more common
than braided, but all of the human hair cord is braided. Most
of the natural fiber cordage is thus of the common Southwestern,
S-twisted yarn, Z, or left, twisted cordage (Fig. 59)•
A small sample of yucca knots was ail so found (Fig.
60 b, d, £, h-i.), these of square, overhand, and draw or sheet-
bend (running) knots, all types common in the Southwest

^38
(Martin et al« 1952; 212-13; Haury 1950s 397-98s Dixon 1956s
41-3-244).
Distribution. In recent summaries of data on the
techniques of manufacture and distribution of cordage and
twine in the Southwest (Martin et al. 1952s 206-11; 1956s
129-30} Dixon 1956s 42-i*3s Steen et al. 1962; 89-91)» the
authors Indicate a large preponderance of yucca over cotton
and agave cordage, and all agree that the typical Southwestern
yucca cordage is two-ply, Z-twist, the yarns being S-twisted.
Hair and agave cordage, also found in all areas of the South­
west} are found twisted in both ways, although hair cordage
is perhaps more frequently S-twisted. Hair was probably used
in the past, as it is today, when particular strength was
required (Hough 1918; 261). Cotton cordage, on the other
hand, is nearly always Z-twisted in the yarn, and S-twisted
in the finished cordage. The techniques of manufacture of
natural and domesticated fiber cordage were thus different*
In order to make yucca cordage the leaves were mashed
to a pulp, perhaps after roasting, and were then fecraped to
mat the fiber. They were probably hand-rolled with the right
hand down the right thigh, producing the S-twlst yarns from
which was twisted Z cordage. This is the current practice in
the Western Pueblos. Among Sinagua sites, similar techniques
and cordage types are indicated for Hidden House, Walnut Canyon,
Winona Ruin, and Tuzigoot (Dixon 1956s 42-43; Rixey and Voll

1962: 935 Mc.Gregor 19^1 s 48-51» Caywood and Spicer (1935s
9D.
Netting
Rabbit Net
439
A fragment of what was once probably a rabbit net was
collected by J. C. Clarke from Rooms 35-36* It Is made of Z-
twlsted, 2-3 mm- In diameter, yucca cords, and is open, square-
spaced netting, knotted at each corner with what appear to be
sheet bend or running knots*
Coil Without Foundation Netting
Three fragments of closed looping, or coll without
foundation netting (Haury 1950s 3991 Kent 1957t 589)> are made
of human hair, with some mixed yucca fiber. The cords are
loosely twisted, and there are four rows of coils per inch,
woven in a continuous series of Interlocked loops (Fig# 58 £)•
All of the pieces are fragments, but such a technique was
generally used to make continuously woven circular objects
such as bags, stockings, leggings, or caps (Kent 1957s 589)»
objects which were made from Basketmaker through Pueblo times
in the Anasazl area, as well as in Mogollon, Salado, and Hohokam
area sites. Such objects are still made today in the modern
Hopi, Zunl, and Rio Grande Pueblos, and by the Pima end Papago
(Kent 1957*. 589).

Distribution. Kent, Dixon, and Wendorf offer excel­
lent descriptions and comparative distribution notes on this
looped netting technique (Kent 1957s 589f Dixon 1956s 27-28s
Wendorf 1953as 150-53)# and they indicate that such speci­
mens have been found all over the Anasazi region, in all
periods. The Verde Valley sites of Hidden House, and Honanki
are also mentioned. Haury indicates the trait's presence
in the Hohokam area (1950s 399)* Wheat (1955s Table 15)
Indicates its presence early in the Mogollon tradition, while
Kent (1957s 589) lists several later Mogollon examples. It
is probably a widespread Southwestern technique, although
found more commonly in the Anasazi area than any other.
Knotted netting, often in the form of rabbit nets,
is also a fairly common trait in the Southwest, although
complete specimens are rare. Specific examples are noted
from Ventana Cave, in the Hohokam area, knotted with sheet-
bends (Haury 1950: 399-^01), in the Mogollon region, where
samples were tied with the overhand §nd square knot in the
early periods (Wheat 1955® Table 15)• and with the sheetbend,
granny, or larkshead knot in later sites (Kent 1957s 591-925
Martin et al» 1952» Fig. 112? Martin, Rlnaldo, and Bluhm
195^ s 171-72? Cos grove 19*1-7: 72-73» Fig» 81-82). In the
Anasazi area, a famous complete rabbit net, tied with sheet-
bends, came from White Dog Cave (Guernsey and Kidder 1921s
77-79)» and similar fragments have come from other caves in

the area (Guernsey 1931s 79)* Such nets are identical to
those which the Paiute use today to hunt rabbits. Another
441
net# with tied overhand knots, came from Pindl Pueblo (Stubbs
and Stallings, Jr. 1953s 140)• In the Sinagua and Salado
sites, nets are reported from Montezuma Castle (Kent 1954s
79g Pl« 49), tied with square knots, and from Tuzigoot, tied
with square and sheetbend knots (Caywood and Splcer 1935 s
91) • Several specimens came from the Sierra Ancha (Haury
193^5 86, PI, 56), which may have formed the bottom of a bag.
The technique was apparently a common one in the prehistoric
Southwest.
Pur and Feather Cordage
Pur and Hair Cord
A strip of reddish fur was found coiled around a
strand of human hair cord, loosely twisted.
Rabbit Pur Cord
Many strips of yucca cordage were found wrapped with
slender strands of rabbit fur. These once were parts of fur
robes, a typical pieoe of prehistoric Southwestern clothing.
Several loose strands are still knotted together, and they
were found with a mass of turkey feather cordage. Both types
may have been used in the same robe, as the warp and weft
elements, respectively, but most probably they formed separate

obes, for feather cordage Is never found knotted to fur
cordage. A good diagram of the manufacture of a rabbit fur
W-2
robe can be seen in the Ventana Cave report (Haury 1950 i 396,
Pig- 93 b).
In the manufacturing process, rabbit skin was cut into
thin strips 3-4- mm. wide, with flesh still adhering, and was
wrapped in a spiral around yucca cordage. Two such composite
strands were often S-twisted together, forming the cordage
woven into the blanket. Some cordage of this type may have
been stored for future uses for example, the long fur strip,
carefully coiled and tied with cotton and yucca cord, as seen
in Pig. 60 c.
Agave Feather Cordage
Fourteen fine-spun, two-ply, Z-twist, agave fiber
cords were found by Clarke, probably in Rooms 35-36° They
are £-lr mm. in diameter, and were intertwined with soft turkey
feathers. A small loop at the end of each cord holds the stub
of a feather vane, tied with an overhand knot. The other end
/
of each cord is twisted, and appears to have once been knotted
or tied. The cords are 13-16 cm. long, and were probably used
for tying feathers to stick pahos.
Turkey Feather Cordage
Many strands of turkey feather cordage were recovered

Fig# 60, Fiber, cordage, and knots# a, e, g.,
cotton fiber, seeds, and boll husks5 b, d, f# h-i,, yucca
fiber tied in square and over-hand knots; c., rabbit
and turkey-feather cordage, on yucca cords* Length of
c9 7*5 cm.

443

im
from Wupatki. They are formed of rough# two-ply, Z-twisted,
yucca cords, 3-5 nm. in diameter, around which vanes of tur­
key feathers are tightly Z-spiraled. One end of each vane is
laid parallel to the cord, and a new vane spiraled over on
top of it. Some of the cords are at least 70 cm. long, "but
few are Icnotted. In one case, two cords were tied by a sim­
ple overhand knot, and two other pairs were knotted end to
end with overhand and square knots (Fig. 60 *
Distribution. Twined fur and feather robes were
being made at the time of the Conquest, and into the 20th
century. They formed the chief body protection in winter
for the majority of Southwestern and California Indian groups
(Gifford 19*K>i ^0; Haury 1950: 431-32? Judd 195^: 70, 72).
The Hopi have long made such robes (Hough 1918: 262), and a
description of their present day weaving is found in Underhill
(1953i 31—33)- Guernsey and Kidder (1921: 92-93) well describe
the manufacturing technique in prehistoric northern Pueblo
areas•
It appears from the distributions cited "by KLuckhohn
and Reiter (1939s 100-01), Martin et al. (1952: 212), and
*
Haury (1950: ^31-32) that fur robes were used from the Basket-
maker period on, at least in the Mogollon and Anasazi areas.
They were also the common blanket type in the Hohokam and
California regions by the Pueblo III period. Feather robes
were made by Basketmaker III times, and were the most popular

type In the northern Pueblo area by Pueblo III. Feather
445
robes were rare In the south, however, and are only reported
In the Hohokam area from Casa Grande Ruin, a Pueblo Influ­
enced site (Haury 1950s ^32). Thus the feather robe Is a
northern Pueblo trait, perhaps correlated with the distribu­
tion of the domesticated turkey, while the southern Hohokam
peoples, possibly without the domesticated turkey, utilized
only fur robes. At Aztec Ruin, Mesa Verde sites, Jemez Cave,
Plndi Pueblo, Pueblo Bonlto, and in the Eayenta area, only
feather-cord robes were reported by the Pueblo III period
(Morris 1919 s 47-48 5 Pewkes 1909 s 46; 1911at 76; Alexander
and Reiter 1935s 52-53* PI. 15-16; Stubbs and Stailings. Jr.
1953s 405 Judd 195^s 73l Guernsey 193*s 115)* Such robes
also were present at Canyon Creek Ruin (Haury 1934: 86), and
In Pueblo II Sinagua area sites (Bartiett 1934: 46). The
turkey-feather robe, then, Is chiefly a late northern Pueblo
trait, and Is still being made today.
Twined Yucca Bag
Three fragments were found of a decorated fiber bag,
having a drawstring of leather along one edge. Kent states
that this specimen Is unique in Pueblo weaving. The warps
and wefts are of two-ply yucca cord. Each weft is doubled
at the right edge and twined across the warps in a fashion
similar to that which the Hop! utilize to make rabbit-fur

obes. A raised design of rectangular meanders decorates
im
the "bag. The design was made by Inserting additional strings
over the woven material, held by the wefts and also bound in
by extra threads paralleling the wefts. There are three warp
and 12 weft rows per cm. (Pig. 55 £)• Twined bags have, of
course, long been important in the Anasazl area, and they were
also found at TUzlgoot and Montezuma Castle (Caywood and Spicer
1935s 91; Kent 1954' 75-76), although without the raised design
and leather drawstring.
Twined Skirts
A matted and burnt fragment of two-ply, Z~twist, yucca
fiber was found in Room 46, along with Burial 4. It seems to
have consisted of a top band of twined yucca and a lower seg­
ment of cord fringe, forming the elements of the skirt, but
the artifact is so badly matted that certain identification is
difficult. Another possible fragment is that one previously
described as a scuffer-toe sandal.
Distribution. Fringe skirts with twined belts are
noted from many Southwestern sites. In the Sinagua region,
they have been reported from Kontezuma Castle (Kent 1954s
55-60), and in the Salado area they occur at the Tonto Cliff
Dwellings (Steen et al. 1962s 92, PI. 8). They are reported
from the Canyon Creek Ruin (Haury 1934s 64, PI. 60), and
Anasazl examples are reported at Painted Cave (Haury 1945c,

PI. 15) 9 among other sites. Similar specimens have also been
reported from early and late Mogollon sites (Wheat 1955$
Table 155 Martin et al. 195 2 ' 325? Cosgrove 19^7* Pig. 78).
Sent lists about 10 such skirts from the Southwest (1957s 719)-
Twllled Yucca Belt
One fragment of an over-three under-three twilled yucca
belt was found in Room 35® It was originally about 3*5 cm.
wide9 and is now 11 cm. long* and is made of slender elements
3-4 mm. in diameter. It has a flat surface with a simple
folded selvage (Pig. 55 £)•
Twined Belt Fragment
A fragment of human hair twined textile, 5 cm. long
and 2 cm. wide, was made of loosely twisted cord, twined over
slender, Z-twisted, two-ply cords. It may be the selvage of a
twined bag or belt. A second possible belt of loosely twined
yucca Is now 4 cm. wide and 5 cm. long. Each cord is twined
around two warps, twisted together, and then passed over two
more warps. Such twilled and twined yucca band and belt weaving
is found in many areas of the Southwest.
Yucca Ring
A small, Incomplete ring of yucca was found, made by
continuously wrapping fiber around a bundle of split leaf
7

fragments. It is about 5.5 cm# in outside diameter, with a
coil about 1 cm, thick. It may be the rim of a small basket
(Pig- 55 £)•
Pot Rests
Three rough rings of corn husks, yucca, and juniper
bark were found, which are either rings for a dart and ring
game or are pot rests, of the type used today by the Pueblos
(Gifford 19^0; *H}0 One, a bundle of corn husks, is about 19
cm. in diameter, with a coil *U5 cm. thick. It is loosely but
continuously bound.with corn husk leaves (Fig, 61 c). A second
Is of yucca, and is a squashed ring 13-19 cm. in diameter, con­
tinuously wrapped with yucca elements. The third is of juniper
bark, continuously wrapped with the same material, and is about
18 cm. in diameter.. All have a central hole about 5-6 cm. in
diameter.
Distribution. Rings of such elements are common in pre­
historic Southwestern sites. They are either Jar rests or were
used in a dart and ring game, such as that called by the Hopi,
motoun, in which a com-cob dart is thrown through a rolling
hoop (Hough 1918: 264). A great many such rings, identified as
pot rests, came from Aztec Ruin (Morris 1928a: 309, 313, 317,
319, 367, etc.), and from Pueblo Bonito (Judd 195**: 173). Other
Anasazi examples are featured from Painted Cave, and northeastern
Arizona and Mesa Verde sites (Eaury 19^5c, PI. 21? Kidder and

Fig. 61. Pot-rest, fiber quid, and ooooon rat­
tles. a, cocoon rattles on yucca cord; b, smashed cocoon
rattles with fill of basalt pebbles; c_, tied corn-husk
pot-rest| dj agave fiber quid. Maximum diameter of c,
19»0 cm.

i*50
Guernsey 1919s 1751 Fewkes 1909: ^55 1911a, PI. 28), They are
found in the Mogollon area (Wheat 1955$ Table 15)» at Canyon
Creek Ruin (Baury 193^s ^K))» in the Salado area (Steen et
al. 1962: 82), and at the Sinagua site of Tuzigoot (Caywood
and Spicer 1935: 91)• It was undoubtedly a widespread trait.
Yucca Spine Needles
A needle was found made from the spine of a yucca leaf •
The fibers of the leaf in back of the spine, still attached,
were separated to within two inches of the tip, and were Z-
twisted into yucca cordage, which is now 10 cm. long. Another
such needle, with bat a few short strands of attached cordage,
was found in Room ^ (Fig, 55 a-b) •
Distribution, Kent reports a similar needle from Klet
Siel Pueblo, and others are noted from southern Arizona,
eastern and northern Anasazi areas, and the Mogollon and Salado
regions (Kent 1957s ^3» Fig* 85 n.d,). It is most probably a
»
widespread artifact found wherever yucca was utilized.
Moth Cocoon Battles
A string of moth cocoon rattles was discovered by J, C.
Clarke in Rooms 35-36* Other isolated examples came from Hoom
7. Made from a species of LepjLdoptera (Reed and Brewer 1937s
18), the objeots were made by filling the insect cocoons with
small basalt pebbles, piercing them in two areas at the top,

and. stringing them individually on small loops woven into a
^51
thick braided yucca cord. They are most probably a string of
ankle or w&ist rattles9 identical to those worn around the
ankles and legs of modern Yaqui Indian dancers (Fig» 6l a-b)•
The Wupatki specimens consist of eight cocoons, now
flattened and crushed, but varying from 2.5-5*0 cm. in length,
and 1.5-2.5 cm. in width. They each contain a dozen or more
small pebbles, which were introduced into the top of the cocoon
which had been cut open and pierced for suspension. They were
tightly bound against the yucca cord by slender, Z-twist, two-
ply# yucca loops, inter-braided into the four-ply, 1-0 cm. in
diameter, main cord.
Distribution. Aside from the modern Yaqui strings of
cocoon rattles, worn by Pascola dancers around their legs
(Beals 19*1-5: 119» PI* 16-1?; Spicer 19^0: 180, 19^. PI* 9)*
there do not seem to be any published examples from prehistoric
sites. The Pima and Papago, however, are stated to have utilized
such rattles (Drucker 194-1 s 156). The rattles are probably a
northern Mexican or southern desert trait, and perhaps are the
result of Hohokam contact, or trade, in the Wupatki Ruin area.
Conclusion
The basketry collection suggests central Anasazi, per­
haps Chaco, influence at Wupatki Ruin. However, the grass bun­
dle coil basket, a typical southern type, is probably evidence

k$2
of Hohokam influence. The Sinagua, in turn, probably intro­
duced the trait to the Hopl. Painted and clay-ooated baskets
are mainly limited to Hohokam, Chaco, Sinagua, and late Salado
sites* The trait may be of Hohokam (ultimately Mesoamerican)
origin in the Chaco, from which it spread to the Sinagua# The
twilled matting and ring baskets of Wupatkl are typical of
northern Pueblo sites, except for the example of Pima style
double-selvage, which suggests Hohokam Influence. In short,
the main basketry types are western or central Pueblo in origin,
with the addition of several Hohokam traits.
The sandal.collection is of different origin, however.
It is not a typical Anasazl assemblage? as a whole, it appears
to be basically Mogollon. The rough weave and width of the
weaving elements, as well as the lack of cotton sandals, sug­
gests a Mogollon pattern, and the lack of the typical .Anasazi
jog-toe style also supports this conclusion. The wickerwork
sandals are Mogollon types, as are the four-concentric-warp,
and scuffer-toe sandals. However, one sandal, the sewn coil
specimen with false braid, is a Hohokam type, limited to that
area alone. In short, there is a Mogollon sandal assemblage
at Wupatkl, with one clear post-eruptive Hohokam item.
The cordage and knots are typical of widespread pre­
historic Southwestern types, and the netting, twined bag, twined
skirt, fur and feather robes, needles, and pot rests, are pro­
bably also representative of common traits. However, feather
robes were popular in the northern Pueblo area by 1100, while

^53
fur robes were more popular at that time in the south, where
the feather robe was absent# Thus there is at Wupatki a typi­
cal Anasazi clothing pattern#
The moth cocoon rattles are the most unique perishable
artifacts found at Wupatki# They are probably a north Mexican
or Hohokam trait, and were traded into the Wupatki area in post-
eruptive times.
In total, the natural fiber artifact collection suggests
a Western Pueblo, or Mogollon-Anasazl cultural base, with the
addition of a few post-eruptive Chaco-introduced (ultimately
Hesoamerican) .Items9 a few minor Hohokam clothing traits, and
one unique Hohokam or north Mexican ceremonial item# The Pima
style grass-bundle basket, the painted clay-coated baskets,
and possibly three-rod basketry, can be postulated as post-
1200 Sinagua introductions to the Hopl area#
Artifacts of Domestlcated Cotton
A variety of textile artifacts, raw material, cotton
cordage, and twine were found at Wupatki# All are of Gossvplum
hopl, a plant which can be grown in 8*1—100 days, according to
Kent (1957 s **65) • This species of cotton probably reached
the southern Southwest by the time of Christ, but was not
commonly utilized for weaving ih the northern Mogollon and
Anasazl areas until after 700# However, by 1100, at the begin­
ning of occupation of Wupatki Ruin, the fiber was common in the

Southwest, and. was an Important trade Item (Kent 1957* ^67J
Judd 195^: 69-72).
Although Kent (1957s ^9) states that cotton In the
Flagstaff area Is thought to be a trade item, It was probably-
grown at Wupatki, which is located at an altitude nearly 1500
feet below Flagstaff. Although the monument area receives
less rain than Flagstaff, the growing season, 180 days, is much
longer, and conditions would have been quite adequate for
raising cotton. Large supplies were certainly being raised
in l$k0 by the Pima and Papago groups of southern Arizona, and
by the Hopi Indians (Kent 1957 s ^9)» "who live In an environ­
ment similar to that at Wupatki. In fact, Judd (195^' 69-72)
comments on the large amount of cotton grown in the Hopi area
in 15^0-1600, and the large numbers of blankets and clothing
reported as woven from it by the Spaniards. He believes that
cotton, mainly in the form of woven fabrics, was traded into
the Chaco Canyon area in 1100, probably from the Hopi Mesa
region. This suggests that the Hopi area, and probably at 1100
also the Sinagua area, were Important weaving centers in the
Southwest. Cotton textiles were probably traded for such items
as shell, copper bells, and parrots.
The Hop! have recently been observed to card cotton by
beating the bolls with fiber wands on clean sand, or between
the blankets. The spinning of the fiber was accomplished with
a slender stick, and an attached pottery, gourd, or wood disc

455
whorl In 'the Pueblo area, or a moulded clay bead whorl In the
(
south. One end of the whorl stick was placed in a dish, at­
tached to the cotton fiber bundle and twirled with the right
hand, forming the thread, or the whorl was rolled along the
thigh. Cordage for loom weaving is usually Z-twisted, one-
ply, while thread for sewing, embroidery, or selvage construction
was S-twisted, two-ply.
The loom weaving of the thread is attested at Wupatki
by the number of battens, finishing needles, loom bars, shed
rods, tenter, and wooden awls found, as well as the many textile
fragments. Wupatki was probably a major center for the.export
of woven fabrics.
Raw Material
Several groups of raw material were found at Wupatki
Ruin, at least in Rooms 7» 10, 11, and 35^ (Pig* 60 a, e_, £).
Cotton bolls, boll hulls, and leaves and seeds of the plant
were found, indicating that cotton was grown nearby (Jones 1937*
Whiting 19^1).
Cordage and Twine
A. Twisted fiber
1« S-twisted fiber,(1-3 mm. diameter,
dyed brown, red, blue, black, and
orange)
a. Two yarn elements-- — 10

. Three double strands
(dyed brown and red) ———- 2
2. Z-twisted fiber
a. Pour double strands
(dyed brown, white)——— 2
b. Eight double strands
(6 jnnu diameter, dyed brown)— 2
3. Loosely twisted cotton cord (3-^
mnu diameter, covering a cord of
Agave utahensls fiber, Z-twisted)- 1
B. Braided fiber
1. Pour strands (3 mm. diameter) 1
2. Three triple strands 1
2*56
The majority of this cordage was not for loom use, but
for sewing, selvages, or embroidery work (Fig. 59 a, c, g.).
It is mainly of two S-twisted yarns, dyed in several colors,
and is typical of the Southwestern cordage types described by
several authors (Kent 1957 s ^785 Martin et al. 1952: 208-211 )•
Cotton Textiles
The elaborate Wupatki textiles have been described by
Kent (n*d.) in a manuscript on file at the,Museum of Northern
Arizona, and most specimens have also been included in her work
on the weaving of cotton in the prehistoric Southwest (Kent
1957)* These data will be summarized here.
Included in the Wupatki collection are 32 fragments of
basketweave, natural white and dyedj one piece of tie-dye; one
embroidered cloth; four pieces decorated with crude embroidery

4-57
stitches; a small bit of weft-wrap openwork; five examples of
twilled weave; and one tapestry tump line. Natural fiber is
used with cotton only as the yucca warps of the tump line*
The one complete fabric reported is a breech clout, and thus
it can only be assumed that the loom used at Wupatki was like
th© vertical Southwestern looms used in contemporaneous sites.
Some of the narrow fabrics and the short wood battens and shed
rods found at Wupatki also suggest the use of a belt loom. Dye
colors represented included brown, tan, red, blue, black, and
yellow (Kent 1957 * )•
Basketweave Cloth
In basketweave, wefts pass over and under single warps.
Thirty-two such fragments were found at Wupatki. Both warps
and wefts are visible, and often can be differentiated. The
average stitch count for Southwestern textiles is about 10 warps
and 9 wefts per cm., and the Wupatki average is 10 warps and 8
wefts per cm. One Wupatki specimen, however, has about 19 warps,
or 53 threads per cm., and represents one of the most finely
woven textiles found In the Southwest (Kent 1957* **90). The
fragments, as a whole, range from very small examples to a nearly
complete breech clout, 61.8 cm. long, and 13.3 cm. wide (Kent
1957« 6?7-78).
Undyed Fragments. Thirteen pieces are of plain white
cotton, three with selvages (described at end of chapter) of

types 1 or 3» One specimen, the complete breech clout, was
458
probably woven on a belt loom. There are no end selvage threads,
both sides having two, two-ply threads twined along their edges.
After about 26„6 cm» of weaving, the cloth was apparently
removed from the loom pole# doubled over, and a new section was
started, the weft of the first inserted so as to hold the origi­
nal end to the warps. The weaving was continued, and the cloth
was gradually narrowed by twining edge warps into the selvage*
Finally only an inch-wide belt is left (Kent 1957: 609-613,
718, Fig. 115 a).
Qyed Basketweave« Eight fragments are dyed, two each
in brown, red, and tan, and one each in blue and black. Five
other pieces may also be dyed brown or red.
Distribution. Basketweave cloth was common by the
Pueblo III-IV period, and was, in fact, widespread after 800-
900 in the Southwest. Breech clouts have been found in at
least 10 sites, and Kent reports 11 examples of the Wupatki
type from Verde Valley, Hidden House, Walnut Canyon, Wupatki,
and Tonto Cliff Dwellings. It appears to be Sinagua-Salado
in distribution, and was perhaps originated by the Sinagua
(Kent 1957: 4-91, 609-13)• Similar pieces are worn today by
Hopl, Zunl, and Elo Grande Pueblo groups.

Tie-dye Basketweave
^59
There Is one piece of black-and-.white tie-dye oloth
in the collection, .Another such item in red and white was
reported "by Pewkes (1911b). The studied piece is about 19 cm,
square, and has 9 wefts and 11 warps per cm. White diamonds
or circles with a dot in the center, 1 cm. in diameter and
spaced 1.5 cm. apart in double rows, form the design. The
pattern was formed lay wrapping the cloth tightly with string
before dipping it in black dye. Mc.Gregor felt that the dye,
which contained copper, may have not been black originally,
and it does, indeed, appear blue (Kent 195?: 708, Pig. 83).
Distribution. Nine examples of tie-dye are known from
nine different sites (mostly Anasazi villages), Kiet Slel, Lake
Canyon, Gourd Cave, White House Huln, Waterfall Buln, Wupatkl,
Canyon Creek Ruin, and some ruins in the "Kayenta region," and
"northern Arizona". The technique spread north from Mesoamerica,
and thus its absence in Hohokam, Salado, and Sinagua sites is
interesting (Kent 1957 s 570-71)* However, It appears In the
Awatobi murals, perhaps indicating that the Sinagua introduced
this trait to the Hopi after 1300.
Warp Pace Bands
A warp face cloth is one in which the warps exceed the
number of wefts, sometimes obscuring the wefts completely. Such

^60
pieces are generally woven in narrow bands and ties, and are
quite rare* The tfupatki example was dyed black, is about 1 x
5 cm. in size, and has finished edges, but no selvage (Kent
1957: 595. 701, Pig. 52 a).
Distribution. All eight Southwestern sites containing
such pieces are Sinagua, Salado, or Hohokanu They include
Wupatki, Montezuma Castle, Walnut Canyon, Hidden House, tiro
un-aamed Verde Valley sites, Tonto Cliff Dwellings, and Vent ana
Cave. A similar weaving technique was used by Hop! peoples in
1300-1600, and it is used today by Navajo, Hopi, Zuni, and Rio
Grande Pueblo groups. It was probably a Mesoamerican intro­
duction to the Hohokam, who spread the trait to the Sinagua,
who in turn Introduced it into the Hopl country (Kent 1957s
533-35).
Embroidered Basketweave Cloth
Five specimens were decorated with embroidery, four in
a crude attempt at flat double-thread embroidery, the fifth in
a running-stitch technique.
Flat Double-thread Embroidery* These fragments were
previously described as darned, but are now considered to have
"teen embroidered. All stitching, save in two cases, is in white
thread. The stitches are in rows 1 cm. apart which parallel the
wefts. In several cases, they hold patches to the cloth. Each

461
row of embroidery consists of two threads which appear to be
twined. However, a series of irregular running stitches was
first sewn, and after the cloth was woven and removed from
the loom, another row of stitches was sewn over the first*
In a few cases the stitches are arranged to form a continuous
rectangular meander (Kent 1957 * 514, Fig. 35)«
Distribution. Embroidery stitching is common on basket-
weave fragments. There are twined stitch pieces, identical in
pattern, at Grand Gulch, Mesa Verde, Kiet Siel Pueblo, White
House Ruin, sites in the Verde Valley, Gourd Cave and Poncho
House (Kent 1957s 697-98). It appears to be an Anasazl trait
•which diffused at a late post-eruptive period to the Sinagua.
Modified Running-stltch Embroidery
One textile was embroidered in light blue and brown
thread, which has now mainly worn away. Such chemical disin­
tegration is characteristic of ancient dyed threads of this
color. The embroidery stitches parallel the wefts, each either
passing over-and-under four, or over-six, and under-two warps.
Threads are often inserted in the same hole four times, and
the design is identical on both sides of the cloth. Hie
embroidery was probably performed after the removal of the
cloth from the loom, and the pattern, one of interlocked half-
terraces, looks similar to brocade work.

Ur62
Distribution, This is a rare specimen, perhaps only
duplicated at Walnut Canyon (Kent n«d.)•
Weft-wrap Openwork
Weft-wrapping is represented "by one small fragment,
h s 6 cm., with eight warps and wefts per cm. (Kent 1957s 695)*
The pattern is similar to specimens numbers 35-37 from Montezuma
Castle, and others well described by Kent (195^5 28» Flg« ill
1957s 501-05, 69^96, Pig« 18). Such textiles have the appear­
ance of open lace work.
Distribution. Weft-wrap openwork pieces occur at
Anasazl sites such as those in Nitsie Canyon, Canyon de Chelley,
and Canyon del Muerto, and other Kayenta region ruins, such as
Klet Slel. Otherwise, the trait is rare in the Pueblo area.
However, at least 35 examples are known from Sinagua, Salado,
and southern Mogollon and Hohokam sites, starting as early as
900-1100. It was a popular trait in Pueblo III-IV times, found,
for example, at Montezuma Castle, the Verde salt mine, the
Canyon Creek Ruin, Tonto National Monument ruins, Casa Grande,
Ventana Cave, Snaketown, and Bear Creek Cave, It thus had
definite Hohokam, Sinagua, and Salado affinities, and was per­
haps a Hohokam introduction to the Sinagua in post-eruptive
times, from which area it may have spread to the Anasazl. The
Sinagua may have introduced the trait to the Hopi (Kent 1957s
509-10).

Slit and Interlocked Tapestry
ij-63
There is one fragment of a tump line, woven in a slit
tapestry technique. This piece measures cm. long, and
7.8 cm. wide. The 3^ total warps are of two-ply yucca cord,
the 1? wefts per cm. are of cotton, some white, some dyed
black or yellow. The tump line was probably woven on a belt
loom, the warp strings at the loom end separated into two groups
and wrapped with cotton cord for 2.5 cm., then further separated
until the weft threads passed over-and-under-one. The first
2.5 cm. of weave are in natural white, after which there are
three black weft rows.
In tapestry weave the wefts are usually so closely
packed that the warps are not visible. However, in slit and
interlocked tapestry, the wefts do not pass the full width of
the cloth, but are carried back and forth in blocks as wide as
the weaver may wish. These colored blocks are not fully con­
nected, but rather have a slit between them, although they may
be occasionally interlocked for strength (Kent 1957s 518-25>
699* Pig. ^2).
Distribution. Tump lines of this type have been made
since 500-^00 in the Anasazi area. At least 12 Anasazi sites
are listed by Kent, and five Slnagua sites, including Montezuma
Castle, Wupatki, Hidden House, Palatki, and Kinnlkinlck, and
one Salado site, the Tonto Cliff Dwellings (Kent 1957 s 526-29).

A longstanding and popular Anasazi trait, it diffused at a
post-eruptive date to the Sinagua and Salado.
Selvage Trpes
Wupatki Ruin,
Three types of selvage were found on textiles from
Type I. The most common method is to twine two two-
ply threads along the edge of the textile, A weft or warp
hooks between these threads after each twist*
Type II. A variation of the above technique is that
of twining two three-ply threads along one side or end of the
cloth.
Type IH. The cloth may be left unaltered, with an
unfinished edge (Kent n,d.).
All three of these selvage types are used in modern
Navajo and Pueblo weaving.
Conclusions
Kent notes that there are many differences between the
Anasazi and Hohokam weaving patterns of 1000-1500. Hohokam
weaving was influenced strongly by Mesoamerican patterns, and
the Hohokam introduced these traits as far north as the Sinagua
area (1957' 639)• Sinagua and Salado weaving includes many
Anasazi elements, but exhibits "...a certain complexity of
design and a number of techniques and articles which show up

weakly or not at all In the northern material." (Kent 1957:
ii-65
64-2)„ These, she "believes, are the result of Hohokam contacts,
although a few traits, such as over-three under-three twill,
and women's fringe aprons, may be eastern Mogollon in origin..
Specifically, weft-wrap openwork, warp-float, embroidery, and
cigarette sashes are Hohokam traits (Kent 1957 J 6Urwhile
the other elements mentioned are basically Anasazi or Western
Pueblo» Cloth woven on a six:-thread twill-loom comes only from
Sinagua sites, however, and is perhaps a unique and local trait.
While Sinagua and Salado weaving is a blend of Hohokam
and northern Pueblo techniques, prehistoric Ropl material is
southern Pueblo and Hohokam in technique, and almost entirely
Hohokam in design, aocording to Kent (1957s 635-37)* Kayenta
Anasazi traits appear in the Hop! area by 1300, but the real
change occurred with the coming of the Sinagua groups into the
Hopi area at this period, or earlier. Sinagua influence pro­
bably caused the difference between the post 1200-1300 Hopi
textiles, and the earlier prehistoric Anasazi textile sequence
of the same area (Kent 1957s 646). Embroidery, weft-wrap open­
work, and warp float belting, for example, sill present at
Wupatki, were late introductions to the Hopi Mesa peoples, pro­
bably by way of the Sinagua (Kent 1957 s 6*4-7> Fig. 1^2).
Finally, Kent notes that a regional Anasazi center south
and east of the Little Colorado River, perhaps in the Chaco
Canyon, may have been the source of Anasazi contact with the
Flagstaff area, and the source area for traits which later

carried into the Hopi region (Kent 1957s 654). Again, this
466
is possible evidence of Chaco-Anasazi influence, and is cer­
tain evidence of Hohokam contacts in the Sinagua area, fol­
lowed by later Sinagua influence in the Hopi country.
Domesticated Plants, and Plant Food Remains
There is considerable evidence for domesticated plants
and wild plant foods in the excavated material from Wupatki
Pueblo., Such remains, shaped smd altered by man, are in a real
sense artifacts. In addition, many tools from the ruin indicate
a dependence upon farming, for example, the stone hoes, wooden
digging sticks, and the stone manos and metates. The climate
is adequate for the growth of many plants, the seven-inch rain­
fall and 180-day growing season being ample for the prehistoric
varieties of corn, beans, and squash; while walnuts, yucca,
agave, wild gourds, cactus fruits, Martynia, and pinon nuts can
be gathered close by. The following list includes the domes­
ticated plant foods grown at the Pueblo.
Maize: Zea maize, variety unknown, but an eight rowed
semi-dent flour type is indicated (Jones 1937)*
Provenience: At least Rooms 2, 4, 7» 10, 11,
35a» 37» 60a, 6la.
Beans: Lima bean, Phaseolus lunatus. (Jones 1937).
Proveniences At least Rooms 7, 10, 35a, 37.
Squash; Cuourbita moschata (Jones 1937i Whiting 1941).

were found.
Cucurbita pepo (Cutler and Whitaker 19615.
467
Cucurbit a mixta (Cutler and V/hl taker 1961) •
Provenience: At least In Rooms 25 (listed
types), and in Rooms 2, 4, 9 9
10, 35a, 37, 41.
In addition, several specimens of wild plant foods
Bottle gourds: Lagenarla sloerarla (Jones 1937;
Whiting 1941).
Provenience: Rooms 7 and 11.
Walnut: Juglans ma.lor (Jones 19371 Whiting 1941).
Proveniences Rooms 7 and 11.
Cholla fruits Qpuntla sp. (Whiting 1941).
Provenience: Room 11.
Devils olaws Martvnla loulslana (Jones 1937),
Proveniences Room 7*
Agaves Agave sp. (Vfhitlng 1941; Jones 1937)-
Proveniences Rooms 11, 35.
Yuccas Yucca bacata (Jones 1937)*
Proveniences Room 11.
Pinon nuts: Plnus edulls (Whiting 1941).
Provenience: Rooms 11 and 60a.
Wild squash: Cucurbita foetldisslma (Whiting 1941).
Provenience: Room 11.
Date pits s The pits are from an unknown type of

468
date palm, probably native to northern
Mexico, perhaps in the Yaqui area
(Brewer 1936: 131-32).
Provenience t Trash•
Both agriculture and plant collecting were important
subsistence activities at Wupatki. Maize, beans, squash, and
also cotton were certainly grown near Wupatki, for there are
cotton hulls, stems, seeds and leaves, and corn cobs, stems,
and leaves, beans» and squash rinds in the Trash deposits. All
of the undomestlcated plants are known to have grown within a
short distance of the ruin, save for the walnut and date. The
date may have been imported from northern Mexico, and the wal­
nut was once present in the river valleys nearby, and was cer­
tainly growing in Walnut Canyon, to the south of Wupatki. How­
ever 9 Wupatki peoples probably subsisted mainly upon the crops
they grew. No modern Pueblo people subsist upon any large
amount of wild plant food, and the remains of corn, beans, and
squash are much more common in the refuse at Wupatki than are
the remains of wild plant foods. As can be seen in the section
on prehistoric faunal farms from the ruin* hunting was also an
important subsistence activity.
The use of most of the domesticated plants is obvious,
but Jones (1937 * 18) believes that the corn cobs show evidence
of having been boiled or roasted when still green, perhaps as
the Hopi today roast green corn prior to the Niman festival
(Underbill 1954: 41). That cotton was an Important plant to

*±69
the people of Wupatki can be seen from the amount and quality
of weaving found at the ruin* The squash specimens were pro­
bably cut In half, dried, and then cut Into long strips and
stored, as is common In the modern pueblos today (Underhlll
1954s 2*2). The bottle gourd was probably used to make a variety
of containers, dippers and ladles, and its seeds and fruit may
have been eaten. The Hop! also use the flowers of the bottle
gourd as a covering in which to bake corn (Cutler and Whitaker
1961)« The fruit of the wild squash is used to make soap, and
Its seeds are eaten (Cutler and Kaplan 1956: 98 )• The walnut
may have been used as an ornament as well as a food (Jones 1937 5»
while the Qpuntla. agave, and yucca had many uses, and were, of
course, eaten. Their fruits were dried, cooked, and eaten as a
sweet, formerly the only such sweet the Pueblo peoples had
(Nequatewa 195^« 2*4—25) • In addition, when crops failed, agave
sometimes was the main base of subsistence for the Hopi
(Nequatewa 195*M 2^-255 Underhlll 195**-* 5^)* PlJCon nuts were
collected in the fall and roasted and eaten as an after-dinner
snaok (Nequatewa I95 1 *: 2**), and Martynla was us>ed by the Hopi to
manufacture ceremonial equipment (Jones 1937), while the Apache,
Pima, Papago, and Yaqui ate its seeds*
Distribution
Little information is available concerning plant remains
at Slnagua sites. Bartlett reports some plants from Pueblo II

470
sites near the San Francisco Peaks (1934s 66-67)* Bed, yellow,
and blue flint and semi-dent corn is reported, with cobs up to
140 una® long. Some eight-rowed cobs were noted, but most were
10-14 rows# Examples of Phaseolus vulgaris, the kidney bean, a
squash, Cucurbita pepo, and the teparary bean, P. acutlfollua«
were also reported from Winona Ruin, and Volney Jones believes
that the teparary bean may be a late addition to the Southwest*
Many remains of cotton were also reported from Winona Huin, as
well as specimens of broad-leaf sfucca, and pinon pine nuts.
Thus, in contrast to Wupatki, most other Sinagua sites
have corn with more than eight rows, but other plant remains are
generally similar. Three squash types were found at Wupatki, as
well as the wild gourd and squash, as they were at Montezuma
Castle (Cutler and Kaplan 1956s 98-IOO) and other nearby sites
in the Verde Valley. However, in the Verde Valley sites three
bean types were found, in contrast to the one at Wupatki» Cutler
and Whitaker (1961: 471-81) believe that C« pepo was the first
squash introduced into the Southwest, and it is the most common
Southwestern variety. C. mosohata is a late (post 1100) intro­
duction, and is a generally southern Hohokam, Mogollon, or Salado
plant species, while C. mixta is generally a northern Anasazi or
Salado plant, also late in date in the Southwest (post-1000).
Vorsila Bohrer agrees, but believes that the recent separation
of C. mosohata and C, mixta is confusing (Steen et al» 1962* 103)•
The presence of squash stems, so commonly found in ruins, may be

fy?l
due to the fact that when the stem is left intact during the
harvest, rotting is prevented (Steen et al. 1962: 103). The
typical Pueblo bean is P. vulgaris. but this type is not found
at Wupatkiv where the Lima beam, P.. lunatus, was found. This
bean probably came into the Southwest late in time, and was
Introduced into the Hohokam area first, from which it spread
north as far as the Hopi area. It is still grown today among
the Pima and the Hopi« Thus the squash types at Wupatki seem
to be both of Pueblo and Hohokam origin , and the Lima bean was
certainly a Hohokam introduction, which was probably passed by
the Sinagua to the Eopi, at a later date. The date specimens
found by Brewer, may also be evidence of trade from northern
Mexico (Brewer 1936s 130-32).
In short, there is evidence of trade with Pai groups
to the west, a type of trade which is carried on by the Hopi
to this day, suggesting the important and long continuing con­
tact between this group and Hopi area peoples; and evidence of
trade with the Hohokam peoples to the south, considering the
walnut, date, Lima bean, and squash remains. This trade to the
Sinagua and Salado areas was still continuing several hundred
years after the collapse of Wupatki (Steen et al. 1962s 97)«
Trade in cotton probably also was carried on with peoples of
the Chaco Canyon area, as has been previously discussed.
Considering the wild plant food remains, Bohrer believes
that when people go to the trouble to import a wild plant, the

group probably acquired an appreciation of that plant while
living in the plant's environment at a previous time (Steen
4?2
et al, 1962: 96), Walnuts, not found near most of the Sinagua
ruins, may fall in this category, and Bohrer suggests that the
roasting of mescal hearts by the Hop! and Zuni may indicate a
previous sojourn In a different climatic zone than the present
by these two groups, perhaps also reflecting on the Sinagua
use of these plants. Today the Zuni trade for mescal hearts
with the Apache, Havasupai, and Walapai, and the Hop! trade
with the latter two groups. Pew other peoples used the mescal
frequently? even the Pima and Papago rarely utilized this local
product (Castetter and Bell IShZi 61), Agave cakes may have
been traded from the Tonto Ruin area to the highlands of the
Mogollon rim country (Steen et alt 1962: 97), and the oholla
cactus (Qpuntla sp,), an important food source for the Pima-
Papago, was also widely used in most of the Western Pueblos,
including the Hopi area* Plnon nuts are, of course, widely
used in the Southwest to this day, Thus the wild plant foods
also suggest trade with Pai groups to the west, and with the
prehistoric Hohokam peoples to the south.
Conclusions: All Perishable Artifacts
When the perishable fiber artifacts and the domesticated
cotton specimens are both considered, an Anasazi-Mogollon base
may be postulated for the people of Wupatki Ruin, However,

^73
when considering the fiber artifacts alone, a blended tradi­
tion is noted, with several Chaco Introductions. A specific
northern, or Chaco Anasazl weaving: tradition is seen in the
sample of cotton artifacts. The natural fiber artifacts did
not greatly change in style after the eruption of Sunset Crater
(only a few specific Hohokam introductions are noted), but the
cotton artifacts received considerable post-eruptive influence
from the south* Sinagua weaving is Anasazl in technique, but
is Hohokam in design and pattern, and this blend the Sinagua
passed on to the Hopi. The emphasis on large scale growing
and weaving of cotton is also Hohokam, and the trade of woven
cotton artifacts by the Eopi of the 1^40-1600 period, may be a
continuation of an earlier Hohokam-Sinagua pattern. In other
words, there is more Hohokam contact seen in the textile weaving
process than there is in the manufacture of natural fiber arti­
facts* In terms of the domesticated plants, there are Hohokam
and Anasazl squash types, a general Southwestern com type, and
a Hohokam bean type. Farming traditions would seem to have
received great Hohokam influence after the eruption. Wild
plant remains suggest Pai and Hohokam trade similar to that
carried on by historic groups of these areas to the Hop! Mesa
region In historic times.
In short, objects of domesticated plants or fiber show
much Hohokam Influence, and a general Anasazl base, while
natural fiber artifacts show only a little southern Influence.

A general Anasazl-Mogollon base is seen for the people of
Wupatkl? judging from the perishable artifacts, but new post-
eruptire Hohokam and Chaco Anasazi traits were Introduced,
which the Sinagua later carried to the peoples of the Hop!
Mesa area.

CONCLUSIONS s MATERIAL CULTURE
The purpose of this study Is to examine the cultural
change, trade contacts, and cultural fusion which may have
occurred in the Wupatkl Ruin area after the eruption of Sunset
Crater, in 1066-67. Since the basic unit of archeological
study is the artifact, the major part of the foregoing data
has been concerned with the study and comparison of the large
collection of artifacts from Wupatkl Ruin. They are divided
into categories; first by material, and second by function.
This type of classification Is a matter of convenience,, for
one man's Judgment of function may not agree with that of
another; and it is thus safer to first group an artifact by
material, a factor upon which all scholars can agree, and
only later to ascribe possible function, in analogy with
toiom Indian utilization of similar items.
In this chapter, post-eruptive artifact introductions
to the Slnagua are listed*In tables by probable culture of
origin, and a summary Is made of the possible post-eruptive
Influences upon the Slnagua. Tables also list the possible
Slnagua Introductions to the Hopl cultural tradition, and
those few traits unique to the Wupatkl Ruin or Slnagua areas.
A question mark after a trait in the tables indicates some
doubt of firm cultural assignment, or function.
^75

TABLE 5
POST-ERUPTIVE MOGOLLON ARTIFACT INTRODUCTIONS
Artifact Class Artifact Type Function
Burial practice
Pottery
Pottery
Pottery
Bone
Bone
Wood
Wood
Broken sherd killing
McDonald corrugated
Effigy pottery lugs
White Mountain redware
Ovoid red-painted dice
Side-notched shafts
Dart "bunt points
Heed cigarettes
religious
476
decoration?
decoration?
decoration?
religious
utility
hunting
religious
Few post-eruptive Mogollon artifact introductions have
been discovered, but considering the probable Mogollon base of
Sinagua culture, more such influence can be postulated than the
available evidence now suggests. However, "because of the gen­
eral fusion of the Anasazl and Mogollon cultures after 1000,
pure Mogollon cultural elements, if any, can no longer be
isolated at this period of time. It appears that Anasazi
cultural dominance was widely felt, and people of the nearby
Kayenta Anasazl area may have formed the bulk of the immigrants
in the Sinagua region. The four Mogollon pottery traits seem
to be native to the Point of Pines area, which is southeast of
Flagstaff, and are evidence of trading connections. In short,
after the eruption of Sunset Crater, the Mogollon tradition in

the Flagstaff area probably gave way before the cultural
dominance of other groups.
TABLE 6
POST-EHUPTIVE KAXENTA ANASAZI ARTIFACT INTRODUCTIONS
Artifact Class Artifact Type Function
*77
Stone Flat-slab metates utility
Stone Single-troughed metates utility
Stone Concretion paint cups utility?
Stone Finger-grooved mano? utility
Stone Wedged mano utility
Stone Trlanguloid mano utility
Stone Notched axe utility
Stone Full-grooved axe utility
Pottery Mug and cup forms utility
Bone Ulna bone awls utility
Bone Awl-weaving tools utility
Bone Awl-flakers ? utility
Wood Disc spindle-whorl utility
Wood Wood bead whorl utility
Wood Battens and shed rods? utility
Wood Solid-back cradle-board utility
Wood Sandal last utility
Fiber Three-rod basketry utility
Fiber Tie-dye technique utility
Fiber Twine-stitch embroidery utility
Fiber All twilled designs? utility
Kayenta Anasazi artifact Introductions were numerous
after 1070. It Is probable that local Anasazi Influence had
been growing for at least 100 years prior to the eruption of

^?8
Sunset Crater (Colton 19^2} 19^3)* as It had In most areas of
the Southwest, but at least after 1070 large groups of people
from the nearby Kayenta Anasas}, area flooded Into the Sinagua
region. The large number of post-eruptive Anasazi sites In
the northern Sinagua region near Wupatki Is evidence of this
(Colton 19^6). The list of artifact introductions would be
much longer, if all Anasazi painted pottery types and archi­
tectural details were included.
In particular, it can be seen that the artifact traits
were mainly utility items. Grinding tools, pottery, and
weaving tools are predominant. Little religious influence
can be postulated from the artifacts, although such traits as
the tablita fragments and painted pahos would also fit Into
the Anasazi pattern.

TABLE 7
POST-EHUPTIVE CHACO ANASAZI ARTIFACT INTRODUCTIONS
Artifact Class Artifact Type Function
Burial practice Extended burials religious
Beliglous Parrot raising religious
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Paint pestles?
Turquoise emphasis?
Nose plugs?
Mosaic work emphasis
M-79
utility
utility
decoration
decoration?
Hetal Copper bells? decoration?
Pottery
Pottery
Chaco sherds
Chaco style pitcher
decoration
decoration
Bone Rabbit-bone needles? utility
Shell
Shell
Emphasis on shell?
Shell trumpets
decoration?
religious
Wood Ceremonial cane religious
Fiber Painted baskets religious ?
These traits, either found uniquely or in great num­
bers in Chaco Canyon sites, are religious or craft special­
ties* Several are probably ultimately of Mesoamerican origin,
introduced into the Chaco at about 1050-1100• They are thus
evidence of southern influence on the Anasazi which was
rapidly transmitted to Sinagua area peoples, and this southern
influence is perhaps what distinguishes the culture of the
Chaco Canyon area from that of Its northern Anasazi neighbors

and relatives, explaining the division of Anasazi traits into
two separate tables*
For example, in the Southwest, extended "burials are
first found in numbers at Pueblo Bonito, and the pole and slab-
covered cist grave is also very popular in that area* North
Mexican species of parrots and macaws aire found in numbers in
the Chaco, the first Southwestern area for which this trait is
noted. Pueblo Bonito, along with Wupatki, thus may be connected
with the origin of the Hopi parrot-clan practices. Copper bells
and shell trumpets are also Mexican religious traits which may
have been introduced by the Hohokam to the Sinagua, but the in­
cidence of shell trumpets, at least, is much higher in the Chaco
Canyon than in any other Southwestern area. Hie Imob-ended
ceremonial cane is a typical Chaco trait. The emphasis on shell,
turquoise, and mosaic working is again probably Mesoamerican, or
Hohokam, in origin, and was introduced to the Chaco after 1050.
Chaco groups, however, emphasized these practices, and probably
introduced them to the Sinagua area peoples. Nose plugs, rabbit-
bone needles, and painted baskets, may also be Chacoan in origin,
although they are usually considered to be local Sinagua traits.
The nose plug, for example, is found in large numbers at Pueblo
Bonito, and may be earlier at this site than are the examples
at the early post-eruptive Sinagua sites. Ultimately, however,
nose plugs are probably of Mesoamerioan origin#

481
In short, several religious and ornamental traits, typi­
cal of the Sinagua and later Hopi area peoples, were probably
first Introduced into the Chaco area by southern groups, and
shortly thereafter were carried by Chaco peoples to the Sinagua
area.
TABLE 8
POST-ERUPTIVE HOHOKAM ARTIFACT INTRODUCTIONS
Artifact Class Artifact Type Function
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Metal
Pottery
Pottery
Pottery
Pottery
Pottery
Pottery
Pottery
Shell
Shell
Shell
Shell
Shell
Shell
Shell
Shell
Shell
Shell
Shell
Carved sandstone bowl
Plumb-bob
Serrated arrow point
Piereed-disc pendant
Silhouette pendant
Mosaio work emphasis?
Large stone ball
Copper bells?
Scrolls, meander, textile designs
Gila shoulder
Helmet-rim bowls
Caldron shape
Gila-shoulder miniatures
Human figurines
Bead spindle-whorl
All raw shell?
Emphasis on shell work?
Nassarious beads
Tubular shell beads
Carved shell frog effigy?
Turltella and Cerlthldla pendants
Glvcvmeris bracelets
Glycvmerls rings
Cut-shelleffigies
Shell "needle w
Shell trumpet?
utility?
utility
religious ?
decoration
decoration
decoration?
religious ?
decoration
decoration
utility
utility
utility
religious ?
religious
utility
decoration
decoration
decoration
decoration
religious
decoration
decoration
decoration
decoration
deooration?
religious

TABLE 8—-Continued
Artifact Class Artifact Type Function
Mood
Hood
Wood
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Plant
Plant
Plant
Paddle digging stick
Split-stick fire-hearth
Wooden ball?
Bundle-coll basket
Plaited double selvage
Sewn coneentric coll sandal
Cocoon rattles
Emphasis on ootton textiles?
Warp-face weaving
Weft-wrap openwork
Twilled cigarette sashes?
Embroidery?
Sauash (C. Moschata)
Bean (P. Liinatus)
Date
482
utility
utility
religious?
utility
utility
utility
religious
utility?
decoration
decoration
religious
decoration
food
food
food
The list of Hohokam introductions to the Wupatki area
is very long. It stresses weaving, agricultural, ornamental
and religious items* All of the shell items at Wupatkl may
have passed through the hands of Hohokam traders, although some
may have been passed directly from Mexican groups to Chaco area
traders, but only those shell traits are listed which are
specifically important in the desert area. Several other traits,
for example, the copper bells, shell trumpets, and emphasis on
shell and turquoise mosaic work, probably ultimately stem from
Mesoamerican influence, and have also been mentioned as possible
Chaco-Anasazi traits. It is unclear whether both areas received

**83
Mesoamerioan influence at the same "time, whether the Hohokam
passed on such traits to the Chaco, or whether the Chaco first
received these artifact traits. They are probably important
Mesoamerioan introductions in both regions , however*
Such Hohokam traits may have been passed to the Sinagua
by immigrants, several families of which may have settled at
Wupatki; but some were definitely trade items, for example,
all of the shell artifacts, the copper bells, and the cocoons*
None of these items were made in the Sinagua area. Hohokam
Immigrant groups had, of course, settled since 10?0 along the
Mogollon Rim country east of Flagstaff, and it is obvious that
trade routes south into the Verde and Gila-Salt river valleys
were important at this time. The Lima bean (P. lunatus), date,
and the squash (C. moschata), may have been introduced to the
Sinagua and Anasazi by Hohokam immigrants, along with the paddle
digging stick. The human figurines, probably fertility symbols,
may also be considered as a part of this agricultural complex,
along with the large scale growing of domestic cotton. In
fact, it appears that Hohokam Immigrants greatly influenced
the Wupatki religious and agricultural traditions, both inti­
mately connected in the Southwest; said also largely influenced
the patterns of weaving and decoration. Aside from agriculture
and weaving, the Anasazi more greatly influenced the activities
of daily life than did any other group.
In short, the Hohokam influence was of a religious,
ornamental, and agricultural nature, and was ultimately of

484-
Mesoamerlcan origin. It probably explains the shift in cul­
ture in the Sinagua and Hopi Mesa regions during the period
of 1100-1300.. Such Eohokam and Chaco introduced Mesoamerlcan
traits may also have partially contributed to the modern
differences between the Western and Eastern Pueblos.
An excellent indication of the Sinagua influence on
the Hopi area can be seen In Table 9» which lists the Hopi
traits believed to have been introduced during the period of
Sinagua contacts. It shows the same pattern of trait intro­
ductions as does Table 8, which lists Hohokam introductions to
the Wupatki Ruin area. This suggests the partial Hohokam
origin of the traits passed from the Sinagua to the Hopi.

TABLE 9
SINAGUA AfiTIPACT INTRODUCTIONS TO THE HOPI
Artifact Class Artifact Type Function
Burial practice
Burial practice
Extended burial
Child sub-floor burials?
Religious practice Parrot raising
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Stone
Shell
Shell
Shell
Wood
Wood
Wood
Wood
Wood
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Fiber
Plant
Plant
Plant
Rectangular stone bowls?
Paint pestles?
Pebble mortars ?
Three-quarter grooved axe
Basalt cylinders
Plumb-bob
Silhouette pendants
Large stone ball?
Mosaic work emphasis?
Serrated points
Shell emphasis?
Carved frogs?
Shell trumpets
Paddle digging stick
Split-stick fire-hearth
Ceremonial cane
Large wood ball?
Reed cigarettes?
Bundle-coil basket
Belt-loom?
Long breech-clout
Emphasis on cotton growing?
Tie-dye
Embroidery
Warp-face weaving
Bean (P. lunatus)
Squash (C. moscKata)
Agave, as staple food?
religious
religious
religious
48 5
utility
utility
utility
utility
utility?
utility?
decoration
religious
decoration?
religious ?
decoration?
religious?
religious
utility
utility
religious
religious ?
religious
utility
utility
utility
utility?
decoration
decoration
decoration
food
food
food

kQ6
The table includes religious traits, such as extended
"burials, and the introduction of the parrot both as a clan and
religious symbol? the common use of shell for decoration on
ceremonial sashes, leggings, and staffs; copper bells; cere­
monial canes; stone and wood balls; reed cigarettes; shell
trumpets said to represent the call of the Plumed Serpent;
serrated-edged points; and carved frog effigies, which are
common symbols of water to Southwestern Pueblo peoples. It is
also possible that the emphasis on stone mosaics may be con­
nected with religion# The frog Is often portrayed in mosaic
design* The southern religious emphasis in post-1300 Hopi
sites is thus large, and the introduction of these traits may
hare shifted the social structure and religious patterns of
the Hopl, by making changes in the clan structure, kiva cere­
monies, and kachina system, all modern points of difference
between the Western and Eastern Pueblos• Hopl decorations and
ornaments also indicate Sinagua contact, and the agricultural
system, particularly the bean and squash plants and the digging
tools, were affected. Kent (1957? 635-37) states that a major
shift towards the Hohokam pattern in weaving techniques occurred
at this time# Southern style mortars, bowls, axes, paint
pestles, arrow-points, cylinders, and fire-hearths were intro­
duced. In short, much of Hopi life may have been affected by
southern traits Introduced at the end of the thirteenth cen-
' -tury, and these traits are similar to those introduced into
the Sinagua area a century earlier.

487
So far, however, only diffusion or cultural contacts
have been discussed, and data on trading contacts has been
slighted* The following table lists those materials and
objects which can be shown to have originated outside of the
Sinagua area, and thus nrust have been traded into the region.

TABLE 10
OBJECTS OP FOREIGN MATERIAL OR -MANUFACTURE AT WUPATKI
Material or Artifact Function Origin
Argillite decoration Verde Valley
Turquoise decoration Mojave desert, Kingman?
Lignite decoration Hopi mesas
Selenite fetish? Hopl mesas
Kayenite decoration Mojave County
Malachite decoration Verde Valley
Azurlte decoration Verde Valley
Oak wood utility Oak Creek Canyon
Walnuts food? Walnut Canyon
Gulf of Mexico shell decoration Gulf of Mexico
Pacific Coast shell decoration Southern California
Gulf of California shell decoration Colorado delta?
Parrots religious Chaco? Mexico?
Copper bells religious ? Chaco? Mexico?
Jedlto Black-on-white pot decoration? Hopl mesas
Animal effigy lugs decoration? Point of Pines area?
White Mountain redware decoration? Point of Pines area?
Chaco pottery sherds decoration? Chaco
All shell artifacts? decoration Hohokam traders?
Cocoons decoration? North Mexico
Dates food North Mexico

The objects traded are mainly religious and orna­
mental items, as is typical of the prehistoric Southwest.
Trade is indicated with Hop! Mesa, Chaco Canyon, northern
Mogollon region, northern Mexico, and Verde Valley peoples,
with Pal groups to the west, particularly in the area of
Jj-89
Mo J ave County, Arizona, and Hohokam groups to the south# The
best evidence of Southwestern trade routes is from the move­
ments of shell specimens which came from the Gulf or Pacific
coasts of California* They were passed from the Gulf coast
by Yuman groups living at the mouth of the Colorado, who
traded the shell to the Hohokam; or by southern California
groups who carried the shell from the Pacific Coast across
the desert to the area of Needles, California, and traded It
to Pal groups, who carried the shell along a trail which
paralleled the present route of U. S# Highway 66. Prom the
Gulf of California, several river systems such as the Xaqui,
Mayo, and Puerte, lead northeast into the mountains of Mexico#
Shell was probably also traded up these rivers into the hands
of the Hohokam, who passed the shell on to the Zuni, Chaco,
or Sinagua traders# It Is known that the Hop! traded with Zuni
and north Mexican Indians in 1500, trading cotton, textiles,
and turquoise, for parrots and shells# The Hopi also have had
long standing trade relationships with the Pal groups to the
west* They trade with the Havasupai for hides, hematite, shell,
turquoise from the Mo J ave desert, and agave fiber# Thus aside

490
from the breakdown of the Hohokam and northern Mexican trading
networks shortly before and after the Conquest, the Hop! main­
tained similar trade routes in historic times to those the
Sinagua seem to have used in earlier centuries* Much trade
went on with the Chaco said Zuni areas, and ultimately connected
the Hopi Mesa and Flagstaff peoples with the north Mexican
area, and with Pai groups to the west. Little trade, aside
from that to the Zuni area, connected the prehistoric or histor­
ic Flagstaff peoples with groups in the mountainous region to
the southeast, previously the home of Mogollon groups*
The final problem is that of the description of the few
unique Sinagua artifacts found in the Wupatki Ruin material.
These theoretically should be useful in the description of any
separate, local, cultural tradition. Table 11 indicates the
rare traits of this type noted at Wupatki*
TABLE 11
UNIQUE SINAGUA ARTIFACTS AT WUPATKI RUIN
Artifact Class Artifact Type Function
Burial practice Violin shaped grave
Stone
Stone
Stone
Bone
Bone
Fiber
Fiber
Pottery
Stone cylinders?
Trlanguloid sandstone hoe
Argllllte for ornaments
Vertical piercing of awls
Babbit-bone needles?
Six-thread twill-weaving
Narrow breech-clout
Ceramic turtle shell?
religious
utility?
utility
decoration
utility
utility
decoration
utility
religious

1*91
Obviously the traits noted, even if valid and unique,
are not sufficient to indicate major new innovations or a new
cultural focus« Cultural contact and change are indicated by
the artifactual evidence, but a major new cultural synthesis
apparently did not occur* In short, there are few unique
traits in the northern Sinagua area. The region was one of
great cultural mixture.
Finally, provenience data are of little value, for
virtually all of the artifacts came from trash piles or trash
fill* Pew artifacts were recovered in floor contact, and
these mainly from Rooms 50h, 51a9 and the Dance Plaza, Room 66.
Those artifacts found in the Dance Plaza, with the exception of
the two Anasazi metates, are such items as shell ornaments,
arrow-points, pigment pestles, and stone pendants and beads,
all ornamental items which would be expected in ceremonial areas*
As a whole, the rooms with many artifacts are those with deep
trash deposits* However, Rooms 62 and 63 had Hohokam pottery
figurines and miniature pieces, raw clay, the ceramic turtle
\ shell, parrot burials, and several pots, suggesting a Hohokam
| habitation of the rooms* Rooms $1 and 55 had many stone, pot­
tery, and bone artifacts of a general Anasazi pattern* These
areas may have been used as work rooms after their abandonment
as living quarters, and much stone working, pigment grinding,
pottery making, and work with animal hides is indicated*

In conclusion* the artifacts indicate considerable
^92
contact with Chaco and Hohokam peoples, and the introduction
of what are ultimately Mesoamerican religious, agricultural,
wearing, and ornamental traits« There is also considerable
Anasazi influence, chiefly in regard to utility artifacts,
those objects used in the activities of dally life. Much
trading activity is in evidence, probably following long­
standing trade routes linking luman, Pai, Pueblo, Hoholsam, and
north Mexican groups. There is suggestive evidence of Sinagua
immigration to the Hop! Mesa region in the thirteenth century,
at which time many southern traits introduced to the Sinagua
were, in turn, introduced by the Sinagua to the Hopi„ Little
evidence of a stable Sinagua cultural pattern is seen, and it
is suggested that cultural change and contact rapidly occurred
in the area, without a new cultural fusion talcing place. The
great variability of metates, manos, burials, stone tools, shell,
stone ornaments, and other artifacts, site to site in the Sinagua
area, suggests that the culture of any individual Sinagua site
was dependent upon the specific type and strength of cultural
contact represented at that one site, alone. There were many
patterns of contact and cultural change in the Sinagua area,
but no standard pattern of fusion or re-synthesis, Judging from
the artifacts alone.

ARCHITECTURE
This section has been compiled from the 1933-3*+ col­
lected Field Notes of the Wupatki Ruin excavations, unpublished
notes in the files of the Museum of Northern Arizona referring
to the excavations, and several site maps drawn by J. C.
Fischer Motz during the excavations in 1933-3^« The general
site plan, location of the ruin, and its general linear and
uni-directional form have been previously indicated in the
Introduction, as well as the ruin's location in relation to
nearby springs* The many small ruins around Wupatki should be
noted, however, for they would have increased many times the
population in the Immediate ruin area.
The plan of Wupatki Ruin, Fig. 62, found at bads, is
based on site maps and field maps by J, C. Fischer Motz, the
collected field notes of the 1933-3*+ Wupatki Ruin excavations
on file at the Museum of Northern Arizona, and a National Park
Service map, Drawing No. NM-WUP-SUN 3111, which is a blowup by
t
Reichert in 195^ of ^be 1952-53 excavation site maps resulting
from the National Park Service excavations at the ruin. Addi­
tional room features have been added, and some features have
been altered on the basis of data in the field notes. In line
with the recent National Park Service map, some room numbers
on the east slope of the south unit have been changed. The
493

k9k
wall thiolmess and door widths are approximate, and sections
A-B, C-D, E-F, refer to Motz* cross sections, seen In Figs*
63-64-, and in Colton 19^6: 57,
Trash Mound
The main trash mound of the Pueblo was located south­
east of the main room-block. It was trenched during the exca­
vations in 1933» which disclosed that it was at least 7-8 feet
deep* The sherds collected during the trenching indicate a
constant shift, bottom to top, from an early preponderance of
Tusayan Gray Ware to Slnagua Alameda Brown Ware, suggesting to
Colton an early Anasazi occupation of the site, and a later
replacement by Sinagua peoples. However, since other evidence
does not support such a shift in culture at the site, probably
only preferences in pottery making or trade changed. A trash
area also was found to the southwest of the site.
Rooms
Rooms at Wupatkl are rectangular. The only round walls
are found in corners of Rooms 99 37, ^8, 68, and near 82. Room
floors were frequently divided into storage compartments, and
benches or raised platform areas. Masonry is of red Moenkopl
sandstone slabs, and adobe mortar* Several cavate rooms were
carved out of the base of the sandstone ledge (Rooms 21, 23, 52-
63-65# for example), and every nook, crannyP and natural

ock niche was utilized* Some of these small areas were
floored, roofed and plastered, others were simply hollowed
495
and left unfinished. The rooms vary in orientation and size.
•Hie largest completely excavated structure, Room 10, measures
about 20 by 22 feet, while the smallest structures, store-rooms
such as Room 2, measure about 2 by 4 feet. The average living
room is about 8 by 11 feet.
Floors and Floor Features
There was a tendancy at Wupatki to elevate one portion
of a room into a bench or platform area. This was accomplished
by building a low stone wall, which was then filled in back with
soil, and finished with adobe, or slabs (Fig. 62, in back, see
Rooms 28, 43, 45 » 46, 50, 5 1 * 5*>-5? )• Narrow benches are also
found along one or more walls of some rooms, for example, Room
59• They were built in the same manner.
Kie floors, themselves, are covered with a white clay
plaster which is up to one inch thick* Some floors, such as
those in Rooms 28 and 50, were re-plastered six times. Flag­
stone floors were also found in Rooms 2, 8, 9# and 29, and Room
28 had a flagstone covered bench* A round clay-lined fire-pit
is usually found in the middle of the floor. Room 50 showed
evidence of having had six different pits in succession*
Rectangular fire-pits, stone-slab-lined, were found in Rooms 49
and 50, and a few stone-slab clay-lined fire-pits were found in

Pig* 63. Reconstructed cross-section of the
east side of Wupafcki Ruin. The section represents
section A-B# on Figure 62, indicating Ho onus 33# 34,
*4-8, 73» 30» and 2?# right to left, looliing south.

Pig* 64. Reconstructed cross-section of the
west side of Wupatki Ruin. The section represents
section C-D, on Figure 62, indicating Rooms and 63,
left to right, looking south.

I6ir

ooms. Stone deflectors were found between ventilators and
498
fire-pits In Rooms 41, 43, and 49, and sub-floor» rectangular,
stone-lined, ventilator shafts occurred In Rooms 43, 46, and
73• Storage pits were rare. Some burled Jars were found, and
some crude dirt-pits, for example in Rooms ?, 35©» 46, and $6,
In Room 62, a stone-lined, rectangular, sub-floor cist was
found In the northwest corner, Mid Rooms 38 and 41 have clay-
lined stone cists built above the floor. At least Rooms 2, 8,
9, 20, 21, 23# 30, 31• Hbl. ^7, 48, 53# 54, 61, 69, 70, 74,
75i 82, and 83 were probably store-rooms. Several of these are
cavate rooms (Rooms 20, 21, 23, 53-54). Three of the masonry
store-rooms (Rooms 2, 8, 9) have flagstone floors.
Walls
The walls are made of Moenkopi sandstone and limestone,
which split easily into flat slabs. They are either dry-laid,
or laid in a thin adobe mortar (Pig. 65-71)* Wattie-and-daub
walls are completely lacking. All of the walls were probably
plastered with a white clay coating about a ^ inch thick (Pig.
71). The masonry is constructed of two outer stone faces
around a rubble core. The thickness of the walls ranges from
17 inches to 33 inches, but averages about 20 Inches. Building
stones, however, rarely span both sides of the wall, and slnoe
only rare Instances of wall bonding are known (for example,
corners in Rooms 7 and 60) and the walls simply abutted against
one another (Pig. 68), when the walls failed, which was

Fig, 65. View of Wupatkl Ruin, 1933* The ruin
has been excavated and some rooms partially restored.

Fig® 66m The south room block, Wupatkl Pueblo,
1933* The close-up view, from the southwest, shows the
section after excavation and restoration of some rooms.

Fig» 67• Restored Rooms 1 and These rooms,
restored In 19339 were used as the Monument headquarters
for several years.

Pig# 68• The ceremonial Dance Plaza. This
view, to the east* was taken during testing of the sub-
floor levels, tout after restoration. In 1933*

502

frequent, they often split down the middle along the length
of the wall, leaving one half standing*
During the construction of each room, one wall was
"built up course by course to its full height before another
503
wall was started. One story was built and finished, including
the roof, before a second story was to be constructed, the roof
of the first floor serving as a work platform during the con­
struction of the second story. Sometimes, however, the second
story floor was made by leaving a set-back of about 3 inches
in the top of the walls of the first story, which provided a
foundation for the ends of the beams of the second floor.
Host of the walls of the ruin were built directly on cinders,
trash I fill, or-loose soil. There was apparently no attempt to
provide a firm foundation, although under the floor of Room
50b, sandstone slabs were scattered to level the floor before
reconi3truction» The site is well preserved because of the care
and selection during the masonry process, as well as the excel­
lent drainage of the site, and its location in an arid region.
For all of their lack of skill in room construction,
however, the people of the ruin did add some extra touches.
Room 35 has an ornamental band of black basalt boulders in the
east wall (Pig. 68), and several other rooms, particularly
Hooms iJ-1 and 80, have an ornamental masonry style formed of
; rows of sandstone blocks separated by rows of small spalls
pushed into the still wet mortar. These two traits are also

found in the Chaco Canyon area.. Another special technique
of wall construction found at Wupatkl is that of bridging
50**
gaps in the rook floor with pole and masonry bridges. Walls
in Rooms 33-34, and 4-1 were built so close to the edge of the
oliff that to keep straight walls it was necessary to span 5
foot wide crevices in the rock.» To do this, the builders
first placed poles across the gap, and then laid masonry on
top of this wood bridge. In some cases9 great boulders were
incorporated into the stone walls (Pig* 66)•
Room and Wall Openings
Openings are rather rare in the walls of Wupatkl Ruin
when compared to other Southwestern sites# Few rooms connect
by door to another (Rooms 1-4, 5-7, 29-73, 55-56» 45-46, 34-35#
4-5-52, 46-54). When doors, ventilators, and loop-holes are en­
countered, however, they are well built, with lintels of stone
or wood (Pig. 62, 68-69). Both rectangular and T-shaped doors
are found, varying widely in size, and opening at varying
heights above the floor (3 inches to 4 feet). The 4 foot high
door-sill in Room 7 could only have been reached by ladder.
At about 1160 rectangular doors connected Rooms 5-7 and 3^-35,
and T doors connected Rooms 1-4, 45-52» 45-56, 46-54, and 29-
73• majority of rooms were thus entered only through the
roof, although second and third, story rooms, many of which are
now destroyed, may have had side entrances. No real windows

505
are found in "the walls, but small rectangular roof and floor
level vents appear in many rooms# They measure about 6-12
inches In width (Pig. 68-69)#
Roofs
The ceilings of rooms at Wupatki Ruin averaged about
6 feet in height and ranged from 4 feet 9 inches to about 8
feet# They were constructed by two main methods# In one,
large beams, penetrating the walls of the rooms carried the
main weight of the roof# They were then covered at right
angles by a second layer of small poles, which were covered
with shakes, grass, and clay or adobe (Pig# 71-72)# In the
second type, pairs of 4-6 inch in diameter poles were used as
the main supports instead of large beams# They were placed
side to side, with the heavy butt-end of one pole next to the
light tip-end of the other, in order to equalize the stress#
The use of such light poles as roof supports may indicate that
there was a shortage of large standing timber near the ruin at
the time of building# The light poles do not project into the
room walls, and were often placed into the 3 inch step at the
top of the first story walls. The roof was finished by cover-
> ing the poles with brush and shakes, several layers of reeds,
f and adobe.
One room {the possible klva, Boom ^3) was roofed with
split poles, flat-side up, shakes, a layer of grass and reeds,

Fig. 69. View of the ball court. This Hoholcajn
type, stone-lined, northwest-southeast trending ball
court was never well excavated#

506

Fig, 70• Typical masonry at Wupatki Ruin.
Note the small ventilator shaft, and the unbonded# rub­
ble filled® core-and-xaasonry walls.

Fig. 71* Typical masonry at Wupatki Ruin*
Note the unbonded walls, and the careful masonry# The
window and ventilator shaft were 1933 Park Service
additions•

508

Pig. 72. Cross-section of the fallen roof in
Room 1+1 * a, grass coverings b9 reeds; c, earth5 d, slen­
der cross-poles5 e_# main vigas; .f, plaster on wall;
earth fill of room.

6o£

a layer of sandstone slabs, more grass, and a top layer of
burnt adobe. Room 52, a cavate chamber, had a partial roof
510
of poles and sandstone slabs. Fischer Motz believes that many
roofs may have also, had an 18 inch high parapet around the
edge to protect them from wind and weather damage. There was
possibly also a plastered clay area on the roof over the fire-
pit* There is no information on possible roof entrances t how­
ever, no Hopi and Zuni style flues, fireplaces, or chimneys
were found at Wupatki. The chimney illustrated by Fewkes for
Room 7 is now known to have been built by the sheepherder who
inhabited the room in 1889 (Fewkes 1904, PI. 40).
Room Occupation and Use
There is much evidence of repair, reconstruction, and
re-use of many rooms at Wupatki. During the site's long
occupation (about 125 years), walls settled, and due to their
inadequate foundations and construction, split in half and
collapsed. Rooms were frequently abandoned, remodeled, and
re-ocoupied. Note the five to six levels of floors in Rooms
28 and 41, and the sequence of seven fire-pits in Room 50. In
general, the inhabitants seem to have first settled in the
North room-block, and on top of the ledge at the south of the
site. Rooms on the ledge were constantly repaired and con­
tinuously occupied. Rooms at the east side, or base of the
ledge, were also built early in the settlement of Vfupatki, but

were soon abandoned* Trash accumulated for several feet in
these rooms before they were cleared out and rebuilt. The
511
outer rooms along the east wall, top rooms at the base of the
ledge, and Rooms 10-15* were the most recent additions to the
site. The Pueblo was terraced down the east, or sunny, side
of the slope (Pigs# 63, 6^).
There are no units of rooms which are inter-connected
or show evidence of having been built at one time, except
possibly rooms i+5-^6, 55-57» and cavate rooms 52-5^• These
room groups each may have been built as living-room store-room
units by one family. The general lack of inter-connecting
doors, and unplanned grouping of rooms in the blocks, however,
may indicate a slow accretion of population, rather than a
large initial immigration or settlement. Tree-ring dates, on
the other hand, do Indicate ma^or building periods at about
1120, 1150, and 1180. There appear to have been about 20 store
rooms, and about 90-95 total rooms at the site. However, many
of the store-rooms and living-rooms were abandoned by 1150-1180
and there was probably about one store-room for about three
living quarters in use at one time. A maximum of about 50
living quarters were used at one time, along with perhaps 10-
15 store-rooms, indicating a maximum population of about 120.
Klvas
The question of klvas in Slnagua sites is a diffioult
one. It has generally been stated that Slnagua sites do not

have kivas. Smith (1952a: 15^-165) in a well considered.
chapter "When Is a Kiva", concluded that kivas can not be
512
defined on the basis of any particular set of features "...but
rather in that rooms relationship to other rooms in the archi­
tectural unit of which it Is a part. There is not one archi­
tectural feature that is...universally present in all kivas
and universally absent from all non-kivas • •»" (Smith 19.52a:
l6l}« If, indeed, kivas are present in the Sinagua area, they
are probably rectangular. The Sinagua fall Into Reed's Western
Pueblo grouping, which includes as a diagnostic trait rectan­
gular kivas, or none at all (1950s 127-28). Hound ceremonial
rooms resembling Kayenta Anasazi kivas are found in the Sinagua
area, but always at Anasazl-influenced sites, such as those in
the Big Hawk Valley, Heizer Spring Ruin, The Citadel Ruin,
Crack-in-the-rock Ruin, and a small site near Wupatki designated
NA 2765b (Smith 1952a! 163-65? Colton 19^6: 205). Most authors
have not accepted the idea of rectangular ceremonial rooms in
the Flagstaff area. Reed (1950: 128) and Smith (1952a: 162-65)
are dubious, and Schroeder appears to deny their presence (196I:
6^-65)a Colton is unsure (19^6: 173)* but on the other hand,
lists several possible kivas in the room blocks of such Elden
phase Sinagua sites as Nalakihu, Elden Pueblo, Metate House,
Ridge Ruin, Walnut Canyon, and Juniper Terrace (Colton 1932:
28s 19^: 53, 132-33. 138-39, 153, 278). King (1949s
22, 30, 50) Identifies two passible rectangular kivae at
Nalakihu on the basis of ventilator, deflector, flire-pit, and

possible loom holes, ladder base, and sipaptu Mc*Gregor
513
identifies two possible kivas at Ridge Ruin (19^1? 157)» and
Room 13» which contained the Burial of the Magician, was
Identified by Hopi workmen as a possible ceremonial room*
The burial, Itself, was identified by the Hopi as to clan,
particular burial ceremony utilized, and the eagle-collecting
clan-rights of the dead man. Mc #Gregor suggests that the same
ceremonies were used by the Sinagua and the modern Hopi, and
further suggests the connection of the Sinagua ceremonial
round with that of the Hopi (1955s 16)* A later rectangular
room with a flagstone covered bench, sub-floor ventilator, wall
benches, fire-pit, ash-pit, and sipapu, in form Identical to
Hop! kivas, was found at the Sinagua Pollock site, which dates
at about 1250-1325® This structure, although late in the Sinagua
sequence, is certainly a Hop! style klva (Mc.Gregor 1955* 11-
16)* Finally, Thomas Lee (1961: 122-26), Indicates that
rectangular Padre phase pit-houses are nearly always found in
front of surface room blocks, and may also be rectangular kivas«
Smith (1952a: 162) and Smiley (1952: 1^) believe that the
Sinagua area, with its mixed culture, and early acceptance of
new architectural styles, should contain early and crude examples
of kivas* Juniper Terrace Ruin, as Smiley points out, has a
rather clear kiva which contains the earliest Southwestern
example of a wood foot-drum^ a standard feature of later
Anasazi kivas (1952: 1^5 Colton 19**6, Fig* 87 )•

514
Rectangular kivas, In fact, may have originated in the
general Sinagua area. The potential Padre phase Sinagua kivas
(1070-1120), are earlier than the rectangular small kivas of
any other area, including those of the Tsegi Canyon and PInedale
regions, usually mentioned as the homeland of the type. Develop­
ment of Hop! and Zml rectangular kivas is easily traceable
back to the kivas at Hawikuh, SItyatki, Awatovi, Point of Pines,
PInedale, Kien-tiel, and the Flagstaff area, according to
Smiley (1952: 20). Moreover, the Flagstaff area has the
earliest dates« Rectangular kivas thus may have actually
developed among the Sinagua, Since Hopi ceremonials of today
may resemble certain Sinagua ones of the 1100's, perhaps the
kiva spread from the Sinagua area to the Hopi, Ihe Hop! only
began to utilize the rectangular kiva after 1200-1300 (Colton
1939 * 62; Heed 1950 * 128, 130-31), when they appear at small
sites, and finally at Kokopynama, Awatovi, and Sityatki, not
to mention the slightly earlier sites.of Hopi cultural tradition
and legend, Homolobl and Chavez pass*
Hopi kivas of the nineteenth century were similar to
the earlier archeological examples. They were semi-subterranean,
rectangular, had a flagstone floor, an. elevated flagstone-
covered bench at one end, a central fire-pit, sub-floor venti­
lator, sipapu in a wood foot-drum, loom holes along the walls,
and a roof entrance (Smiley 1952t 12-14; Haury and Hargrave
1931! 83-94). The Hop! kiva was owned by the clan that built

It and kept It in repair* Haury and Hargrave believed that
515
the Pinedale kivas were the oldest Hop! kivas known, and dated
them at about 1275. However, the Juniper Terrace Pueblo
rectangular kiva with foot drum and loom holes, and the Pollock
site kiva, are probably ceremonial structure of this type, and
are earlier.
Any possible kiva at Wupatki Ruin, itself, thus must be
rectangular• There are no round rooms at the site, save for
the large Dance Plaza, a probable ceremonial structure to be
discussed shortly. Rooms ^5c, 46c, and 50c were suggested to
be kivas In the field notes* These rooms, constructed early
In the site's history, do have a few features which differen­
tiate them from the typical room of the site. However, their
silze, location, and floor features are not sufficient to prove
their function as kivas. Room 45c is too poorly described in
the notes to comment further. Room 46c apparently had a rec­
tangular, clay-lined, sub-floor, masonry ventilator shaft under
the east wall; two round, clay-lined, fire-pits; and a foot-high
platform along the south wall. The unusually well-built venti­
lator, bench, and fire-pits are features often found in kivas,
bat are not conclusive, by themselves. The room was partially
destroyed by the construction of the later Rooms 46 a-b, but
there was probably a doorway through the west wall leading into
Room 53, a cavate storage chamber. This may suggest that Room
46c was a standard living room. It is not of noteworthy size

516
or location In comparison with other rooms of the site. Room
50c had a "bench, ventilator in the east wall, and a round
fire-pit, but is also a small room of no great distinction.
All of these chambers have a bench at one side, fire-pit, and
ventilator, but if these features Indicate a kiva, Room 28,
with flagstone-covered bench, slab-lined round firepit, and
dog and human burials might also qualify* Room 51 also had a
round central fire-pit and raised bench. The more elaborate
than usual features of Room 46c do suggest some special
function for this room, but are too amorphous for firm
conclusions•
Several late rooms of the site may qualify as kivas.
Rooms h"} and 49 have been identified as kivas in the field
notes. Room 49, one of the largest rooms at the site (about
13^ hy 18 feet), has a solid clay floor, a square ventilator
in the north wall, a deflector made of a large sandstone block,
a rectangular fire-pit outlined with stone slabs, and a round
ash-filled pit. All of the last four features are in line.
The room is peripheral to the south room-block of the site,
attached to the southeast end, and this, along with its size
and features, suggests that it may have had special functions.
Room 43, a room in the north portion of the south room-block,
has a 4 foot 7 inch long sub-floor, stone-lined ventilator,
ending in Room 20, to the northwest. This ventilator runs
under a bench which fills the west side of the room. In front

51?
of the ventilator Is a slab-deflector, which stand3 In front
of a slab-lined, round fire-box. In addition, five parrot
burials were found under the floor, and the unusual roof was
covered with flat stone-slabs. The several unique features,
particularly the bench, ventilator, Mid parrot burials (the
last probably of southern origin, and clearly ceremonial in
nature) suggest the ceremonial function of Room hj,.
There thus may have been several crude rectangular
kivas at Wupatkl at any one time in its history. They are
built into the room-blocks, and are equipped with deflector,
fire-pit, sub-floor ventilator, and bench. These possible
kivas may represent the early attempts at above the ground
ceremonial rooms in this area. They represent the type of
early kiva which Smith, and Smiley, expected to find, and
which may have contributed to the development of the later
and more elaborate rectangular Hop! style kivas. The initial
development of the rectangular kiva may have occurred in the
Slnagua area, starting with the Padre phase pit-house "kiva",
which was changed to an above the ground masonry room with the
emphasis on Pueblo architectural techniques after 10?0-1120.
Tfte idea was diffused down the Little Colorado Hiver Valley,
and finally north again to the Hop! Mesa area and the Sinagua
region about 1200-1300.

Dance Plsiza
518
Directly to the east of the north room-block is a cir­
cular structure more than 56 feet in diameter (Fig# 73 )• It
is built of Moenkopi sandstone and limestone slabs set in adobe
mortar, and was reconstructed by H. S* Colton in 1933* Nearly
circular, it is broken only by a 6 foot wide entrance on the
northwest side. Along the inner circumference is a 2|? foot
wide flag-stone bench, which is higher from the floor along
the southern and western sections than the north# The masonry
at the foot of the bench was built of vertical slabs, rather
than the more common horizontal slab courses* The walls are
slightly higher in the southwest than in the north, because
the ground surface slopes upwards to the southwest, necessi­
tating higher retaining walls in this area, The floor of the
structure was dug below the ground surface to the southwest in
order to make it level, and excavations into the floor revealed
that there were at least two earlier levels in the structure,
but no sign of postholes or roofing. The three floor levels
were, in order from the base, 55 feet 7 inches, 56 feet 1 Inch,
and 56 feet 9 inches, in diameter. Tree-ring dates indicate
construction of the last two levels at about llkO and 1160, and
thus the lowest level would be earlier, perhaps 1120? A long
straight wall also runs away to the southeast from the south
side of the entrance, and there were rectangular fire-pits in

Pig. 73. View of the Interior of Room 41• Note
the fallen roof In corner* featured In Fig. 7 2 , the
metates on the floor# the wall plastery and the small
ventilator shaft.

519

the center of the floor of the two top floor levels of the
Dance Plaza. Several stone slab-cists were found on the
520
native ground surface under the bottom floors, on stratified
cinders« This indicates that the cists were present before
1070, and Colton (19^6s 60) believes that the cists indicate
a Basketmaker occupation of the site.
Distribution
The structure is an unusual one for the prehistoric
Southwest, but was probably an unroofed ceremonial plaza or
kiva. The great kivas and bi- and tri-wall structures of the
Chaco Canyon area are similar in gross shape, size, and fre­
quent possession of a bench. The round, unroofed structure
at Wupatkl is probably ultimately related to these Chaco struc­
tures; but the great kivas (Vivian and Reiter i960) typically
have more elaborate floor features.
However, Alan P. Olson, of the Museum of Northern
Arizona, recently discovered at least one unroofed structure
more than 50 feet in diameter, at Cross Canyon, Arizona. This
is located midway between the Chaco and Sinagua areas. The
*
site is Chacoan in culture, and may date at about the same
time as Wupatki. Another round, unroofed structure was reported
about 300 yards east of the Petrified Forest Monument boundary.
In a letter to Colton in 1939# David Jones described the struc­
ture as being located two miles north of the Puerco Elver,

near a small Pueblo ruin. It Is about $0 feet In diameter,
521
has an east entrance» and is about 3 feet deep* Martin also
reports a round structure from the Ackman-Lowry area, in south­
west Colorado, which would date at about 850-870 (1939® 350,
4959 Fig# 80, Map 17)• Three other somewhat similar unroofed
round courts were reported by Roberts, from a site near Pagosa
Springs, Colorado, and from the Whitewater District, Arizona,
and by Hough from near Luna, New Mexico (Mc »Gregor 1942b;
Kelly 1963 s 130 )• Roberts (1939s 126-29, 258), also mentions
another court in the Piedra area, and one found by Morris in
the Chuska Mountains, in northeastern Arizona.
Thus at least eight round, unroofed courts, have been
cited in the literature. They differ slightly in features.
Only at Wupatkl is there one which is stone walled with a stone
bench; the Whitewater District court has a raised dias at one
end (Roberts 1939s 258); several others are plain dirt struc­
tures 9 but have post-holes. However, most of the plazas had
an encircling bench, and a fire-pit. They are probably Chacoan
in origin, and were probably used for large inter-village cere­
monies and dances. They.would have provided a focus or inte­
gration of village ceremonial life. The large population in
the many small ruins around Wupatki probably utilized this
plaza, and were thus partially dependent upon religious leader­
ship from Wupatki.

Plaza
522
There was a large plaza in the partially walled area
west of the south room-block, between the north and south units
of the Pueblo (Pig. 62). The walls here may have been as high
as 7-9 feet, according to field notes, and would have thus
been effective wind breaks, similar to the Cohonlna and Sinagua
wind-walls described and discussed by Smith (1952as 8-10, 30-
33» ^2, 52). The women of the Pueblo probably worked in this
area, as they do in present Pueblo plazas, and occasional
religious ceremonies and dances may have been held herea
Ball Court
About 100 yards north of Wupatkl, on the flat floor
of Deadmans Wash, is found the only known masonry-walled Casa
Grande type Hohokam ball court (Fig. 7*0« It is also one of
the northernmost recognized ball courts, and is a clear indica­
tion of the Hohokam influence in the Northern Sinagua region.
The only information available on the court is from Brewer
(1935? 178), and from a copy of a publicity release by Colton,
now in the files of the Museum of Northern Arizona.
The court was dug into the wash bottom. It had a level
floor, and sloping, slab-lined, 8-9 foot high walls, which pro­
ject 2 feet above the present ground surface. The slab wall
was about 5 feet thick at the top, and a greater thickness

Fig# 7*+. Ornamental wall In Room 35 » Note
the four rows of black basalt boulders at the base of
the wall»

523

521*
at the base. The court trends northeast-southwest, and Is an
elongated oval approximately ^5 by 100 feet In size. There
were openings through the north and south walls, leading into
small end-courts. Central markers were not found during
Mc .Gregorys testing and partial excavation in 193^ and. 1935?
but an end marker of four rocks was found in place in the floor
at the south. The court was probably contemporaneous with the
initial phases of Wupatki Pueblo, but its dating is not certain.
•Hie ball court is a typical Casa Grande Hohokam type,
as described recently by Kelly (1963: 9-1*0 • At least ten
ball courts of the 90 or so in the Southwest have been found
in the Flagstaff area. All apparently are of post-1070 date,
and all are Hohokam in origin. Kelly believes that ball courts,
great kivas, and perhaps unroofed dance plazas, have similar­
ities in form and function. They probably contributed to intra-
and inter-village social and religious integration. However,
ball courts and kivas have a mutually exclusive distribution
(1963: 136, 1^7, 150-56i Fig» 26). The two complexes come
most closely in contact at Wupatki Huin, and perhaps in the
Point of Pines area. Here Johnson (1961: 566-67) also found
a Casa Grande ball court with a great klva structure. The
finding of a ball court, great kiva related structure, and
rectangular kivas, all in the same site, again suggests the
great cultural mixture and change in the Wupatki area. The
religious systems of the people at Wupatki Ruin must have

525
been variable and complex® However, the ball court, separated
as it is from the main ruin, may have been a focus of religious
life for both the people of Wupatki and the people living in
the many small pueblos on the outskirts of the ruin.
Architecture and Social Organization
Heed has shotm that the Anasazl Pueblo settlement pat­
tern up to 1300 was a uni-lineal, uni-directional one# Villages
have a distinct front and back (Heed 1956: 11)• However, Heed
feels that this principle was not utilized by the Sinagua,
nor the modern Hop! and other recent Pueblo groups. Wupatki
is described as a linear agglomeration of rooms, without a front
or back (Reed 1956: 11-1*4-) • Nonetheless, Wupatki does seem to
have a partial uni-directional focus towards the east. The
Pueblo is stepped down the ledge to the east, the Dance Plaza
is to the east, and the possible kivas of the structure are to
the east. Wupatki is thus at least partially a uni-directional
settlement, and it has a general uni-lineal structure along the
ridge. It is perhaps at a mid-point in the Heed settlement
pattern outline, a predictable situation in an area of rapid
change •
Schroeder has indicated that the pre-1300 Anasazi plan
indicates clan control, while the Sinagua agglomeration pat­
tern suggests an unintegrated society of nuclear families (Heed
1956: 17). Wendorf (1956: 18-25), also suggests that early
Chaco settlements appear to be agglomerations with unconnected

526
large ceremonial units * This is similar to the situation at
Wupatki» He "believes that at 1050 there was a marked change
in social organization. The Chaco villages "became integrated,
perhaps with the appearance of the clan system. A dual, or
moiety, division seems to appear#• This, Wendorf believes# may
be due to Mesoamerican influence. Wupatki Ruin also has two
"building units, separated "by a plaza, with an unconnected large
ceremonial area. Perhaps it, too, reflects a Chaco dual, or
moiety, division? Other Chacoan religious and social organiza­
tion traits seem to have spread to the Sinagua.
The unconnected agglomerations of Wupatki rooms do not
indicate extended family dwelling units, similar to those of
the Ecpi Mesas. Such an inter-connected plan of structures
lends cohesion to a lineage and clan system, and perhaps indi­
cates clan control (Haury 1956: 3-10), and the clans may be
indicated by Anasazl architecture "by 1000. Since this settle­
ment pattern apparently was never clearly present in the Sinagua
area, a lack of strong clan and lineage systems among the
Sinagua may be indicated. However, the crude "ball court and
Dance Plaza, both large communal structures, would serve to
integrate the community, and probably indicate a system of at
least partial centralized control of religious activities.
The partial unl-llneal and uni-directional outline of the ruin,
separated in the middle, may also indicate the beginning cf a
clan or lineage system, cross-divided by a moiety principle.

527
The emphasis on agriculture and change in agricultural tech­
niques after the eruption of Sunset Crater, and the possible
emphasis on fertility, may also suggest a basically matrilineal
system. The people of Wupatki maintained control of the near­
by constant spring.
Basically, however, the agglomerations of unconnected
rooms, the uni-lineal and uni-directional settlement pattern,
and the large unconnected religious structures indicate the
transitional nature of the society s
The plan of the living
quarters can be seen as a reflection of the earlier Sinagua
inhabitation of unconnected pit-houses, each with its own roof
entrance. The introduction of new architectural styles and
religious concepts might not immediately ohange the social
organization of the group.
Archltectural Comparisons and Conclusions
The carefully coursed and fitted Wupatki masonry, and
the wall construction, are similar to that found in many Sinagua
ruins. Other Sinagua sites also have few door and vent openings,
and are frequently built on ledge tops. Several have wing-walls,
and associated plazas (Colton 1946: 173, sjid Pigs.; Fewkes
1904, PI. 7-19)• Bldge Ruin and Juniper Terrace are contem­
poraneous masonry pueblos, and seem to have been nearly identical
in construction and lack of wall openings (Colton 1946, Fig.
76, 83-8^). Both have similar mixed burial patterns,

528
rectangular klvas, and artifact types» One of the first rooms
built at Bidge Ruin, Room 6, was constructed with a Chaco
masonry technique, as was the later Room 10 (Mc.Gregor 19^-1 t
151-52# 156| Pig. 53)• This construction matches Hawley*s
type 89 spalled blocks with core, which dates in the Chaco
at 1100-1116. Most of the Wupatki masonry# and, in fact,
general Slnagua masonry, matches Hawley's type 9# rubble oore
faced with small slabs (Brand et al* 1937® 68). Ferdon points
out that core-masonry, itself, may be a Mesoamerican trait
introduced to the Chaco after 1050 (1955® Mc.Gregor
believes that the evidence indicates an early settlement of the
Slnagua area by Chaco peoples. Such a Chaco settlement might
also be suggested at Wupatki. The ruin has Chaco pottery,
burial# and artifact traits, along with the round Dance Plaza,
reminiscent of great kivas, and parrot burials. Besides the
Chaco spalled-rock and core-faced masonry, the ornamental
rows of boulders in Room 35 (Pig. 68) are similar to bands
in other Slnagua ruins, such as the Citadel, and to decorative
rows at Chaco culture sites, for example, Aztec Ruin.
There is thus the suggestion of £$mo religious and
secular architectural trait introductions in the Wupatki area.
Colton has long maintained that Sinagua Pueblo masonry was a
post-eruptive Anasazi introduction (1943s 26?). If the
Sinagua are to be considered as basically Mogollon, this is
understandable. It is the same type of architectural change

529
which occurred under Anasazi influence in all Mo go lion regions
of the Southwest after 900-1000• Perhaps the lack of doors at
Wupatki is a reflection of the continuing tradition of roof
entrance, typical of the earlier Sinagua pit-houses.
The Dance Plaza at Wupatki is probably ultimately related
to the Chaco great kivas, but the possible rectangular kivas
at Wupatki (Booms *±3 and ^9) are earlier at Wupatkl, Juniper
Terrace, Ridge Ruin, and other Elden phase sites, and perhaps
in Padre phase sites, than in any other area of the Southwest.
Rectangular kivas may have originated in the Sinagua area. Per­
haps when the Sinagua moved up on top of the ground into mason­
ry pueblos their earlier rectangular pit-houses were adapted
for use as kivas, just as the Anasazi are assumed to have
adapted their earlier round pit-houses for kivas.
The Hesoamerican introduced Quetzalcoatl religious cult,
and perhaps associated parrot ceremonies, may have also come
from the Chaco area to Wupatki after 1070. Ferdon believes
that this cult made a strong Impression upon the Anasazi, and
«
was quickly integrated into klva ceremonials (Ferdon 1955' 25-
26). Modern Hop! and Zuni references to Plumed Serpents, the
shell conches said to produce the roar of the Plumed Serpent,
and drawings of such serpents on 14-th century Eopi pottery
(Pewkes 1898: 671-73# Pig* 266, 268, PI. 132), clearly indicate
its introduction by at least 1300, and its continuing impor­
tance in modem Pueblo ritual. The cult may well have spread

with Chaco influence to the Sinagua, and was then perhaps
530
carried by Sinagua Immigrants to the Hopi Mesas in 1200-1300#
Elaborate klva wall murals, often featuring parrots, are also
a late (post 1300) introduction, and are perhaps also ulti­
mately Mesoamerican (Jennings et al, 1956 s 113)* There is even
a Hopl Quetzalcoatl legend of a white savior who led the Hopi
people to the Mesas, and who promised to return (Nequatewa
I9J+7: 126-27).
Thus, the Sinagua, and finally the Hopi, were greatly
influenced by Chaco (ultimately Mesoamerican) traits of reli­
gious architecture and ceremony# There are several factors
which indicate that Sinagua peoples, themselves, may have
Immigrated to the Mesas. It is believed that the population
of the Hop! Mesa area sharply rose during the Pueblo III period
(Hargrave 193 2 * **2? Hack 19*4-2; 79), and continued to rise until
about 1^00. Several Hopi Pueblos retain legends of southern
clans Joining the early Hopi villages. They are said to have
come from an area called Palatkwabl or Palotquopi. The actual
location is uncertain, but the Gila-Salt Valley or the Tonto
Basin have been suggested. The word apparently means "old red
land in the south", or the "giant cactus country" (Mindeleff
1891: 25-26; Fe^&es 190^s 123). Several legends indicate It
was a land where Irrigation was practiced, and this, combined
with the reference to a land of red rooks, might suggest the
Verde Valley, where Sinagua peoples practiced irrigation near

vi.
531
the red rock country of Oak Creek Canyon- The legends state
that the people of Palatkwabi were driven from their homes by
a great flood, caused by the "water serpent" or "serpent dlety",
perhaps the Plumed Serpent (Mindeleff 1891s 315 Fewkes 1900s
5965 Neauatewa 19^*7* 93-9'+) • All versions of the legend agree
that the people of the Patki clan went to Chavez Pass Ruin, then
to Bomolobi and Chevalon ruins, all three of which are stated to
have been Hopi villages. They are, of course, northeast of the
Verde Valley, and are on long followed Hopi trading routes*
Finally, the legends agree on movements from these ruins to the
Hopi Mesa area (Fewkes 1900 s 5^3, 596; 190^: 22-2^? Mindeleff
1891s 26, 29, 31? Voth 1912s 142-^3).
The migrating groups were members of the Patki or Batkl
clans, including such sub-clans as squash, flute, cloud, tobacco,
hawk, sand, rabbit, agave, lizard, maize, frog, reed, eagle, and
acquatic animals* Fewkes believes that the squash and flute
clans arrived at an early date at the Hopi villages from
HomolobI» He believes that many religious ceremonies were intro­
duced by the Patki clan peoples, including women's dances, and
the important flute ceremonies (1900s 589, 596, 623, 627). The
kachina ceremonies, howevert he believes came* late, and from
New Mexico (1900: 630). Jennings et al (1956: 112-13) suggest
that they may represent post-1300 north Mexican introductions*
Fewkes also states that the agave olan brought ceremonies which
have Mesoamerican relationships, and suggests that the butter­
fly, bird, rain cl^ud, and Plumed Serpent forms were introduced

532
by the Patki clans In 1300, and were derived from Mesoamerioan
antecedents (I898: 6?l-98, Fig. 266, PI, 130-155; 1904s 25,
156).
Other legends refer specifically to Hopl migrations
from the Flagstaff or Wupatkl areas# Nequatewa indicates that
before settling at Shungopovi the Hopi were living near Sunset
Crater, Canyon Diablo, and the Little Colorado River, near
Flagstaff (1947s 35 )• He also cites legends showing the
Importance to the Hop! of Sunset Crater and the San Francisco
Peaks, where kachina spirits are said to dwell (Nequatewa
1932s 13-23). Mindeleff cites references In Hopi mythology
to settlements near the San Francisco Mountains, along the
Little Colorado (1891s 26, 32)9 and Fewkes heard legends at
Walpi describing how the snake clan came from the northern
pueblo of Tokonabi and settled at Wukoki Pueblo, a great house
50 miles west of Walpi, on the Little Colorado River, Fewkes
believed that the site of Wukoki was Wupatkl, and he originally
called Wupatkl, Wukoki. It is at the approximate location of
the site in the Hopi legend (Colton 1956s 23). Wupatkl also
has long been the traditional stopping place of the Zuni parrot
clan, which later joined the Hopl (Colton 1933a: 63), and the
Hopl parrot clans have legends which refer to Hopl parrot clan
burials at Wupatkl, Finally, the 14th century Hopl pottery
types found In several rooms at Wupatkl confirm early visits
of Hopi people to the ruin, and suggest brief occupations of

some of the rooms of the site. In short, Hopl legendary
533
evidence suggests connections of the Hop! and Slnagua before
1300 e
Thus the shift In Hopl religious and architectural
traits about 1200-1300 can be suggested to be due to early
Chaco (ultimately Mesoamerican) introductions to the Slnagua
area after 10?0, and Slnagua immigration and contacts in the
Hopl area at 1200-1300. This change, along with other traits,
may have created the Western Pueblo cultural synthesis, which
is still to be seen today. Along with architectural and
religious traits, changes in social organization and settle­
ment pattern took place. Hohokam groups may have contributed
to this change, and at least the ball court complex spread to
the Wupatki area. The political and religious systems must
have been in a state of great flux.

CONCLUSIONS
The attempt of this work is to delineate the cultural
traits of the people of Wupatki Ruin, and to suggest by re­
gional and temporal comparison of these traits their trade
relationships, contacts, and other factors which might lead to
cultural change. In addition, suggestions are made as to the
possible cultural connections of the Sinagua and the later
peoples of the Hopi Mesa region.
The founding of Wupatki Pueblo, at about 1080, was
made possible by the suddenly changed ecological situation of
the area. The land east and north of the San Francisco Peaks
below 6000 feet was too arid to farm before the eruption of
Sunset Crater in 1066-67. However, the eruption spread a
water-holding cinder and ash layer over nearly 1000 square
miles, and for the first time widespread agriculture was then
possible. Plant zones may have moved down as much as 1000 feet
in elevation in the ash-covered areas.
This area of new farm lands immediately attracted many
immigrants. Within 50 years, the population increased by a
factor of ten to approximately the density of the modern Hopi
area (8.5 per sq. mile). The Wupatki Basin, alone, may have
once had a population of 4000. Wupatki Ruin, which is on the
northern edge of the ash-fall area, was the most northern
53*

535
Slnagua site of any size* It Is located near one of the rare
permanent springs of the San Francisco Mountain habitat, which
was probably one of the main factors in the choice of this
exact location for the first settlement. Prior to the erup­
tion, there was virtually no population in the Wupatkl Huin
area, and probably no settlement at the site of the present
ruin* After the eruption, settlements sprang up all over the
countryside, wherever water was available* The maximum popula­
tion at Wupatkl may never have exceeded 120, but the population
of the small sites in the Immediate ruin area, many of which
probably looked to Wupatkl for their religious and clan affilia­
tions, would have increased the general population of Wupatkl
by at least three-fold* Tree-ring data indicate first building
at the site at about 1080, and major periods of construction
at about 1120, 1150# and 1180, or about one generation apart.
By about 1200, all construction ceased, but there was a ro-
occupation of a few rooms of the site in the late 13th or early
14-th centuries, by Hopi Mesa peoples* The site was thus
occupied continuously for five to six generations, and constant
repair and reconstruction of rooms in the ruin went on* The
utility artifacts, stratigraphy, ceramics, and architecture
do not 5 however, indieste any replacement of population in the
Wupatkl area, but rather rapid growth aad immigration*
The settlement pattern is a mixture of Anasazl and
earlier Mogollon-Slnagua traditions* The architecture is

536
basically of a post-eruptive Anasazi tradition, and was a new
way of life for the peoples of the area. The secular archi­
tecture bears close resemblances to that of the Chaoo Canyon,
and the large, round, unroofed ceremonial structure to the
northeast is similar to Chaco great kivas, and other unroofed
round structures found in Chaco influenced sites* Some of the
t
earliest rectangular kivas in the Southwest are postulated for
the ruin, and a possible Hohokam religious structure, a Casa
Grande ball court, is found nearby#
The architecture and settlement pattern of the ruin
thus suggest a transitional stage for the Northern Sinagua,
with indications of varied and frequent cultural contacts, A
partial change towards the Anasazi Pueblo village is evident*
This, in turn, suggests a change in social and political organ­
ization towards that of the Anasazi, A pre-emptive organiza­
tion of weakly linked nuclear families is postulated, probably
without kivas or other large ceremonial structures. Village
integration was probably slight# After a new architectural
style was introduced, however, the settlement pattern shifts
towards that reflected by the highly Integrated modern Pueblos,
and specifically towards that pattern found in the prehistoric
Chaco area. Clans or lineages, and possibly a moiety division,
are postulated. The large Hohokam ball court, Chaco-like Dance
Plaza, and central small plaza suggest an inter- or intra-
village Integration of political and religious authority.

However, the transitional nature of the pattern is evident.
537
The variation in religious structures, and of course the old
and new "burial patterns and ceremonial parrot breeding (again
perhaps indicating Chaco influence) suggest the varied cul­
tural change and contacts in process in the ruin area. The
northern Sinagua region is one of the few Southwestern areas
which has such a mixture of usually mutually exclusive reli­
gious architectural details. Great changes in political and
religious organization were in process#
The study of the large collection of artifacts from
Wupatki indicates similar trends* The postulated Mogollon
base of Sinagua culture is seen to be submerged by Anasazi and
Hoholcam artifact introductions, as was the case in several
areas of the Southwest at this period. Pew Mogollon traits
are noted in the Sinagua area after 1070, but Anasazi artifact
introductions are numerous, particularly in the fields of
weaving, pottery, and agriculture. Much less Anasazi religious
influence is seen in the artifact collection than is postulated
from the architectural details, but several specific Chaco
Anasazi, introductions are postulated which indicate religious
influence. These traits are often, of course, of a pan-
Anasazi distribution, but are either the earliest or most
clearly emphasized at 1050-1100 in the Chaco Canyon area. Thus
Chaco influence in the Sinagua area mainly emphasized craft
specialties, religious, and political patterns. These are

the very kinds of traits -which distinguish the Chaco from
all other Pueblo areas#
The unique traits of the Chaco may "be due to the
538
postulated Mesoamerican contacts in this region at about 1050-
1100. Ferdon (1955s 26-27) has stated that a group such as
the Pochteca, or Aztec trading class, may have been responsi­
ble for such contacts. The northern Chihuahua site, Casas
Grandes, was a major Mesoamerican trading outpost at this
time, and may have been a center for trading expeditions to
the Southwest during the Toltec period. A long list of ulti­
mately Mesoamerican items has been cited in the Southwest by
several authors. Items such as copper bells, parrots, nose-
plugs, bead spindle-whorls, weaving techniques, the extended
burial pattern, emphasis on turquoise mosaics, shell ornaments,
stone carving, figurines, architectural techniques such as core
masonry, ball courts, and possible large central plazas and the
new highly integrated settlement pattern, were most probably
introduced from the south. There is also evidence of the intro­
duction of a new religious cult at this period. The Quetzalcoatl
myths, butterfly, frog, parrot, and Plumed Serpent effigies on
pottery and in kiva murals, the conch shell trumpets said to
represent the call of the Plumed Serpent, and possibly even the
Snake Dance of the Hopi, and kachina dances, may have been
north Mexican introductions between 1100-1300.

After 1050-1100, following the Mesoamerlcan Intro­
539
ductions, Chaco Canyon influence, and migrants, seem to have
spread rapidly and widely, Chaco Influence or settlements
appears on the Mesa Verde, at Aztec, New Mexico, Lowry Ruin,
Colorado, and in several areas of northeastern Arizona, per­
haps as far north as the Cross Canyon area# Chaco-carried
Mesoamerioan influences may have been a partial cause of the
impressive and explosive Pueblo III Anasazi development# It
is at this period of widespread Chaco Influence that Chaco
groups may have moved into the Sinagua area, settling such
sites as Hidge Ruin and Wupatki# - Burial practices and impor­
tant religious and architectural traits probably do not spread
casually by diffusion alone, but more commonly by immigration
or frequent and constant contacts# The pattern in the Chaco
and Sinagua areas suggests the introduction of a major new
political and religious emphasis in the Southwest, first affect­
ing Pueblo communities in the Chaco Canyon#
Hohokam peoples were also influenced by Mesoamerlcan
culture, and have even been identified as peripheral Mesoamerlcan
groups (Jennings et al# 1956* 92). Hohokam influence was strong
in the Flagstaff and Wupatki area# The Hohokam traits at
Wupatki are utility, ornamental, and religious; but religious
and ornamental artifacts predominate# There is also one reli­
gious ceremonial structure# Moreover, the Hohokam utility
agricultural and weaving traits at Wupatki can also be

Interpreted, at least partially, as religious items. The
Hohokam influence seems to have "been strong only in the
period of 1070-1120. While some plant foods, agricultural
540
techniques, ornaments, and clothing traits of the Hohokam con­
tinued in popularity after this time, their architectural,
religious, and political influence was apparently not long-
lasting* Instead, Anasazi religious and political patterns
are characteristic of the post-1120 Northern Sinagua culture.
In short, Hohokam-Sinagua contacts were early, but trading
activity was probably a long standing tradition between the
two groups.
It appears that most of the traits characteristic of
the post-eruptive Northern Sinagua culture can be specifically
derived from the cultural patterns of the surrounding cultural
groups. Few unique Sinagua traits can be described. Little
cultural innovation seem to have been present. There is little
evidence of a standard or uniform Northern Sinagua culture, as
Schroeder (1961: 60-66) or Colton (1946: 273) have postulated.
Each site, in fact, appears to vary in terms of its artifact
types, burials, architecture, and settlement pattern, probably
according to the type and frequency of inter-cultural contacts
represented at the site. The Chaco influence seen at Wupatki
and Hidge Ruin (Mc.Gregor 1941) may not have been present in
all sites in the Sinagua area, nor was Hohokam influence present

in all sites. The term Sinagua represents a heterogenlous
cultural grouping. The term refers to an ecological area,
5^1
characterized "by several large immigrant populations of greatly
varied cultural background, which underwent a pattern of fre­
quent inter-cultural contacts, and rapid cultural change.
There is no standard pattern of change in the Northern Sinagua
area, hut rather a trend towards the Anasazi Pueblo pattern,
as guided by both Anasazi, and ultimately Mesoamerican, pat­
terns of political and religious organization. There were many
patterns of contact and change in the Sinagua region, but no
uniform Sinagua culture,*
This study has also attempted to appraise the contacts
between the Sinagua and the people of the Hopi Mesas. Legendary
evidence connecting* Wupatki Huln, the Sinagua, and the Hop! has
been presented. Data indicating clan migrations from the south,
and an Increase of Hopi population during the 13th century, the
time of the abandonment of the Sinagua area, has also been
i cited. Various traits are earlier in the Sinagua area than in
|
i the Hopi Mesa region, such traits as extended burials, rectan-
gular klvas, probably Quetzalcoatl ceremonies, including conch
; shell trumpets and emphasis on parrots, utility tools and tech­
niques of agriculture and weaving, new bean and squash plants,
and several religious artifacts. The similar climatic condi­
tions of the two areas, the similar flora and fauna, provided
a very similar environment• In both areas the same crops were

grown, and the same importance was attached to group drives
5^2
of antelope and rabbits. Both peoples apparently emphasised
the growing, weaving, and trading of cotton. Both groups
utilized a similar architectureal pattern. Finally, there is
Hop! pottery in some of the rooms at Wupatkl, and a burial was
dug from Wupatki which had been previously described in Hopi
legend. Sinagua clan immigrations to the Hopi Mesa area in
the late 13th and early 14-th centuries are postulated.
The major cultural traits which appeared in the Hopi
area between 1100-1300 are basically of southern origin. They
are often traits which were ultimately Mesoamerican, and had
been previously Introduced into the Hohokam, Chaco, and
Sinagua cultures. Many are religious traits. These are the
kind of items which define the complex Heed calls Western
Pueblo (1950)» and by I3OG, as he states (1950: 128-32, 136)#
the pattern is important for the first time all over the inhab­
ited northwestern Pueblo area. It appears to supercede earlier
Anasasi influence. Reed also notes that the change in Hopi
culture may be due to influence from the south, probably due
to actual migration of clans. It can be suggested that the
basis of the Western Pueblo pattern may be due to Mesoamerican
political and religious influence on earlier Hohokam, Chacoan,
and Sinagua area peoples.
In conclusion, it appears that the term Sinagua, after
10?0, should be used to refer to an area, rather than to any

5^3
one group. The Sinagua, and Wupatki s areas were characterized
by mass Immigrations and frequent inter-cultural contacts. No
new single cultural synthesis was developed among the Sinagua.
The introduction or diffusion of traits by Hohokam and Chaco
peoples, especially those traits of ultimately Mesoamerlcan
origin, appears to have shifted pre-emptive Sinagua culture
toward a more highly integrated and centrally controlled pat­
tern, probably of the modern Pueblo type. Between 1200-1350
the entire Sinagua area was abandoned, and several Sinagua
clans may have moved into the Hopi Mesa area. It is at this
time that the Hopi cultural pattern clearly changed, probably
because of the introduction of southern political and religious
traits which appear to have integrated with early northern
Pueblo traits to form the pattern defined by Reed as Western
Pueblo. Thus, while there was not a uniform cultural pattern
in the Sinagua area in 1070-1350» there was a new cultural
synthesis of Anasazi, Hohokam, and Mesoamerlcan cultural traits
in the Hopi Mesa area after 1300. This pattern continues to
this day. The people of the Hopi mesas are probably partially
descended from peoples of the Sinagua area.

Adams, W. Y.
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82
T A H
84
28.
97 > 98
99
HOPI
/ 29
100
96
87
#y>
94
95
30
I
53
86
88 8
FLAGSTAFF * 6 7 8 9 25 54
ARllZON A
62
22X
23 55,
24
50 49
52
ZUN
32 33
COLORADO
93
NEW
34
35
MEXICO
SANTA FE
38

MILES
PHOENIX
l69 66
L 67
68
72 N 60
TUCS0N\77 79
SONORA
• EL PASO
CHIHUAHUA
Fig. 8. Sites and areas of the Southwest. Numbers refer to Table 2.
39
%

N
WUPATKI RUIN
o 20
J
23)
FEET
ROCK OUTLINE
BENCHES
FLAGSTONE
CAVATE ROOMS
SUB-FLOOR WALLS OR
VENTILATOR SHAFTS
T-SHAPED DOORS
40
ZD