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Educational Psychology—Limitations and Possibilities

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Introduction 11<br />

In the practice of mechanistic educational psychology the belief that experts have developed<br />

the proper way to view psychological phenomena, the proper space from which to observe them<br />

becomes quite problematic when considered in relation to the infinite supply of observational<br />

contexts (see Bredo [1994]). Let’s think of intelligence from a 487th contextual perspective. Using<br />

research techniques such as factor analysis to reduce the complexity of a wide array of variables<br />

to a few ostensibly related ones, mechanistic educational psychologists find “the answer,” or at<br />

least “correlations.” As with Richard Herrnstein <strong>and</strong> Charles Murray (1994) in their best-selling<br />

The Bell Curve, fancy methodological footwork turns correlations between African-Americans<br />

<strong>and</strong> low IQ scores into attributions of causality <strong>and</strong> truth. Statistical correlations between African-<br />

Americans <strong>and</strong> low IQ scores are magically transformed into genetic inferiority <strong>and</strong> is the cause of<br />

African-Americans’ low intelligence. If it didn’t serve to hurt so many people, such an assertion<br />

would be humorous. This is where we begin to discern the tragedy of the naïve realism of<br />

mechanistic educational psychology.<br />

With these naïve ways of seeing so firmly implanted in educational psychology, numerous<br />

practitioners in the field find administering tests, determining academic grade levels, <strong>and</strong> assessing<br />

the developmental progress to be their main activities. Depending upon their scores <strong>and</strong> levels,<br />

students will be directed to particular vocations <strong>and</strong> life paths—I was told I should be a piano<br />

tuner because I was not “academic material” but had an interest in music. If such practitioners<br />

of ed psych come to question the validity <strong>and</strong> effects of their tests <strong>and</strong> measurements, they often<br />

do so on their own initiatives—few who taught them ask social <strong>and</strong> political questions of the<br />

process. Without such hard questions <strong>and</strong> without monkey wrenches thrown into the gears of<br />

such mechanisms, the poor <strong>and</strong> marginalized will continue to be relegated to unchallenging <strong>and</strong><br />

unrewarding life paths while the socioeconomically privileged will assume the good jobs <strong>and</strong><br />

interesting pursuits. These privileged students will continue to succeed in education <strong>and</strong> will learn<br />

the predigested knowledges of schooling because they have been assured that there is a future<br />

benefit to learning such material. Such students are not “smarter” than their less privileged peers;<br />

they simply have a different social relationship to school <strong>and</strong> its role in their lives.<br />

Certainly one of the most important dimensions of mechanistic educational psychology involves<br />

the dismissal of the importance of studying psychological phenomena in social, cultural,<br />

political, economic, <strong>and</strong> philosophical context. We see the results of such dismissal in the examples<br />

previously provided. Buoyed by this contextualization, thinking can no longer be viewed<br />

as a mere individual computational process. As Dewey argued, such a mechanistic perspective<br />

demeans the complex nature of thought. Thought is not simply a procedure that follows rules <strong>and</strong><br />

instructions. Even the most controlled bureaucrats can become brilliant rule benders <strong>and</strong> creative<br />

exploiters of the regulations they are given. They will learn to negotiate the dem<strong>and</strong>s of their<br />

bosses with the needs of their clients. Thus, their thinking is shaped by numerous forces that must<br />

be encountered <strong>and</strong> dealt with in their immediacy.<br />

These ideas about contextualization <strong>and</strong> the complexity of everyday cognitive activity are<br />

profoundly important as we consider the history of educational psychology. As psychology<br />

moved from behaviorism to cognitivism in the middle of the twentieth century, it worked to<br />

present a less passive view of the human. Yet, despite the effort, learning continued to be viewed<br />

as a mechanistic act with an end product of neat solutions to well-defined problems. In cognitivistbased<br />

educational psychology classes in teacher education, students were taught that learning was<br />

a technical, linear, <strong>and</strong> rationalistic process. Such students were induced to believe that teaching<br />

involved primarily the act of inputting data into the students’ “processing mechanisms.” Here it is<br />

translated into symbols, inserted into memory banks, <strong>and</strong> made ready for future usage. Though it<br />

was a reform movement, cognitivism adeptly retained the mechanism in mechanistic educational<br />

psychology. The mainstream scholarship <strong>and</strong> teaching of the discipline retains this mechanism<br />

in the twenty-first century.

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