Vol :37 Issue No.2 2012 - Open House International

w w w . o p e n h o u s e - i n t . c o m 

The journal of an association of institutes concerned with the quality of built environment. 

The publishing framework is shaped around the forces which act on built environment, 

which maintain, change and transform it. The content consists of articles which deal with 

these issues and in particular with responsive, self-sustaining and re-usable environments 

which have the capacity to respond to change, provide user choice and value for 

money. 

BOARD OF EDITORS 

Dr.Iftekhar Ahmed, RMIT University, 

Australia. 

Director & Editor-in-Chief 

Dr. Zainab F. Ali, BRAC University, Dhaka, 

Bangladesh. 

Dr. Robert Brown, University of 

Westminster, London, Great Britain. 

Prof.Marta Calzolaretti, Housing Lab, 

Sapienza Universita di Roma, Italy. 

Dr. German T. Cruz, Ball State University 

Muncie, USA. 

Carla Corbin, Department of Landscape 

Architecture, Ball State University, USA. 

Nicholas Wilkinson, RIBA, Eastern 

Mediterranean University, Northern Cyprus. 

DPU Associate, University College London, 

UK. nicholaz.wilkinson@emu.edu.tr 

Ype Cuperus, Delft University of Technology 

Delft, The Netherlands. 

Dr. Ayona Datta, London School of 

Economics, UK. 

Dr.Md Nasir Daud, University of Malaya, 

Malaysia. 

Forbes Davidson, Institute of Housing & 

Urban Development Studies, Rotterdam, The 

Netherlands. 

Diane Diacon, Building and Social Housing 

Foundation, Coalville, Great Britain. 

Prof. Yurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel, 

Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, 

Turkey. 

Dr. Bruce Frankel, Ball State University 

Muncie, USA. 

Prof. Avi Friedman, McGill University, 

Montreal, Canada. 

Catalina Gandelsonas, University of 

Westmister London, Great Britain. 

Dr. Ahmed Abu Al Haija, Philadelphia 

University, Engineering & Architecture 

Department, Jordan. 

Prof. Keith Hilton, Mansle, France. 

Dr. Karim Hadjri, Queens University, 

Belfast, UK. 

Technical Editing 

DTP Work 

Cover Design 

Subscriptions 

Published by 

Printing 

Cover Image 

Prof. Nabeel Hamdi, Professor Emeritus, 

Oxford Brookes University, UK. 

Dr. Sebnem Önal Hoskara, Eastern 

Mediterranean University, Northern Cyprus. 

Prof Anthony D C Hyland, 

Consultant in Architectural Conservation 

and Heritage Management, 

Durham, UK 

Ripin Kalra, Max Lock Centre, University of 

Westminster, London. and WSP International 

Management Consulting Ltd. (WSPimc), 

London. 

Dr. Mahmud Mohd Jusan, 

Faculty of Built Environment, Universiti 

Teknologi Malaysia (UTM). 

Dr. Stephen Kendall, Ball State 

University Muncie, Indiana, USA. 

Prof. Bob Koester, Ball State University 

Muncie, USA. 

Prof. Roderick J. Lawrence, University of 

Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland. 

Dr. Fuad Mallick, BRAC University, 

Dhaka, Bangladesh. 

Prof. Andrea Martin-Chavez, Universidad 

Autonoma Metropolitana, Mexico. 

Dr. Magda Mostafa, Associate Professor, 

The American University in Cairo, Egypt 

Babar Mumtaz, DPU, University College 

London, London, UK. 

Geoffery Payne, GPA Associates London, 

Great Britain. 

Dr. Sule Tasli Pektas, Bilkent University, 

Turkey. 

Prof. Gulsun Saglamer, Istanbul Technical 

University, Istanbul, Turkey. 

open 

house 

Collaborating Editor 

Dr. Ashraf M. Salama, 

Department of Architecture & Urban 

Planning, Qatar University, Qatar. 

asalama@gmail.com 

Dr. Mark Napier, Urban LandMark, Pretoria, 

South Africa. 

Dr. Masa Noguchi, MEARU, Mackintosh 

School of Architecture, UK. 

Prof. Ibrahim Numan, Fatih Sultan Mehmet 

University, Turkey. 

Prof. Paola Somma, University of Venice, 

Italy. 

Prof. Jia Beisi, University of Hong Kong. 

Dr. Peter Kellett, University of Newcastle 

upon Tyne, Great Britain. 

Dr. Omar Khattab, University of Kuwait. 

Dr. Levente Mályusz, Budapest University 

of Technology and Economics (BME), 

Hungary. 

Prof. Amos Rapoport, University of 

Wisconsin at Milwaukee, USA. 

Prof. Seiji Sawada, Meiji University, Tokyo, 

Japan. 

Dr. Florian Steinberg, Asian Development 

Bank, The Philippines. 

Dr. Inga-Britt Werner, Urban and Regional 

Studies, School of Architecture & the Built 

Environment,The Royal Institute of 

Technology Stockholm, Sweden. 

Prof. H. J Visscher, OTB, Delft Univertsity of 

Technology Delft, The Netherlands. 

Patrick Wakely, Professor Emeritus, 

University College London, UK. 

Dr. Christine Wamsler, University of 

Manchester, UK and University of Lund, 

Sweden. 

: Yonca Hurol, Eastern Mediterranean University, Mersin 10, Turkey. 

: MAGUS, PK. 546 Lefkosa, Mersin 10 - Turkey. 777magus@gmail.com 

: Esra Can, Emre Akbil, Eastern Mediterranean University Mersin 10 - Turkey. emreakbil@gmail.com 

: C. Punton, P.O Box 74, Gateshead,Tyne & Wear, NE9 5UZ, Great Britain. openh@hotmail.co.uk 

: The Urban International Press, P.O Box 74, Gateshead, Tyne and Wear NE9 5UZ, Great Britain. 

: Printed by Eastern Mediterranean University Print House, Gazimagusa, Mersin 10, Turkey 

: By courtesy of Alain Thierstein and Anne Wiese in Diversity as a Unique Constellation of Superimposing Network Logics Fig.1 p.8. 

Delft University of Technology 

Department of Housing Quality and Process Innovation 

OTB Research Institute of Housing, Urban and Mobility 

Studies Jaffalaan 9, 2628 BX Delft, The Netherlands 

(Henk Visscher)h.j.visscher@tudelft.nl 

www.otb.tudelft.nl 

The Royal Institute of Technology (KTH) 

Division of Urban and Regional Studies, School of 

Architecture & the Built Environment, SE-10044 

Stockholm, Sweden. 

(Inga-Britt Werner) ingabritt.werner@abe.kth.se 

www.infra.kth.se/BBA 

McGill University 

School of Architecture 

Macdonald Harrington Building 

Centre for Minimum Cost Housing Studies, 

815, Sherbrook Street West. 

Montreal, PQ. Canada H3A 2K6. 

(Avi Friedman)avi.friedman@mcgill.ca 

www.homes.mcgill.ca 

Ball State University 

College of Architecture & Planning, Muncie, Indiana, 

47306, USA. (Stephen Kendall)skendall@bsu.edu 

www.bsu.edu/cap 

The Development Planning Unit 

University College London. 

34, Tavistock Square 

London WC1H 9EZ. 

(Caren Levy)c.levey@ucl.ac.uk 

www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu 

HousingLab 

Dipartimento di Architettura 

Ateneo Federato delle Scienze Umane delle Arti e 

dell'Ambiente, SAPIENZA Università di Roma, Roma, 

Italy. 

(Marta Calzolaretti)marta.calzolaretti@uniroma1.it 

http:w3.uniroma1.it/housinglab 

The Glasgow School of Art 

Mackintosh School of Archirecture 

MEARU, 176 Renfrew Street 

Glasgow G3 6RQ. Great Britain 

(Masa Noguchi) m.noguchi@gsa.ac.uk 

www.gsa.ac.uk 

Budapest University of Technology & Econ. (BME) 

Faculty of Architecture Budapest, Muegyetem rkp. 3. 

1111 Hungary 

(Levente Malyusz) lmalyusz@ekt.bme.hu 

www.bme.hu 

open 

house 

Aims 

The Open House International Association 

(OHIA) aims to communicate, disseminate and 

exchange housing and planning information. 

The focus of this exchange is on tools, methods 

and processes which enable the various professional 

disciplines to understand the dynamics of 

housing and so contribute more effectively to it. 

To achieve its aims, the OHIA organizes and coordinates 

a number of activities which include 

the publication of a quarterly journal, and, in the 

near future, an international seminar and an 

annual competition. The Association has the 

more general aim of seeking to improve the 

quality of built environment through encouraging 

a greater sharing of decision-making by ordinary 

people and to help develop the necessary institutional 

frameworks which will support the local 

initiatives of people in the building process. 

Open House International 

The journal of an association of institutes and 

individuals concerned with housing, design and 

development in the built environment. Theories, 

tools and practice with special emphasis on the 

local scale. 

Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) 

Resource Development Division 

Perpustakaan Sultanah Zanariah 

Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) 

81310 Skudai Johor, Malaysia 

(Anuar Talib) anuar@mel.psz.utm.my 

http://portal.psz.utm.my/psz/ 

Philadelphia University, 

Engineering & Architecture Department, 

Faculty of Engineering, P.O Box 1, Jordan. 

(Ahmed Abu Al-Haija) alhaija2@gmail.com 

www.philadelphia.edu.jo/content/view/448/590/ 

University of Malaya, 

Faculty of Built Environment, 

50603 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. 

(Md Nasir Daud) nasirmddaud@yahoo.com 

http://www.fbe.um.edu.my

Contents 

o pe n ho use inte rnat io na l jun e 2012 vol.37 no.2 

Theme Issue: URBAN SPACE DIVERSITY, Paradoxes and Realities 

Guest Editor: : Prof. Dr. Ashraf Salama, Department of Architecture and Urban Planning, College of Engineering, Quatar University, 

Doha, Qatar. e-mail: asalama@gmail.com 

33 

82 

53 

63 

72 

24 

EDITORIAL: Rethinking Urban Diversity 

Ashraf M. Salama and Alain Thierstein 

DIVERSITY AS A UNIQUE CONSTELLATION OF SUPERIMPOSING 

NETWORK LOGICS 

Alain Thierstein and Anne Wiese 

PUBLIC SPACE NETWORKS AS A SUPPORT FOR URBAN DIVERSITY 

Ana Júlia Pinto and Antoni Remesar 

A PERCEPTUAL APPROACH FOR INVESTIGATING URBAN SPACE 

DIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF DOHA 

Ashraf M. Salama and Remah Y. Gharib 

CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC INFLUENCES ON 

MULTICULTURAL CITIES: THE CASE OF DOHA, QATAR. 

Yasser Mahgoub and Reham A. Qawasmeh 

DIVERSITY IN THE PUBLIC SPACE OF A 

TRADITIONAL CITY - ZARIA, NIGERIA 

Shaibu B. Garba 

URBAN SPACE DIVERSITY IN SOUTH AFRICA: 

MEDIUM DENSITY MIXED DEVELOPMENTS 

Karina Landman 

DIVERSITY IN CONVIVIALITY: 

BEIRUT’S TEMPORARY PUBLIC SPACES 

Christine Mady 

A TALE OF TWO SOUQS: THE PARADOX OF 

GULF URBAN DIVERSITY. 

Ali A. Alraouf 

THE (IM)-POSSIBLE MOSQUE; SPATIAL MUTATION AND 

IDENTITY NEEDS IN NORTHERN IRELAND 

Fodil Fadli 

THE IMPACT OF DIGITALIZATION ON SOCIAL 

INTERACTION AND PUBLIC SPACE 

Susan J. Drucker and Gary Gumpert 

NEXT ISSUE: OPEN ISSUE – Abandoned Housing, Connecting Capacities, Hong Kong Private Housing, Korean Building and 

Construction Systems, Narrow Town Housing, Complexity and Creativity, Passive Design, Urban Squatting. 

Open House International has been selected for coverage by EBSCO Publishing, the ELSEVIER Bibliographic Database Scopus and all products 

of THOMSON ISI index bases, SSCI, A&HCI,CC/S&BS and CC/A&H The journal is also listed on the following Architectural index lists: 

RIBA, ARCLIB, AVERY and EKISTICS. Open House International is online for subscribers and gives limited access for non-subscribers at 

www.openhouse-int.com 

4 

6 

15 

24 

33 

42 

53 

63 

72 

82 

92 

1 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 

Previous Issues 

Edited by Nicholas Wilkinson RIBA, Eastern 

Mediterranean University, North Cyprus. 

DPU Associate, University College London, UK. 

nicholaz.wilkinson@emu.edu.tr 

Edited by Nicholas Wilkinson RIBA, Eastern 

Mediterranean University, North Cyprus. 

DPU Associate, University College London, UK. 

nicholaz.wilkinson@emu.edu.tr 

2 

Vol. 37 No. 1 2012 

open house international 

OPEN ISSUE 

Editorial 

Nicholas Wilkinson 

The validity of previ, lima, peru, forty years on Julián Salas (CSIC-IETCC), 

Patricia Lucas (CSIC-IETCC) 

Examining the potential for mass customization of housing in Malaysia Md. 

Nasir Daud, Hasniyati Hamzah and Yasmin Mohd Adnan 

Comparison of post-disaster housing procurement methods in rural areas of 

Turkey Neşe Dikmen, Soofia Tahira Elias Ozkan, Colin Davidson 

Remodeling of the vernacular in Bukchon Hanoks 

Jieheerah Yun 

A ‘fareej-in-the-sky’: Towards a community-oriented design for high rise residential 

buildings in the UAE Khaled Galal Ahmed 

Environments of change: An open building approach towards a design solution 

for an informal settlement in Mamelodi, South Africa Donovan Gottsmann, 

Amira Osman 

Alienation of traditional habitats & shelters in Jordanian villages 

Ahmed Abu Al Haija 

A reading in critical regionalism: analysis of two houses by Han Tumertekin 

Hilal Aycı & Esin Boyacıoğlu 

Vol. 36 No. 4 2011 


OPEN ISSUE 

Editorial 

Nicholas Wilkinson 

Future Direction Of Sustainable Buildings In Japan- 

Tetsuya Saigo, Seiji Sawada & Yositika Utida 

Flexibility Of Traditional Buildings And Craftsmanship In China- 

Jia Beisi & Jiang Yingying 

Applying Eco-Features Of Traditional Vietnamese Houses To Contemporary 

High-Rise Housing- Le Thi Hong Na & Jin-Ho Park 

Virtual Prototyping For Open Building Design- 

Şule Taşlı Pektaş & Bülent Özgüç 

Similarities And Differences Between Contemporary Turkish Houses And Those 

Worldwide- Şengül Öymen Gür & Şengül Yalçınkaya Erol 

New Trends In The Dutch Housing Market- 

Peter Boelhouwer & Joris Hoekstra 

The Bedouin Tent In Comparison With Uae Housing Provision- 

Ali Al Amaireh 

Child -Friendly Urban Environment And Playgrounds In Warsaw- 

Anna Pawlikowska-Piechotka 

Environmental And Social Issues In Jordanian Low-Income Housing Design- 

Ahmed Abu Al Haija 

Book Review- 

Jia Beisi.

Previous Issues 



Theme Issue: AFFORDABLE HOUSING: QUALITY AND 

LIFESTYLE THEORIES. 

Editorial 

Ashraf M. Salama and Urmi Sengupta 

Trans-Disciplinary Knowledge For Affordable Housing - 

Ashraf M. Salama 

The Housing Triangulation: A Discourse On Quality, Affordability And Lifestyles 

In India - Urmi Sengupta 

Modeling Quality And Housing Preferences For Affordable New Housing 

Developments - Alina Delgado and Frank De Troyer 

The Cost Of Housing: More Than Just Dollars - R.J. Fuller and U.M. de Jong 

Affordable Housing In Turkey: User Satisfaction In Toki Houses - Miray Gür 

and Neslihan Dostoğlu 

Minimum Energy- Maximum Space: Higher-Density Attached Family Housing - 

N. K. Burford, J. Thurrot, A.D. Pearson 

Lifestyle And Affordability Choices In Traditional Housing Of Old Dhaka - 

Iftekhar Ahmed 

Towards Affordability: Maximizing Use Value In Low-Income Housing- Dina 

Shehayeb and Peter Kellett 

Which Is Better, Social Houses Or Gecekondus? An Empirical Study On Izmir’s 

Residents - Ebru Cubukcu 

Challenges And Prospects For Affordable And Sustainable Housing: The Case 

Of Yola, Nigeria- Jallaludeen Muazu and Derya Oktay 

Squatter Housing As A Model For Affordable Housing In Developing Countries 

- Elmira Gür and Yurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel 



Theme Issue: TOWARDS A SUSTAINABLE CITY: 

PIECEMEAL vs GRAND PLANNING 

Editorial 

Yurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel 

Sustainability, Professıonalism and Urban Design; a Learning Process- 

Martin Symes † 

Traditional Urban Planning Approaches and Sustainable City- 

Syful Islam 

Connectivıty in the Multi-Layered City: Towards the Sustainable City- 

Bob Brown 

Conservation and Maintenance as a Means of Sustainable Development - 

Finnish Perspective- Kaisa Broner-Bauer 

Adaptive Re-Use and Urban Regeneration in Dhaka - A Theoretical Exploration- 

Quazi M. Mahtab-Uz-Zaman 

Residents' Perception of Home Range in Cairo- 

Aleya Abdel-Hadi, Eman El-Nachar & Heba Safieldin 

Green Design of Tall Buildings in Kuwait: Obstacles & Opportunities- 

Omar Khattab & Adil Al-Mumin 

Architectural Continuity Towards Cultural Sustainability in Bodrum- 

Nezih Ayıran 

Rethinking the Local Knowledge Approach to Placemaking: Lessons From 

Turkey- Mahyar Arefi 

Planning and Sustaınability Trajectorıes in a Rapidly Growing Metropolis: 

Istanbul- Mehmet Doruk Özügül & Hüseyin Cengiz 

Guest Edited by Ashraf M. Salama 

Department of Architecture and Urban Planning, 

Qatar University& Urmi Sengupta School of 

Planning, Architecture and Civil Engineering Queen’s 

University, Belfast. 

Guest Edited by Prof. Yurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel. 

Istanbul Technical University, Department of 

Architecture, Istanbul, Turkey. 

3 


ashraf M. salama and alain theirstein 

open house international vol.37 no.2, June 2012 

Editorial 

R ethinking URb an DiveR sity 

With their socio-physical, socio-economic, sociocultural, 

and sociopolitical presence cities have 

always been highly differentiated spaces expressive 

of heterogeneity, diversity of activities, entertainment, 

excitement, and pleasure. they have been 

(and still are) melting pots for the formulation of 

and experimentation with new philosophies and 

religious and social practices. they produce, reproduce, 

represent, and convey much of what counts 

today as culture, knowledge, and politics. Urban 

spaces within cities are no exception; they are 

places for the pursuit of freedom, un-oppressed 

activities and desires, but also ones characterized 

by systematic power, oppression, domination, 

exclusion, and segregation. in dealing with these 

polar qualities diversity has become one of the new 

doctrines of city planners, urban designers, and 

architects. it continues to be at the center of recent 

urban debates. Little is known, however, on how 

urban space diversity can be achieved. 

in recent rhetoric, diversity denotes in 

generic terms a mosaic of people who bring a variety 

of ethnic and cultural backgrounds, styles, perspectives, 

values and beliefs as assets to the groups 

and organizations with which they interact. 

however, in urban discourses it has been addressed 

as having multiple meanings that include mixing 

building types, mixing physical forms, and mixing 

people of different social classes, racial and ethnic 

backgrounds. While some theorists attribute diversity 

to the socio-physical aspects of homogeneity 

within heterogeneity, social differentiation without 

exclusion, variety, and publicity, others associate it 

with socio-political aspects of assimilation, integration, 

and segregation. While some of these meanings 

represent a concern for a specific group of 

professionals including architects and urban 

designers, urban planners, cultural analysts and 

abstract theorists, they all agree that each meaning 

or aspect of diversity is linked to the others; they all 

call for strategies for urban development that stimulate 

socio-physical heterogeneity. 

With the goal of unveiling lessons learned 

on urban diversity from various cases in different 

parts of the world, this issue of Open house 

international selects ten papers after a rigorous 

review process. the edition encompasses several 

4 

objectives. it aims at providing a conceptualization 

of urban diversity while articulating its underlying 

contents and mechanisms by exploring the variety 

of meanings adopted in the urban literature. in 

essence, it attempts to establish models for discerning 

urban space diversity while mapping such models 

on selected case studies from europe, african, 

and the Middle east. 

in the context of europe two papers 

address urban diversity on different scales. the discussion 

of diversity in the work of thierstein and 

Weise is undertaken at a regional scale where the 

regeneration of former industrial sites is regarded 

as a unique opportunity to actively direct urban 

development in the context of germany. based on 

the notion that urban form shapes urban life and 

vice versa, thierstein and Weise suggest a framework 

that integrates the material city and the immaterial 

relations that develop at different scales that 

range from the plot, the quarter, to the city, the 

region, or to the polycentric megacity region. along 

the same line of thinking Pinto and Remesar argue 

that public space is structured in a cohesive system 

on different territorial scales within the city, forming 

a ‘network of networks’. they suggest a method 

that assesses the cohesion of public space networks 

within the urban structure of the neighbourhood as 

well as the surrounding networks. in this respect, 

two cases are selected from barcelona to delineate 

that urban cohesion is conceptualized to integrate 

the physical form of the city and the city’s socioeconomic 

and socio-cultural dynamics. 

Debating urban diversity in cities of the 

arabian Peninsula, the work of salama and 

gharib; Mahgounb and Qawasmeh; and alrouf, 

illustrates different narratives on the urban condition. 

salama and gharib argue that little attention 

has been paid to several growth aspects in the city 

of Doha, including the understanding of urban 

space diversity and the resulting inhabitants’ spatial 

experience, their attitudes toward emerging urbanized 

spaces. their work explores urban spaces as 

perceived and experienced by different groups 

through an investigation of a number of key spaces 

and by utilizing attitude surveys. they assert the 

conjecture that urban spaces are perceived and 

experienced differently by different groups based on 

their gender, age, and cultural background and 

conclude with suggestions toward a more inclusive

approach to the design of the city’s urban spaces. 

in the same context, Mahgoub and Qawasmeh 

maintain that urban spaces define limits and 

boundaries for social experiences and interaction 

based on the cultural and economic background. 

they propose important measures to improve the 

quality of urban experience of the diverse cultural 

groups within Doha. On the other hand, alraouf 

offers an interpretation of how traditional markets 

(souqs) can be conceived as a catalyst for achieving 

urban diversity. he introduces important issues 

that pertain to cultural diversity and national identity 

as they relate to two cases from the cities of Doha 

and Manama. 

in the context of the african Continent, the 

work of garba and Landman manifests a number 

of aspects related to diversity. taking the case of the 

traditional city of Zaria, nigeria, garba examines 

patterns of diversity while identifying critical issues 

facilitate the quest for urban diversity. these include 

place attractiveness, appropriateness of development 

scale and embedded settings for activities, 

and regime of access and participation. in the context 

of south africa, Landman’s work explores the 

multiple meanings of place diversity with an 

emphasis on medium density mixed housing developments. 

her work highlights a number of paradoxes 

that emerge as a result of context-specific 

realities. yes, it articulates key parameters toward 

designing for diversity. 

Other papers in this issues include cases 

and discussion on key issues related urban diversity. 

this is evident in the work of Christine Mady who 

discusses to the temporal dimension in public 

spaces of beirut, the work of Fodil Fadli who discusses 

spatial needs of a Muslim minority community 

in the context of northern ireland, and Drucker 

and gumpert who offer an articulation on the relationship 

between digital technology and social 

interaction in the public space. 

it is believed that the ten papers selected in 

this issue of Open house international advance the 

literature on urban diversity. While offering cases 

from specific contexts in europe, african, and the 

Middle east, they invigorate previous knowledge 

generated from urban literature and assert the need 

to continuously re-assess the urban condition in the 

quest for urban diversity. 

Prof. Dr. ashraf M. salama 

Department of architecture and Urban Planning 

Qatar University, Doha, Qatar. 

asalama@qu.edu.qa , asalama@gmail.com 

Prof. Dr. alain thierstein 

Department of architecture 

institute for spatial and territorial Development 

arcisstrasse 21, 80333 Muenchen germany. 

thierstein@tum.de 

5 

open house international vol.37 no.2, June 2012 ashraf M. salama and alain theirstein

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Diversity as a unique constellation of superimposing network logics. 

INTRODUC TION 

DIVERSITY AS A UNIQUE CONSTELLATION OF SUPER- 

IMPOSING NETWORK LOGICS. 

The urban space is the result of multiple processes 

of generation, formation, emergence, development 

and implementation – to different degrees conspicuous, 

conscious and specific, overlapping and 

sequential in time. It is the temporary product of a 

multitude of exchange relations – material and 

immaterial – giving a provisional ordering to urban 

life through their underlying network logic (Latour et 

al, 1998). The urban form as the material sediment 

and urban life as the immaterial field of activity are 

equally important components to urban space. 

Moreover, the underlying processes are constitutive 

to Urban Space Diversity, as urban form shapes 

urban life and vice versa. In an economic system, 

where knowledge is the key resource, space 

becomes the principal mode of social ordering and 

control (Harvey, 1989; Soja, 1989). Architectural 

and urban design research in this context focuses 

on the production of qualitatively different spatial 

conditions based on local interactions between relevant 

networks. The immanent field of relations 

between nodes of a network manifests difference 

6 

Alain Thierstein and Anne Wiese 

A bstract 

In the context of the European city, the regeneration of former industrial sites is a unique opportunity to actively steer 

urban development. These plots of land gain strategic importance in actively triggering development on the city scale. 

Ideally, these interventions radiate beyond the individual site and contribute to the strengthening of the location as a 

whole. International competition between locations is rising and prosperous development a precondition for wealth and 

wellbeing. This approach to the regeneration of inner city plots makes high demands on all those involved. Our framework 

suggests a stronger focus of the conceptualization and analysis of idiosyncratic resources, to enable innovative 

approaches in planning. On the one hand, we are discussing spatially restrained urban plots, which have the capacity 

and need to be reset. On the other hand, each plot is a knot in the web of relations on a multiplicity of scales. The 

material city is nested into a set of interrelated scale levels – the plot, the quarter, the city, the region, potentially even 

the polycentric megacity region. The immaterial relations however span a multicity of scale levels. The challenge is to 

combine these two perspectives for their mutual benefit. The underlying processes are constitutive to urban space diversity, 

as urban form shapes urban life and vice versa. 

Keywords: Urban development, relational planning, European city, resource-based development. 

and is constituted via other nodes of the network, 

delineating urban space. The resultant configurations 

are regarded as loosely bounded aggregates 

characterized by porosity and local interconnectivity 

conducive to human activity. 

Urban development in this context 

becomes the art of mediating this interplay and providing 

the flexibility for adaptation in ever changing 

configurations (Eisinger, 2010). The urban space, 

rather than being an object in itself, is constituted by 

its relations between physical substance and nonphysical 

flows as well as its position and meaning in 

the global network of interrelations (Lefebvre, 

1991). Urban space, the product, created and constantly 

recreated by processes of production and 

consumption that imprint on the physical and nonphysical 

environment of the city (Löw, 2001). 

EUR OPEAN U RbA N DEVELOPMENT 

In the last decade, we have seen numerous 

European cities trying to re-invent themselves as 

post-industrial hubs of the network society (Castells,

2000). Their rational is driven by the ongoing structural 

change in the economy, which leads to the relocation 

of material-intensive activities into other 

areas of the world and the rising demand of non- 

European markets, leading to a complex web of 

material and immaterial flows, coordinated by 

means of modern communication technology and 

based on knowledge as a key resource. The circumstances 

in which cities compete make it necessary 

to adapt the qualities of the urban accordingly 

and vice versa. The context of the European City, 

where space for development is scarce, poses particular 

challenges to the renewal and addition of 

‘urban space’. These cities are built with a history of 

development, which can hinder adaptation to 

changing demands locally and globally. The physical 

restraints of the existing and the non-physical 

conditions of control, influence and objective make 

interventions of larger scale increasingly complex 

endeavors from a public perspective. In parallel, to 

the overarching demands upon European cities in 

regard to the fulfilment of equal living conditions 

(German basic Law GG Art. 72 Abs. 2. German 

Planning Law ROG § 1. ESDP 1999) and global 

competition (Sassen, 1991) there is an intrinsic 

logic (berking et al, 2008) of the individual city. 

based on its past trajectory, which is critical to the 

successful implementation of urban development 

strategies by means of built form. The broad similarities 

of emergent schemes, however, are missing 

local specificity in both directions of the argument. 

The globalization of production and consumption 

has changed the field conditions for cities. 

Formerly, prosperous cities have declined and other 

places (mostly outside Europe) have gained strategic 

importance. The functional specialization of 

places became more pronounced. The global 

exchange of knowledge and goods has increased 

and made talent and capital sought after resources 

to secure prosperity. Cities have gained in importance 

as sophisticated market places for services 

and goods locally as well as globally. The traditional 

urban environment catalyzes knowledge transfer 

through density, richness and diversity. Knowledge 

with its various forms and focuses has become a 

more distinct feature of value creation. The supply 

of complementary and competing knowledge via 

firms and employees is a key factor for agglomeration 

effects to evolve. The risk of specialization and 

the division of labour is offset by a certain critical 

mass and a multitude of networking opportunities. 

In that sense, the urban reduces the transaction 

costs of knowledge at the benefit of the individual 

and the private firm (Thompson, 2007). On this 

background, many European cities have an opportunity 

to re-invent themselves as platforms in the 

globalized economy, based on a critical assessment 

of their knowledge base. 

The regeneration of former industrial sites fallen 

into disuse within the existing core cities is a unique 

opportunity to actively steer urban development 

towards sustainable economic and ecological targets. 

These plots of land, a residue of the logic of 

the industrial city, gain strategic importance in triggering 

development on the city scale. Ideally, these 

interventions radiate beyond the individual site and 

contribute to the strengthening of the urban 

agglomeration as a whole. International competition 

between locations is rising and prosperous 

development a precondition for wealth and wellbeing. 

This approach to the regeneration of inner city 

plots however makes high demands on all those 

involved. 

THE INDIVIDUAL C ITY - A U NIQU E 

PLAC E IN A RELATIONAL WORL D. 

Wirth’s definition of a city as “a relatively large, 

dense and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous 

individuals,” (Wirth, 1938) can only serve 

as minimal concept on the most general level. The 

qualities of the individual city need to be decoded 

from its co-existing and penetrating relational logics, 

which are exerting a strong impact on past, current 

and future development. Relational logics 

based on the physical flow of people and goods, as 

well as the non-physical flows of finance and control, 

resulting in fields of interaction. The spatial 

extent of these fields and its specific logic cannot be 

delineated a priori but has to be revealed empirically 

as part of the conception of the city (boudon, 

1999). Only thereafter it can be stated which forces 

are exerting an influence on the local and instruct 

the strategy of reset, including which actors are to 

be involved in such a project (bourdieu et al, 1996; 

berking et al, 2008). The interrelatedness of different 

field logics in the formation of the urban means 

7 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Diversity as a unique constellation of superimposing network logics. Alain Thierstein and Anne Wiese

Alain Thierstein and Anne Wieser 


Figure 1. Geographical (left) versus Relational Proximity (right) of Advanced Producer Services Firms in the Lake 

Constance Region based on the intensity of network connectivity. 

- to the local scale of intervention -, which it does 

not coincide with the network extent that imprints its 

logic locally. The flow of knowledge, goods and 

people is intrinsically linked to the historic, present 

and future form of the individual city (Graham et al, 

2001). The question of scale becomes paramount. 

The logic and scale of different networks penetrate 

the local situation. Not only the delineation of 

the task in question but also the possibility of one 

scale dominating the other or functioning as the 

principal or structuring scale rests upon the decoding 

(boudon, 1992). Urban planning needs to 

grasp these ‘multifocal, multi-perspective and hierarchical’ 

qualities and acknowledge them as central 

to the concept of urban diversity. Although, at 

first sight the local is part of a set of nested scale 

levels, the more appropriate imagery is foam of coisolated 

islands that are associated to other islands 

in a multiplicity of ways binding them momentarily 

or chronically to a multiplicity of larger structures 

(Sloterdijk, 2004). 

b ET W E EN S P A C E O F F L OW S A N D 

GENIUS LOCI 

What are the implications of such a framework for 

urban design? Urban diversity should be explicitly 

set as the start and end-point of idiosyncratic development. 

It is however, neither a blueprint nor a 

panacea for the European cities, whose diverse 

existing urban landscapes are sediments of flows 

8 

embracing different spatial scale levels delineated 

by qualities of exchange in combination with their 

specific site conditions. The relevant level for intervention 

is therefore not a pre-given but produced 

and changed by the place specific relational forces 

at work. An example of the divergence between 

spatial and relational configuration is revealed in 

an empirical study on the inter-linking firm networks 

of the Southwestern region of Germany. At first 

sight, the Lake Constance could be considered the 

linking element; however, the functional dependencies 

reveal an entirely different image.(Figure 1) 

A city is a relational product that is at once a 

hub and a transformer - a space of flows - of 

streams of people, ideas, goods, and services. 

Accessibility is critical in the physical as well as the 

non-physical sense of it. “There exists no place that 

can be said to be delocalized, everything is sent 

from one place to some other place, not from one 

place to no place” (Latour, 2005). Hence, connectivity 

within a network that gives a city access to 

resources for future sustainable development. For 

Urban design to fulfil this task it needs to be rooted 

in the existing and pointed towards the future, it 

needs to respond to global challenges and draw on 

global resources as well local needs and conditions. 

The current paradigms for development 

should be reframed with the above in mind to operate 

them in the effort to re-development: 

Creativity: the global trend of the knowledge economy 

propels the creation of a worldwide, increas-

ingly steeper hierarchy of cities; the capacity to 

innovate and create has become the competitive 

advantage of organizations competing for market 

leadership. Cities have been awarded a major role 

in this quest (Florida, 2002). Their diversity is seen 

to stimulate the exchange and diffusion of ideas. 

The unique combination of relational and spatial 

proximity stimulates the exchange of knowledge 

(boschma, 2005). A quality urban environment can 

serve as a catalyst by providing spaces of encounter 

and amenities. In their attempts to improve the rank 

of their own city in this competition, politicians and 

administrators are easily lured into this catchy solution. 

After countless cluster projects and cluster 

strategies, the new, hopeful slogan is “be creative!” 

In the competition for the most qualified and innovative 

labour force, the urban milieu is become the 

centre of interest (Florida, 2002). 

Attractiveness: Cities worldwide are increasingly 

competing for companies, qualified workers, capital, 

and attention—that is to say, for mobile factors 

attractive to businesses that are therefore free to 

seek their anchoring points in a globalized world. 

Ranking lists show the most successful, most attractive, 

or most easily accessible locations (Frey, 

2009). Through this competition, minimum 

requirements for a successful location are established. 

Waterfront developments are the most 

prominent example. In the attempt to compete with 

other locations for firms, talent and attention urban 

development programs on the waterfront are strikingly 

similar: a mix of private and corporate uses 

with offices and shops, water related recreational 

uses, touristic, cultural and gastronomic offerings 

and a certain amount of entertainment and event 

(Price Waterhouse Coopers, 2010). Although, raising 

the attractiveness of a destination, the effect is 

inter-changeability between local environments as 

capsules of a standardized life that can be plugged 

into an existing network of services and transportation 

(Cresswell, 2011). 

Competitiveness: Knowledge-intense processes 

and services have become the central factor in 

competing for companies and economic regions. 

Urban and economic development therefore focuses 

its efforts on providing pre-conditions for firms to 

settle. Amenities and Talent are seen to attract cap- 

ital, which in turn makes the urban environment 

prosper. Despite taking a relational perspective, this 

approach undervalues the city in its diversity of 

functions. City is a heterogeneous structure - an 

amalgam whose individual components are in 

demand as a “bundle” (Frey, 2009). Various economic 

branches and user groups are interwoven 

with one another through the supply and demand 

of functional and morphological qualities of space 

(Lüthi et al, 2009). 

Despite limited financial means and opportunities, 

European cities formulate high expectations. 

Equal living conditions throughout Europe are still 

the dominating mantra. In the form of strategic 

urban development proposals, they attempt to integrate 

across disciplinary arenas and levels of scale. 

The difficulty in implementing such goals is 

bundling spatially limited measures in such a way 

that significant effects are achieved in the city. 

On the one hand, we are discussing spatially 

restrained urban plots, which bear a capacity and 

need reset. Their existence is the physical result of a 

specific economic, social and structural trajectory in 

the past. On the other hand, each plot is a knot in 

the web of relations on a multicity of scales. The 

material city is nested in a set of interrelated scale 

levels – the plot, the quarter, the city, the region, 

potentially even the polycentric megacity region. 

The immaterial relations however span a multicity 

of scale levels. The challenge is to combine these 

two perspectives for their mutual benefit. 

This understanding of space integrates the built 

environment intervention with the use value of the 

city. It conceptualizes the physical and non-physical 

components of the setting as resources for an active 

resetting of the urban code of places. The systemic 

view taken enables urban development to be based 

on the existing qualities, capabilities, instruments 

and facilities in order to respond to implicit and 

explicit challenges in product and process. This 

conceptual approach to redevelopment aims to 

avoid standardization and uniformity of locations 

and cities as a response to international competition 

and fosters a development strategy based on 

the idiosyncratic and relational capabilities of the 

place. 

9 




VISUALIzING INTERDEPENDENCIES 

Architectural research has always sought to visualize 

the contemporary city as part of the process of 

reflection. The invisible forces and blurring boundaries, 

which are crucial to conceptualizing contemporary 

urban space, pose a particular challenge in 

this respect. However, within the architectural tradition 

the iterative conceptualization, visual representation 

and creation of models and images are an 

integral part of the problem solving process. 

Specifically the interlinking of Analysis, Visualization 

and Communication (Förster, forthcoming; Förster 

et al, 2009) is constructive to the evolution of a 

development process, based on the current 

European paradigm of inclusive, democratic and 

flexible planning (Healey, 2007). The integration of 

all actors involved, notably planners, investors and 

stakeholders, their motivation and means of delivery 

are equally important for the fulfilment of targets 

as the existing built structure. 

The conceptual diagram (Figure 1) illustrates the 

different anticipated levels and fields of action, 

which span across functional logics stemming from 

an economic, transportation or social perspective 

based on a project for the City of Nurnberg. The 

fields of activity arise through a process of calibration 

between potentialities and resources by a 

Figure 2. The integration of hardware, software and orgware to spheres of activity. 

1 0 

trans-disciplinary contextual logic. 

In the competition with other locations, the goal 

is to develop unique selling propositions based on 

local resources that are strategically valuable, singular, 

and difficult to substitute for or imitate. Under 

resources, we understand every kind of raw material 

that can open up potential within the context of 

urban development (Penrose, 1959). Resources 

represent the internal factors of the action model of 

urban areas that needs to be developed. The 

immanent potential of the local and specific can be 

developed only when supply and demand do in fact 

come together successfully in the city, in the location. 

For that to happen, internal factors have to 

work together with external factors. Figure 2 sketches 

the interplay of essential internal and external 

factors, which are explained below. 

First, there are the spatial, physical features that 

cannot be transferred: 

(1) the location of a city, whether relatively (in the 

heart of Europe) or absolutely (in the sunny south), 

can be a comparative advantage. Within the city, 

(2) the physical substance on various levels of scale 

- urban plan, neighbourhood, building - is the point 

of departure for future development possibilities. 

The provision of infrastructure, and especially (3)

Figure 3. The local super-positioning of network logics 

transportation infrastructure, is also highly important. 

That includes both accessibility within the city 

and within the region by means of a public transportation 

system and integration into the national 

and international networks of transportation. These 

features can be activated in the classic sense as catalysts 

for proposals to develop a location. 

(4) The people living and working in a city are 

another central resource for urban development. 

The population’s size, profile of abilities, and age 

distribution can lead to new potential because of 

the quantity and quality of demand. Moreover, the 

personnel makeup of (5) decision-making organizations 

plays an important role. These people in the 

city are, from the perspective of demand, a collective 

target audience of urban development and, 

from the perspective of supply, open up possibilities 

thanks to their uniqueness as a group. 

(6) General financial conditions achieve the status 

of a resource in several respects: in the form of 

the budget of the city or state. In question, the form 

of the availability of outside capital and the conditions 

associated with that, and in the form of other 

possibilities of financing such as public-private partnerships 

and public funding programs (Hall et al, 

2001). The opportunities when selecting financing 

for public and private projects are also determined 

by the organization of the state and the legal 

grounds. Decision-making processes are anchored 

in (7) a certain administrative structure with corresponding 

administrative actions; together with (8) 

structures for controlling the parties involved in the 

project, they can powerfully influence the result. 

In Europe, the opportunities for architectural 

interventions in a city are crucially affected by (9) 

ownership structures. In Western countries, the legal 

security of property is firmly established in constitutional 

law and has considerable influence on what 

can be achieved in the public interest. Ownership 

structures determine both the distribution of power 

and the deployment of materials. Land and buildings 

that are the public property can be developed 

in ways that benefit the city in more direct and targeted 

ways than private property can, as the development 

of the later can only be controlled indirectly 

by means of laws and regulations. In combination 

with direct and indirect control mechanisms, 

(10) the state’s latitude for action emerges, something 

we also understand as a nonphysical resource 

for urban development. Another factor is structures 

that influence the perception and interpretation of 

the physical and nonphysical resources described in 

the preceding sections. (11) Culture, tradition, 

experience, and reputation are thus potentially 

either catalysts for or obstacles to urban development. 

This list of resources potentially relevant to 

development makes no claim to be complete. 

However, it does, show how urban development is 

conditioned by mutually linked factors on different 

levels of scale. The goal is to couple them and 

actualize their value for the specific task in a strategy 

for space. 

1 1 




R ES I L I E N C E A N D F L Ex Ib L E S E L F - 

ORGA NIzATION 

The framework we have outlined here makes it 

clear that the immanent potential of urban areas 

extends far beyond its boundaries. These “dormant 

opportunities” represent an opportunity for the state 

to be proactive despite limited finances. On the 

basis of a strategy, different players - including private 

investors - can adopt active roles in the development 

process. 

A systemic perspective permits urban development 

based on the supply of existing locally specific 

qualities, features, and instruments in order to 

find solutions to the tasks with which the city is confronted 

from inside and from outside. The proposal 

presented here for how to approach the restructuring 

of urban areas aims to counteract the standardization 

and uniformity of locations and cities 

within the international competition. 

The framework makes it possible to initiate a 

process, which allows for flexibility and resilience, 

and thus considerably reducing the risk of failure. 

The complexity of urban development projects and 

especially the time spans associated with them 

demand a system that is in a position to react to 

changes in internal and external circumstances and 

to (re)organize itself. It is necessary to distinguish 

vigilantly between coincidences and patterns when 

new structures emerge so that the correctness of 

basic assumptions can be continually tested (Taylor, 

2001). because there are constant changes both 

inside and outside the system, it is particularly 

important to consider changing circumstances of 

supply and demand (Dangschat et al, 2008). 

Ultimately, people whose knowledge and competencies 

continually evolve influence structures and 

functions. by eliminating the separation between 

the controlling subject and the controlling object in 

planning practice, the constant integration of 

insights from planning authorities and those with 

interests in and affected by planning has become a 

best practice (Offe, 2003). 

Existing imageries of urban space such as the 

‘archipelago city’ and ‘collage city’ do not grasp 

this complexity, nor do they capture the highly idiosyncratic 

local conditions as a key resource. In that 

context, the metropolitan delta might be the more 

appropriate albeit still underdeveloped image. A 

1 2 

landscape determined by flows, local sediments 

and interrelated spheres of influence and metabolism. 

Highly sensitive to changes of flow in the river, 

tides of the sea and climate, constantly in flux. 

C ONCLUSION 

The urban space has changed into a complex field 

of interrelated activities through changed boundary 

conditions and additional factors of influence. 

Urban space diversity is the product of local and 

global factors, relational and positional qualities 

and material and immaterial components, which 

manifest themselves in a unique local configuration. 

For urban development, the local resources 

need to be matched with the demand of potentially 

conflicting interrelated scale levels. As a result, an 

increased amount of trans-disciplinary and anticipating 

work in research is needed, to reveal the 

underlying logics. In the light of scarce financial 

resources and existing urban systems in Europe the 

possibilities for a sustainable and future-proof redesign 

are limited. Urban space diversity is starting 

and end-point of our model of development. As 

vehicle of change, we suggest a spatial strategy 

iteratively linking conceptualization and projection, 

rooted in a critical assessment of resources. 

The dealing with these limited opportunities 

requires an adaptation of current methods of planning, 

responding to the multi-layered challenges of 

a relational concept of place. The mutual understanding 

and inter-linking of the information flow 

between practice and theory as well as between the 

private and public side is necessary to mitigate conflict. 

The result thereof needs to be multidimensional 

discourse aiming at the optimization of the system 

as a whole, which spans disciplinary boundaries 

in order to identify key interfaces thematically. 

Our framework suggests a stronger focus on the 

conceptualization and analysis of idiosyncratic 

resources. The conception of the status-quo needs 

to precede the projection into a future trajectory. 

The aim is to strengthen the innovative capacity of 

the future project and promote the negotiation of 

unique solutions in this field of differing scale and 

activity levels adding to urban space diversity.

REFERENC ES 

bERKING, H. and LöW, M. (eds.) 2008, Die Eigenlogik der 

Städte. Campus, Frankfurt. 

bOSCHMA, R. 2005, Proximity and Innovation: A Critical 

Assessment. Regional Studies. Vol. 39/1, pp. 61-74. 

bOUDON, P. 1992, Introduction à l’Architecturologie. Dunod, 

Paris. 

bOUDON, P. 1999, The Point of view of Measurement in 

Architectural Conception: From Questions of Scale to Scale as 

Question. Nordic Journal of Architectural Research. Vol. 12/1, 

pp.7-18. 

bOURDIEU, P. and WACQUAND, L. 1996, Reflexive 

Anthropologie. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt. 

CASTELLS, M. 2000, The rise of the Network Society. The 

Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Malden, 

blackwell Publishers. 

CRESSWELL, T. 2011, Geographies of Mobilities: Practices, 

Spaces, Subjects. Ashgate, London. 

DANGSCHAT, J. S., FREY O., and HAMEDINGER, A. 2008, 

Strategieorientierte Planung im kooperativen Staat. 

Herausforderungen und Chancen. In: Alexander Hamedinger, 

Oliver Frey, Jens S. Dangschat and Andrea breitfuss (eds.), 

Strategieorientierte Planung im kooperativen Staat, 

Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, pp. 352-367. 

EISINGER, A. 2010, Evolution not Revolution in Global 

Investor. Credit Suisse. Vol. 2/10, pp. 31-33. 

FLORIDA, R. 2002, The Rise of the Creative Class. basic 

books, New York. 

FöRSTER, A. forthcoming, Visualisierungen in räumlichen 

Planungsprozessen - Über die Gleichzeitigkeit der 

Arbeitsebenen Analyse, Entwurf, Organisation und Politik. In: 

Wilhelm Hofmann (eds.), Stadt als Erfahrungsraum der Politik. 

beiträge zur kulturellen Konstruktion urbaner Politik, Studien zur 

visuellen Politik, 7, Münster: LIT Verlag. 

FöRSTER, A. and THIERSTEIN, A. 2009, Planungsprozesse 

wirkungsvoller gestalten. Konzeptionelle Grundlagen eines 

Forschungsprojekts mit Ausblick auf Lehre und Praxis. In: pnd 

online, III/2009, http://www.planung-neu-denken.de/content/view/150/41, 

13.08.2010. 

FREY, O. 2009, Die amalgame Stadt. Orte. Netze. Milieus. VS 

Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden. 

GRAHAM, S. and MARVIN, S. 2001, Splintering Urbanism. 

Routledge, New York. 

HALL, P.A. and SOSKICE D. 2001, An Introduction to Varieties 

of Capitalism. In: Peter Hall and David Soskice (eds.), Varieties 

of Capitalism: The Institutional Foundations of Comparative 

Advantage, Oxford University Press, New York, pp. 1-68. 

HARVEY, D. 1989, The Condition of Postmodernity. blackwell, 

Oxford. 

HEALEY, P. 2007, Urban Complexity and Spatial Strategies: 

towards a relational planning for our times. Routledge, London. 

LATOUR, b. 2005, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to 

Actor-Network-Theory. Oxford University Press, Oxford. 

LATOUR, b. and HERMANT, E. 1998, Paris ville invisible. Paris, 

Les Empecheurs de penser en round/La Découverte. 

LEFEbVRE, H. 1991, The Production of Space. blackwell, 

Oxford and Cambridge. 

LöW, M. 2001, Raumsoziologie. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt and 

Main. 

LüTHI, S. and THIERSTEIN, A. 2009, Interlocking firm networks 

in Mega-City Regions. A new geography of the knowledge 

economy in Germany. European Regional Science Association, 

ERSA, 25.08.2009, Lodz, Poland. 

OFFE, C. 2003, Herausforderungen der Demokratie. Campus 

Verlag, Frankfurt. 

PENROSE, E. 1959, The Theory of the Growth of the Firm. 

Oxford University Press, Oxford. 

PRICE WATERHOUSE COOPERS, PWC Wertewandel an der 

Wasserkante – von der Terra Incognita zur Urban Waterfront. 

http://www.pwc.de/portal/pub, 13.10.2010. 

SASSEN, S. 1991, The global city, Princeton University Press, 

New Jersey. 

1 3 




SLOTERDIJK, P. 2004, Sphären Band III: Schäume. Suhrkamp, 

Frankfurt. 

SOJA, E. 1989, Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of 

Space in Critical Social Theory. Verso Press, London. 

TAYLOR, M. 2001, The Moment of Complexity: Emerging 

Network Culture. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. 

THOMPSON, W. 2007, The City as Distorted Price System. In: 

Frederic Stout Richard T. Legates (eds.), The City Reader, 

Routledge, London. 

WIRTH, L. 1938, Urbanism as a way of life. The American 

Journal of Sociology. Vol. 44/1, pp. 1-42. 

Prof. Dr. Alain Thierstein 

Department of Architecture 

Institute for Spatial and Territorial Development 

Arcisstrasse 21, 80333 Muenchen Germany 

thierstein@tum.de 

Arch. Anne Wiese 

Department of Architecture 

Institute for Spatial and Territorial Development 

Arcisstrasse 21 

80333 Muenchen Germany 

langer-wiese@tum.de 

1 4

PUBLIC SPACE NETWORKS AS A SUPPORT FOR URBAN 

DIVERSITY 

PUBL IC SPACES : KEY FACTORS I N 

T h E PR O C E S S E S O F U R B A N 

COhES ION 

Strong urban growth, a characteristic of the latter 

decades of the 20 th century, has given rise to many 

of the fragilities in terms of the urban structure. In 

some cases these fragilities emerged because the 

planning did not include integrated urban development 

solutions, resulting in processes of unplanned 

expansions. In other realities, the implementation of 

land use plans began in early 20s. These realities 

also have their weaknesses in terms of cohesion, 

and despite the fact that the set urban planning criteria 

(indices, densities, etc.) were met there is still a 

lack of adequate urbanisation (Busquets, 1991; 

Portas, 1999; Carmona et al., 2003). Cohesion 

problems, we face today, are mostly related to: [1] 

a lack of physical connectivity mainly generated by 

phenomena of spatial and functional segregation; 

[2] hyper-specialisation and economic hyper-spa- 


A bstract 

In the planning and design processes, the urban territories frequently face problems related to the lack of cohesion, not 

only regarding the morphological fragmentation but also fragilities of social and economic dynamics. The proposed 

concept of urban cohesion involves these two dimensions – the physical form of the city and the city’s socio-economic 

and socio-cultural dynamics. In introducing this concept our aim is to focus on the idea that public spaces play a fundamental 

role in those processes, understanding that they are organised in a systematic way. This means that public 

space is structured in a cohesive system on different territorial scales within the city, forming a "network of networks". 

Intending to contribute to the strengthening of urban cohesion, the study proposes a method capable of assessing public 

space networks in terms of their cohesion, not only within the urban structure of the neighbourhood, but also their 

links to the surrounding networks. This method assumes that the city is formed by diverse territories due to several reasons. 

Firstly, due to their specific history and genesis, secondly, due to their morphologic characteristics, and thirdly, 

because of their socio-economic and socio-cultural features. This leads to the key principle that the city is the place of 

diversity par excellence, and that it is this diversity that gives the city its own character and distinguishes it from other 

territories. Two cases in the city of Barcelona are analysed. The neighbourhood of Barceloneta, a historic quarter outside 

the city walls that is now part of its consolidated urban fabric, and the Baró de Viver neighbourhood, an area that 

can still be considered peripheral to the city. 

Keywords: Public space, urban cohesion, public space network, urban diversity. 

cialisation of the urban structure; and [3] problems 

of social exclusion, marginalisation and loss of 

identity. 

The study considers the urban structure as 

the set of elements, urban functions, and the relationships 

between them, which play a central role in 

the definition of the urban fabric (Alexander et al., 

1977). Therefore, cohesion problems bring with 

them serious consequences at the level of the urban 

structure, having direct implications on: 

Mobility/accessibility, they restrict the way people 

move within the city and limit access to the uses and 

activities offered; 

Natural structures, possibly leading to irreparable 

damage; 

Urban experience (social and economic 

factors), involving phenomena of appropriation 

and identity, but also of concentration/de-concentration 

of services, and hubs that generate dynamics 

which, depending on their planning, can 

advance cohesion or cause segregation. 

1 5 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Public space networks as a support for urban diversity.


open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Public space networks as a support for urban diversity. 

The fact that we are frequently faced with 

these types of fragilities that directly impact the cohesion 

of the urban space, has led us to develop the 

concept of urban cohesion (Pinto et al., 2010), with 

the aim of being able to analyse the factors that 

directly affect the urban development processes. 

The concept is the result of an application, 

on the urban scale, of the concept of territorial 

cohesion that was introduced by the European 

Union (CEC, 2004). Both concepts involve two 

important dimensions (Faludi, 2006): 

Territorial balance, tied in with the physical form of 

the city and its connections. 

Social and economic balance, endeavouring to 

ensure the whole population has equality in access 

to goods and services, but also that the different 

areas of the city (planning units) have diversity in 

terms of functions and cultures. 

The further development of this concept, to 

the urban cohesion one arises out of the need to 

advance from the definition of territorial cohesion 

strategies, to implementing concrete measures for 

furthering the cohesion of the urban space, given 

that: 

The concept of territorial cohesion is 

applied in the territory on a very large scale, making 

it impossible to tackle specific urban problems; 

the concept of urban cohesion makes it possible to 

minimise the dissonances introduced by the planning, 

and enables intervention on an intermediate 

scale; in other words, the scale on which the development 

of the urban design specifically implements 

the bases of the territorial planning. 

Jacobs (1961) and Lefebrve (1974) understand 

public spaces as collective parts of the city that 

play a key role in the urban structure and social 

appropriation, supporting morphologic, economic, 

social and environmental dynamics. Therefore, in 

opposition to some trend ideas (Sorkin, 1992; 

Amendola, 1997; hall et al., 1999; Soja, 2000) 

about the death of the public space, we would argue 

that both the recent political interest and the massive 

economic investments (Remesar, 2007) indicate that 

the public space is not dead. This conviction leads us 

to other types of reflection, supported by the idea that 

the public space has a central part in the structuring 

of the urban territory considering that “the city is the 

public space” (Lynch, 1960 and Lefebvre, 1974). 

Public space is the “agent” that furthers 

1 6 

cohesion in its dimensions of visibility, connectivity 

and accessibility, as it guarantees the mobility of the 

citizens in the whole urban territory. A quality public 

space benefits the identity processes, structuring the 

whole city and creating and maintaining places 

(Borja et al., 2003). The study departs from the idea 

that public spaces cannot be studied as a sum of isolated 

elements but as a network. Our objective is to 

analyse its cohesion, assuming that public space 

interventions are a gear for the generation of urban 

cohesion. 

PUBL IC SPACE NETWORK S 

Public space is seen as a set of elements endowed 

with its own articulator logic, forming a coherent 

whole at the same time that it becomes the support 

for implementing new structures of different natures 

(economic, social, morphological) (Carmona et al., 

2003). A network is defined as a set of elements and 

the links among them, in dynamic interaction 

(Bertalanfy, 1974). Public space is considered as a 

complex set of elements, linked and related in a 

dynamic way. Therefore, it is this complexity of 

spaces, connections, dynamics, relationships and 

complementarities that makes up a network of public 

spaces and constitutes the key to the advancement 

of urban cohesion. 

Accordingly, it is important to understand 

what defines a public space network. Pinto et al. 

(2010) studied the genesis and characteristics of central 

Lisbon public space network. It is found that one 

of the fundamental characteristics of this network is 

that it consists of two types of dimensions: [1] a physical/morphological 

dimension – “the sites” – which 

involves the urban elements that are a part of it 

(buildings, services, facilities, etc.) and the connections 

between these elements (hillier et al., 1984); 

and [2] the socio-cultural and socio-economic 

dimensions – “the places” – which involve the social, 

cultural and economic dimensions generated by the 

functions and activities offered, through the way in 

which different users appropriate the space, and 

through the capacity to generate new functions and 

activities due to the use of the public space network 

(Madanipour et al., 1998) (Table1). 

The study ascertained that public spaces 

derived from the city’s system of monasteries/con-

Table 1. Public space network dimensions 

vents constituted the basis for articulation of the public 

space network. Still today, these spaces play a 

central role in Lisbon. Drawing an attention to ask the 

question of whether there are public spaces that, 

because of their connections, their functions or their 

socio-economic and socio-cultural dynamics function 

as anchors in the structuring of the city’s public 

space network, so contributing to urban cohesion. 

Urban cohesion processes involve a multiplicity of 

scales, which range from the neighbourhood level to 

the whole city and even the metropolitan scale. As we 

stated, public space must be considered as a cohesive 

structure that incorporates different territorial 

urban scales, ‘relatively autonomous’, and so, forming 

a ‘network of networks:’ A network that encompasses 

the metropolitan scale (in the sense of the 

overall articulation of the urban territory), and [2] networks 

that operate on more local scales (Figure 1). 

Such study is useful for identifying the physical 

cohesion of urban territories and for detecting 

fracture points in those territories, and then contributing 

to the study of the urban cohesion of a city. Any 

break in the articulation of the networks generates 

Figure 1. Schematic diagram of the public space ‘network 

of networks’ 

urban segregation that cannot exclusively be put 

down to social factors, but it can also be determined 

by a break in the urban morphology. Public spaces 

considered from a network-based approach, will 

allow observing the structuring and articulation of the 

urban territory at different levels – formal, economic, 

social and cultural – (Carmona et al., 2003). 

ThE OPPORTUNITIES FOR URBAN DIVERSITY 

It is easy to ascertain that many of the problems of 

lack of diversity that emerge in our cities are linked to 

a lack of urban cohesion. The paradigm of the functional 

city entailed spatial segregation, resulting in a 

very determined spacialisation of uses with far-reaching 

consequences in terms of the conception of the 

public space. Furthermore, functional segregation 

also gives rise to intense social segregation processes 

by eliminating one of the essential attributes of the 

traditional city: residential diversity within one and the 

same territory and the coexistence of different social 

classes. The study is not arguing that the rupture 

introduced by modern urbanism is exclusively to 

blame for these segregation processes. Modern 

urbanism endeavoured to address these problems 

through the functionalisation of the space (zoning). 

however, the results were not as expected; on the 

contrary, some of the problems increased in quantitative 

terms, giving rise to new imbalances. 

It is no wonder that, in seeking solutions to 

these problems it is necessary to return to the paradigms 

of the ‘canonical city’, where the public space 

takes on the role of ‘social balancer’ of the city for 

all. The multifunctional public space allows for the 

coexistence of actors and a multiplicity of uses and 

functions. 

The emergence of the contemporary public 

space is sustained through the return to its structural 

mission: being exogenous to the private space. 

however, this return has not been pacific, in some 

cases because the required diversity did not result in 

residential diversification in the surrounding areas. In 

other cases because of the mobility and urban 

design policies were not able to strike a necessary 

morphological balance between the pedestrian 

and the soft forms of circulation, public transport 

and the ubiquity of the automobile. These are some 

of the problems, which have resulted in physical, 

1 7 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Public space networks as a support for urban diversity. Ana Júlia Pinto and Antoni Remesar



social and economic fragmentation, or, in other 

words, a lack of urban cohesion. 

These preceding facts have led us to return 

to the principle that the city is the place of diversity 

par excellence. Thus, the model proposed for the 

advancement of urban cohesion, in which the public 

space networks are the central elements, is 

based on the conviction that the city is made up of 

diverse territories. 

PUBLIC SPACE NET WORK A SS ESS - 

MENT 

Aiming to verify that public space interventions can 

actively contribute to further urban cohesion; to 

develop a method that enables assessment of the 

processes of urban cohesion in a neighbourhood’s 

public space network. This method also enables us 

to analyse the connection between the local networks 

and overall public space network of a city. 

With this method we intend to identify the main critical 

points where urban cohesion fails, paving the 

way for the definition of intervention strategies promoting 

that cohesion. With this in mind, the study 

investigated two different study cases in Barcelona 

– the Barceloneta neighbourhood and the Baró de 

Viver neighbourhood (Figure 2). 

Barceloneta is a historic neighbourhood 

that grew up outside the city walls. It is characterised 

by a morphological structure based on the 

military urban planning principles of the 18 th century. 

The neighbourhood is an important part of the 

Figure 2. Case studies location in the city of Barcelona. 

1 8 

city’s heritage, as it is part of the historic urban fabric. 

Baró de Viver is an area that can be considered 

peripheral to Barcelona’s urban grid. It was established 

as a working class housing area in 1929 and 

the fact that it is far from the urban centre, as well 

as its peripheral location in relation to the main 

road network, has given it a certain isolated character, 

even though it was integrated in the plans for 

development of the Trinitat road junction in 1992 

and, later, the recovery of the nearby River Besós. 

Currently, given its location, the neighbourhood 

represents the northwest limit of the large-scale 

Sagrera project. 

The choice of two case studies with such 

distinct urban characteristics had to do with the fact 

to compare and contrast the urban cohesion in a 

consolidated neighbourhood that is considered a 

part of the city’s cohesive public space network and 

at the same time in a neighbourhood that is peripheral 

to the city’s urban structure with a range of 

urban cohesion problems. 

The analysis of the two cases will allow us 

to assess the role that fixation of the urban layout 

plays in the configuration of the public space network, 

not just in morphological terms, but also in 

socio-economic and socio-cultural terms, advancing 

and stimulating urban diversity. At the same 

time, it will force us to reflect on the role of ‘boundaries’ 

as fundamental elements in the articulation 

among the local and overall public space networks 

in the city. 

ThE A SSESSMENT METhOD 

The method tries to assess urban cohesion of the 

public space networks of a city. This analysis, similar 

to other public space quality assessment 

methodologies (Whyte, 1980; PPS, 2000), is not 

limited to the study of the morphological factors of 

the public space network, but also includes the 

social and economic dynamics generated by the 

network. This is the reason why the study proposes 

a qualitative assessment method, contrasting with 

other existing quantitative methodologies, as for 

example Space Syntax (hillier et al., 1984). This 

type of methodology is very useful to evaluate the 

morphologic characteristics of the urban network, 

but we consider that to evaluate urban cohesion

Table 2. Methodological assessment steps. 

processes it is vital to take into account the dynamics 

generated by social appropriation and urban 

functions, directly linked to urban diversity. 

While some criticism can be addressed to 

qualitative analysis, especially regarding the 

objective character of the results (Ochoa, 2011), 

to propose some principles guiding the assessment, 

as well as theoretical and methodological 

permanent control of the interpretation process. 

In order to do this the study will adopt a consistent 

working approach, defining rigorous criteria 

and principles. The study splits the assessment 

method into two distinct levels: one on which the 

urban cohesion factors of the neighbourhood’s 

internal public space are analysed; and one on 

which the connections/ relationships between the 

internal public space network and the city’s overall 

public space network are analysed. 

In the Table 2, the methodological steps 

adopted are presented. Beyond the two different 

scales of analysis this method is composed of 

three different fundamental and interrelated 

phases: fieldwork; field work systematization; and 

field work interpretation. For each of these phases, 

steps of analysis are defined, carried out by 

assessment criteria and principles that will be 

explained later in this section. The table shows 

that the assessment begins with field work, privileging 

the direct contact between the researcher 

and the territory, using public space observation 

techniques (Whyte, 1980), mapping the direct 

observations in order to organize the collected 

data. 

The analysis of the neighbourhood’s internal 

public space network cohesion begins with 

identification of public spaces that play a structuring 

role, functioning as anchors on the local scale. 

These spaces are considered decisive for the neighbourhood’s 

urban cohesion processes, given that 

they serve as local centralities that structure the 

whole public space network. In order to identify 

these local anchors four fundamental criteria were 

defined (Table 3). 

Once identified the anchor spaces, it is 

important to analyse public space connections. 

These connections, together with the anchor spaces 

themselves, make up the neighbourhood’s primary 

public space network, in which the largest and most 

diverse number of activities is concentrated, thus 

generating the main social, cultural and economic 

dynamics. It is also this primary network that structures 

the neighbourhood’s whole urban network, 

1 9 




Table 3. Criteria for identification of local anchor 

spaces 

constituting the key elements that contribute to its 

urban cohesion. 

Once this primary network is defined, one 

has to evaluate the respective cohesion factors. This 

evaluation is structured on the basis of four dimensions 

that are considered of fundamental importance: 

access; sociability; activity/functions; and 

comfort (adapted from PPS, 2000). These dimensions 

include the physical/formal aspects and the 

socio-cultural and socio-economic factors. So, 

emerge other values and attributes, which are considered 

for the cohesion of a public space network 

(Table 4). 

This analysis also includes identification of 

the main problems or critical points in terms of 

cohesion, which, given the evaluation of the network, 

consists of identifying the points where cohesion 

is lacking, be it for reasons of a gap on the 

Table 4. Qualities, values and attributes that are essential 

for the cohesion of a public space network (adapted 

from PPS, 2000 and Brandao, 2008) 

2 0 

physical connectivity, social exclusion, marginalisation, 

monofunctionality or a lack of diversity. 

Concerning the cohesion between the 

internal neighbourhood network and the city’s 

external public space networks, it was evaluated the 

way in which the local network connects to the rest 

of the city, not only on the basis of the network of 

accessibilities that makes user mobility possible, but 

also in terms of the diverse dynamics that promote 

relationships of complementarity among the various 

city’s networks. In this context it is important to 

evaluate whether or not the neighbourhood network 

has public spaces, which constitute hubs of 

attraction generating dynamics able to attract users 

from outside the neighbourhood, i.e. from other 

parts of the city. 

The anchor spaces identified go beyond 

the neighbourhood scale, using the same criteria as 

those for identifying the local centralities, however, 

the scale on which these spaces have an impact 

changes. Attraction of users from outside the neighbourhood, 

can be reached because of their location 

or morphology (e.g., a square that occupies a 

central position in the urban structure); or due to 

their having facilities that offer central functions, 

attracting large numbers of users (e.g., a hospital or 

specialised market); or for the fact that they move a 

large number of users (e.g., a transport interface); 

or due to the fact that they offer a 

differentiated/unique activity (e.g., a beach). 

The connections between the neighbourhood’s 

public space network and the external networks 

are another fundamental factor. here, it is 

important to analyse: [1] the quality of the existing 

connections; [2] the types of movements allowed in 

the existing connections; and [3] the spatial form of 

these connections. The observation techniques 

used and the map-based analysis conducted, 

made it possible to produce a summarising sheet 

that is presented in Table 5. 

Barceloneta Neighbourhood 

Located on a small peninsula claimed from the sea 

and integrated into a port environment, 

Barceloneta has grown as a traditional working 

class neighbourhood in a situation of isolation from 

the rest of the city. Despite its isolation, the neighbourhood 

has maintained a two-fold dimension of 

dynamics until today. The first, internal, it is

Table 5. Neighbourhood public space network assessment 

sheet. 

focussed on its public spaces with a high identity 

character that give to the neighbourhood a special 

personality. The other, exogenous and metropolitan 

dynamic, it has turned Barceloneta into a worldwide 

reference in terms of water sports, as it is now 

on Barcelona’s beachfront. These characteristics 

have made Barceloneta a hub that attracts users at 

a metropolitan and global scale. 

This double dynamics dimension is closely 

linked to the characteristics of the neighbourhood’s 

layout. The narrow streets form a kind of boundary 

for the external users, thus helping to create and 

maintain its strong internal dynamic. Furthermore, 

the fact that the beach and the port form the neighbourhood’s 

external boundaries furthers the generation 

of exogenous dynamics and the neighbourhood 

connects to the rest of the city only at its 

extremes (north and west), which means that the 

natural mutual permeability of the urban fabrics is 

not given in this case. 

For many years, the public transport links 

with the rest of the city were relatively weak and 

were designed only for bringing people to the 

beach. With the arrival of the underground and the 

expansion of the bus network, the transport links to 

the rest of the city are excellent. Car circulation on 

the neighbourhood’s internal road network is quite 

restricted. With this in mind, a 20 mph zones system 

was recently introduced in the neighbourhood. 

As shown in the interpretative map, 

Barceloneta presents strong urban cohesion characteristics 

balancing internal and external dynamics. 

Nevertheless, due to the heavy load of users 

during the spring and the summer, it would be 

important to improve the conditions of permeability 

between Barceloneta and the rest of the city. 

Some areas in the neighbourhood have 

also introduced dissonances in terms of urban 

cohesion. The study refers to two residential areas 

that, due to their characteristics, introduce a morphological 

break into the area layout, generating a 

number of “shadow” spaces in the territory. There 

has been a strong public space regeneration policy 

that has had a positive impact on the neighbourhood’s 

internal network (where the market and central 

square are), and a number of regeneration 

schemes have been carried out. These are now 

quality, comfortable public spaces equipped with 

functional features that facilitate socialisation. 

Although the neighbourhood is currently undergoing 

a rapid gentrification process, the characteristics 

of its public space network and the existing 

social structures make a healthy coexistence 

between the new and already existing residents. 

Baró de Viver Neighbourhood 

Located in the extreme north of the city, bordering 

on the Rio Besós, this is a neighbourhood that is 

peripheral and isolated in its origins, which is the 

Figure 3. Interpretative map of the level of cohesion of the Barceloneta neighbourhood public space network. 

2 1 




reason why it has built up its own culture and developed 

a strong identity character over the years. The 

neighbourhood has remained an isolated and 

peripheral space in relation to the city. This has led 

the residents themselves to campaign for quality 

public spaces that would put them on a par with the 

other residential districts in Barcelona. 

New quality public spaces have been constructed 

constituting a valued added for the cohesion 

of the neighbourhood’s internal network; they 

are anchor spaces on the scale of that internal network. 

Baró de Viver’s main problems have to do 

with its connection to the surrounding networks, 

given that it is closed in by road infrastructures. 

Furthermore, the main exterior anchor spaces are 

in the surrounding areas, and while they may be 

very close by, there are problems in terms of connection 

to the neighbourhood, such as: [1] the connection 

to the underground station; [2] the connection 

to Trinitat Park; and [3] the connection to the 

Rio Besós, where only the riverbank on the other 

side of the river from the neighbourhood has been 

Figure 4. Interpretative map of the level of cohesion of 

the Baró de Viver neighbourhood public space network. 

converted into a quality public space. It is this lack 

of connection between the neighbourhood and its 

anchor spaces, which are capable of attracting 

people from other parts of the city, that is the main 

problem as far as cohesion between the neighbourhood’s 

public space network and the rest of 

the city is concerned. 

2 2 

CONCLUSION 

City making must incorporate urban cohesion 

processes. If a certain territory is not accessible or 

visible and is not economically balanced, its 

chances of urban success are practically non-existent. 

Furthermore, the public space is the binding 

element that can provide the solution to problems 

of accessibility, visibility and social and economic 

balance. Thus, it is carried from the concept of 

urban cohesion to approach the problem of public 

spaces, through analysis of two study cases. 

The analysis was based on the concept of 

the public space network. This concept assumes 

that the public spaces of a certain territory [1] have 

an internal coherent structure and [2] that despite of 

its autonomy they are entailed with other areas of 

the city or even with the greater metropolitan area. 

The study required a qualitative assessment method 

based on the idea that public spaces have a structuring 

role in urban layout and city life, being the 

key elements to promote urban cohesion. This idea 

presupposes that the public spaces are arranged in 

a ‘network of networks’, that constitutes the city. 

Through the methodology proposed the 

study assume that the creation of a cohesive and 

coherent urban network is determined by: 

The existence of anchor spaces which function as 

hubs of attraction, standing out due to the connections, 

or activities they foster, structuring the entire 

network of public spaces. 

The existence of links among the different 

public spaces of the city, not only in terms of accessibility, 

bur also through the social an economic 

dynamics they generate. 

This method makes it is possible to diagnose 

the urban cohesion problems within an area 

of the city, enabling to understand the specific reasons 

why the cohesion is lacking and its precise 

location. Therefore, this type of diagnose can contribute 

opening the way to the improvement of 

urban cohesion through public space interventions, 

mainly in segregated, degraded, marginalized or 

peripheral areas of the city, where this problems 

assume a greater relevance.

REFERENCES 

ALEXANDER, C., IShIKAWA, S., and SILVERSTEIN, M. 1977, A 

Pattern Language, Oxford University Press, New York. 

AMENDOLA, G. 1997, La città postmoderna, Gius. Laterza & 

Figli, Rome. 

BERTALANFY, L. 1968, General System theory: Foundations, 

Development, Applications, George Braziller, New York (revised 

edition 1976). 

BORJA, J. and MUXI, Z. 2003, El Espacio Público: Ciudad y 

Ciudadanía, Electa, Barcelona. 

BUSQUETS, 1991, Àrees de nova centralitat, Barcelona, 

Ayuntament de Barcelona, Barcelona. 

CARMONA, M., hEATh, T., OC, T. and TIESDELL, S. 2003, 

Public Places – Urban Spaces: the dimension of urban design, 

Architectural Press, London. 

COMMISSION OF EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES (CEC) 2004, 

Third Report on Economic and Social Cohesion: A partnership for 

cohesion, Publication service of European Union, Luxemburg. 

FALUDI, A. 2006, From European spatial development to territorial 

cohesion policy, Regional Studies, Vol. 40, n.º 6, Routlege, 

London. 

hALL, C. M. and PAGE, S. J. 1999, The geography of tourism 

and recreation, Routledge, London and New York. 

hILLIER, B. and hANSON, J. 1984, The Social Logic of Space, 

Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 

JACOBS, J. 1961, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, 

Random house, New York. 

LEFEBVRE, h. 1974, La production de l’Epace; Edition 

Anthropos, Paris. 

LYNCh, K. 1960, The image of the city, MIT Press, Cambridge 

MA. 

MANDANIPOUR, A., CARS, G. and ALLEN, J. 1998, Social 

exclusion in European Cities: processes, experiences and 

responses, Jessica Kingsley Publishers, UK Parkinson M, London. 

OChOA, A. 2011, Cidade e Frente de Agua. Papel articulador 

do Espaço Público, PhD dissertation, Faculty of Fine Arts, 

University of Barcelona, Barcelona. 

PINTO, J., REMESAR, A., BRANDÃO, P. and NUNES DA SILVA, 

F. 2010, Towards Urban Cohesion: Planning Public Space 

Networks. In the proceedings of the 46th ISOCARP International 

Congress. 

PORTAS, N. 1999, Espacio público y ciudad emergente. In La 

arquitectura del espacio público. Formas del pasado, formas del 

presente, Junta de Andalucia: Triennale di Milano, Milan. 

PROJECT FOR PUBLIC SPACES 2000, How to Turn a Place 

Around, PPS, New York. 

REMESAR, A. 2007, Public space is not dead, On the Waterfront, 

n.º 10, Barcelona. 

SOJA, E. 2000, Postmetropolis, Blackwell, Massachussetts. 

SORKIN, M. 1992, Variations on the theme park, hill and Wang, 

New York. 

WhYTE, W. 1980, The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces, Project 

for Public Spaces, New York. 

Acknowledgements 

The authors gratefully acknowledge the support of Fundação 

para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) under the PhD grant SFRh 

/ BD / 62640 / 2009 and the Spanish project hAR2009- 

13989-C02-01 and the Catalan project 2009SGR0940. 

Ms. Ana Júlia Pinto 

PhD Candidate 

University of Barcelona, Spain 

ajulia.pinto@gmail.com 

Professor Antoni Remesar 

Faculty of Fine Arts 

University of Barcelona, Spain 

aremesar@ub.edu or aremesar@gmail.com 

2 3 


open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 A perceptual approach for investigating urban space diversity in the city of Doha. 

INTRODUC TION 

Historically, Doha was a fishing and pearl diving 

town. Today, the capital is home to more than 90% 

of the country’s 1.7 million people, with over 80% 

professional expatriates from other countries. Up to 

the mid 1960s, the majority of the buildings were 

individual traditional houses that presented local 

responses to the surrounding physical and sociocultural 

conditions. During the 1970s Doha was 

transformed into a modernized city. However, in the 

1980s and early 1990s the development process 

was slow compared to the preceding period due to 

either the overall political atmosphere and the first 

Gulf war or the heavy reliance of the country on the 

resources and economy of neighboring countries 

(Salama, 2008). 

Over the past few years, the city has 

acquired a geo-strategic importance. Through the 

shift of global economic forces, it is being developed 

as a service hub (together with other major cities in 

the region such as Abu-Dhabi, Dubai, and 

Manama) between old economies of Western 

Europe and the rising economies of Asia. In the context 

of international competition between cities new 

2 4 

A PERCEPTUAL APPROACH FOR INVESTIGATING 

URBAN SPACE DIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF DOHA 


A bstract 

The city of Doha is growing rapidly with emerging urban nodes and centers, housing development. Little attention however 

has been paid to several growth aspects including the understanding of urban space diversity and the resulting 

inhabitants’ spatial experience, their attitudes toward emerging urbanized spaces. Utilizing a perceptual approach in 

the form of an attitude survey, this paper explores urban spaces in the city of Doha as perceived and experienced by 

different groups. An investigation of a number of key urban spaces is undertaken through the identification of key urban 

nodes that are identified based on parameters that include density, commercial activity, and public accessibility. Spaces 

are examined from the perspective of Doha’s inhabitants using 490 responses to a survey questionnaire. The results 

delineate that urban spaces lack key conditions amenable to creating urban diversity. Nevertheless, they corroborate 

the postulation that urban spaces are perceived and experienced differently by different groups based on their gender, 

age, and cultural background. The paper concludes with suggestions toward a more inclusive approach to the design 

of the city’s urban spaces. 

Keywords: Urban diversity, perceptual approach, centers, peripheries, Doha. 

challenges are emerging. Cities need to find ways to 

sustain and extend their position. No doubt, architecture 

and the overall urban environment are tools 

utilized by governments and decision makers to help 

cities survive in the global competition of geographic 

locations (Salama, 2011). 

In current discourse on urbanism in Middle 

Eastern cities emphasis is always placed on contextual 

and critical approaches for investigating place 

making. The contextual approach fosters an understanding 

of place by focusing on the regional, historical, 

and natural aspects of the city or the region within 

which it exists. The critical approach involves 

descriptions that analytically discuss the practice of 

contemporary place making and the growing culture 

of fictionalizing and capitalist profit-seeking practice. 

This paper, however, attempts to offer a different slant 

toward the understanding of place in the city of Doha 

with a focus on urban diversity. The perceptual 

approach is proposed and utilized with an emphasis 

on the relationship between the physical qualities of 

the urban environment and those who perceive and 

comprehend such qualities. Such an approach has 

received little or no attention among both scholars 

and practitioners in the Middle East and the Gulf 

region.

Current pervasive development of the city 

Doha is characterized by a fast track urbanization 

process, resulting in the creation of new urban 

nodes that are used by different groups for different 

purposes. While this unprecedented urban growth 

of the city continues to be a subject of discussion, 

little attention has been paid to other growth 

aspects, including the understanding of the resulting 

inhabitants’ spatial experience, their attitudes 

toward emerging urbanized spaces, and whether 

these emerging spaces are diverse enough to 

accommodate the multicultural society the city 

enjoys. 

Utilizing the perceptual approach, this 

paper investigates urban spaces in the city of Doha 

as perceived and experienced by different groups. 

An investigation of a number of key urban spaces is 

undertaken through the identification of key urban 

nodes that are identified based on parameters that 

include density, commercial activity, and public 

accessibility. Spaces are examined from the perspective 

of Doha’s inhabitants using an attitude survey. 

Results of implementing the survey tools corroborate 

the assumption that urban spaces are perceived 

and experienced differently by different 

groups based on their gender, age, and cultural 

background. In essence, this suggests a more inclusive 

approach to the design of the city’s urban 

spaces. 

OVER VIEW OF UR BAN SPA CE 

DIV ER SITY 

A successful urban space is primarily the timeless 

space, where activities run throughout the days and 

years without losing their boost and action. Lang 

argues that, “the more multipurpose the public 

realms… many more actors are involved. The more 

open and diverse a society, the more intricate and 

involved is the debates over ends and means and 

the more diverse the opinions about the results 

achieved (Lang, 2005, p.22).” In essence, in order 

to create a vital urban space, diversity would be a 

determining factor. Diversity involves mixed activities 

and various environments for a wide range of 

users. Traditional cities or urban spaces have witnessed 

several layers of activities and add-ons 

through time, which built up the liveliness and var- 

iedness of experiences as important parameters of 

diversity. 

In recent rhetoric, diversity denotes, in 

generic terms, a mosaic of people who bring a variety 

of ethnic and cultural backgrounds, styles, perspectives, 

values and beliefs as assets to the groups 

and organizations with which they interact. 

However, in urban discourse diversity has been 

addressed as having multiple meanings that 

include mixing building types, mixing physical 

forms, and mixing people of different social classes, 

racial and ethnic backgrounds. While the concept 

has been discussed heavily in the urban literature 

(Fainstein, 2004; Gummer, 1995; Jacobs, 

1961; Jacobs and Appleyard, 1987; Jones et al, 

2007; Lovatt and O’Connor 1995; Talen, 2006; 

Tiesdell et al, 1996), this overview places emphasis 

on those writings that delineate the multi-dimensional 

aspect of urban space diversity. 

Jacobs (1961) asserts that public places 

should rely on a mixture of uses that need an enormous 

diversity of ingredients, stretching from the 

daily functions, enterprises, markets, and entertaining 

magnets. In order to generate diversity within 

the built environment, Jacobs introduced a number 

of essential conditions. First, the public places or 

even a series of interconnected urban spaces 

should offer multi-functions to ensure that user 

groups are present and benefit from several choices. 

Second, the physical setting of the public place 

should be designed to serve walking users, allowing 

diversity of views and perceptions. The physical 

architectural context is also an important condition 

that should offer diversity of styles and sizes in order 

to engage different tastes and economic enterprises. 

Finally, there should be a high density of people 

with different backgrounds, cultures, as well as different 

social strata. This later condition primarily 

serves the concept of ‘see and be seen’ by allowing 

people to socialize and interact. 

While local distinctiveness and the physical 

or tangible dimension of an urban space will eventually 

construct a unique ‘sense of place,’ there are 

other dimensions that contribute to diversity. The 

social and emotional perception is as valuable as it 

ensures that users and visitors will invest their efforts, 

time, and emotions; it is important to satisfy their 

needs, freedom, and most important the sense of 

‘individuality within collectiveness’. The increase of 

2 5 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 A perceptual approach for investigating urban space diversity in the city of Doha. Ashraf M. Salama and Remah Y. Gharib



satisfaction with and attachment to urban space will 

increase the presence of people to turn spaces into 

places, making them vibrant, and living organisms 

within the city while creating a sense of civic responsibility. 

Lovatt and O’Connor (1995, p.128) state, 

“however superficial and spatially circumscribed … 

the emphasis on play, strolling and idle socializing 

could have wider effects.” In essence, backgrounds 

of social groups are an important aspect without 

which urban space would not have the quality of 

diversity. 

Social and physical dimensions are complementary 

and contribute together toward the 

achievement of diversity. The size and surrounding 

enclosures need to be distinguished appropriately; 

buildings should be distributed in an adequate 

manner to correspond the different activities. 

Jacobs and Appleyard (1987, p.106) argue that, 

“buildings should be arranged in such a way as to 

define and even enclose public space, rather than 

sit in space.” Good urban design is to create 

places, enhancing the public place via peoplefriendly 

vision to serve the physical and the social 

composition (Tiesdell et al, 1996). 

Diversity essentially creates a wide variety 

of uses to generate vital places. Gummer (1995) 

pointed out that, “Mixed-use development should 

increasingly become the norm rather than the 

exception…We will be expecting developers to 

think imaginatively in future as to how proposals 

can incorporate mixed land uses, to produce lively 

and successful developments over both the short 

and long term, and provide a positive contribution 

to the quality of our towns and cities.” The objective 

is to make places generated under economic foundation; 

this requires adequate distribution of uses in 

the urban space while achieving a responsive integration 

with the existing functions. Diversity in terms 

of mixed use and mixed communities (social, 

tenure) also extends to the temporal use of space, 

– both built and open: e.g., markets, 

parks/squares, festivals, public art/animation, 

through the evening economy, ‘leisure shopping’ 

and ‘mixed-use streets’ (Jones et al., 2007). 

The preceding overview suggests that 

urban space diversity involves a number of dimensions 

toward the creation of vital urban places while 

offering functional and behavioral opportunities for 

different socio-economic groups. It implicates three 

2 6 

major dimensions. The first is physical tangible 

dimension that pertains to the qualities of the material 

context. The second is the social and emotional 

intangible dimension that pertains to the way in 

which the material dimension impacts users of different 

cultural and socio-economic backgrounds. 

The third is a dimension that concerns itself with 

types of activities and the nature of use. 

Investigating the three dimensions would result in a 

comprehensive insight into the understanding of 

urban space diversity. 

METHODOLOGY FOR INVESTIGATING 

U RBA N SPAC E DIVERSITY IN THE C ITY 

OF DOHA 

The methodology adopted is multilayered and 

involves two procedural investigations. The first is 

an analytical description of eight key spaces within 

the city that are believed to represent different 

urban and spatial qualities catered to different 

groups (Figures 1 & 2). The second procedure 

establishes and implements an attitude survey questionnaire, 

which aims at exploring ways in which the 

identified key urban spaces are perceived and 

experienced. Using the metaphor of ‘city center’ 

and ‘city peripheries’ two major questions were 

conceived: a) how does the city’s population perceive 

the identified key spaces as center(s) or 

peripheries, and b) how are center(s) and periph- 

Figure 1. Eight key urban nodes selected to explore 

center (s) and peripheries in the city of Doha as perceived 

by a sample of its inhabitants.

Figure 2. The spatial qualities of the eight key urban 

nodes. 

eries experienced based on the population’s gender, 

age, and cultural background? The term ‘center’ 

is introduced as an urban node that is visited 

most by the inhabitants, while the term ‘periphery’ 

is introduced as an urban area that is rarely visited 

by the inhabitants (Salama, 2011). 

The two questions were translated into a 

questionnaire that involves a) basic information 

about the participants including education, age, 

cultural background, and status in the city, b) 

whether participants believe that the city has one or 

multiple centers or peripheries and whether they 

are able to name those spaces representing centers 

or peripheries, c) their reactions to images that 

may represent the center and those that represent 

the city, d) identifying places that are visited most, 

how often they are visited, with whom, for what 

purpose, and the frequency of visits, e) issues that 

pertain to accessibility to space, parking availability, 

and other visual and environmental preferences 

queries. As shown in Figures (2) and (3), the 

spaces identified reflect different spatial qualities: 

1) Aspire/Villagio Mall, 2) Al-Sadd Commercial 

Strip, 3) Musheireb Intersection, 4) Ramada 

Junction, 5) Water Front a: Near Sheraton Hotel, 

6) Water Front b: Near Main Restaurant, 7) Water 

Front c: Near Museum of Islamic Art, and 8) Souq 

Waqif (traditional marketplace). 

DISCUSSION OF SELECTED FINDINGS 

The descriptive typological analysis of the eight 

spaces reveals that each space enjoys specific spatial 

typology with relative similarities and differences 

across the eight spaces. It indicates that the 

profile of users of each space varies according to 

the nature and type of activities introduced. The 

analysis delineates that there are different degrees 

of accessibility, traffic congestion associating the 

spaces, and availability of parking. 

490 valid responses to the questionnaire 

were received out of 560. They were analyzed at 

the level of the overall sample utilizing a frequency 

procedure. However, by performing a cross tabulation 

procedure relationships between age, gender, 

cultural background as dependent variables 

and the key spaces representing center(s) or 

peripheries as independent variables, were elucidated. 

Respondents represent the spectrum of 

population in the city. This is evident in their overall 

profile, where 260 males and 230 females representing 

53% and 47% of the total number of 

responses respectively. It is also apparent that age 

groups are well represented where 12% represent 

age group (15-20), 47% represent age group (20- 

30), 21% represent age group (30-45), and 18% 

represent age group (45-60). Considering that the 

population of the city is young, the over-60 age 

group also reflects the actual population of the city 

and represents only 2% of the total number of 

respondents. For the purpose of categorizing different 

cultural backgrounds, cultural groups were 

generically classified as Africans, Americans, 

Arabs, Asians, Europeans, and Qataris. 

Representation of these groups reflects the figures 

currently estimated for the city’s population. They 

include 37% Qataris, 28% Arabs, 14% Asians, 

2 7 




11% Africans, 5% Europeans, and 5% Americans. 

However, it should be noted that the percent of 

Qataris in relation to the overall population of the 

city does not exceed 20%. 

Diversity in Perceiving the Key Urban Nodes 

Across the total responses Souq Waqif appears to be 

the most important urban space representing the 

center of Doha since it has received 57% of the 

responses that identify it as a center, while only 8% 

identify it as a periphery. Nevertheless, it has received 

39% of the responses as the most visited place. In 

essence, this can be attributed to the historical significance 

of the Souq and the diversity of activities 

including arts and crafts galleries and ethnic restaurants. 

The Aspire/Villagio comes as the second most 

important space that represents the center of the city 

since it is identified by 39% of the respondents as a 

center and by 61% as most visited. While the space 

addresses middle and high-income groups, the large 

scale of the mall and the magnitude of diverse shops 

together with the nearby sport facilities appear to be 

determining factors in making the space attractive 

and favored by the majority of these groups. 

While Al-Sadd urban space is identified by 

39% of the respondents as a center, only 16% identify 

it as most visited and as representing the city since 

it caters to specific segments of society and the lower 

income population. The two water front spaces near 

Sheraton hotel and near the restaurant seem to be 

favored by a considerable portion of the respondents 

since they were identified as centers by 37% and 31% 

respectively and as most visited spaces by 22% and 

29% respectively. The fact that these two water front 

spaces involve sufficient recreational space along the 

7 kilometer water front promenade, with either green 

space, pedestrian walkways, or support services 

make them relatively attractive while witnessing a 

strong presence of diverse groups. The water front 

space near the museum does not seem to be favored 

by the majority of respondents since it is identified by 

22% of the responses as a center and by 16% as 

most visited (Table 1). This can be attributed to the 

difficulty in accessing the space while lacking amenities 

or support services unlike the other two water 

front spaces. 

The preceding discussion and the participants’ 

reactions suggest that Souq Waqif and 

Aspire/Villagio urban spaces appear to be per- 

2 8 

ceived by many of the respondents as spaces representing 

the city of Doha. Souq Waqif is identified 

by 49% of the respondents as a space that represents 

the city and its culture, while Aspire/Villagio is 

identified as a space that represents the city by 31% 

of the respondents. This is due to the unique qualities 

that each space enjoys whether physical or 

social or activity related. No major differences were 

found in all other spaces in terms of representing 

the city. This can be attributed to the absence of 

distinctive and unique qualities that make such 

spaces as significant within the overall city. 

Table 1. Identification of spaces by the city inhabitants 

as centers, peripheries, representing the city and most 

visited.. 

Diversity in Visiting Patterns 

Urban spaces identified as most visited by the 

respondents seem to be having frequent visiting 

patterns. Approximately 70% of the respondents 

visit the space identified either once a week or several 

times a week. While 25% of the respondents 

visit the space once a month, only 8% mentioned 

that they visit it few times a year. Times of visits to 

spaces that are most visited seem to correspond to 

the work styles of the respondents and the hours of 

work in the city. 82% mentioned that that they visit 

the space either in the evenings or late afternoons. 

On the other hand, only 11% mentioned they visit 

the space in the mornings or middays (Table 2). 

Table 2. Visiting and activity patterns in most visited 

spaces.

Figure 3. Aspire/Villagio, the most visited space. 

Figure 4. Souq Waqif, the second most visited space. 

Figure 5. Waterfront Space b-near restaurant, the third 

most visited space. 

As shown in Table (2), the most visited spaces 

appear to be visited by groups rather than individuals. 

74% of the respondents mentioned that they 

visit the space with family members (43%) or with 

family and friends (31%). On the other hand, only 

16% mentioned that they visit the space on their 

own. It should be noted that a wide spectrum of 

activities take place in the most visited spaces where 

24% of the respondents mentioned that they visit 

the spaces for a combination of reasons including 

walking and shopping, relaxing and sitting, dining, 

and playing. However, over 50% of the respondents 

mentioned that they either visit for exclusively walking 

and shopping (30%) or for exclusively relaxing 

and sitting (21%). On the other hand, only 16% 

mentioned that they visit the space for the purpose 

of dining and 3% for the purpose of playing and 

outdoor exercising. 

The results suggest that the most visited 

spaces enjoy a number of qualities that while they 

are frequently visited, they do not seem to offer 

enough diversity of uses (Figures 3, 4, & 5). Since 

Aspire/Villagio is the most visited urban space 

across the total respondents (61%) it is evident that 

the dominant activity of the space is walking and 

shopping despite having nearby sport facilities. The 

dominant activity of Souq Waqif as the second most 

visited space (39%) appears to be dining due to the 

wide variety of ethnic restaurants and cafes. The 

dominant activities of the water front space b/near 

restaurant (29%) are a combination of playing and 

2 9 




outdoor exercising, and relaxing and sitting. This 

can be attributed to the strong presence of a pedestrian 

spine that penetrates the open tiled space and 

also due to the availability of walking areas. While 

the space enjoys the presence of a restaurant and 

an outdoor café, dining does not seem to be a reason 

for visiting, especially that the restaurant caters 

to high and middle-income groups. 

Gender, cultural background, and age group differences 

in reacting to central and peripheral 

urban spaces 

Preliminary findings on the gender, cultural background, 

and age group are analyzed and discerned. 

Across the respondents, major differences 

between males and females are found. For example, 

while 35% of males believe that the city has 

one center, only 8% of the females believe the 

same. There appears to be an agreement between 

males and females on perceiving peripheries, 

where 64% of males and 69% of females believe 

that the city has several peripheries. No major differences 

are found in the reactions to the spaces 

that represent the center. 

Clearly, similarities are found in male 

(19%) and female (22%) respondents in perceiving 

Aspire/Villagio as a center and in perceiving Souq 

Waqif as a center. 38% of male respondents and 

35% of female respondents believe that Souq 

Waqif represents the center. Differences are found 

in the responses to the spaces that represent periph- 

Figure 6.Ramada Junction. 

3 0 

eries. While 35% of female respondents identify 

Ramada Junction as a periphery, only 10% of male 

respondents identify it as a periphery (Figure 6). 

Strikingly, while 10% of male respondents identify 

each of the water front spaces near Sheraton hotel 

and near restaurant is identified as a periphery, 

none of the female respondents identify them as 

peripheral spaces (Figure 7). This is due to the 

openness, scenery views, and the green and tiled 

areas available in these spaces while offering multiple 

opportunities for activities including walking, 

jogging, biking, sitting and enjoying the scenic view 

of Doha’s Skyline, and photographing. 

Dramatic differences across the responses 

of different age groups are evident. Souq Waqif, as 

perceived as a center of the city, has received 65% 

of the responses of the age group (20-30), while it 

has received 100% of the responses of the age 

groups (30-45), (40-60), and over 60. On the 

other hand, the Musheireb public space, as perceived 

as a periphery, has received 83% of the 

responses of the age group (15-20), only 26% of 

the responses of the age group (20-30), and 33% 

for each of the groups, (30-45) and (45-60). 

Notably, the two spaces are geographically in the 

same vicinity. 

Across the respondents from different backgrounds 

differences exist. While 73% of Arabs, 75% 

of Qataris, and 85% of Asians believe that the city 

has more than one center, less than 40% of each of 

those of American and European background

Figure 7. Waterfront Space a-near Sheraton Hotel. 

believes the same. Strikingly, despite these differences 

in perceiving centers, similarities in perceiving 

peripheries are found, where 54% of Arabs, 

50% of Americans, and 50% of Europeans believe 

that the city has several peripheries. 

The majority of Qataris identifies Souq 

Waqif as a center since it has received 69% of the 

responses received from participants of Qatari 

background. This can be attributed to the historical 

significance of the Souq while establishing association 

with the past in a rapidly growing city. All the 

respondents of American background and the 

majority of respondents from Asian (67%) and 

African (60%) backgrounds identify Aspire/Villagio 

urban space as a center. This can be attributed to 

the dominance of the mall culture in areas representing 

these backgrounds while at the same time 

due to the availability of sport facilities. On the 

other hand, respondents from Arab and Asian 

backgrounds identify Al Sadd Commercial Strip 

and Ramada Junction as centers. This reflects the 

tendency to favor dense urban areas, which are 

similar to the physical environment they are coming 

from. Despite their geographical location, the 

majority of respondents from European and 

American backgrounds identify Waterfront spaces 

as centers. This is due to tendency to favor open 

spaces and the association with natural settings 

rather than with dense urban fabric (Table 3). 

CONCL USION 

The lack of empirical studies done before to explore 

urban spaces in the city of Doha, which this work 

Table 3. Cultural background differences in reacting to 

central and peripheral urban spaces. 

could have built upon, represents one of the limitations 

of this research. While the results of this investigation 

are based on the perceptual approach, 

which is devised in the form of an attitude survey, 

there are limits to basing the discussion only on the 

results of a questionnaire where there is always 

room for subjectivity. Other means of investigation 

underlying such an approach can be utilized to 

advance to the discourse on urban space diversity, 

such as focused interviews, systematic observations, 

and behavioral mapping studies. 

Urban spaces mean different things to different 

communities within the city of Doha and thus 

are used differently. The juxtaposition of the results 

with the understanding of urban space diversity 

delineates the fact that urban spaces within the city 

of Doha lack one or more of the three important 

conditions that contribute to the achievement of 

diversity. The results reflect the dynamic nature of 

urban spaces identified as centers, invigorating the 

assumption that urban spaces in the center are not 

necessarily standing as unique entities. Results, 

however, indicate that urban spaces on the peripheries 

are emerging to compete with those in the 

center. The understanding of what constitutes centers 

and peripheries in the minds of the city’s inhabitants 

contributes to the understanding of their spatial 

experience and their attitudes toward what is 

perceived as center, or as periphery or as emerging 

center. The perceptual and the spatial experience of 

inhabitants reflect the needs and wants of different 

groups according to their gender, age, and cultural 

background that in the context of Doha varies 

dramatically. 

While future development plans of the city 

may seem to address specific groups and cater to 

specific age groups or cultural backgrounds, a 

more responsive approach to the design of urban 

spaces needs to be in place. Urban design as a dis- 

3 1 




cipline and a profession focuses on creating built 

environments that promote opportunities and experiences 

for all city inhabitants. Therefore, it is crucial 

that most of the urban space actions and activities 

are accepted and enjoyed by the majority of the 

city’s population. The urban development process 

of the city needs to consider the development of 

spaces based on the perception and understanding 

of different groups. This needs to be adopted as 

one of the key factors in developing successful 

inclusive urban spaces that involve a wide spectrum 

of urban and spatial qualities relevant to the diversity 

characterizing the city of Doha. 

A cknowledgement 

This study is developed as part of a comprehensive 

funded research project of the National Priorities 

Research Program, QNRF-Qatar National 

Research Fund (NPRP 09 - 1083 - 6 – 023). Thanks 

are due to architecture students’ class of the course 

‘Community and Neighborhood Design Workshop’ 

offered in the Spring Semester of 2011 as part of 

the architecture program of the Department of 

Architecture and Urban Planning at Qatar 

University. Their hard work in gathering the necessary 

information for this research is appreciated. 

R EFERENCES 

FAINSTEIN S. S. 2004, Cities and Diversity: Should we want 

it? Should we plan for it? Urban Affairs Review, 42 (1) 

September 2004, pp. 3-19. 

GUMMER, Rt. Hon. J. 1995, More quality in town and country, 

Environment News Release, DoE, London. 

JACOBS, A. and APPLEYARD, D. 1987, Toward an Urban 

Design Manifesto. In: R. Le Gates and F. Stout (eds.), The City 

Reader 1996. Routledge, New York, pp.165-175. 

JACOBS, J. 1961, The Death and Life of Great American 

Cities, Random House, New York. 

JONES, P., ROBERTS, P. and MORRIS, L. 2007, Rediscovering 

mixed-use streets: the contribution of local high streets to sustainable 

communities. Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York. 

3 2 

LANG, J. 2005, Urban Design: A Typology of Procedures and 

Products, The Architectural Press, Oxford. 

LOVATT, A. and O’CONNOR, J. 1995, Cities and the night 

time economy, Planning Practice and Research, Vol. 10(2), 

pp.127-135. 

SALAMA, A. M. 2008, Doha: Between Making an Instant City 

and Skirmishing Globalization. Special Edition of Viewpoints, 

Middle East Institute, American University, Washington DC., 

pp 40-44. 

SALAMA, A. M. 2011, A Dialogical Understanding of Urban 

Center(s) and Peripheries in the City of Doha, Qatar, 

Proceedings of the 7th International Conference of the 

Architectural Humanities Research Association, AHRA: 

Peripheries 2011, Queen’s University, Belfast. 

TALEN, E. 2006, Design that enables diversity: The complications 

of a planning ideal, Journal of Planning Literature, Vol. 

20 (3), pp. 233-249. 

TIESDELL, S., HEATH, T. and OC, T., 1996, Revitalizing 

Historic Urban Quarters. The Architectural Press, Oxford. 

Prof. Dr. Ashraf M. Salama 

Department of Architecture and Urban Planning 

Qatar University, Doha, Qatar 

asalama@qu.edu.qa asalama@gmail.com 

Dr. Remah Y. Gharib 

Qatar Faculty of Islamic Studies 

Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and 

Community Development, 

Doha, Qatar 

rgharib@qfis.edu.qa

INTRODUCTION 

CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC INFLUENCES ON MULTI- 

CULTURAL CITIES: THE CASE OF DOHA, QATAR. 


A bstract 

Population diversity is one of the main challenges facing metropolitan centers worldwide. Especially in emerging Arab 

Gulf countries, where the population is composed of multiple nationalities; socio-physical, socio-economic, and sociocultural 

presence in the city is highly noticeable. Doha, the capital of Qatar, is an example of Gulf cities that attract an 

inflow of foreigners to live and work due to its economic prosperity. It is noticeable that utilization of urban spaces in 

Doha is affected by socio-cultural and socio-economic backgrounds of its inhabitants. This study focuses on investigating 

the experiences of the multicultural groups within the city’s spatial dimension. It aims at understanding the cultural, 

economic and spatial connections of these diverse groups and how the urban environment of the city can be 

improved to support the experiences of these multicultural populations. The paper explores the experiences of different 

nationalities according to the social activities distribution of the sub-cultures as an exemplary of other Gulf cities. In 

depth interviews, questionnaires and systematic observations were conducted to gather information from Qatari and 

non-Qatari populations focusing on their weekly activities and preferred urban spaces in the city. The paper argues that 

urban spaces define limits and boundaries for social experiences and interaction based on the cultural and economic 

background and suggests measures to improve the quality of urban experience of the diverse cultural groups. 

Keywords: Multicultural cities, socio-cultural, socio-economic, socio-physical, Doha, Qatar. 

Population diversity is one of the challenges facing 

metropolitan centers worldwide. Especially in 

emerging Arab Gulf countries where the population 

is composed of multiple nationalities, socio-physical, 

socio-economic, and socio-cultural presence 

in the city is highly noticeable. Unlike Western 

labor-importing countries, where migrant workers 

represent between 8 and10 per cent of the labor 

force, foreign work force in Arab Gulf states comprise 

the majority of the labor force. “In Qatar, the 

UAE, and Kuwait, foreigners constituted a majority; 

in the United Arab Emirates they accounted for over 

80 percent of population. Only Oman and Saudi 

Arabia managed to maintain a relatively low proportion 

of foreigners: about 20 and 27 percent, 

respectively” (Kapiszewski, 2008). Doha, the capital 

of Qatar, is experiencing the interaction between 

multicultural groups since the middle of the 20 th 

century, during its transformation from fishing and 

pearl catching settlement to a modern city. 

According to 2010 statistics, the total population 

has increased 275% since 1997 and 128% since 

2004 to reach approximately 1.7 million and non- 

Qatari’s constitute approximately 2/3 of the population 

and 94% of the workforce (QSA, 2010). 

Foreigners are attracted to live and work in Doha 

due to tax-free income and high standards of living. 

Yet, these multicultural groups experience 

Doha in dissimilar ways. They have different 

domains of experience and interaction. While all 

residents of Doha enjoy the panoramic Corniche 

waterfront during the sunny winter days and summer 

evenings, downtown streets are occupied 

exclusively by low income Asian workers during 

evenings and weekends. On the other hand, the 

exclusive areas of the Pearl development and 

Cultural Village (KATARA) are enjoyed by high 

income expatriates and Qataris. Shopping malls 

attract all cultural groups depending on their 

income level and ethnic background. This phenomenon 

is present in other Arabian Gulf countries; 

such as Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia 

and Oman that host large numbers of temporary 

migrant workers. This experience of multicultural 

3 3 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Cultural and economic influences on multicultural cities: The case of Doha, Qatar. Yasser Mahgoub and Reham A. Qawasmeh


open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Cultural and economic influences on multicultural cities: The case of Doha, Qatar. 

interaction is different than Europe and North 

American countries, where multicultural groups are 

considered immigrants with citizenship rights. The 

spatial distribution of social groups provides a useful 

starting-point for an inquiry into diversity in the 

cities of the Gulf (Nagy, 2005). 

M I G R A N T WO R K ER S I N DI F F E R E N T 

C ONTExTS 

Multicultural cities refer to cities that host several 

social, cultural and religious populations. They 

pose a challenge to legislative and management 

organizations. Globalization has facilitated multiculturalism 

in cities around the world due to 

advances in transportation and communication 

technologies. For Short and Kim, “globalization 

takes place in cities and cities embody and reflect 

globalization. Global processes lead to changes in 

the city and cities rework and situate globalization” 

(Short and Kim, 1999). Yet, cities are experiencing 

multiculturalism in different ways. For old cities, 

multiculturalism is an inherited condition developed 

over long periods of time. The co-existence and 

relationships between multiple social and cultural 

groups has developed over long periods of time 

and influenced the formation of the cities. Cities 

that receive large number of immigrants have 

developed legislative and management policies to 

accommodate the influx of immigrants. For the 

emerging cities of the Gulf, multiculturalism is a 

recent phenomenon that occurred over a very short 

period of time. 

Economic globalization has introduced a 

new condition to world cities due to the increasing 

travel and labor migration. Millions of temporary 

migrant labors reside in foreign countries in search 

for employment, financial opportunities, safety and 

better standards of living. A global city is conceived 

as a strategic site not only for global capital, but 

also for the trans-nationalization of labor and the 

formation of trans-local communities and identities. 

In this regard, global cities are a site for new types 

of political operations and for a whole range of 

new cultural and subjective operations (Sassen, 

2005). Research studies indicate that migrant workers 

have a strong need for community experience 

for practical as well as emotional support. They 

3 4 

almost always form their own communities over 

time in spatially concentrated or dispersed forms. 

That is why, as Germain suggested, managing 

diversity has become one of the main challenges 

facing many metropolitan centers worldwide 

(Germain, 2002). This situation poses a great challenge 

concern for the social sustainability of cities 

and how well economic and socio-cultural differences 

can coexist (Davidson, 2010). 

Managing the co-existence of large number 

of temporary migrant workers is posing a challenge 

to emerging cities in order to contribute positively 

to the development of their host countries 

and, at the same time, enjoy a high quality of life 

away from their home countries. As a consequence 

of globalization and the development of global 

cities networks, the level of international labor 

migration has been growing in the past few 

decades. The growing number of world immigrants 

has increased the plurality of different cultures in 

global cities, inspiring in such cities a “multicultural 

nature” (Hawkins 2006). Multiculturalism, cultural 

diversity, or a plurality of different identities is an 

ongoing process of globalization. Rosado defines 

multiculturalism as, “a system of beliefs and behaviors 

that recognizes and respects the presence of all 

diverse groups in an organization or society, 

acknowledges and values their socio-cultural differences, 

and encourages and enables their continued 

contribution within an inclusive cultural context 

which empowers all within the organization or society 

(Rosado, 1997). Cultural diversity will increase 

the potential of global cities to attract global capital, 

tourism, and international firms. 

The complexity of the social and cultural 

urban experience of a city “has necessarily to do 

with its physical and structural complexity and density” 

(Krier,1990). Urban functions, forms and 

spaces define the experiences of multicultural 

groups. A multicultural city has the capacity to bring 

together different cultural groups. This might be a 

new urban condition, which is emphasized in difference, 

otherness, diversity, and plurality 

(Sandercock, 2004). Some authors argue that multiculturalism 

serves two functions; fulfilling the social 

needs of ethnic groups by providing them with 

social, religious and tradition reference, and 

weaves the diversity of both activities and built form 

into urban and regional structure (Qadeer, 1997).

RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND METHODS 

The emerging cities of the Gulf region are experiencing 

the influx of temporary migrant workers 

since the middle of the 20 th century. This phenomenon 

is expected to continue as long as they offer 

work opportunities and living conditions to workers 

from other Arab countries and South-Asia. Migrant 

workers use these economic resources to improve 

the living conditions of millions of people in their 

home countries. The “important opportunities for 

significant numbers of very poor, low-skilled workers 

to migrate, resulting in significant poverty reduction 

at home from the remittances returned” (Lucas, 

2008). Yet, the quality of life and living experiences 

of these migrant workers can be improved if their 

needs and requirements are recognized. Doha’s 

experience is exemplary of other Gulf cities where 

multicultural groups reside and work. 

The main question posed by this study was; 

how did the cultural and economic background of 

the residents of the diversity of multicultural groups 

of Doha’s residents influence their experience of 

urban spaces? The aim was to understand the connection 

between these diverse groups’ activities and 

experiences and the urban environment of Doha, 

and how it can be improved accordingly. In depth 

interviews were conducted with nine Qatari and 

twelve non-Qatari respondents focusing on their 

social and economic activities and preferred urban 

spaces in the city. The study investigated on five significant 

public areas in Doha; the Corniche, Souq 

Waqif, Musheireb, the Cultural Village (KATARA) 

Figure 1. Location of the five study areas in Doha. . 

and the Pearl development. Systematic observations 

were conducted to gather information from 

urban spaces in the city (Figure 1). The study investigated 

the activities that exist in these urban spaces, 

whether the physical context sustain and support 

multiculturalism activities, and whether they reflect a 

specific cultural identity. The aim of the research 

was to suggest strategies to enhance Doha’s urban 

spaces in order to provide opportunities for multicultural 

interaction for different cultural groups. 

THE CASE OF DOHA 

Doha, the capital of Qatar, is an exemplar of Gulf 

cities that attract an inflow of foreign workers due to 

its economic and cultural prosperity. Doha’s winning 

of the FIFA world Cup 2022 bid is expected to 

attract more foreigners to work and live over the 

next 10 years. It is currently a multicultural city composed 

of two main sub-cultures; Qataris and Non- 

Qataris, who are coming from different traditions, 

backgrounds and income levels. It is noticeable 

that urban spaces utilization is affected by sociocultural 

and socio-economic backgrounds of 

inhabitants. According to 2010 Populations 

Statistics, Qatar’s population is estimated to be 1.7 

million with about 1/3 citizens and 2/3 foreigners. 

Expatriates comprise 94 per cent of the total workforce 

(QSA, 2010). The petrochemical industry has 

attracted people from all around the world to work 

and live in Doha. Most of the expatriates come 

from South Asia, mainly India and to a lesser extent, 

Pakistan, and from non-oil-rich Arab states. 

Foreigners comprise a majority of the labor force in 

all of the Gulf states and, rather than a slow flow of 

migration, the percentage of foreigners in Qatar’s 

population rose steadily from approximately 60 per 

cent in 1970 to almost 78 per cent in 1990. During 

the 1990s, the total number of foreigners in the 

population dropped slightly to 74 per cent. No reliable 

published statistics on the composition of the 

foreign population exist. However, it is reasonable 

to estimate the distribution as roughly 47 per cent 

Asian, 20 per cent other Arabs10 per cent Iranian 

and 3 per cent North American and European, 

mostly British, of whom many are of Arab and 

South Asian origin. 

3 5 




Figure 2. The Corniche Boulevard in Doha. 

Through shop fronts, signs in foreign language 

and street lights, Doha’s streets reflect different 

cultures and nationalities preferences and activities; 

food, restaurants, electronics, money 

exchange and transfer, and clothes. Their role as 

gathering places and social interaction is intrinsic to 

the experience of foreigners in Doha. Specific 

nodes, streets and intersections reveal the identity 

for specific nationality through language, ethnic 

food, retail shops or even the display of the shop 

fronts. During weekend evenings, specific streets, 

intersections and roundabouts are exclusively occupied 

by specific ethnic groups. 

The 7 km Corniche Boulevard is one of the 

most attractive open urban spaces in Doha. It 

attracts all residents Qataris and non-Qataris of 

different nationalities, cultural backgrounds and 

income groups. It is a linear walkway constructed 

along Doha bay with variety of green areas, entertainment 

and open spaces. It provides residents 

with opportunities for walking, jogging, biking and 

sitting (Figure 2). The interaction of multicultural 

groups is limited to existence in the same space. No 

real opportunities for interaction and interface are 

present in the place. While it is the perfect place for 

hosting festivities of multicultural groups, yet it lacks 

an open air stage to host performances and celebrations. 

This will add a cultural value to the place 

and attract more people to identify with it. 

3 6 

Figure 3. Souq Waqif restaurants and cafés amidst traditional 

style buildings. 

Souq Waqif is another successful open 

urban space in Doha. It is the most popular tourists’ 

destination due to the availability of traditional garments, 

handicrafts, souvenirs, spices and old items 

shops amid an environment that resembles traditional 

architecture of Qatar. While Souq Waqif 

dates back at least a hundred years, its traditional 

looking buildings are a mixture of restored and new 

buildings built according to the traditional Qatari 

architecture (Figure 3). It hosts small hotels, art galleries 

and numerous ethnic restaurants and cafes 

that attract Qataris, Middle Eastern and westerners 

of high income groups, while low income groups 

and labors cruise through the open streets watching 

expensive cafes and restaurants attendees.

Figure 4. Musheireb and Hamad Street shops. 

Celebrations and festivities are usually held in the 

Souq Waqif open areas. 

The old area of Musheireb and Hamad 

Street are part of the old town of Doha. They are 

the major attraction and favorite meeting place 

during weekends for thousands of male Asian 

workers living in labor dormitories and industrial 

areas. It hosts a variety of shops and restaurants 

that suits their interests and income level. They 

spend their time exchanging information and chatting 

in the open air and under the scorching sun 

(Figure 4). They are attracted to areas that host 

affordable restaurants and shops that serve their 

income and needs regardless of their physical 

appearance. While these areas are scattered 

around the city, inadequately connected and poorly 

maintained, they serve the purposes of this low 

income group of foreigners. Recently a new project 

called “The Heart of Doha” was launched to develop 

35 hectares of this traditional area and is currently 

under construction. It will transform the area 

into luxurious, high class restaurants and shops 

hosted in mixed-use development contained in 226 

buildings and will be home to 27,637 residents. In 

spite of its location in the downtown area, this luxurious 

development is expected to detract low 

income workers and decrease their presence in the 

area. 

The Cultural Village, known as KATARA the 

first and most ancient name designated for Qatar 

Peninsula, is a 99 hectares development overlooking 

the gulf located north of Doha city between the 

West Bay business district and the Pearl development. 

Its design and architectural character imitates 

Figure 5. The Cultural Village (KATARA) built as an imitation 

of a traditional village. 

traditional Qatari villages with covered alleyways 

and narrow pedestrian streets known as fareej 

(Figure 5). Traditionally styled new buildings host art 

and professional organizations, restaurants, lecture 

halls, theaters, handicraft souqs, cafes and themed 

restaurants. KATARA hosts a large Roman 

amphitheater and sea front promenade that attracts 

people from all ethnic and cultural backgrounds. A 

paid public beach hosts facilities and water sports 

activities. Future phases will include private villas, 

hotels and retail shops. KATARA attracts Qataris 

and high income expatriates and detracts lowincome 

workers due to its remoteness and expensive 

amenities. 

The Pearl of Qatar is a multi-billion dollar 

development covering 4-mllioon square meters of 

re-developed islands. It is located 25 km north of 

Doha International Airport and is expected to host 

more than 40,000 residents in more than 16,000 

residential units ranging from beachfront villas to 

luxurious apartments and penthouses in 20 storey 

buildings. The project provides 32 kilometers of 

new coastline and 13 inspiring precincts and 

islands and 3 marinas for yachts and private boats. 

It is one of the largest real estate developments in 

Qatar and the first to offer freehold and residential 

rights to international investors. The ground floor 

hosts up-scale retail shops, top automobile agencies, 

cafes and exotic restaurants (Figure 6). The 

pearl attracts Qataris and high income expatriates 

to enjoy its harbor promenade and West Bay skyline 

view. The Pearl is the favorite meeting place for 

high income expatriates and Westerners. Linked to 

the main island by a 350 m long bridge, the Pearl 

3 7 




Figure 6. The luxurious high-style Pearl Development. 

is only accessible by private automobiles and company 

busses. It is not accessible to low income 

groups physically nor economically. 

3 8 

Table 1. The Corniche Boulevard in Doha. 

The following table presents a comparison between 

the five selected urban places in terms of their form, 

function, space and multiculturalism influence.

Interviews 

Interviews were conducted with a random sample 

of Qataris and expatriates in the five selected areas 

using an administered questionnaire. Two Qataris 

and three expatriates were selected from each area 

for the purpose of the interview. The questionnaire 

agenda focused on collecting information regarding 

the nationality, income level, job occupation 

and place of residency. Questions regarding performed 

activities; shopping, entertainment, and 

leisure, during weekdays and weekends, as well as 

places of performing these activities, were also 

asked. Informants were also asked to identify additional 

activities and possible improvements of these 

urban places in Doha to accommodate their needs. 

The responses of the selected sample were analyzed 

and profiles of the respondents’ answers were 

developed. 

The social activities of Qataris are limited 

to family gatherings in private houses and trips to 

beach houses in Lafan area during the weekends. 

Personal shopping activities are usually conducted 

in large shopping malls such as Villagio, City 

Center and Landamrk. Daily shopping activities for 

food and house items are usually performed by drivers 

and maids in nearby hypermarkets such as 

Carrefour, Lulu Markets and Al Mera. 

Entertainment and leisure activities are limited to 

going to cinemas and restaurants in luxury hotels, 

the Pearl, Cultural Village and shopping malls. 

Senior Qatari citizens enjoy visiting and shopping in 

Souq Waqif area. Female Qataris expressed their 

dissatisfaction due to the absence of exclusive 

female activities such as public beaches, closed 

swimming complexes and sports centers. They 

expressed interest in having these facilities close to 

their residential areas. Children play within the 

premises of their private homes or in entertainment 

children zones in shopping centers and public 

parks. Youth play soccer in the fareej or neighborhood 

playground. Informants expressed interest in 

having more open areas, parks in the neighborhoods 

and museums in the city. 

Expatriates experience the city based on 

their lifestyle and income level. Their destination 

and activities spread in different places in and outside 

Doha, and overlap with Qataris destinations. 

High income workers activities available for adults 

are numerous and allow them to experience the city 

more widely. Aside from family and friends gatherings 

in private houses and gated communities, they 

enjoy the Corniche, public beaches and shopping 

malls. Their prime destinations also include Souq 

Waqif, the Pearl, the Cultural Village KATARA, the 

Aspire Zone, luxury hotels, cafes, and ethnic food 

restaurants. On the other hand, low income workers 

have a very limited view and experience of the 

city. They spend most of their weekdays at work due 

to long working hours or full day jobs as house 

workers. Their experience of the city is limited to the 

weekends only. During the weekend, company 

buses bring low income workers to the city downtown 

to spend few hours shopping, sending money 

back home, meet friends and pick them up back to 

their dorms. A Nipali woman working for a cleaning 

company indicated that she has no idea about 

the city outside her dorm compound. She visits the 

luxurious City Center shopping mall during the 

weekend with her colleagues but she cannot shop 

there due to her limited income. 

CONCLU SION 

The study concludes that different groups are experiencing 

Doha in different ways according to their 

income level that determines their accessibility and 

privileges in the city. While Corniche and 

Musheireb areas are accessible to low-income 

groups, the Pearl development and Cultural Village 

are beyond their physical reach. For many low 

income foreign workers, their experience of the city 

is limited to their places of work and residence. 

Cultural values related to gender separation 

requires further attention during planning public 

spaces in the city. As indicated by interviewees, 

there is a need for more female only urban functions 

and spaces and the extension the Corniche to 

provide female only public beach, and more 

restaurants and cafes. Improving the urban spaces 

with street furniture and lighting will promote the 

hosting of multicultural activities and events similar 

to the successful events hosted by Souq Waqif. 

These places provide an important setting to facilitate 

face-to-face social networking between different 

cultural groups. 

3 9 




Urban spaces and activities define the limits 

of Qataris and non-Qataris social experiences 

and interaction. The socio-economic structure of 

different cultural groups composing the population 

of Doha limits their interaction according to their 

lifestyle and income level. Doha’s urban places are 

experienced by multiplicity of cultural groups as different 

domains of experience. The co-existence of 

multicultural population in Gulf cities requires careful 

attention from planners and policy makers. The 

needs of each cultural group are different and conditioned 

by their cultural backgrounds and income 

levels. Urban spaces in the city should provide 

diverse and unique experiences for all its residents 

allowing maximum opportunities and choices to 

take place for all cultural backgrounds, ages and 

genders. 

Suggestions to improve the quality of life of 

multicultural groups include the development of 

more open urban spaces with more defined character 

and activities. It is suggested that construction 

of cultural grounds for festivals to be considered to 

celebrate the co-existence of multicultural diversity 

in the city. There is a need to provide fields for popular 

sports; such as cricket and soccer, that are currently 

being held in vacant lands. Urban open 

spaces in the Corniche Boulevard should be 

designed with a better definition of character to 

express multicultural identities. Improve existing 

multicultural nodes in Musheireb and Hamad Street 

and other centers can be achieved by providing sun 

protection and urban furniture. While future development 

plans focus on high-income groups, development 

of urban centers for multicultural low 

income groups will achieve more healthy and sustainable 

future for the city. Globalized cities bear 

the responsibility to foster and accommodate the 

multiple cultures of its population. Citizens and 

non-citizens have the right to be recognized and 

appreciated. Hindering their ability to meaningfully 

participate in the everyday life of their hosting societies 

will result in low morale and less quality of life. 

Open urban spaces have an important role 

in improving the living experiences of multicultural 

groups in global cities that in turn affect their work 

productivity and moral. Diversity of available social 

experiences is a requirement to achieve a healthy 

sustainable urban environment. Expatriates residing 

in Gulf cities spend a large part of their life in these 

4 0 

cities. Providing urban spaces that enhance their 

sense of belonging and identity improves their productivity 

and participation. Living in distinctive 

places creates a sense of identity and makes people 

sensitive to their environment (Madanipour, 

1996). Applying even small signs of culture in particular 

places in global cities is a means to helping 

them create their “places” in response to cultural 

diversity (Qadeer, 1997). The coexistence of multicultural 

groups in cities of the Gulf region is likely 

to continue for many years as long as the population 

composition remains unchanged and oil revenues 

continue to attract foreign workers and 

investments. By providing more urban spaces for 

interaction, display, and needs of different cultures, 

the emerging multicultural cities of the Gulf region 

will be more sustainable and successful. 

REFERENCES 

DAVIDSON, M. 2010, Social Sustainability and the City, 

Geography Compass, Vol. 4/7, pp. 872–880. 

GERMAIN, A. 2002, The Social Sustainability of Multicultural 

Cities: A Neighborhood Affair? Belgian Journal of Geography, 

Vol. 4, pp. 377-386. 

HAWKINS M. (2006). Global structures, local cultures, New 

York: Oxford University Press. 

KAPISZEWSKI, A. 2008, Arab Versus Asian Migrant Workers in 

the GCC Countries, United Nations Expert Group Meeting on 

International Migration and Development in the Arab Region, 

Population Division, Department of Economic and Social 

Affairs, United Nations Secretariat, Beirut, 15-17 May 2006. 

KRIER, L. 1990, Urban components. In Leon Krier, houses, 

places, cities, ed., D. Porphyrios, : AD Editions, London. 

LUCAS, R. 2008, International Labor Migration in a 

Globalizing Economy, Carnegie Endowment for International 

Peace PAPERS. Number 92, July 2008. 

MADANIPOUR, A. 1996, Design of Urban Space: An Inquiry 

into a Socio-spatial Process, John Wiley & Sons, New York. 

NAGY, S. 2005, Making Room for Migrants, Making Sense of 

Difference: Spatial and Ideological Expressions of Social

Diversity in Urban Qatar. Urban Studies, Vol. 43/1, pp. 119- 

137. 

QADEER, A. 1997, Pluralistic planning for multicultural cities: 

The Canadian practice. Journal of the American Planning 

Association, Vol. 63/4 pp. 481-94. 

QSA-Qatar Statistics Authority, 2010, General Census of 

Population, Housing and Establishments 2010. 

ROSADO, C. 1997, Toward a Definition of Multiculturalism: 

Change in human systems, Rosado Consulting, http://rosado.net/pdf/Def_of_Multiculturalism.pdf 

(Accessed: November 

10, 2011). 

SANDERCOCK, L. 2004, Reconsidering multiculturalism: 

Towards an intercultural project. In P. Wood, ed. Intercultural 

city reader, Comedia, London, pp. 16-21. 

SASSEN, S. 2005, The global city: Introducing a concept. 

Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. 11/2, pp. 27-43. 

SHORT R.J. and Kim, Y.H. 1999, Globalization and the city. 

Longman, New York. 

Dr. Yasser Mahgoub 



ymahgoub@qu.edu.qa 

Arch. Reham A. Qawasmeh 



rq1001089@qu.edu.qa 

4 1 


open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Diversity in the public space of a traditional city - Zaria, Nigeria 

INTRODUC TION 

Urban areas are by nature places of diversity, difference 

and dichotomies (Wirth, 1938). One of the 

dichotomies is in the public-private organization of 

social life with public space as the realm for interaction, 

where diversity is most visible. Diversity is 

also recognized as an important issue in the management 

of urban development. Good city design 

requires the provision of diverse public spaces that 

are accessible and inclusive, and cater for different 

activities and interactions; requiring in essence a 

diversity of public spaces and in public spaces. 

Among cities, traditional cities have emerged as 

ideals of city design, providing models that have 

informed contemporary practices and against 

which results are judged. This role of traditional 

cities has informed the choice of one, Zaria, for 

study. The city has also been selected to complement 

the emphasis on western understanding in the 

literature. 

The aim of the paper is to examine diversity 

in the public space of Zaria with a view to identifying 

changes in pattern with time and impact of the 

4 2 

DIVE RSITY IN THE PUBLIC SPA CE OF A 

TRADITIONAL CITY - ZARIA, NIGERIA 


A bstract 

Diversity is embedded in the concept of cities and the urban way of life, and is an important issue in the planning and 

management of urban development. Urban diversity is usually manifested in Public space. This paper examines patterns 

of diversity in the public space of a traditional city, Zaria, with the goal of identifying general lessons for city design. 

The paper starts with a review on the application of diversity to public space, and then moves on to introduces Zaria’s 

public space and historically explore patterns to arrive at findings regarding diversity. Material for the paper has been 

derived from a detailed study of Zaria’s public space, in which a variety of methods and techniques was used (Garba, 

2007). The paper in concluding notes that diversity is connected with centrality, and identifies three issues that facilitate 

the quest for urban diversity; place attractiveness, appropriateness of development scale and embedded settings for 

activities, and regime of access and participation. The paper notes that the study findings reinforce existing knowledge 

in the literature and points to the need for re-evaluating the system of urban production to better use available knowledge 

in the quest for urban diversity. 

Keywords: Urban public spaces, diversity, social inclusion and exclusion, city planning and design, 

traditional cities. 

changes on the city and its significance. The goal is 

to isolate lessons for general application in city 

planning and design. Diversity is explored from a 

material and social perspective: with interest from a 

material perspective on types of spaces, function 

and use, and morphological characteristics; and 

from a social perspective on diversity in composition, 

access, participation and inclusion, and social 

life in public places. The Method of examination is 

historical, focused on identifying change in patterns 

with time. Data for the paper has been sourced 

from a detailed research into the public space of 

Zaria. The methods and techniques are outlined in 

Garba (2007). The paper starts with a review on 

diversity and public space, and proceeds to introduce 

the case study city and its public space. This is 

followed by the exploration of diversity patterns and 

a discussion of the findings. 

DIVERSITY AND PUB LIC SPA CE 

Difference and Diversity are concepts rooted in the 

very idea of urban areas and way of life (Wirth, 

1938; Knox & Pinch, 2000:56). As a concept,

diversity is ill-defined, taking different meanings for 

different people (Talen, 2006:234; Fainstein, 

2004:4). It is used in its broadest conception to 

refer to all forms of social and economic mixing in 

place (Talen, 2006:234), including that of uses, 

functions, and people of varying characteristics. 

The need to promote diversity in urban development 

is increasingly acknowledged, and diversity 

has emerged as a primary guiding principle and 

criterion for evaluating urban form (Fainstein, 

2004:3-4). Writers and groups, such as Jane 

Jacobs and New Urbanist, have promoted the goal 

of place diversity as a prescription for urban reform 

(Talen, 2006:233). The quest for urban diversity is 

usually associated with four types of benefit (Talen, 

2006): first is the association of diversity with place 

vitality, with diversity viewed as a mode of existence 

that enhances human experience, an important 

condition for the health of an urban place, and a 

means of increasing functionality and vitality from 

increased interaction among urban components; 

Second is the association of diversity with economic 

health, viewed as an asset because of its association 

with innovation, creativity and promotions of 

new ways of thinking needed to stimulate growth 

and attract talents; Diversity is also viewed as a 

means of promoting social mixing and equity, 

which as an ideal lays the foundation for a better, 

more creative, tolerant, peaceful and stable world; 

finally diversity is also linked ecologically with interdependence 

and sustainability of both social and 

natural forms. 

Urban diversity finds its greatest expression 

in the public space of cities, as the focus of community 

social life and space “we share with 

strangers, people who aren’t our relatives, friends 

or work associates (Waltzer, 1986:470)”, in contradistinction 

with private space where personal 

encounters prevail. Mitchell (1996:128) notes that 

“for most of us it is a world selectively public and 

private: a world in which there are spaces in which 

unstructured, but not threatening encounters 

‘remain’ possible, where there is always room to 

have one’s voice heard and one’s demonstration 

(or other performances) seen before retreating to a 

more private realm in which encounters are structured 

according to our dictates.” Urban diversity is 

usually approached from two perspectives; functional 

or use and a social perspective (Fainstein, 

2004:9-10; Talen, 2006: 243), even though both 

are viewed as co-dependent. Diversity from a ‘use’ 

perspective focuses on function or uses of place, 

including the morphological characteristics that 

support such uses. Functional diversity is required in 

public space to cater to the activity needs of the 

people and institutions that make up a city. The root 

of this diversity is found conceptions of public space 

as “publicly accessible places where people go for 

group or individual activities” and “the common 

ground where people carry out the functional and 

ritual activities that bind a community whether in the 

normal routines of daily life or periodic festivities 

(Carr et al, 1992:50)”. This diversity is reflected in 

reality in different types of public spaces, including 

streets, boulevards, commons and squares, markets, 

religious spaces and community parks (Carr et 

al, 1992; Tibbald, 1992:1; Krier, 1979:17). These 

spaces serve as channels for movement, nodes of 

communication, common ground for play relaxation, 

sports, places for religion, politics, commerce 

and generally for peaceful coexistence and impersonal 

encounter (Walzer, 1986:470; Mitchell 

1995; Krier, 1979:17). 

Diversity from a social perspective focuses 

on the need for access and participation by all 

urban residents and institutions in the public life of 

a city. Public space is conceptualized in this respect 

as the “visible and accessible venue wherein the 

public – comprising institutions and citizens acting 

in concert – enact rituals and make claims 

designed to win recognition (Goheen, 1998:479),” 

as “all the parts of the urban fabric to which the 

public have physical and visual access” (Tibbald, 

1992:1), and the space where people engage in 

activities of politics, religion, commerce, sport, and 

interaction that produces and reproduces society 

(Walzer, 1986:470). It is worth noting that the need 

for urban diversity goes beyond just enabling the 

participation of residents and institutions. It is also 

viewed as including the ability to attract ‘others’ 

who do not belong to the city as a means to facilitate 

greater experience of difference and to renegotiate 

and transcend accepted values and norms, 

all contributing to creativity, innovation, and a stimulating 

fluid urban way of life (Bodaar & Rath, 

2005:4; Talen, 2006:237; Fainstein, 2004:5). In 

this respect cities are always in competition with 

each other to attract high value migrants who can 

4 3 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Diversity in the public space of a traditional city - Zaria, Nigeria Shaibu B. Garba



Figure 1. Map of Nigeria showing the location of 

Zaria. 

contribute to their economic and cultural life. The 

ideal of access and participation embodied in the 

concept of public space is not, however, always 

reflected in the reality of practices. It is widely 

acknowledged that public spaces are sometimes 

exclusionary along gender, race, class, and age 

lines (Ruddick, 1996:133; Mitchell, 1996:128). On 

gender exclusion, Ruddick (1996:135) points out 

“city space has been gendered in a way that tends 

to exclude women from the public realm or to 

include them only in highly scripted and delimited 

roles”. Feminist theoreticians are particularly critical 

of the concept, seeing it as a socially constructed 

patriarchal division. Cities, along with their spaces 

and processes are also dynamic entities, continuously 

transforming in time, with the past embedded 

in forms and serving to constrain future forms thereby 

making it necessary to situate observations about 

practices in time for meaningful understanding. 

ZARIA’S PUBLIC SPACE 

Zaria belongs to a group of seven Hausa city states 

founded in the 9 

4 4 

th century in northern Nigeria 

(Figure 1). The cities were integrated into a 

caliphate following a jihad in 1804, became part 

of British colonial holding at the beginning of the 

20th century, and have evolved as traditional cores 

of large metropolitan areas since independence in 

1960. Public space practice in Zaria is rooted in the 

traditional organization of social life and urban 

space of the Hausa city. City form evolved consisting 

of a walled enclave, protected by moat and 

penetrated by gates (Figure 2). Roads originate 

from the gates and converge at the twin centers of 

the palace and city market, where built form is clus- 

Figure 2. Conceptual organization of Hausa city (after 

Moughtin, 1985). 

tered. Cities lacked any form of distinct land use 

zoning or distinction between built functions, except 

the organization of urban space into wards and 

quarters (Moughtin, 1985:43). Spaces were functionally 

arranged in a hierarchical order from those 

operating at city level to the neighbourhood and 

house levels. Zaria’s urban space has evolved 

reflecting changes in the three periods of its history. 

The Jihad of 1804 led to the evolution of Zaria as 

the capital of an emirate within a broader political 

grouping. New ruling dynasties evolved along with 

symbolic institutions and practices and a new style 

of mud architecture, the Soro style, which contributed 

to establishing the concept of traditional 

city form. The city evolved as a centre of craft production, 

commerce and slave trading. Colonialism 

led to the introduction of modern municipal administration, 

including the supply of services and infrastructure. 

Independence saw Zaria becoming a 

local government within a hierarchical regional 

political structure, with the structures of traditional 

administration retained largely for symbolic reasons. 

Garba (2007, p.114) has identified ten 

types of spaces as constituting the material public 

space of Zaria, based on analysis of typology from

Table 1. Constituent spaces of Zaria public space. 

the literature and practices in Zaria, and further 

grouped these into ‘free access’ and ‘quasi’ public 

spaces reflecting degree of control and access. This 

paper has adopted this classification with the slight 

modification that Road and production/services 

spaces have been collapsed into one group in view 

Figure 3. The Dandali in Zaria. 

of the nesting of one in the other (Table 1). The 

most unique of the spaces are the Dandali and 

Neighborhood Community spaces. The Dandali is 

an informal space in front of the Emirs palace surrounded 

by institutional buildings (Figure 3), while 

Neighborhoods community spaces are found in the 

4 5 




Figure 4. Structure and morphology of Zaria urban space. 

interior of residential quarters, loosely formed by 

houses at road intersections (Figure 4). From a symbolic 

perspective, the public spaces can further be 

classified into premier and subsidiary public spaces; 

the premier spaces, including Dandali, Markets, 

and Neighborhood community spaces. These, as 

tri-polar centers of symbolic, economic and social 

life, serve as locations of active city social and community 

life, while subsidiary spaces serve as locations 

where individuals find personal meaning in 

their lives. 

Based on classification developed by 

Garba (2007, p.165), social activities in Zaria’s 

public space can be grouped into 8 classes shown 

in Table 2. These could be further categorized into 

daily routines and events and festivities, which are 

by nature occasional. 

In the context of daily life, most of the activities 

are daytime with tempo of social life reaching 

equilibrium around midday when activities and pattern 

of social representation would be found combined 

in different proportions at different places 

(Figure 5). Neighborhoods would be most scantily 

populated with adult males engaging in occupations, 

few adult women on the move, and children 

and teenagers playing. Major and higher hierarchy 

roads and nested spaces would be the hub of 

diverse activities and participation. Playfields 

become the point of attraction by late afternoons. 

4 6 

Toward sunset, activities shift to residential neighborhoods, 

where community spaces become the 

focus of late evening socializing. This biography of 

public space changes during periods of events and 

festivities. 

DIVERSITY IN ZAR IA ’S PUB LIC SPAC E 

Findings discussed from a material and social perspective 

in line with the approach of the paper. 

Diversity in material public space 

Examination of material diversity from a typological 

perspective, points to a limited type of spaces constituting 

public space with minimal changes though 

addition or modification of use over time. Most 

spaces currently found in the city (Table 1), have 

their roots in the pre-Jihad period with the exception 

of the Dandali and Institutional spaces. The 

Dandali was established after the Jihad following 

the construction of a new palace and Friday 

mosque. The space was strengthened in its function 

following the construction of additional facilities in 

its vicinity during the colonial and post-colonial 

periods. Institutional spaces were introduced during 

the colonial period, following the construction of 

government facilities and schools. This expanded 

the provision of spaces for public activities, particu-

Table2. Activities in Zaria’s public space. 

Figure 5. Daily public life. 

4 7 




Figure 6. Eid festivities on Road spaces and Dandali 

larly recreational sports. Other spaces that have 

changed over time include religious, entertainment, 

recreation spaces and markets. The city evolved 

from the pre-jihad period with two co-existing religious 

practices, Islamic and Bori traditional religion. 

Bori religious practice and its visibility in 

public space declined progressively from the later 

part of the Jihad period to the post-colonial period 

when it virtually disappeared. Entertainment and 

recreation practices also witnessed transformations 

with implications for material space; traditional 

entertainment in the form of gambling and prostitution 

co-existing in certain places as the focal point 

of night public life has been supplanted by electronic 

entertainment in the form of the cinema and 

video show houses, while the traditional sports of 

wrestling and kick-boxing has been supplanted by 

games such as football, basketball, table tennis 

and snookers. The city has also witnessed the addition 

of another market, the Amaru market in the 

post-colonial period as well as increase in the number 

commercial areas and spaces. The space types 

found in Zaria are generally shared in common 

with other cities. The unique ones with roots in 

place cultural practices are the Dandali and 

Neighbourhood community spaces, which serve as 

4 8 

important focal points of community social life. 

Irrespective of classification, public spaces 

in Zaria have always historically supported mix-use 

activities and diverse social interactions. Most 

spaces would be found hosting complementary 

activities and social agents, creating lively and 

active places. The hierarchical order of spaces and 

their function would determine the vibrancy of 

places. Spaces like the Dandali and major roads 

tend to operate at the level of the city and are the 

most vibrant, while spaces at the ward and residential 

quarter level tend to operate more at the local 

level of residents. Physically, Zaria’s public space 

has had consistent characteristics over time. 

Constituent spaces are usually small in size and 

scale, and organized within walking distances. 

Across the city however, there is a huge variety in 

the setting of places for activities and interaction 

resulting from the organic nature of the fabric and 

changes in the size and shape of city spaces. 

Enclosure treatment also contributes to this diversity 

through the display of difference and contrast, 

reflecting the evolving nature of construction and 

aesthetics in the city. The height of development is, 

however, generally low, with predominance of one 

to three floor buildings and contributes to creating

a comfortable scale of settings for public life. 

Diversity from the social dimension of public space 

Examination of diversity from a social perspective 

points to a consistent decline of difference in social 

composition, stable pattern of Public life with limited 

historical change, and a consistent regime 

regarding access and participation. Social composition 

was most diverse during the Jihad period 

when increased immigration, following the expansion 

of slavery and trade attracted people to Zaria 

from different places. Diversity was reflected in representation 

by many ethnic groups, including 

Fulani, Nupe, Tuaregs, Berbers, Arabs, Kambari, 

Agalewa, Toronkawa, and Gwari (Clapperton, 

1828:159; Staudinger, 1889:51), and the spatial 

organization of these groups into wards based on 

ethnicity and occupation. The people were further 

stratified socially into royals, merchants, free citizens 

and slaves, in addition to gender and age. 

Starting from later part of the Jihad period, there 

was a gradual assimilation of the different ethnic 

groups into the Hausa culture that has gradually 

blunted social diversity. This has been aided by the 

settlement of new migrants outside Zaria’s wall 

and the freeing of slaves in the colonial period. 

The city currently has a social image and identity 

Figure 7.Itinerant entertainers in public spaces 

that is monolithic. 

Current daily Public life in Zaria is virtually 

a mirror of past practices. Daily public life evolved 

during the Jihad period with focus on day time 

functional activities of farming, craft production 

and trade complemented by social, religious, cultural, 

recreational and entertainment activities 

(Staudinger, 1889:183; Clapperton, 1828). These 

were interrupted occasionally at Neighborhood 

levels by family social events and festivities that 

include marriages, naming ceremonies and death 

consolation, which were and are still public events 

by virtue of being open to participation by all willing 

agents, and at city level by cultural festivities 

that includes the Eid prayer and its associated celebrations 

(Figure 6). 

Activities in space would usually consist of 

dominant and subsidiary ones with, for example, 

dyeing pits having retail marketing and entertainment. 

Places of functional activities were almost 

always accompanied by occasional entertainment 

especially during the dry season (Figure 7). Places 

would have adult males as the predominant 

actors, with many male and female children either 

hawking or playing. Some few women would be 

found, either marketing food or other goods or on 

transit between locations. Slave women might be 

4 9 




found assisting with other functional activities. This 

distribution would vary in time over the course of 

the day depending on the type of activity and location 

of the space. 

Commercial areas would be the most 

active coupled with the areas around the palace. 

The market was an important centre of daily life, 

serving not only as place of buying and selling but 

also as meeting place for idle people. Activities in 

all spaces would usually be complemented by 

socializing and interaction (hira). Staudinger 

(1889:58), commenting on it observed, “the Hausa 

have an outstanding gift for oratory; arguments or 

discussions constitute one of their favourite occupations. 

Nighttime activities were limited to Moon 

light plays (Wasan Farin wata) and activities in 

entertainment houses. The limited changes that 

have occurred between the Jihad period and current 

practices include: discontinuation of Bori practices 

and traditional entertainments and recreation, 

and disappearance of their associated spaces; 

gradually decline of craft production supplanted by 

small scale fabrication and repair; the introduction 

of the cinema, which along with improved transportation 

extended activities into the night; and a 

gradual decline of female participation resulting 

from more restrictive norms and values. 

Zaria has had a regime of open physical 

access to public spaces throughout its history, 

including even to ones that are institutionally 

owned. Practices have, however, evolved to limit or 

exclude some social groups and activities. There 

has been a stable pattern of access to spaces and 

activities for males across all ages. Females of all 

age groups have always had restricted access to 

public space. Their restriction is stratified along age 

and social status lines, with children and young girls 

having the greatest degree of freedom compared 

to adults (Staudinger, 1889:62). Among adult 

women, slaves, independent women, women from 

poor households and concubines had a greater 

degree of freedom of participation (Smith, 1960; 

Staudinger, 1889:171). The others, which include 

the wives and daughters of kings and other nobles 

and high status individuals, go out under guard, 

veiled or only after dark (Staudinger, 1889:63). 

Restriction also applies to the nature of activities 

that adult women can participate in. 

Changes in access regime through time 

5 0 

have seen greater exclusion of middle class women 

resulting from result of desire to increase male prestige 

(Coles & Mack, 1991:9), and a preference for 

seclusion by married free slave women as a mark 

of free status (Bergstrom, 2002:7). From a class 

perspective, persons of high and royal social classes 

rarely participate in every day public space. 

Staudinger (1889) notes that they are usually busy 

in the king’s court, with clients mediating their interaction 

with others and the public life of the city. 

Activities considered not in tune with prevailing 

norms and values have also been gradually excluded 

from public life; these include religious and 

entertainment practice deemed not in tune with a 

growing religiosity. 

IMPLICA TION OF FINDINGS FOR C ITY 

DESIGN AND PLA NNING 

Summarizing the findings, we established from a 

material perspective that Zaria has a limited number 

of public space types and a diversity of place 

settings resulting from differences in the shape and 

configuration of public spaces, situated within a 

fabric that is uniformly scaled to support comfortable 

use in activities and interactions. From a 

social perspective, we find a consistent decline in 

diversity of the society, gradual changes to activities 

and pattern of daily life, and a consistent 

regime regarding access and participation in public 

space. 

From the literature review and the study 

findings it is possible to deduce certain implications. 

The findings indicate that the quest for social 

diversity has to be approached from two perspectives; 

attracting and enabling participation by others 

from outside the city, and enabling access and 

participation by all social groups that constitute the 

residents of a city. The first perspective is necessary 

in order to reap benefits generally associated with 

urban diversity and it implies that cities must be 

able to compete in attracting migrants. The second 

perspective implies that significant effort must be 

exerted to improve access and participation in 

public life by all segments of the urban population; 

the Zaria findings reinforce the notion that public 

space practices are still exclusionary in most societies. 

The findings also point to the fact that in

the quest for diversity, appropriate settings have to 

be created to facilitate social activities and participation 

by agents; such settings should include support 

for mix-use activities, and the creation of different 

and diverse places settings. The scaling of 

development is also identified as an important factor 

in creating a comfortable setting for public life; 

small-scale intimate spaces appear from the Zaria 

case to work well in this respect. The study also 

shows that while typologies of spaces are shared in 

common among cities, it is possible to identify 

unique spaces and practices with roots in social culture 

that can serve as anchors of social life; in the 

case of Zaria this is found in the Dandali and in 

Neighborhood community spaces as centers of 

symbolic cultural and community social life. In any 

other city discovering such spaces would require 

that intervention to be backed by adequate 

research into social practices and their historical 

roots. Finally, the study supports the assertion of a 

link between diversity and centrality and the observation 

that the two may be mutually reinforcing. 

CONCL USION 

The paper examined diversity in the public space of 

Zaria with focus on the material and social dimension 

of space. The findings point to Zaria having a 

limited number of functional public spaces constituted 

in diverse ways to host mix-use activities and 

interactions within a material fabric that is scaled for 

comfortable human use. The spaces have provided 

settings for a vibrant social life that is rooted in cultural 

practices. Social diversity in the city has 

declined with time along with the loss of centrality 

and regional importance, suggesting a link 

between the two. 

Three issues appear to stand out in the 

quest for urban diversity from the study; the need to 

attract migrants to ensure sustainability, the need to 

be inclusive in practices, and the need to appropriately 

scale development and embedded settings 

including providing for mix-use and the comfort of 

users rather than focusing on abstract aesthetics. 

The study findings tends to reinforce principles of 

good city design that is generally recognized and 

advocated by individuals and groups such as Jane 

Jacobs and Congress for New Urbanism in the lit- 

erature. The findings are indicative of the fact that 

the challenge of creating well-designed cities with 

embedded diversity is not one of lack of ideals, but 

how to translate these into reality. It points to the 

need for a re-evaluation of our system of urban 

production to improve our utilization of available 

knowledge. Such a re-evaluation must, however, 

shy away from formalizing principles and strategies, 

but rather focus on an approach that is learning 

centered and focused on understanding principles 

that are universally shared and those that are rooted 

in place practices and needs in time.. 

REFER ENCES 

BERGSTROM, K. 2002, Legacies of Colonialism for Hausa 

Women: An Historical Analysis, Women and International 

Development Working paper #276, International Center, 

Michigan State University, East Lansing. 

BODAAR, A., & RATH, J. 2005, Cities, Diversity and Public 

Space, Metropolis World Bulletin, Vol 5, September 2005. 

CARR, S. M., FRANCIS, M., RIVLIN, L., & STONE, A. 1992, 

Public Space, Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. 

CLAPPERTON, H. 1828, Journal of a Second Expedition into 

the Interior of Africa from the Bight of Benin to Soccato, John 

Murray, London. 

COLES, C., & MACK, B. 1991, Women in Twentieth Century 

Hausa Society, in C. Coles & B. Mack (ed) (1991) Hausa 

Women in the Twentieth Century, Madison: University of 

Wisconsin Press, pp.3-28. 

FAINSTEIN, S. S. 2004, Cities and Diversity Should we want it? 

Should we plan for it?, Urban Affairs Review Vol 42, No 1, 

September 2005, pp.3-19. 

GARBA, S. B. 2007, Change in the Public Space of Traditional 

Hausa Cities: a study of Zaria, Unpublished thesis, Newcastle 

University. 

GOHEEN, P. G. 1998, Public Space and the Geography of the 

Modern City, Progress in Human Geography, 22(4), pp. 479- 

496. 

KNOx, P. & PINCH, S. 2000, Urban Social Geography- An 

5 1 




introduction, Prentice Hall, Harlow, England. 

KRIER R. 1979, Urban Space. Academy Editions. London. 

MITCHELL, D. 1995, The End of Public Space- Peoples Park, 

Definitions of the Public and Democracy, Annals of the 

Association of American Geographers, 85(1), pp. 108-133. 

MITCHELL, D. 1996, Introduction- Public Space and the City, 

Urban Geography, 17(2), pp. 127-131. 

MOUGHTIN, J. C. 1985, Hausa Architecture, Ethnographica, 

London. 

RUDDICK, S. 1996, Constructing Difference in Public Space: 

Race, Class, and Gender as Interlocking Systems, Urban 

Geography 17(2), pp.132-51 

SMITH, M. G. 1960, Government in Zazzau, Oxford University 

Press, Oxford. 

STAUDINGER, P. 1889, In the Heart of the Hausa States, 

Volume 1 (translated by Johanna Moody), Athens, Ohio: Ohio 

University Centre for international Studies, Monograph in international 

studies- African Studies Series number 56. 

TALEN, E. 2006, Design that enables diversity: The complications 

of a planning ideal, Journal of Planning Literature, Vol 20 

No 3 pp.233-249. 

TIBBALD, F. 1992, Making People-Friendly Towns; Improving 

the Public Environment in Towns and Cities, Longman, Harlow. 

WALZER, M. 1986, Pleasures and Cost of Urbanity”, Dissent, 

Fall, pp. 470-475. 

WIRTH, L. 1938, Urbanism as a way of life, American Journal 

of Sociology, 44, pp.1-24. 

Dr. Shaibu B. Garba 

Department of Civil and Architectural Engineering 

College of Engineering, Sultan Qaboos University, 

Al-Khoudh Muscat, Sultanate of Oman 

sbgarba@squ.edu.om 

5 2

INTRODUCTION 

URBAN SPACE DIVERSITY IN SOUTH AFRICA: MEDIUM 

DENSITY MIXED DEVELOPMENTS 

In reaction to the continuous challenges posed by 

social and spatial segregation in contemporary 

cities, there has been an increasing call for greater 

social and spatial integration and mixed developments 

in recent years in countries such as the in USA 

(Brophy and Smith, 1997), UK (Berube, 2005), 

Netherlands (Geurs and Van Wee, 2006), Germany 

(Hanhorster, 2001), Australia (Johnston, 2002) and 

New Zeeland. It is argued that mixed neighbourhoods 

can support place diversity and contribute to 

safer and more sustainable human settlements 

(Jacobs, 1961; Rogers, 1997; Jenks and Dempsey, 

2003; Jabareen, 2006; Talen, 2008). Place diversity 

exists within the realm of ‘everyday life’ activities 

and are described as “places with socially diverse 

people sharing the same neighbourhoods, where 

diversity is the result of a mix of income levels, races, 

ethnicities, ages, and family types” (Talen, 2008: 4- 

5). The pursuit of greater diversity is also supported 

in major contemporary urban design and planning 

movements such as New Urbanism, Traditional 

Neighbourhood Development and Smart Growth. 

Urban space diversity is also a key concern 

in South Africa. In spite of this, there is not always 

agreement on the meaning of diversity in the country 

or how this should be achieved in practice. 


A bstract 

As is the case internationally, there is also an increased focus on urban space diversity in South Africa. Is it appropriate 

to pursue place diversity in South Africa? If so, what are the design factors that support place diversity and can these 

be accommodated by the development of medium density mixed housing in the country? Furthermore, could these 

emerging trends be considered as part of a larger global trend moving towards greater place diversity in cities, or does 

it only offer local fragments and practices of fashionable international ideas? This paper explores the multiple meanings 

of place diversity in the country as evident in the development of medium density mixed housing developments 

and highlights a number of paradoxes that emerge as a result of the context-specific realities. 

Keywords: Space diversity, medium density mixed housing, South Africa. 

While almost all built environment professionals 

and urban practitioners agree that there is a need 

to facilitate the achievement of greater socio-spatial 

diversity, many question the viability thereof within 

the South African context given the legacy of separate 

development, oppression, domination, exclusion 

and segregation – many of the scars of which 

are still all too prevalent within urban environments. 

In South Africa, the national housing plan 

(2004) promotes the implementation of medium 

density and mixed housing to address the segregated 

development patterns. Looking at the nature 

and impact of these developments in the country, 

the question is whether medium density mixed 

housing is likely to support the creation of place 

diversity in South Africa. This paper aims to conceptualise 

urban space diversity and investigate 

these multiple meanings of diversity within the South 

African context. It explores to what extent it is possible 

to plan and/or design for diversity through an 

investigation of the design strategies used in multiple 

case studies on medium density mixed housing 

developments. In doing so, the discussion highlights 

the various paradoxes and realities evident in 

the development of these new developments to 

promote diversity. 

5 3 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Urban space diversity in South Africa: Medium density mixed developments.


open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Urban space diversity in South Africa: Medium density mixed developments. 

M U L T I P L E M EA N IN G S O F U R B A N 

SPA CE DIV ER SITY 

What is diversity? 

There are many interpretations of diversity, ranging 

from a focus on mixed social and ethnic groups 

(Hanhorster, 2001) and a diversity of economic 

opportunity (Quigley, 1998), to a focus on the 

physical elements and ‘good urban form’ that promote 

place diversity (Talen, 2008). The need to 

focus on planning and design that supports greater 

diversity and socio-spatial mix, has long been a 

concept embedded in city planning and design idealism, 

ranging from Howard’s call for the provision 

of neighbourhoods and towns to provide the 

diverse and essential needs of life, to Mumford and 

Whyte highlighting the nature of the physical context 

and its link greater diversity. From these debates 

on new directions for urban development and planning 

and the re-design of urban space, two key 

design factors stand out as being connected to 

greater diversity, namely socio-spatial mix and density. 

Socio-spatial mix and socially diverse neighbourhoods 

can be related to a number of factors 

including historical/ economical/social, policyrelated 

and physical/location; each having an 

interrelated effect on one another (Talen, 2008). 

Density also has an impact on diversity. Jacobs 

(1961) preferred densities in the range of 100 

du/acre (247 du/ha) and maintained that higher 

densities and ground cover, facilitated through 

smaller urban blocks and a variation of building 

types, would positively influence population and 

economic diversity. However, as Talen (2008) points 

out, density and diversity is not always correlated as 

attempts towards densification and consequent 

gentrification may lead to the displacement of 

lower-income households. 

Why diversity in cities or neighbourhoods? 

Place diversity is therefore generally concerned with 

the creation of more opportunities for a variety of 

people in closer proximity. Jacobs (1961) considers 

diversity as a vital part of successful cities; without 

it the urban system will not provide an adequate 

place to live. Talen (2008) maintains that place 

diversity is generally linked to place vitality and 

social equity. Place vitality is concerned with economic 

health and sustainability and social equity 

5 4 

relates to access (‘geography of opportunity’) and 

the utopian ideal where a mix of populations 

groups are considered as the basis for a more creative, 

tolerant and stable world (Talen, 2008). A 

recent study in the UK identified a number of benefits 

of a mixed community, namely that residents 

of all ages, ethnic groups and social classes have 

the opportunity to interact; the potential for negative-area 

effects, such as low-level crime, is 

reduced; local schools can attract students from a 

wide range of backgrounds; mixed-income areas 

may be able to attract and support a higher level of 

local services, recreational and entertainments 

facilities and a variety of shops; residents have the 

opportunity to move within the development to 

accommodate changing needs, while still maintaining 

social networks; and higher average levels 

of disposable income may create additional 

employment opportunities for local residents (Baily 

et al 2006: 20). 

However, “if a development is not diverse, 

then homogeneity of built forms often produces 

unattractive, monotonous urban landscapes, a lack 

of housing for all income groups, class and racial 

segregation, and job-housing imbalances that lead 

to increased driving, congestion, and air pollution” 

(Wheeler, 2002: 328). This has been the case in 

South Africa where cities have been characterised 

by low-density sprawl, fragmentation and separation 

in the early nineties. Low-density sprawl manifested 

in three processes that determined the pattern 

of growth: speculative sprawl, the development 

of low-cost housing schemes on the urban peripheries; 

and illegal squatting. Fragmentation was 

caused by a cellular development pattern with 

neighbourhoods organised in relatively discrete 

cells, frequently bound by freeways and/or buffers 

of open space. The third pattern is separation, 

which included separation of land uses, races and 

income groups to the greatest degree possible 

(Dewar, 1992). 

Design for diversity 

A number of authors have outlined strategies to 

plan and design for more diverse neighbourhoods 

(including Jacobs, 1961; Jenks and Dempsey, 

2004; Jabareen, 2006). Talen (2008) summarises 

the debates and presents three over-arching design 

strategies for greater diversity: mix, connection and

security. The first refers to socio-spatial mix through 

a mix of housing types (form, size and tenure), 

housing ages and facilities and services mix and 

policies that promote mixed developments. The 

second strategy relates to the connectivity of different 

types of urban spaces, which is linked to the 

identity of spaces, collective space, access to different 

institutions and a variety of networks. The third 

strategy deals with the challenge to promote creativity 

and mix, without increased tension and conflict, 

which will imply housing integration, opportunities 

for surveillance, spaces for positive activity 

(i.e. avoiding ‘dead’ space) and providing strong 

and desirable edges to diverse places. 

These strategies can also differ from place 

to place. In South Africa, government policies have 

reacted against the spatial patterns of low density 

sprawl, fragmentation and separation. In this context, 

the new housing plan presents alternative 

options for delivery with an emphasis on restructuring 

the city. The emphasis is on the creation of sustainable 

settlements as environments for diversity 

and choice offered by a range of housing options 

in close proximity to supporting facilities, amenities 

and economic opportunities (South African 

Housing Department, 2004). 

DIV ER SITY IN MEDIUM DENSITY MIXED 

DEV EL OPMENTS 

Research background 

The findings are based on multiple case studies of 

medium density mixed housing projects. The case 

studies included two components: firstly investigating 

the context, namely the socio-spatial environment 

and secondly understanding the views of key 

stakeholders, including the residents, developers, 

financiers and housing officials. A number of methods 

and tools were used to investigate these issues, 

such as a spatial analysis tool to assess the physical 

context, a structured questionnaire to conduct 

household surveys 1 with a sample of residents and 

semi-structured interviews with developers, officials 

and financiers (for a detailed discussion see 

Landman and Du Toit, 2008). The original project 

included two pilot case studies and five additional 

Figure 1. Semi-detached low-income (RDP) units on 

two levels in Pennyville. 

cases across the country. The methodology was 

repeated in four additional cases in 2010 by a 

number of final year planning students from the 

University of Pretoria. The paper subsequently 

focuses on the findings from these 11 cases across 

South Africa 2 . 

Design strategies 

This section utilises Talen’s (2008) three main 

design strategies, mix, connectivity and security, to 

explore the diversity present in medium density 

mixed developments in South Africa. Although the 

degree varies, all of the cases have a mix of housing 

types, including the form, size and/or tenure. 

These vary from a mix of unit types and sizes within 

different multi-story buildings, for example 

Amalinda, Brickfields, Carr Gardens and Melrose 

Arch, to a combination of different sizes of houses 

for various income and tenure groups in an urban 

block or precinct, for example Cosmo City, 

Pennyville, Olievenhoudtbosh, Thornhill and 

Wonder Park. The housing types also vary from 

semi-detached or row houses to single houses on a 

plot (Figures 1 and 2). As these are all relatively 

newly built developments, there is not a mix of 

housing ages. All of these developments have some 

form of communal facility, ranging from a community 

centre/ facilities and crèche to a large variety of 

land use mix, for example Melrose Arch. 

The second strategy relates to the connectivity 

of different types of urban spaces. The identity 

1 Structured questionnaires were distributed to a sample of households (minimum 30 households but up to 60 in larger developments) in each of the case study areas. The questionnaire 

included a section to obtain demographic information, including household income, a section obtaining the resident’s views on the critical success factors and three open ended questions 

at the end to obtain any additional information that may not have been covered in the structured questions; thus including both closed and open questions, which facilitated both 

quantitative and qualitative data analysis. 

5 5 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Urban space diversity in South Africa: Medium density mixed developments. Karina Landman



Figure 2. Different building types and unit sizes organised around communal play space in Amalinda. 

Figure 3. Small neighbourhood/ communal spaces in 

Sakhasonke. 

of spaces is linked to the images, symbols and 

landmarks of a neighbourhood that serve to hold 

together a diverse population (Talen 2008: 152). 

This varies in the different projects. While the identity 

is not strong in some cases, the small neigh- 

5 6 

bourhood parks with characteristic bench and 

plant holders in Sakhasonke (Figure 3) and the 

specific design and signs in the parks in Cosmo 

City (Figure 4) provides identity to these spaces. 

The street furniture, sculptures and landscape features 

in Melrose Arch provides a strong sense of 

identity and offers collective space to the residents 

and visitors. Access to different institutions and a 

variety of networks also differs depending on the 

target-group and levels of affordability related to 

the development and the size of the area. The larger 

neighbourhoods include a range of institutions, 

while the smaller developments only feature a 

community centre / facilities and/or crèche. The 

design of Sakhasonke and Melrose Arch gave the 

most attention to the provision of pedestrian 

routes. 

The third strategy deals with the challenge 

to promote creativity and mix, while ensuring security. 

The layout of roads and housing units allows 

moderate to good opportunities for surveillance in 

most of the cases, with a conscious attempt to 

avoid ‘dead’ space. However, due to the phasing of 

large projects such as Cosmo City, Pennyville and 

Olievenhoudtbosh, there are still some vacant sites 

which provide opportunities for crime, such as 

mugging and rape, when people are forced to 

cross these spaces early in the morning or late at 

night. The provision of strong edges raises an inter- 

2 The cases were selected based on a set of criteria, namely that they encompass a medium density of about 50 – 125du/ha and at least two forms of mix (housing units/types; tenure; 

income and/or land use) within a low-rise development. The case studies are distributed throughout the country and indicates that ‘medium density mixed housing’ can differ quite extensively 

in practice in terms of size, built form and types of mix involved, while still broadly adhering to the criteria.

Figure 4. Neighbourhood park in Cosmo City. 

esting dilemma in South Africa, where many of the 

residents associate a strong edge with a hard 

boundary in the form of a wall or fence. Target 

hardening has been voiced as a key concern in 

most of the projects and hence developers provided 

these hard edges where possible - strengthening 

the boundaries even further through access control 

in some cases. 

Figure 5. Households’ earnings per month for eight case study areas. 

Social mix 

The medium density mixed housing projects facilitated 

opportunities for social mix through a mix of 

income groups, age groups and to some extent a 

mix of population groups. Following the findings 

from the initial pilot case studies (Brickfields and 

Carr Gardens) the questionnaire was adapted to 

accommodate a larger band of income groups. 

This revealed a reasonable spread of income 

groups across the income bands (Figure 5) 3 . Apart 

from Sakhasonke, which was intended to accom- 

3 The findings from Pennyville are excluded as the interviews were not representative of all the income groups as the housing for all the income groups had not been completed at the 

time of the interviews. 

5 7 




Figure 6. Age distribution within the projects. 

modate only RDP units, about 20 – 40% of households 

in Cosmo City, Sakhasonke and Hull Street 

earned between R5000 and R10 000 per month, 

and about 10 – 20% earned between R10 000 

and R20 000 per month. This is significant given 

that in 2010 the Bureau for Market Research in 

Stellenbosch indicated that the average household 

income in South Africa was R9 955. In addition, 

57% off people in South Africa lives below the 

poverty line (Schwabe, 2004) 4 . A smaller percentage 

of households in Cosmo City, 

Olievenhoudbosh and Wonder Park even indicated 

that they earned more than R20 000 per month 

which starts to point towards a significant mix of 

income groups in these projects. In the case of 

Thornhill and Melrose Arch, a much larger percentage 

of people (between 40 and 90%) indicated 

that they earned more than R20 000 per 

month, showing that people from higher income 

groups are willing to invest in medium density 

mixed income projects. 

These projects also accommodated a mix 

of age groups (Figure 7). The questionnaire 

recorded the age of the adult person who completed 

the survey. Most of these persons were either 

between the ages of 18 and 30 years (40%) or 

between 31 and 55 years (56%). In addition, the 

majority of households in most of the cases included 

children under the age of 17 years, although 

5 8 

the distribution differed between the cases study 

areas (Figure 8). 

These developments also facilitated 

opportunities for social mix through a mix of population 

groups to some extent (Figure 9). Although 

this mix is not as high as the previous groups, it 

does start to show that some form of mix is possible 

within mixed developments, especially in projects 

such as Brickfields, Carr Gardens, Amalinda 

and Sakhasonke and to a larger extent in Thornhill 

and Melrose Arch. It also indicates that the type of 

mix may differ according to the type of project and 

the area in which it is located, for example the different 

distribution of population groups in 

Amalinda and Hull Street, and the thresholds of 

income groups targeted, for example Thornhill and 

Melrose Arch. 

This indicates a move towards the implementation 

of the different design strategies for 

diversity in South Africa, which appears to support 

greater social mix in the various projects. However, 

in spite of this a few paradoxes remain. 

PA RADOX ES A ND R EA LITIES IN NEW 

PR OJ EC TS IN SOUTH AF RICA 

As was the case internationally and specifically in 

Chicago (Talen 2008), socio-spatial mix and 

4 Poverty estimates are calculated using a poverty line that varies according to household size. A household of 4 persons has a poverty income of R1 290 per month (Schwabe 2004)

Figure 7. Households with children under the age of 17 years. 

Figure 8. Distribution of population groups within the various developments. 

attempts towards diversity in South Africa has also 

been influenced by historical/ economical/social, 

policy-related and physical/ locational factors, 

which all have an interrelated effect on each other. 

This will be discussed briefly. 

Policies and preferences 

In reaction to the new housing plan, there has been 

an increased focus on the development of more 

inclusive housing developments, ranging from 

smaller integrated complexes to large mixed neighbourhoods. 

According to a set of spatial 

indicators 5 , most of these projects accommodates 

spatial mix through a mix of housing units/types, 

facilities and land uses in close proximity. As discussed, 

many also facilitate social mix through a 

range of income, age and population groups. As a 

result, these developments accommodate a much 

higher level of socio-spatial integration compared 

to previous housing and neighbourhoods developments 

in South Africa and in this way starts to 

address the inherent patterns of low-density sprawl, 

fragmentation and segregation, while facilitating 

5 One of the methods included a spatial analysis of all the case study areas based on a spatial analysis tool developed to measure the spatial performance of these projects according to 

a set of principles and indicators. 

5 9 




greater diversity within these urban spaces. 

However, inherent in these development 

patterns hides a paradox, linked to the response of 

residents and the urban form to the realities of the 

social and cultural context. In spite of the incorporation 

of a number of design strategies to enhance 

safety and security 6 , residents indicated “safety and 

security” as the most important category of critical 

success factors in terms of preferences in the case 

study areas 7 . In addition, most of them highlighted 

the importance of target hardening and physical 

measures such as fences or walls around the development 

and controlled access. Therefore, while 

these developments have been able to facilitate 

greater integration and diversity within the area, 

many are still physically separated from their surrounding 

areas. It therefore highlights the paradox 

inherent between the normative goals of greater 

integration and security, which has direct implications 

for design strategies towards diversity. 

Therefore, as also pointed out by Talen (2008), as 

long as attempts towards diversity, even though 

promoted by policies, is seen to be conflicting with 

perceived strategies to accommodate greater security, 

it will remain a point of contention, especially 

given the high levels of crime and fear of crime in 

South Africa. 

Practice and power play 

As discussed, the type of mix within the new projects 

also differed according to the type of project, the 

area in which it is located and the thresholds of 

income groups targeted. In practice, the development 

of these projects is highly dependent on the 

input and engagement of various stakeholders. The 

projects with a large component of low-income and 

affordable housing is to a large extent dependent 

on the housing subsidies and support of the national 

government to guarantee bank loans for the 

credit-linked housing. Without this, it would not 

have been financially viable for the developers 

and/or housing agencies to accommodate a mix of 

housing types and income groups in the same 

development. At the same time, the success of 

these, especially those accommodating middle and 

higher income groups, are very dependent on the 

housing market and the willingness of these groups 

6 0 

to invest in mixed developments. Therefore, 

although the aim is towards greater integration and 

diversity, the level of mix will be influenced to a 

large degree by the conditions of the housing and 

land market, including levels of affordability (for the 

state, private developers and potential residents) 

and the socio-economic and cultural context within 

these developments. In this sense, practices related 

to urban form and conscious spatial mix towards 

greater social mix, cannot be divorced from the 

contextual realities influencing subtle power plays 

between different stakeholders and the establishment 

of a so-called ‘win-win’ situation. Within these 

developments, the question in South Africa 

remains: a mix for who and why? 

Planning and physical design 

The findings have also indicated physical/locational 

factors can create more opportunities for diversity 

within the new medium density mixed housing projects. 

However, the extent to which it is possible to 

apply the three design strategies – mix, connectivity 

and security – will differ from place to place and 

depend on the socio-economic and cultural context 

influencing the urban form. The smaller the mixed 

development, the greater the limitation on the extent 

of socio-spatial mixes that can be achieved. 

However, on the other hand, larger, more exclusive 

developments, such as Melrose Arch, may target a 

specific group, and in this way accommodate less 

diversity in terms of social mix, while facilitating an 

extensive spatial mix. A significant spatial mix may 

therefore not always translate into a large social mix 

and as a result, only give rise to a selected type of 

diversity in practice or a mix of certain groups in specific 

demarcated urban spaces. Increased densities 

have, however, translated in increased access to a 

range of socio-economic and recreational opportunities 

for residents form these projects. Planning and 

designing for medium density mixed housing projects 

therefore creates an interesting paradox: while 

it facilities greater and/or selective diversity within 

these developments or neighbourhoods, it does not 

yet transcends the boundaries or edges of many of 

these developments and as such have some way to 

go to address patterns of spatial fragmentation and 

social separation at a larger city scale. 

6 These included a focus on surveillance, ownership and territoriality, image and aesthetics and target hardening. 

7 The questionnaires tested the importance of a range of critical success factors for medium density mixed housing based on five categories, namely affordability, design and layout, safety 

and security, neighbourliness and social cohesion and management and maintenance.

CONCL USION: DIV ER SE PLA CES AND 

MEA NINGS 

This paper conceptualised urban place diversity 

within the South African context and showed how 

this has been concretised within medium density 

mixed housing developments. The discussion highlighted 

the multiple meanings of diversity as related 

to various factors, namely socio-economic, policy 

and physical/locational. While South Africa does 

not have a strong tradition of catering for diversity, 

in spite of the presence of a diverse population in 

the country, the new medium-density mixed housing 

projects are starting to challenge this tradition. The 

findings have indicated that the presence of diversity 

within these projects is a result of both government 

policy and the willingness of key stakeholders 

to engage with this in practice. 

However, due to the specific context realities 

within the country, such as high levels of crime 

and a legacy of separate development, a number 

of paradoxes remain. This relates to concerns 

regarding safety and financial viability, which has 

an influence on the level of integration within and 

beyond these developments. While the findings 

indicate that people are willing to accept greater 

levels of diversity within medium density mixed 

developments, it may take some time to transcend 

these boundaries and speak of significant diversity 

at a city scale. Then again, it may also be useful to 

engage in a debate on the relevance of urban 

space diversity at that scale and whether planners 

and urban designers should rather focus on neighbourhood 

diversity and its link to various social and 

spatial factors. Within the South African context, the 

achievement of greater diversity, albeit at a neighbourhood 

level and often selective, is already a 

major step ahead towards creating more sustainable 

and safer cities. 

Finally, it can be concluded that the 

increased focus on diversity and incorporation of 

medium densities and a greater mix to facilitate 

this, can be considered as part of a larger global 

trend moving towards greater place diversity in 

cities, and at the same time as a specific attempt to 

address the a specific historical context in the country. 

The discussion highlighted many similarities in 

terms of international and local design strategies to 

accommodate mix. However, the inherent paradox- 

es which emerged indicates the presence of both 

historical and contemporary social and cultural 

influences that will take time to dissolve and pave 

the way for greater diversity within and beyond 

neighbourhoods in South African cities. 

Acknowledgements 

The author would like to acknowledge the CSIR for 

funding the initial research project and the contributions 

of the other team members, Gertrude 

Matsebe and Maema Mmonwa with data collection 

and analysis (household surveys) and Dr 

Jacques du Toit for the statistical analysis. In addition 

she would also like to acknowledge the contribution 

from the honours students, namely Martin 

Dam and Gerhard Koekemoer (Melrose Arch), 

Karla Booysen and Jacorien van Eeyssen 

(Olievenhoudtbosch), Tumelo Moila (Thornhill) and 

Sophie Ngobeni (Wonder Park). 

REFER ENCES 

BAILY, N., HAWORTH, A., MANZI, T., PARANAGAMAGE, P., 

and ROBERTS, M., 2006, Creating and sustaining mixed 

income communities: A good practice guide. Published for the 

Joseph Rowntree Foundation, Chartered Institute of Housing - 

UK. 

BERUBE, A. 2005, Mixed communities in England: A US perspective 

on evidence and policy prospects. Joseph Rowntree 

Foundation, York. 

BUREAU FOR MARKET RESEARCH, 2010, Household income 

in SA up 6,5%. Property 24, 29 Nov 2010, Accessed on 4 

January 2012 at http://www.property24.com/articles/household-income-in-sa-up-65/12758 

BROPHY, C. P. and SMITH R. N. 1997, Mixed Income 

Housing: Factors for Success. Cityscape: A Journal of Policy 

Development and Research. Vol. 3/2: pp. 3-31. 

DEWAR, D. 1992, Urbanization and the South African city: A 

manifesto for change. In Smith, D.M. (ed.). The apart heid city 

and beyond: Urbanisation and social change in South Africa. 

Routledge, London, pp. 205-215. 

GEURS, K. T. and VAN WEE, B., 2006, Ex-post Evaluation of 

Thirty Years of Compact Urban Development in the 

Netherlands. Urban Studies. Vol. 43, pp. 139-160. 

6 1 




HANHORSTER, H. 2001, Whose neighbourhood is it? Ethnic 

diversity in urban spaces in Germany, GeoJournal. Vol. 51, pp. 

329–338. 

JABAREEN, Y. R. 2006, Sustainable urban forms: their typologies, 

models and concepts. Journal of Planning Education and 

Research. Vol. 26/1, pp. 38-52. 

JACOBS, J. 1961, The Death and Life of Great American 

Cities. Vinatge Books, New York. 

JENKS, M. and DEMPSEY, 2005, Future Forms and Design for 

Sustainable Cities. Architectural Press, Oxford. 

JOHNSTON, C. 2002, Housing Policy and Social Mix: An 

Exploratory Paper. Prepared for Shelter NSW, Sydney, Australia. 

Available on http:// www.shelternsw.infoxchange.net.au/docs/ 

rpt02socialmix-sb.pdf 

LANDMAN, K. and DU TOIT, J. 2008, Case studies utilising 

mixed methods to research medium density mixed housing 

developments in South Africa. CSIR Report: Document 

Reference number: CSIR/BE/PSS/IR/2007/0015/B. 

QUIGLEY, J. M. 1998, Urban diversity and economic growth. 

The Journal of Economic Perspectives. Vol. 12/2, pp. 127- 

138. 

ROGERS, R. 1997, Cities for a Small Planet. Butler and Tanner 

Ltd, London. 

SCHWABE, G. 2004, Fact Sheet: Poverty in South Africa. 

Human Sciences Research Council, Pretoria. Accessed on 4 

January 2012 at http://www.sarpn.org/documents/d0000990 

SOUTH AFRICA - DEPARTMENT OF HOUSING, 2004, 

Breaking New Ground: A Comprehensive Plan for the 

Development of Sustainable Human Settlements. Prepared by 

the National Department of Housing, Pretoria. 

TALEN, E. 2008, Design for Diversity: Exploring Socially Mixed 

Neighbourhoods. Architectural Press, Oxford. 

WHEELER, S. M. 2000, Planning for metropolitan sustainability. 

Journal of Planning Education and Research. Vol. 20, pp. 

133-145. 

6 2 

WHEELER, S. M. 2002, Infill development’ from Smart Infill: 

Creating More Livable Communities in the Bay Area. In The 

Sustainable Urban Development Reader. Wheeler, S. M. and 

Beatley, T. 2004. Routledge, London. 

Dr. Karina Landman 

University of Pretoria 

Department of Town & Regional Planning 

Private Bag X20 Hatfield, 0028,South Africa 

karina.landman@up.ac.za

INTRODUCTION 

DIVERSITY IN CONVIVIALITY: BEIRUT’S TEMPORARY 

PUBLIC SPACES 

Urban public spaces are often designated as 

streets, squares and parks (Gehl and Gemzøe, 

1996; Vernez-Moudon, 1991; Webb, 1999; Low 

et al., 2005; Childs, 2004).Whether publicly or privately 

provided, conventional public spaces are 

construed through planning and design instruments, 

which indicate the legal decision to fix land 

use and use-rights a priori (Alexander, 1992). The 

efficiency of this approach is questioned (Buitelaar 

and Needham, 2007), especially in conditions of 

scarcity of resources that endanger the role of public 

spaces. Buitelaar and Needham (2007) indicate 

that planning falls short of keeping track of social 

changes and needs. This is in line with arguments 

that an ‘underdesigning’ of public spaces (Kostof, 

1992: 144) leads to ‘improvised, occasional … 

quite diverse’ users and activities (Gastil and Ryan, 

2004: 17). An alternative approach includes temporary 

public space supply. This article attempts to 

position temporary public spaces within the public 

space literature. It further explains their supply 

process through the lens of urban economics and 


A bstract 

Amidst the debates on the death or resurgence of public spaces emerges a significant question: how could public 

spaces that function at different urban scales and cater for diverse collective needs be provided? This article explores 

the roles and potentials of temporary public spaces in meeting diverse challenges related to the supply and use of urban 

open spaces. Positioning temporary public spaces within the literature on non-conventional public spaces is conducted 

with the purpose of identifying those spaces’ characteristics. The proposed definition of temporary public spaces is 

based on their dynamic status of use-rights. Moreover, a conceptual framework based on urban land economics and 

bid rent theory is used to explain how such spaces transform under the exchange of temporary use-rights to activate 

vacant urban lots for public activities. This conceptual framework is applied in the case of a grass root approach to the 

supply of temporary public spaces. The context is Beirut, a city that has lost its public spaces due to wars and is trying 

to reintroduce them through different supply mechanisms. The examples illustrate how homogeneous urban spaces are 

identified over time and converted into heterogeneous and lively temporary public spaces. These contribute towards 

conviviality in a highly fragmented and multi-cultural society and animate everyday urban life. 

Keywords: Temporary public space, vacant lots, conviviality, use-rights, Beirut. 

gives illustrations based on case studies from Beirut 

(Mady, 2010). 

P OS I T I O NI N G T EM P O R A R Y P U B L I C 

SPAC ES IN THE L ITERA TU RE 

‘Although condemned to a basic anonymity’ temporary 

public spaces have the ‘ability to weave relations’ 

(Ferlenga, 2006: 137). The literature on transient 

activities and temporary public spaces is 

chronologically dispersed and covers a wide spectrum 

of terminology. It is dismissive of wasted 

spaces (Lynch, 1972; Trancik, 1986), while it 

affirms their roles in intensifying the use of urban 

open space in transition and meeting social needs 

(Hormigo et al., 2007; Haydn and Temel, 2006; 

Franck and Stevens, 2007). Several authors refer to 

proactively captured non-planned spaces, which 

are converted into public spaces through user-initiation 

(Gehl and Gemzøe, 1996: 77; Kroll, 1991; 

Altay, 2007). Examples are given from several 

countries worldwide thus showing that manifestations 

of temporary spaces traverse nation states 

6 3 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Diversity in conviviality: Beirut’s temporary public spaces. Christine Mady


open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 Diversity in conviviality: Beirut’s temporary public spaces. 

while focusing on user groups and individual supply 

mechanisms (Hormigo et al., 2007; Haydn and 

Temel, 2006; Groth and Corijn, 2005; Franck and 

Stevens, 2007). Temporary public spaces are not 

fixed in space or function, and are capable of transforming 

the form and function of planned spaces. 

A Chronology of Temporary Spaces 

Temporary spaces seem to be affected by changes 

in urban planning and occur in dynamic sociopolitical 

and economic frameworks. Lynch (1972) 

indicated how only tabula rasa space was of interest 

to urban designers and planners, while vacant 

non-planned urban space was neglected. More 

than a decade later, Trancik (1986: 1) referred to 

the urban typology of ‘anti-space’ or ‘lost space’ in 

the USA, which was wasted and ill-defined as a 

result of modernist design and planning implementations. 

Underuse contributes to the loss of the 

space’s values and meanings (Trancik, 1986) and 

forms ‘anti-spaces, with no positive intervention to 

the surroundings or the users’ (Trancik, 1986: 4). 

Trancik’s lost spaces are echoed in Worpole’s 

(2000) S.L.O.A.P (spaces left out after planning) 

and emphasise the residues of design and planning 

schemes. From the planning perspective, temporarily 

vacant spaces are not categorised; they are in 

transition awaiting the final regulatory specification 

of a fixed land use. Gehl and Gemzøe (1996: 77) 

discuss this inefficient space use in the case of city 

centre parking lots catering for cars rather than 

pedestrians. Other authors refer to such spaces as 

informal, indicating their non-established, illegal or 

unacknowledged status by the planning system 

(such as Carr et al., 1992). 

An umbrella term referring to these opportunity 

spaces is what Franck and Stevens (2007: 4) 

refer to as ‘loose space’, allowing for ‘unintended 

and unexpected activities’ to occur. Those most 

concerned with providing a public activity unveil 

these spaces. The spaces could be adaptations or 

compensations for the declined state or lack of 

public spaces. Several research projects have dealt 

with ‘temporary urban spaces’ (Haydn and Temel, 

2006; Urban Catalyst, 2009); however, they focus 

on the activities rather than the processes through 

which those spaces acquire new values. 

Another type of anti-spaces consists of 

derelict sites within the city proper (Urban Catalyst, 

6 4 

2009; Oswalt et al., 2007). Berlin’s reconstruction 

in the early 1990s instigated an intense interest in 

non-defined spaces as expressed in the terms ‘terrain 

vague’ first coined by De Solà-Morales (1995), 

and Koolhaas’ (1994) ‘void’ in the city. Such 

spaces are temporarily placed in the hindsight of 

state and entrepreneurial concerns. Derelict sites 

(Edensor, 2007; Schneekloth, 2007) arise for a 

variety of reasons, such as changes from industries 

to services (Groth and Corijn, 2005), or destruction 

in Beirut’s case. These latent sites are waiting to be 

programmed as part of the planned urban dynamics. 

Meanwhile and due to private initiatives, their 

‘physical deterioration’ and de-programming 

(Franck and Stevens, 2007: 9) generate possibilities 

for activation according to current needs thus annihilating 

their emptiness (Doron, 2000; Haydn and 

Temel, 2006; Groth and Corijn, 2005). Activities 

range from caravans, artistic and sports activities to 

markets (Doron, 2000). Parallel to Berlin’s, Beirut’s 

reconstruction revealed similar urban dynamics in 

which latent spaces metamorphosed into temporary 

public spaces. 

One source for public space supply 

becomes ‘… the negative or void to the city of 

named and fixed types of open space…’ (Franck 

and Stevens, 2007: 8), which is void with respect to 

the conventional spaces only. These voids become 

significant in themselves (Ferlenga, 2006: 137; 

Altay, 2007: 71) and change cities’ perceptions in 

relation to daily dynamics ‘shifting them to a status 

of program’ (Gastil and Ryan, 2004: 80). A temporary 

program becomes the tool for dealing with 

the scarcity of vacant urban lots that are contested 

due to competition from other land uses. 

AN ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE ON PUBLIC 

SPACES 

In economic terms, public vacant urban lots are by 

default indivisible, geographically bounded territorial 

goods that are collectively used (Webster, 2007; 

Foldvary, 1994). This means that they are actively 

rationed by catchment area defined by distance 

and accessibility. Their scarcity is either due to highdensity 

urban development or due to congestion 

resulting from overuse or oversupply of rights and 

the presence of conflicting uses (Alchian and 

Demsetz, 1973; Webster, 2007).

Figure 1. The dynamics of good attribute properties 

(source: reproduced from Figure 6.4 in Webster and 

Lai, 2003: 136). 

In a static timeframe, goods are classified 

as public or private according to their consumption 

characteristics. Public goods and spaces are also 

viewed in contrast to private ones (Madanipour, 

2003). Public goods are non-excludable and nonrival 

(Samuelson, 1955; Tiebout, 1956). They are 

equally available for consumption by any individual, 

and sometimes varying user preferences lead 

to simultaneously occurring incompatible uses 

(Tiebout, 1956; Buchanan, 1965; Samuelson, 

1955; Foldvary 1994). For example, municipal 

sidewalks could also be used for vending, or sleeping, 

(Loukaitou-Sideris and Ehrenfeucht, 2009). In 

this case, land supply is not fixed but rather elastic, 

according to targeted uses and depends on the 

rent bid that an alternative use proposes (Harvey, 

2000: 35). 

In a dynamic timeframe, territorial goods 

conventionally considered public (D) are actually 

present in other stages of the public-private spectrum, 

namely as transitional (C), club (B) or private 

(A) (Webster and Lai, 2003); (Figure 1). The characteristics 

of rivalry, excludability or their absence 

pertain to attributes of the good rather than the 

good holistically. A brief definition of the four types 

follows. 

Type A spaces are excludable and rival. 

Only a limited number of users consume such 

goods. Examples include private gardens. By definition, 

no public spaces exist in this category. 

Type B spaces are excludable but non-rival, 

and known as club goods (Buchanan, 1965). The 

limited number of club members could equally 

share the consumption of the good. Type B public 

spaces correspond to those criticised within the 

urban design literature as being selective and exclusive 

(Frug, 1999). Examples include sports clubs, 

theme parks and limited access municipal facilities 

(Heikkila, 1996). 

Type C spaces are non-excludable but 

rival. Anyone can consume the goods and there is 

a decrease in consumption as the number of consumers 

increase. In this case, rights are reassigned, 

and control mechanisms are implemented 

to move the goods to another Type. The publicness 

or privateness of Type C goods in transition is 

disputed yet they offer the potential for innovation in 

use (Webster and Lai, 2003). Examples include 

residual spaces, derelict sites and non-planned 

open urban spaces. 

Type D spaces are ‘indivisible’ and are 

‘jointly consumed’ (Webster and Lai, 2003: 138). 

Such spaces are commonly provided solely by governments 

or in combination with the private sector. 

These spaces are conceptually non-excludable and 

non-rival. Type D goods are explicitly referred to in 

the urban design literature as public spaces, which 

are ubiquitously available for public use yet are 

contested. Examples include the conventional 

streets, squares and parks. 

The static and often normative 

(Madanipour, 1996) public-private binary does not 

reflect the reality of open space uses and their spatial 

practices (Carr et al., 1992). A temporally 

focused analysis of such spaces yields a clearer 

understanding of their characteristics. Therefore, 

the focus in this article is on the dynamics of Type C 

temporary public spaces, their role in the urban 

context and their potential for meeting collective 

needs. 

CONCEPTUA L FR AMEWORK FOR TEM- 

POR ARY PU BL IC SPAC ES 

The emergence of temporary public spaces or transitory 

Type C sites suggests that momentarily or for 

a short period (Harvey, 2000: 40), public uses outbid 

‘vacancy’ or other uses such as parking lots. In 

the proposed explanatory conceptual framework, 

open space is defined as the time-space land unit, 

with surface area of x m 2 and is vacant for the time 

duration t. 

Bid rent theory (Alonso, 1960, 1967; Mills, 

1967; Thrall, 1987) presents an analysis of marginal 

peripheral land. The application of this theory 

and the incorporation of the temporal dimension, 

accessibility and property rights are used to explain 

which vacant urban sites are activated as temporary 

public spaces. The theory states that with increasing 

6 5 




Figure 2. Transitional land between the urban and non-urban with distance from the centre (0). R[d] is the urban land 

rent change with distance away from the urban centre. ρ[d] is the land rent of non-urban land and δ[d] is the conversion 

cost of non-urban to urban land. Transitional land is between h1 and h (source: reproduced from Figure 3.1 in 

Thrall, 1987: 28). 

distance from the city centre, land rent per square 

meter decreases (Figure 2). There is a transitional 

zone on the periphery in which urban land rent is 

higher than non-urban land rent. However, this 

land is not immediately subjected to urban development 

due to high land conversion costs. In this 

zone, speculation and limited development at low 

conversion costs occur especially when there is no 

government subsidy for transitional land conversion. 

Examples include middle income housing 

(Thrall, 1987: 29), trailer parks in the USA, squatter 

settlements in developing countries, informal 

parking, but also public activities (Haydn and 

Temel, 2006; Franck and Stevens, 2007; Hajer and 

Reijndorp, 2001; Hormigo et al., 2007). 

The temporary public activation value outbids 

the current vacant value in this case. Land that 

in principle could be outbid by a higher and more 

valuable use is often left vacant. The transaction 

costs of land conversion are too high to realise the 

potential gains, just as they are on the periphery of 

the city in the classical bid rent model. Temporary 

activities can bid for a specific time-space land unit, 

for example, use on a single day. Thus, they have 

the effect of fragmenting rights over a vacant lot in 

a way that increases its value. In the long term, the 

temporary activity could become permanent, if the 

supplier is able to pay the land rent fees and appropriate 

the site. For the temporary activation of transitional 

sites, several factors need to be considered. 

The sites are not necessarily geographically periph- 

6 6 

eral to the city centre (Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001: 

13), but are rather highly accessible and centrally 

located. Their marginal state is rather attributed to: 

a time-gap in use, ambiguous property rights, and/ 

or surface area that contribute to a prolonged state 

of vacancy or marginality imposed by contingent 

circumstances. 

Therefore, if the transaction cost of organising 

a temporary open space use on an underused 

vacant lot is less than the value thus created, a variety 

of low-investment but highly demanded uses are 

likely to emerge. The transaction costs can be relatively 

low for such uses, allowing them to be readily 

activated with little adjustments but with the need 

for inventive thinking. Examples from Beirut are 

used to demonstrate these aspects and illustrate 

temporary spaces’ potentials to become activity 

hubs through small group initiatives. 

TEMPORARY PUBLIC SPACES IN BEIRUT 

Common to all the spaces below is the inventive 

thinking of individuals supplying these spaces in a 

context of space deficiency and post-war social 

rehabilitation. 

Time-gaps due to speculation, mortgages or fines 

lower a property’s rent value and raise the transaction 

costs of buying and converting it to a permanent 

use. The result is that the longer the vacancy

Figure 3. Conversion of a lot under speculation into a flower market. 

period t, the more likely the site is temporarily activated. 

One case is the flower market in east Beirut, 

where flower farmers organised themselves through 

a syndicate and converted a parking lot into a temporary 

urban garden (Figure 3). 

This private initiative was realised through 

the efforts of flower farmers who negotiated with the 

landowner to set up the market. The outcome was 

a green haven that people frequented to visit the 

market, meet friends or simply walk and enjoy the 

scenery within a city depleted of greenery. 

Ambiguous property rights have several causes, 

one being that rights are too fragmented among 

different shareholders. Consolidating those rights is 

costly, especially when having to track the owners. 

The site could also be municipally owned or be part 

of a religious endowment. In this case, developing 

Figure 4. Ambiguous property rights free sites for temporary activities. 

it could require special procedures thus increasing 

transaction costs. The more entangled the site’s 

property rights, the lower its land rent value. 

Consequently, this creates pockets for very low 

urban land rent where temporary public uses can 

occur. Figure 4 shows two examples in west Beirut 

where vacant lots are used for sports activities set 

up by the users. In 1976 these sites were inventively 

transformed by a group of young people in the 

neighbourhood searching for a nearby football 

ground. Since then, consecutive generations of 

young people have been using the site for sports 

(Mady, 2010). 

Sites might be available for temporary public 

activities due to their small or oddly shaped surface 

area x that does not allow more permanent 

and profitable activities to take place. The tempo- 

6 7 




Figure 5. Narrow linear stairs are favourable for 

temporary activities 

rary and spontaneous natures of public activities 

together with inventive thinking enable such sites to 

become potential resources. In central Beirut, one 

staircase is annually converted into an artistic 

gallery and permanent headquarters of the organisers 

was established in a renovated house along 

the stairs (Figure 5). 

Figure 6. One cricket team using two sites within east and west Beirut. 

6 8 

Through efforts to convert a former location 

along Beirut’s demarcation line to a cultural 

heritage site, a group of individuals living and 

working in this area organised themselves into the 

association for the development of Gemayzeh in 

order to promote the constructive cultural facet of 

Beirut and return this urban staircase to the city. 

Temporary activities are transient, recurrent and 

tend not to leave physical traces on the site on 

which they occur. This gives them the flexibility to 

use equally conventional public spaces, or vacant 

lots. For instance, sitting and resting; selling newspapers; 

or playing football. Therefore, a significant 

difference between temporary and conventional 

public spaces is the degree of infrastructure investment, 

which is high in conventional spaces and low 

in temporary ones. However, in the latter a good 

deal of time investment by the initiators is necessary. 

Figure 6 illustrates how cricket players prepare the 

two grounds prior to each game. 

The initial site users in 1996 were foreign 

workers who organised the games year round. 

Their presence in these lots invited locals from the 

neighbourhoods to explore the site and practise 

other sports activities (Mady, 2010). 

These sites have the effect of enriching the 

urban environment, filling it with surprises across 

space and over time, through increasing and variegating 

the supply of public spaces. Figure 7 presents 

Souq el Tayeb, an organic food market whose 

organisers temporarily transformed a parking lot to

Figure 7. The inventiveness of social entrepreneurs activates empty, parking lots into vivid urban mosaics. 

raise health awareness and provide a meeting and 

gathering place for interaction. This mix of differences 

in appreciations, uses and individuals leads 

to conviviality, defined as the sense of social 

belonging and liveliness in a space (Childs, 2004: 

3), which in turn could be used as a planning strategy 

for public space supply (Banerjee, 2001). 

These sites are pieces of a mosaic reinserting 

public spaces in Beirut and stimulating interaction 

among the various parts of the war-torn society. 

CONCLUSION 

This article presented the literature on non-conventional 

public spaces and situated temporary public 

spaces using the lens of urban land economics. It 

further re-assessed the public-private dilemma within 

a dynamic setting and provided an explicit 

framework for the study of temporary public spaces. 

Borrowing ideas from bid rent theory, a conceptual 

understanding of the emergence of temporary public 

spaces is formulated. Through inventive thinking, 

vacant urban spaces that are marginal in terms of 

the formal land economy are re-invented. The 

effect is a new phenomenon that fragments property 

rights over land while enriching the urban land 

use tapestry. This phenomenon includes the 

unmapped temporary open spaces of contemporary 

cities and is arguably as important as conventional 

public spaces in providing room for public 

life, interaction and community expression. The 

cases in Beirut demonstrate contributions of temporary 

public spaces, and inform how these could be 

used as tools for social integration through small 

group initiatives. Further investigation on encouraging 

temporary public space supply initiatives in various 

socio-cultural contexts is required. In addition, 

a significant question is whether it is possible to network 

temporary public spaces to form new urban 

topologies. 

6 9 




R EFERENCES 

ALCHIAN A, A. and DEMSETZ, H. 1973, The Property Rights 

Paradigm. The Journal of Economic History. Vol. 33/1, pp. 16- 

27. 

ALEXANDER, E. R. 1992, A Transaction Cost Theory of 

Planning. Journal of American Planning Association. Vol. 58/2, 

pp. 190-200. 

ALONSO, W. 1960, A Theory of the Urban Land Market. 

Papers in Regional Science. Vol. 6/1, pp. 149-157. 

ALTAY, D. 2007, Urban Spaces Re-Defined in Daily Practices - 

‘Minibar’, Ankara. In: Frers L. and Meier L. (eds.), Encountering 

Urban Places: Visual and Material Performances in the City. 

Ashgate, Aldershot, pp. 63-80. 

BUCHANAN, J. 1965, An Economic Theory of Clubs. 

Economica, New Series. Vol. 32/125, pp. 1-14. 

BUITELAAR, E. and NEEDHAM, B. 2007, The Cost of Land Use 

Decisions: Applying Transaction Cost Economics to Planning & 

Development. Blackwell, Oxford. 

CARR, S. et al. 1992, Public Space. Cambridge University Press 

Cambridge, New York, Victoria. 

CHILDS, M. C. 2004, Squares: A Public Place Design Guide for 

Urbanists. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. 

DE SOLÀ-MORALES, I. 1995, Terrain Vague. In Davidson, C. 

C. (ed.), Any Place. Anyone Corporation, MIT Press, 

Cambridge, pp. 118-123. 

DORON, G. M. 2000, The Dead Zone and the Architecture of 

Transgression, City. Vol. 4/2, pp. 247-263. 

EDENSOR, T. 2007, Social Practices, Sensual Excess and 

Aesthetic transgression in Industrial Ruins. In Franck, K. A. and 

stevens, Q. (eds.), Loose Space: Possibility and Diversity in 

Urban Life, Routledge, London, pp. 234-252. 

FERLENGA, A. 2006, Inconsistent Vernaculars. In: Aymonino, 

A. and MOSCO, V. P. (eds.), Contemporary Public Space Un- 

Volumetric Architecture, Skira, Milan, pp. 137-139. 

FOLDVARY, F.E. 1994, Public Goods and Private Communities: 

the Market Provision of Social Services, Edward Elgar, London. 

7 0 

FRANCK, K. A. and STEVENS, Q. 2007, Tying Down Loose 

Space. In Franck, K. A. and STEVENS, Q. (eds.), Loose Space: 

Possibility and Diversity in Urban Life, Routledge, London, pp. 1- 

34. 

FRUG, G. E. 1999, City Making: Communities without Building 

Walls, Princeton University Press, Princeton. 

GASTIL, R. W. and RYAN, Z. (eds.), 2004, Open: New Designs 

for Public Space, Van Alen Institute, New York. 

GEHL, J. and GEMZØE, L. 1996, Public Space, Public Life. 

Danish Architectural Press and the Royal Danish Academy of 

Fine Arts, School of Architecture: Copenhagen, Denmark. 

GROTH, J. and CORIJN, E. 2005, Reclaiming Urbanity: 

Indeterminate Spaces, Informal Actors and Urban Agenda 

Setting. Urban Studies. Vol. 42/3 March, pp. 503-526. 

HAJER, N. and REIJNDORP, A. 2001, In Search of New Public 

Domain: Analysis and Strategy, NAI publishers, Amsterdam. 

HARVEY, J. 2000, Urban Land Economics 5th ed. Macmillan, 

Basingstoke. 

HAYDN, F. and TEMEL, R. 2006, Temporary Urban Spaces: 

Concepts for the Use of City Spaces, Birkhäuser, Basel. 

HEIKKILA, E. J. 1996, Are Municipalities Tieboutian Clubs? 

Regional Science and Urban Economics. Vol. 26/2, pp. 203- 

226. 

HORMIGO, P., MORITA, T. and CLUZEL, JS. 2007, Promenade 

into the Gap: Tokyo’s Impossible Void. Urban Design 

International. Vol. 12, pp. 3-19. 

KOOLHAAS, R. 1994, Delirious New York: a retroactive manifesto 

of Manhattan. Monacelli Press, New York. 

KOSTOF, S. 1992, The City Assembled: the Elements of Urban 

Form through History. Thames and Hudson, London. 

KROLL, L. 1991, Places versus Plazas. In Vernez Moudon A. 

(ed.), Public Streets for Public Use. Columbia University Press, 

New York, pp. 331-342. 

LOUKAITOU-SIDERIS, A. and EHRENFEUCHT, R. 2009, 

Sidewalks: Conflict and Negotiation over Public Space. MIT 

Press, Cambridge.

LOW, S. et al. 2005, Rethinking Urban Parks: Public Space and 

Cultural Diversity. University of Texas Press, Austin. 

LYNCH, K. 1972, What Time is this Place? MIT Press, 

Cambridge. 

MADANIPOUR, A. 1996, Design of Urban Space: an Inquiry 

into a Socio-Spatial Process. John Wiley, Chichester. 

MADANIPOUR, A. 2003, Public and Private Spaces of the City, 

Routledge, London. 

MADY, C. 2010, When the Void Begins to Matter: The 

Dynamics of Temporary Open Urban Spaces: the Beirut 

Context. PhD Thesis. Cardiff University, Cardiff. 

MILLS, E.S. 1967, An Aggregative Model of Resource Allocation 

in a Metropolitan Area. American Economic Review. Vol. 

57/May, pp. 197-210. 

OSWALT, P. et al. 2007, Patterns of the Unplanned. In Franck, 

K. A. and Stevens, Q. (eds.), Loose Space: Possibility and 

Diversity in Urban Life. Routledge, London, 271-288. 

SAMUELSON, P. A. 1955, Diagrammatic Exposition of a Pure 

Theory of Public Expenditure. Review of Economics and 

Statistics. Vol. 37/4, pp. 350-355. 

SCHNEEKLOTH, L. H. 2007, Unruly and Robust: An 

Abandoned Industrial River. In Franck, K. A. and STEVENS, Q. 

(eds.), Loose Space: Possibility and Diversity in Urban Life. 

Routledge, London, pp. 253-270. 

THRALL, G. I. 1987, Land Use and Urban Form: the 

Consumption Theory of Land Rent, Methuen, New York & 

London. 

TIEBOUT, C. M. 1956, A Pure Theory of Local Expenditure, 

Journal of Political Economy. Vol. 64/5 October, pp. 416-424. 

TRANCIK, R. 1986, Finding Lost Space: Theories of Urban 

Design. John Wiley and Sons, Toronto. 

URBAN CATALYST [online] Available at: http://www.urbancatalyst.net/index.php?lang=en 

[Accessed 9 July 2009]. 

VERNEZ-MOUDON, A. (ed.), 1991, Public Streets for Public 

Use. Columbia University Press, New York. 

WEBB, M. 1999, The City Square. Thames and Hudson, 

London. 

WEBSTER, C. J. 2007, Property Rights, Public Space and Urban 

Design, Town Planning Review. Vol. 78/1, pp. 81-101. 

WEBSTER, C. J. and LAI, W. 2003, Property Rights, Planning 

and Markets: Managing Spontaneous Cities. Edward Elgar, 

Cheltenham. 

WORPOLE, K. 2000, Here Comes the Sun: Architecture and 

Public Space in Twentieth Century European Culture. Reaktion 

Books, London. 

Dr. Christine Mady 

Cardiff University 

School of City and Regional Planning 

madyc@cardiff.ac.uk 

7 1 



open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 A tale of two souqs: The paradox of gulf urban diversity. 

INTRODUCTION 

A TALE OF TWO SOUQS: THE PARADOX OF GULF 

URBAN DIVERSITY. 

Managing diversities in urban contexts, where more 

than half of the world’s population currently lives, 

represents an aim for sustainable urban development. 

As Bonaiuto (2011) argues drawing on a 

diversity of epistemological, theoretical, and 

methodological approaches is key to understanding 

people-environment relations and for promoting 

the quality of urban life. Urban diversity is an 

outcome of contemporary debates about justice, 

space, and the city (Lefebvre, 2003 and 

Harvey,2009). Soja (2010) argues that justice has 

geography within which equitable distribution of 

resources, services and access can form a basic 

human right. Fainstein (2010) suggests that evaluation 

criteria for urban development should be prolonged 

to include social justice. 

Diversity has already been influencing the 

urban space and its economic development since 

the mid of the 20th century in Gulf cities. The impact 

of foreign labors influx clearly exists in Gulf cities 

7 2 


A bstract 

The paper discusses current trends and future developments in the study of people-urban environment relations, with 

an emphasis on the concept of diversity within the Gulf cities. This is explored in relation to: theoretical approaches, 

urban public spaces, people's lifestyles, social groups and inclusive urban environments. Contemporary Gulf cities are 

providing unique examples for research on urban diversity.Its demographic structure is distinctive for a minimum of 50% 

expatriates in overall population. Gulf cities are obliged to cope with such a compelling fact. The challenge is to move 

away from indifference and bring about better acceptance of others. On the relationship; city spaces and culture, the 

paper argues that traditional markets must be envisioned as spaces for cultural expressions. Traditional markets are a 

rich display of products and talents and a great opportunity to share and meet with people from same culture and others.Using 

comparative analysis approach juxtapositioning the selected cases, the paper confronts questions like what 

does Gulf urban diversity mean in the present. In addition, is diversity in urban spaces only a challenge to be dealt with 

or is there also economic potential that can be taken advantage of? How do we ensure that Gulf cities are indeed 

spaces of tolerance? How to give visibility to the spaces of marginalized groups, as these spaces are often ignored or 

worse, eliminated? How to preserve or regain spaces in the city for the expression of traditional cultures of those migrating 

from other regions or countries? The paper explores the socioeconomic and cultural mechanisms that can encourage 

inclusive pluralism in the Gulf cities’ open spaces. 

Keywords: : Urban diversity, public spaces, traditional markets - souqs, multi-culture gulf cities, heritage revivalism. 

fabric. In present-time Gulf cities, diversity has 

repeatedly been pictured as a problem. Sometimes 

called ‘the other City’, in terms of an uncivilized, 

underdeveloped group, the working class which 

consists to a large extent of Indians and other 

minorities was heavily stigmatized. The media 

images of working class quarters as no-go areas or 

‘bombs about to explode’ was linked to ‘ideological 

fantasies’ of a unified Gulf city, excluding ‘the other’. 

Cultural Diversity in Cities: The Various Identities 

The right to the city approach (UN Habitat, 2009) 

recognizes diversity in economic, social and cultural 

life. This is centered on the principle that cities 

are the dynamic engine of cultural change, social 

life and linguistic and religious differences, gender 

and heterogeneity. Few cities translate this understanding 

into urban policies and programs that 

tackle the deep-rooted causes of social intolerance, 

economic exclusion and spatial segregation. 

Landry and Wood (2007) assert that multicultural 

cities are open; and are equitable regarding ethnic

Figure 1. Doha as an example of globalizing Gulf cities. 

differences and desires. For most of its inhabitants, 

harmony in a multicultural, economically successful, 

satisfying city requires a way of life that maintains 

the essentials of one’s ethnic or historical identity 

while at the same time enables and in some 

cases permits one to earn a living and take part in 

a city’s political activities. Cultural diversity is a positive 

value that should be encouraged, supported 

and protected (Low, 2005; Harvey, 2009). Besides 

going into the many aspects of a model multicultural 

city, Landry and Wood (2007) identify indications 

that can be used to estimate how a specific 

city measures up. They argue that in globalization 

era, peaceful and fruitful cities are inevitably multicultural. 

It is in cities that a major challenge of 

today’s world can be observed: How to sustain and 

facilitate the expression of human cultural diversity 

and at the same time create spaces and produce 

connectedness, inclusion and conditions for dialogue. 

Gulf cities, since oil discovery, were severely 

divided into two main categories of populations; 

local and foreigners. (Figure 1) 

Cities are culturally heterogeneous as they 

are places of contrast, plurality and interaction. 

Cultural expressions and social identities are constructed 

and reconstructed in the city as its inhabitants 

have contact with ‘the other’. Cities are places 

where we can learn about ‘the other’ and can, 

therefore, potentially develop tolerance to differences 

and thus accept ‘the other’ as part of the 

larger community. This is the essence of Gulf cities 

contemporary dilemma. Moreover, on the relationship 

cultural diversity-spaces, the adequacy of 

design and planning responses in terms of socio- 

cultural patterns is critical when it comes to various 

aspects of urban development. The creation of 

space according to the way of living is a form of 

cultural expression itself; therefore, it should be as 

diverse as society is. 

SOUQ AS A CATALYST FOR URBAN DIVERSITY 

Traditional markets - Souqs - are a popular touristic 

attraction in every Middle Eastern city. Khan El- 

Khalili in Cairo, Al-Hamidiya in Damascus, Al- 

Mubarakiya in Kuwait, Al-Melh in Sana’a thrive in 

Middle Eastern Cities, and authenticate the past by 

reflecting its heritage. There, people are attracted 

by the aura of history and fascinated by what is 

genuine and rare. Souq in the traditional urban 

fabric of Gulf cities was the social, commercial, cultural 

and even recreational center, a holistic manifestation 

of public life. Contrary to European cities, 

public spaces in traditional Gulf and Middle 

Eastern cities were limited to two main entities. The 

Saha (plaza) was the main open space adjacent to 

the grand mosque, and, the souq allocated along 

its edge. The three urban components; Mosque, 

Souq and Saha construct the main pillars of any 

Middle Eastern city’s public life. The Souq was an 

urban manifestation of interaction between different 

ethnic, tribal, and religious groups. Souqs were a 

very distinguished category of public spaces in 

Middle Eastern cities (Al Hathloul, 1981, Mortada, 

2003). Kihato (2010) rightly identifies public 

7 3 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 A tale of two souqs: The paradox of gulf urban diversity. Ali A. Alraouf



Figure 2. Traditional Souqs in Islamic cities as platforms for knowledge transfer and social integration. 

spaces as specific areas of contestation for examining 

the multiple meanings of inclusion and exclusion 

in fast changing urban contexts. In the context 

of Middle Eastern cities’ Souqs, as the main 

form of public spaces, are the right platform for 

examining urban diversity and its related spatial 

manifestations.(Figure 2 and 3) 

Gehl (2010) asserts that a lively city 

counters the trend for people to withdraw into 

gated communities. A phenomenon becomes so 

evident in contemporary Gulf cities’ urbanism. As 

oppose to segregated city, lively city is serving a 

democratic function where people encounter 

social diversity within its spatial diversified components. 

Using rehabilitated public spaces like 

renewed traditional souqs, the paper analyzes the 

actions of the state, the integration of locals and 

practices of marginalized urban dwellers. The 

paper assesses the formation and reformation of 

processes of inclusion, whether through deliberate 

institutional actions intended to rejuvenate 

public life or the spontaneous reactions of city 

residents. It will construct an approach that views 

diversity as an asset rather than a threat. Gulf 

communities have a lot in common and yet are 

diverse. Cultural resources should be explored 

and used to bridge the urban divide and for the 

development of cities. 

7 4 

Figure 3. Traditional Souqs in Islamic cities as platforms 

for knowledge transfer and social integration.

TRADITIONAL SOUQS IN GLOBALIZING 

URBANITIES 

During the last decades, cities in the Gulf have 

gone through an unprecedented transformation, 

which is most visibly apparent in architectural and 

urban new projects. While the suitability of such 

projects for the region’s climate and cultural environment 

is under great scrutiny, the desire for 

modernization is overwhelming. A trend that 

results in a wave of Western architecture mushroomed 

throughout contemporary Gulf cities. 

Hence, projects that would provide a new understanding 

and respect to traditional architecture 

are not only important but also setting a new 

direction of development for government officials 

and developers. 

The case studies used are two important 

commercial and cultural public spaces in capital 

cities of Bahrain and Qatar respectively. They both 

represent milestones in the two cities’ urban history. 

The first case is in Manama, called Bab Al Bahrain 

Souq, located on the Gulf water edge and extends 

towards the inner city. The second in Doha, called 

souq Waqif, located in the city heart. The selected 

cases in Manama and Doha have many similarities 

helping conducting a realistic comparative study. 

The two souqs are the most significant public and 

commercial centers in the two selected cities. They 

both represent the physical manifestation of traditional 

architecture and urbanism. During the last five 

years, the two Souqs were subjected to massive renovation 

projects aiming at regaining vitality within 

their urban and social context. The cases will be 

analyzed as newly renovated spaces, which were 

created with much potential to empower the relation 

between cultural diversity and urbanism. A move 

from indifference to tolerance will provide a new 

platform for Gulf cities planners where a question 

‘How do we sustain and facilitate the expression of 

cultural diversity and, at the same time, create 

spaces for connectivity, inclusion and dialogue will 

be addressed and potentially answered. 

Bab Al Bahrain Souq 

Manama was a Gulf regional capital, occupied by 

the British following the signing of a Protectorate 

Treaty in 1892 (Khouri, 1980; Fuccaro, 1999, 

2000). The two sects of Islam, Sunni and Shi’a, co- 

existed in Manama with other non-Muslim entities 

such as Christians, Indians of various sects and 

Jews. Such a rich mosaic was further enhanced by 

the arrival of expatriates, initially because of economic 

prosperity (Alraouf, 2006). 

The old port called Bab-al-Bahrain 

(Bahrain Gate) was a commercial pole that extended 

to the main market. The souq is popular with 

locals, expatriates and tourists who experience the 

traditional setting of a unique marketplace. The 

renovation project, which will cost around 90 million 

US dollars, was expected to be completed by 

2011. Moh’d Al-Makdadi, project manager, states 

that “the objective of the project is to preserve the 

unique heritage and traditional character of the 

souq and activate its touristic and cultural roles 

which were endangered due to unplanned increase 

in surrounding high-rise buildings” (Gulf News, 

2008). The ‘Project Design Report’ states: “We seek 

continuity, sustainability and balance through our 

culture and architectural heritage. We preserve 

identity and respect the alphabets of the architectural 

vocabulary of the region” (2006, p. 4). 

Ahmad Bucheery, a Bahraini architect responsible 

for the renovation project, rejects copying from the 

past and preaches for innovation and creativity 

(Bucheery, 2004). Assessing the souq’s renovation 

design reveals major contradictions. Claims of perceiving 

the project as an arena for creative interpretation 

are confronted by the extensive use of typical 

traditional architecture vocabulary without any 

attempts for innovation. 

Significantly, the routes of a major religious 

festivity traverse the context of Bab Al-Bahrain. The 

religious and ceremonial processions performed by 

the Shi’a groups to remember the anniversary of 

Imam Hussain, Grandson of Prophet Mohamed, 

who was martyred in Karbala city, Iraq. The usage 

of spaces and streets in addition to urban character 

and spatial qualities changes dramatically due 

to the sacred event known as Ashouraa (Alraouf, 

2010). According to extensive interviews, conducted 

by the author, with Manama municipality representatives, 

on site discussions and project architectstatements, 

it was concluded that Ashouraa event 

was not considered in the renovation scheme. The 

decision-makers’ conception of heritage renovation 

in the area is limited to reintroducing traditional 

architecture vocabulary. Hence, the new urban set- 

7 5 




Figure 4. Manama Souq hosts the religious festival of Ashouraa attended by multiracial shi’a groups. 

Figure 5. Manama Souq hosts the religious festival of Ashouraa attended by multiracial shi’a groups. 

ting was not generated from within the context or 

the event which highlights its public life; Ashouraa. 

(Figure 4 and 5) 

The authenticity of the event: while architecture, 

which has been used in the rehabilitation of 

old Manama souq can becritically referred to as 

‘fake’ representation of the past, the event of 

Ashouraa and itssacred power to gather thousands 

of people is one of the most authentic dimension of 

Manama’s urbanity. The fact that it is a religious 

festival and related to a major sect inthe country 

adds different layers to its importance. The new 

development should focus onthe event as aggregator 

for the spatial and social spirit of the urban con- 

7 6 

text (Picard and Robinson, 2006). As Frenchman 

(2004) convincingly argues, good event-placemaking 

represents more than successfulurban 

design. It is a powerful means of city building 

because it creates both social and physicalcapital 

and can contribute to the local economy. 

Souq Waqif 

Souq Waqif was originally a weekly market for local 

Bedouins.The souq acquired its name ‘Waqif,’ 

which means ‘standing’ in English because merchants 

stood up to peddle their goods. Spaces were 

small, making it impossible to sit on either side of 

Musherib Valley (Atar and Abdullah, 2006). Doha

Figure 6. Souq Waqif, Doha as a space to rejuvenate diversified public life. 

was a mere village and Musherib Valley was the 

main feature of its morphology. Coinciding with the 

emerging of modern Qatar, the souk developed to 

expand in space and activities. The Souq recent 

renovation is considered one of the most successful 

projects, which took place within Dohain the last 

decade. It has become one of Doha’s most popular 

sites. 

In time for Doha’s hosting of the 2006 

Asian Olympic Games, and with Qatar’s aim of 

presenting and preserving its heritage in the midst 

of prevailing globalization and modernization, the 

souk was rebuilt a new to welcome visitors from all 

over. After renovation, Souq Waqif becomes a 

showcase of traditional architecture, handicrafts 

and folk art. The Souq evokes the feeling of traditional 

Qatar heritage. Beginning in 2004, it was 

renovated according to traditional Qatari architectural 

principles and by using authentic materials 

(Atar and Abdullah, 2006). An intricate labyrinth of 

streets offers a natural shelter from the country’s 

harsh climate (Kaaki, 2008). The successful renovation 

highlights the nobility and wisdom behind 

the region’s traditional architecture in the face of 

modern construction devoid of any cultural 

identity 1 . This traditional experience made Souk 

Waqif imperative and the prime place to visit for 

locals, expatriates and tourists alike. The spatial 

experience currently provided is so unique. Strolling 

in open air along the winding souk streets and the 

twisting narrow alleyways is itself an interesting journey; 

evoking a sense of connecting to the past and 

reliving Qatar’s ancestors lives before development. 

Souq Waqif was nominated for prestigious 

Aga Khan Award for Architecture in the 2010 cycle. 

It has been described as a revitalization project, a 

unique architectural revival of one of the most 

important heritage sites in Doha aimed to reverse 

the dilapidation of the historic structures and 

remove inappropriate alterations and additions. In 

complete contrast to the heritage theme parks that 

are becoming common in the region, Souq Waqif 

is both a traditional open-air public space that is 

used by shoppers, tourists, merchants and residents 

alike, and a working market.(Figure 6) 

The souk has another crucial role that elevates 

visitors’ artistic and cultural experience. 

Allocated in the center of the main alley is Waqif Art 

Center. Different local and foreign artists display 

their creative handwork, especially in forms of photography, 

painting and sculpture. It is also a place 

for conducting workshops for children and youth in 

different art subjects. The Souq spatial experience is 

usually used to inspire participants. Moreover, in 

addition, it is a place for events such as cultural 

symposiums and lectures covering all subjects dealing 

with art and creativity. Periodically, evenings of 

celebrations and creative popular music recitals are 

artfully organized on weekends and national holi- 

1 According to Mohamed Ali Abdulla (2006, p:13), the souq designer, the renovation plan was based on a comprehensive study of Qatar traditional architecture, analysis of Ariel photos 

captured the souq’s urban fabric in the 40s and 50s of last century, archival records, building records and finally local elderly people narrative of place memories structured the renovation 

plan. 

7 7 




days. Among the successful events which have 

been held at the Souq included the Spring Festival, 

Eid Al Fitr and Al Adha festivals, concerts of popular 

Arab artists, and musical events during weekends 

all catered to the multi-cultural population of 

Qatar and visitors. Al-Maawda (2009) argues that 

just as Khan El-Khalili in Cairo, was a strong source 

of inspiration for Nobel Prize laureate Naguib 

Mahfouz, Waqif Art Center strives to promote cultural 

awareness and a refined human artistic sense. 

SMALL IS BEAU TIFU L: AU THENTIC OR 

FA KE; LIMITING GROWTH 

Souq Waqif is set to further cement its reputation as 

Doha’s tourist hub with plans taking place to establish 

new facilities including new hotels and additional 

parking areas. Ten new hotels are set to rise 

as part of the management’s ambitious plans to 

develop the already prominent Souq. Currently, 

around 20,000 to 30,000 visitors come to Souq 

Waqif during weekdays and can reach up to 

40,000 during weekends. Parking areas are also 

being developed to add spaces that can accommodate 

an additional 4,500 vehicles. They include 

a three-level underground parking area which can 

hold up to 2,000 vehicles and another parking 

space which can accommodate 2,500 cars. The 

parking areas along with the new structures which 

have been built and yet to be erected such as cafes 

and shops followtraditional architecture and use 

locally available materials to maintain the traditional 

look and feel of the Souq. 

In this sense, I would argue that Souq 

Waqif’s development is extended to include the 

authentic, the authentic fake and the fake. The term 

‘authentic’ lends credibility to the resource and provides 

the most direct connection to a special time or 

place (Eco, 1986; 1990). Authenticity is not solely 

the built environment around us, but relates to the 

people and their activities. Eco goes on to show 

how the layers of reality and the concept of original 

become even further blurred. The duality of the fake 

and real is so complex. 

The old core is definitely authentic and 

goes back to the city’s original structure. Then the 

project moved to the authentic fake in its first phase 

of development. Traditional Qatari architecture was 

7 8 

used to reintroduce new spaces and places, which 

were added to the original. Finally, the new phases 

of the souq development are simply fake. The level 

of success that the project achieve, tempt decision 

makers to extend it beyond authentic and authentic 

fake boundaries. Currently, the new additions of the 

souq with its fake approach and naive use of limited 

vocabulary are stretching in every direction 

around the original souq. The notion of small is 

beautiful which is the essence of traditional souqs 

was ignored for the favor of the souq becoming a 

prim destination. Limiting the souq’s growth once it 

reaches its original territory, is as important as 

expanding it. Moving from authentic place to a fake 

one, precisely if new additions are functionless, is 

harming the project’s success story. 

C ONCLUSION 

Heritage, cultural plurality and social sustainability 

Revitalizing the commercial cores of traditional 

cities can be a catalyst for connecting cultural plurality 

with historical territory. Both Doha and 

Manama traditional souqs exhibited this concept. In 

their attempt to construct a global image, both 

Doha and Manama expanded their strategy. The 

two cities coupled the focus on real estate iconic 

development with revitalized traditional souqs and 

spaces that incorporate cultural diversity. In the city 

today, everything has an economic value, not only 

Figure 7. Suggested new public spaces which neglect 

the spatial needs of Ashouraa.

Figure 8. Suggested new public spaces which neglect the spatial needs of Ashouraa. 

the usual commodities butalso the images can be 

traded and purchased. A trend towards the privatization 

of urbanpublic spaces is growing swiftly in 

many world cities and perhaps most rapidly in 

Gulfcities. Shopping malls do not even try to disguise 

their effort to replace open squares andmarkets. 

Yet, the city should be flexible enough to let 

people apply their own volition. They leave 

thetraces that reflect their identities and mold the 

city as well as being reshaped by thecity. Buildings, 

streets, people, smells, sounds, colors, motions, 

etc., are inherent and inextricable components that 

make cities what they are and constructtheir 

authentic memory. 

The absence of public spaces 

Urban heritage conservation does not necessarily 

mean preserving a building but revivingits spirit and 

life. It implies to be flexible enough to adapt the 

objectives of rehabilitation tothe needs of modern 

living while respecting local community values. 

Rehabilitation of public areas is important and 

essential as they add to the quality of a living andto 

the ways in which people perceive and identify with 

their locality. It is therefore paramountthat rehabilitation 

acknowledges the significance of public 

areas and strengthenspeoples’ sense of belonging. 

What is questionable about the two discussedprojects, 

in Doha and Manama, is their common 

abounded of what was previously stated as an ulti- 

mategoal, the sufficient provision of open spaces 

(Figures 7 and 8). Theonly developed public space 

in the design scheme of Bab Al-Bahrain Souq was 

cancelled due to a lack of availableparking spaces 

in the area. Advocating a policy for preserving and 

rehabilitating Manama’sold core is urgently needed 

but not in the sense that would focus on reviving a 

few historicalbuildings but would provide a comprehensive 

strategy to revive the city with all its life, 

events and community. In the case of Souq Waqif, 

giving car parking more priority than people do 

resulted in a situation where the souq is suffocated 

by huge parking places. The souq is becoming an 

island within pools of cars spoiling its visual richness 

and continuity. All potential areas that can be used 

as spaces for people were designated for cars even 

from the Gulf’s waterfront direction. A latent urban 

connection, traditionally exist, was not considered. 

Incorporating cultural diversity 

Tourism is developed by using ‘fake’ vocabulary to 

produce ‘authentic’ yet isolated pieces of architecture. 

Alternatively, considering issues like sustainability 

especially in its social aspects, cultural diversity, 

presence of ethnicgroups, accommodating festivals 

and religious ceremonies are more authentic 

and credibletools to promote more genuine experiences 

to be seen, perceived and shared by 

tourists.The ability of the place to accommodate 

social, cultural and religious events was totallya- 

7 9 




bandoned in Bab Al Bahrain souq in Manama. 

While, limited cultural event, mainly singing festivals 

were allowed in souq Waqif, Doha. Allowing different 

ideologies to materialize in places is an important 

factor in making cities more appropriate settings, 

for communal ceremonies and festivities. 

Both the conservation and the effective management 

of the historic townscape are dependenton a 

sound understanding of its historical and spatial 

structures, an understanding ofsocial and community 

structure and more importantly, as Orbasil 

(2000) stresses, an appreciation of the private and 

religious uses of urban spaces. With the uniquely 

diversified demographic structure in Bahrain and 

Qatar, such focus on incorporating cultural diversity 

and considering its spatial impact is urgently 

needed. 

The fallacy of architectural national identity 

Urban planners and architects in the Gulf region 

should encourage decision makers, developers, 

engineers and builders to understand the essence 

of traditional architecture and at the same time, 

make full use of the latest building techniques. The 

fusion of traditional and contemporary should construct 

the platform for creativity in the built environment. 

The two examined cases, In Doha and 

Manama, exhibited a limited understanding of the 

role of traditional architecture as a catalyst for creativity 

and innovation. Traditionalcommunities’ 

architecture, in fact, does not follow strict rules. 

Traditional architecture, despite its astonishing diversity, 

has throughout its history adapted to different 

cultures, without ever departing from the spiritual 

essence, which was its sole source of inspiration. 

More significantly, cultural relativeness is so crucial 

in this context. Cultural and heritage preservation 

development projects; like the paper-examined 

cases, are important. Yet, new development is also 

creating new culture and heritage. Therefore, While 

Gulf cities are celebrating the success of renovation 

projects of their old heritage; they need also to realize 

that new heritage is born out of the unprecedented 

development they are all engaged in. 

Multicultural ethics, boundaries and choices 

Public projects that enhance the quality of open 

spaces and allow urban diversity are manifestation 

of the ethical perspective of culture. In cosmopoli- 

8 0 

tan society like the one residing in contemporary 

Doha and Manama, intercultural/ multicultural 

ethics should be applied. In the light of such 

understanding, cultural universalism cannot be 

tolerated. A move towards cultural relativism in 

all aspects of life and significantly in different cultural 

groups’ ability to manifest its existential presence 

is a fundamental vehicle towards promoting 

and attaining urban diversity in contemporary 

Gulf context.A diversified society in terms of cultural, 

ethnic, religious, and gender backgrounds 

must adhere to cultural choices rather than cultural 

boundaries. In Doha and Manama cities 

with such a unique demographic structure, 

imposing cultural boundaries will never facilitate 

enhancing urban diversity. Alternatively, providing 

an array of cultural choices infuse a massage of 

tolerance and harmonious living. 

REFERENCES 

AL-HAHTLUL, S. 1981, Tradition, Continuity and Change in the 

Physical Environment: the Arab-Muslim City. PhD Dissertation, 

Massachusetts Institute of Technology, MA. 

AL-MAAWDA, F. 2009, Souq Waqif. http://www.khaleejesque.com/articles/20091025_4 

accessed April 17, 2011. 

ALRAOUF, A. 2006, Hybrid Urbanism in Bahrain: The Story of 

Iconic Development, Proceedings of IASTE Conference, ‘Hyper 

– Traditions’, Bangkok, Thailand, pp. 28-41. 

ALRAOUF, ALI A. 2010, Regenerating Urban Traditions in 

Bahrain. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change. Vol. 8/1-2, 

pp. 50-68. 

ATAR, M. and ABDULLAH, M. 2006, Souq Waqif. Al Diwan Al 

Amiri, Doha. 

GULF HOUSE ENGINEERING 2006, Bab Al-Bahrain 

Development Report. Ministry of Municipalities, Bahrain. 

BONAIUTO, M. et al. 2011, Urban Diversities: Environmental 

and Social Issues. Hogrefe Publishing, Cambridge. 

BUCHEERY, A. 2004, Contemporary Architecture in Bahrain. 

http://wiki.epfl.ch/lapastudio/documents accessed January 

14, 2011.

ECO, U. 1986, Faith in fakes. Vintage, New York. 

ECO, U. 1990, Travels in hyper reality. Harvest Book, Fort 

Washington. 

FAINSTEIN, S. 2010, The Just City. Cornell University Press, 

Cornell. 

FRENCHMAN, D. 2004, Event-places in North America: City 

meaning and making. Places. Vol. 16/3, pp. 36-49. 

FUCCARO, N. 1999, Urban history of Bahrain. Essex 

University, Essex. 

FUCCARO, N. 2000, Understanding the Urban History of 

Bahrain. Journal for Critical Studies of the Middle East, Vol. 

17/1, pp. 49-81. 

GEHL, J. 2010, Cities for People. Island Press, Washington. 

GULF NEWS 2008, February 26. Manama, Bahrain. 

HARVEY, D. 2009, Social Justice and the City, Geographies of 

Justice and Social Transformation. Georgia, University of 

Georgia Press, Georgia. 

MORTADA, H. 2003, Traditional Islamic Principles of Built 

Environment, Routledge Curzon, London. 

KAAKI, L. 2008, The stunning renovation of Souq Waqif. Arab 

News.http://archive.arabnews.com accessed May 24, 2011. 

KIHATO, C. et al. 2010, Urban Diversity: Space, Culture, and 

Inclusive Pluralism in Cities Worldwide. Johns Hopkins 

University Press, Baltimore. 

KHOURI, F. I. 1980, Tribe and state in Bahrain. University of 

Chicago Press, Chicago. 

LANDRY, C. and WOOD, P. (rds.). 2007, The Intercultural 

City: Planning for Diversity Advantage. 

Earthscan Publications Ltd, London. 

LEFEBVRE, H. 2003, The Urban Revolution. University of 

Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. 

LOW, S. et. al. 2005, Rethinking Urban Parks: Public Space and 

Cultural Diversity. University of Texas, Austin. 

UN-HABITAT. 2009, Cultural Diversity in Cities. 

http://www.unhabitat.org/content accessed March 24, 2011. 

ORBASIL, A. 2000, Tourists in historic towns: Urban conservation 

and heritage management. London, Taylor & Francis. 

PICARD, D. and ROBINSON, M. (Eds.). 2006, Festivals, 

tourism, and social change: Remaking worlds. Channel View 

Publications, Bristol. 

SOJA, E.. 2010, Seeking Spatial Justice: Globalization and 

Community. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. 

Prof. Dr. Ali A. Alraouf 

Urban Planning 

College of Arts and Sciences 


alialraouf@yahoo.com 

8 1 


fodil fadli 

open house international vol.37 No.2, June 2012 The (im)-possible mosque; spatial mutation and identity needs in Northern Ireland. 

INTRODUc TION: PR Ev IOUS STUDIES 

A ND THE METHOD Of 

INvESTIgATION 

There are two ways to approach the ethno-cultural 

question in the spatial dimension: The first consists 

of coming from a public space to study the present 

groups in terms of their differences and inter-relations. 

The second, used in this study, is to focus on 

a particular group and to bring to the fore its characteristics 

within the major community. The originality 

of this study is that it uses the second 

approach as a framework for an analytical investigation 

of the Muslim minority in the tensioned 

christian society of Northern Ireland (NI). 

Apart the work developed by gabriele 

Marranci between 2004 and 2006, there has not 

been any other focused studies or research carried 

out on the Muslim community and the Islamic 

spaces in Northern Ireland. Therefore, tracking back 

the history of the Muslim community in Northern 

Ireland has been daunting. The small size of the 

community and also the troubles, which occurred in 

the Northern Irish territories, made the Muslim community 

invisible. Due to the lack of information and 

8 2 

THE (IM)-POSSIBLE MOSQUE; SPATIAL MUTATION 

AND IDENTITY NEEDS IN NORTHERN IRELAND 

Fodil Fadli 

A bstract 

Over more than thirty years of violent conflict, Northern Ireland had an intense sectarian violence due to the politicalreligious 

opposition between its Catholic and Protestant communities. The history of the Muslim community in Northern 

Ireland and the nature of the events in the region have had implications on the establishment of an Islamic environment. 

This paper aims to explore the problems encountered by the Muslim community in Northern Ireland in their 

attempt to build their first purpose built mosque. The paper is based on data collected during a study conducted 

between 2005 and 2007. However, a more recent literature review has been conducted. The study investigates the 

establishment of Islamic spaces, architecture and symbols. It explores the ways developed by the Muslim community in 

order to conceptualize and establish their first purpose-built mosque in Northern Ireland, but it also investigates how 

Muslim adapt and modify their domestic and communal spaces for their cultural, religious and identity needs and concerns. 

This paper offers an understanding of why the Muslim community needs to build its first formal-built-purpose 

mosque in Northern Ireland, and how the members of this community adapt to continuously changing liminal spaces. 

Keywords: Mosque, spatial mutation, identity needs, Northern Ireland (NI). 

data, it was assumed that Muslims living in NI were 

part of a recent migration. This assumption is totally 

wrong (Author’s interviews conducted with members 

of the Muslim community and Belfast Islamic 

centre -BIc- representatives in 2006). The Muslims 

constitute a well-established community with a history 

in Northern Ireland, and which dates back up to 

the second half of the 18 th century (Marranci, 

2004). The community history was one without 

archives, a history without tangible marks and 

proofs; like any other history of ethnic ‘religious’ 

minorities, deals with myth. Thus, the investigation 

was based on intensive primary and secondary data 

collection. This data collection and analysis involved 

informal interviews with members of the BIc and the 

local Muslim community members, but also investigating, 

analysing and scrutinising the local newspapers 

articles, magazines and newsletters related to 

this ethnic minority. The contact with elderly people 

of the community helped trace the untold history of 

Muslims in Northern Ireland. Exploring the establishment 

of the Muslim community in NI will help 

understand and clarify the actual situation of the 

Muslims in NI and the difficulties they face in developing 

and constructing their own spaces.

THE cONTExT 

Despite the 1998 good friday Agreement, the 

peace process has appeared to be more difficult 

than expected (Hennessey, 2001). Today, Northern 

Irish society goes far beyond political conflicts. In 

fact, sectarianism has become part of everyday life 

(Bell, 1990). Indeed, even a considerable number 

of non-sectarian people living in NI still divide society 

along these lines, creating borders that are not 

easily transgressed, even for employment and livelihood 

purposes. One of the main functions of this 

sectarianism is to keep the neighbourhood’s religious 

homogeneity (Murtagh, 2002; Knox, 2011). 

This function led to the construction of new partition 

walls, called “peace walls”. The construction of 

these walls brought to life certain marks of territorial 

division, which is hard to challenge or even modify. 

Hence, space in the context of Northern Ireland 

can never be seen as neutral. It is automatically categorised, 

symbolised and strictly defined and 

embodies the notion of “Liminality” (fadli & Sibley, 

2009; fadli, 2011). Therefore, spatial organisation, 

structure and visualisation in the Northern Irish 

context refer always to interpretation. Subsequently, 

religious spaces become highly controversial. 

Migration, Diasporas and displacement 

have had a strong impact on Muslims. Social, economic 

and political condition back home led the 

Muslims migrate. Whilst in host countries, they are 

generally facing difficulties to reconstruct and recreate 

their well-defined Islamic environment and 

protect their cultural identity. furthermore, the experience 

of unemployment, racism, discrimination, 

and recently Islamophobia has affected their adaptation 

and confidence in a ‘liberal’ Europe 

(Haddad & Smith, 2002). In Northern Ireland, 

Muslims not only face these problems, but they also 

have to adapt to the peculiar socio-political tensioned 

environment (Marranci, 2004 and 2006a). 

The Muslim community in Northern Ireland 

According to the 2002 Irish census, there are 

19,147 Muslims (11,726 males and 7,421 

females) living in the Republic of Ireland while it is 

only the tenth in Northern Ireland (1943). The 

Muslim community in Ireland is considerably 

diverse and its numbers are not determined by the 

country’s history to the same extent as England and 

france, where the majority of Muslims are immigrants 

or descendants of immigrants from former 

colonies. There is no dominant ethnicity within the 

Muslim community in Ireland. The country’s 

Muslims come from South Asia, East Asia, china, 

Oceania and Indonesia. There is also Muslims 

from Arab countries, a growing number from Sub- 

Saharan Africa, as well as converts from 

catholicism (ceri, 1990). 

Officially and according to the 2001 census 

in Northern Ireland, there are 1943 Muslims 

(1164 males 779 females) living north of the border. 

Unofficially, there are approximately 5,000 

Muslims from 40 countries living in Northern 

Ireland in 2006 as it has been estimated by the 

Belfast Islamic centre “BIc” (BIc-website, accessed 

5.5.2006). The number of Muslims has increased 

dramatically in the last few years. Northern Irish statistics 

and research Agency acknowledged that only 

997 Muslims were living in NI in 1991. In 2001 

census, a specific question concerning religious 

affiliations was added for the census purposes. 

Thus the 1943 figure represent the official number 

of Muslims in NI. Even if it is far from the unofficial 

number of 5,000, it still represents the largest nonchristian 

religious community in NI, with Belfast 

representing the area of major concentration (727 

according to the 2001 census), Muslims could be 

found in many other Northern Irish cities and towns 

(Breen, 2007). Today, and according to Belfast 

Islamic centre BIc, there are 8,000 Muslims living 

in Northern Ireland with the majority being located 

in Belfast (BIc-website, accessed 2.12.2011). 

Historic evolution 

first arrival of Muslims in Ireland was around 1780. 

They were members of the East India company. By 

that time some of the Indian Muslims, located in 

Ballymena have already developed businesses, 

which were doing well. Indeed, these first Muslim 

immigrants did not feel the need neither tried to 

organise the community, so there was no need to 

build mosques or to organise and set up prayer 

rooms or Mussalah. The unstable Northern Irish situation 

makes them think they would be only as 

temporary settlers in NI as they were planning for a 

permanent move to England. However, their economic 

boost in NI made the reverse movement. 

Instead of moving to their relatives in England, it is 

8 3 

open house international vol.37 No.2, June 2012 The (im)-possible mosque; spatial mutation and identity needs in Northern Ireland. fodil fadli

fodil fadli 


the relatives who migrated from England to NI. This 

process is still active within the growing Bangladeshi 

community in NI (Marranci, 2004). 

During the fifties, Muslims coming from the 

Middle East and other Arab countries joined the 

predominant Asian Muslim community already 

existing in NI. The majority of the Arab migrants 

were mainly students at Queen’s University. As 

reported by one of the elderly Asian Muslim I met in 

the centre: “In 1953 Muslims from different countries 

met and prayed together to celebrate the Aid 

–El-Fitr (celebrations after the end of the holy month 

of fasting Ramadhan), at that time, it was a very 

emotional experience for all the Muslims of NI.” By 

the sixties, the Jumaa prayer (The congregational 

friday prayer), was performed every friday in the 

same private flat (Author’s interviews with members 

of the Muslim community in Belfast, 2006). 

As the community grew, they established 

the Islamic Society of Northern Ireland (ISNI) in 

1972, and the Belfast Islamic centre (BIc) in 1978. 

The centre was aiming to build a mosque, however 

due to financial problems, the centre decided to 

purchase a flat in South Belfast and utilize it as a 

mosque and community centre for the Muslims in 

NI (Author’s interview with BIc representatives, 

2006). This was the first “converted” mosque in 

Northern Ireland. The community grew further, and 

the urge to find a larger space was a priority for the 

centre’s committee. In 1985, with more fund collected 

and a donation from Dublin Islamic centre, 

they bought a semi-detached house in Wellington 

Park, close to the 1 st converted mosque, which still 

exists until today. The new premises of the centre 

and mosque were also converted to accommodate 

worshipers following the faith traditions. The centre 

and the converted mosque became an important 

symbol of unity for the community. 

According to Marranci, it was noticeable 

inside the building that the commonly spoken language 

was English. As there are as many as 40 

nationalities regrouped within the premises of the 

mosque when there is the Jumaa ‘friday’ prayer, so 

people mainly communicate in English (Marranci, 

2006b). The results obtained in this study and the 

outcomes of the interviews conducted with members 

of the community attending the mosque and 

also representatives from the centre contradict with 

this confirmation; it has been noticed that English is 

8 4 

not totally considered as the main language spoken 

inside the mosque (Author’s interviews with Muslim 

community members and BIc representatives, 

2006). The use of Arabic is common between 

Muslims from Arab countries. English is mainly used 

as a second language within the premises to communicate 

with non-Arab speaking nationalities; 

either those who are Irish converted or Asian 

Muslims. To the opposite of Marranci’s thoughts on 

the large differences between Muslims in NI and 

other European countries, there are a lot of similarities 

between all Muslim communities living in 

Western Europe (Malik, 2004; Author’s interviews 

with BIc representatives, 2006). Their lifestyle, 

communication type, education and the structure of 

the community are similar. In fact, the Muslim community 

in Northern Ireland differs from the other 

communities in Britain and Europe in a way that the 

community lacks proper built infrastructure to conduct 

their religious life (Hopkins and gale, 2009; 

Author’s interviews, 2006). Muslims in Northern 

Ireland needs an adequate built purpose mosque 

to meet the needs and the survival of their fast 

growing community. As the president of the centre 

says “This campaign is about more than a new 

Mosque. It is about the future of the Muslim community 

in Northern Ireland as a whole”. 

The creation of sacred spaces in a sectarian environment 

Today the BIc not only acts as a place of worship 

but also as a community centre, social-cultural centre, 

resource centre, advice centre and a day centre 

for many of the 8,000 Muslims currently living in 

Northern Ireland. Over 400 worshippers come 

together for friday prayers (BIc-website, accessed 

2.12.2011). They are accommodated in the 

Mosque, office and anywhere else they can find 

space i.e. hallway, stairs etc… which is most unsatisfactory 

both for health and safety reasons and to 

the growing community. There is no community 

facility dedicated to the needs of the local Muslims 

and the area is lacking facilities for the elderly, 

women and Muslim youth. for the Muslim community 

the project of building a Mosque and community 

centre is essential to the continued education of 

young Muslims in order to help maintain Islamic 

values and offer a better understanding of the 

Islamic faith to the wider community. Having estab-

Figure 1. BIC, the converted house-mosque and Islamic 

centre 

lished the BIc because of their religious need, 

Muslims living in Northern Ireland still face a crucial 

issue: the need for a larger space which is designed 

and dedicated to permit full and comfortable 

accomplishment of their religious and socio-cultural 

duties. However, the violence, terrorism and 

recently Islamophobia convinced the Muslim community 

to keep a low profile. This invisibility appears 

in the white semi-detached house in South Belfast 

where the BIc took premises (figure 1). It is as 

anonymous as the surrounding houses, especially 

when the insignia is removed in some occasions. 

c O N v E R T I B I L I T Y A N D M O D If I c A - 

TIONS: THE cA SE Of THE AcTUAL 

MOSQUE AND BIc cENTRE 

The converted house has undergone internal 

changes and mutations throughout these years. 

These modifications took form on both functional 

and spatial aspects. At the entrance of the house- 

‘mosque’; the visitor finds a corridor divided in two 

parts. This division has been materialised visually 

through the use of two differently coloured carpets. 

One marks the limit of the area where people can 

remain with their shoes on. The ground floor consists 

of four rooms. On the left side, there is the BIc 

president’s office, and a connecting library. The 

women prayer room is located to the right, and 

adjacent to the Wudhu’u or ablutions room. The 

first floor consists of prayer rooms. The main prayer 

room, which can accommodate up to 120 worshippers, 

communicates via three doors. Spatial 

mutations in this space are striking. Basically, the 

separation walls have been removed to make a 

larger space in a -c- shaped large space. Recently 

it has been painted in a pale-green (used extensively 

in Islamic decoration) instead of previous 

pale-blue coloured wallpaper. However, there is not 

much presence of decoration inside the room apart 

from two large photos of the Kaaba in Mecca and 

the Prophet’s mosque. Shelves containing Quran 

and religious books ornament the front wall facing 

the Qibla (direction towards Mecca). Despite being 

simple and modest, there is more decoration internally 

than externally. 

An important element of the mosque, the 

‘Mihrab’ has also been designed. It is a simple 

white niche directed towards Qibla, without decoration, 

Islamic calligraphy or design. It provides the 

main prayer room with a unique Islamic symbol, an 

“Islamic-ally” marked visual impact. Another dramatic 

fact is the inexistence of the minbar (a raised 

small platform where the imam stands to give the 

friday prayer sermon-khotba). The top floor 

accommodates a small kitchen, a secondary prayer 

room, and three small bedrooms for guests visiting 

the centre. There is the illusion of poly-directional 

mihrab in the BIc, as a consequence of the different 

directions of the prayer rooms. One of the worshippers 

said: “It gives the impression that we are 

praying in different directions. I know that this is not 

the case because we are all facing Qibla. Yet if we 

could have a proper mosque, we may feel more 

united.” 

Several academics and researchers indicate 

that symbols and geometric design are important 

for diasporic Muslim places of worship 

(Metcalf, 1996; Phillips, 2010). In the case of the 

Muslim community in NI, however, the need to get 

a proper mosque is more important. Decoration 

will be for after as one of the Asian Muslims said. 

The quasi-total absence of these symbols requires 

closer examination, particularly because Muslims 

8 5 


fodil fadli 


have a strong propensity to decorate the interior of 

their houses with Islamic memorabilia and elaborate 

Arabic calligraphic verses from Quran. The 

way of living used by the majority of Muslims living 

in Western countries influenced this introversion. 

furthermore, the same practices exist back home in 

the traditional historic cities (medinas) of the Muslim 

world at socio-spatial levels (fadli, 2011). The 

introversion procures a certain level of security, privacy 

and barrier against the surrounding environment, 

which might endanger the cultural identities 

of the community and its people. 

The urge for constructing a mosque 

At its fullest capacity, the centre can accommodate 

up to 400 hundred worshippers, although the structure 

of the building has not been designed for such 

a number. Hence, when its Eid the BIc committee 

hires large sport hall or gymnasium to perform the 

prayers and festivities. As a representative of the 

BIc said “They (Muslim worshippers) are accommodated 

in the main prayer room, the office and 

anywhere else they can find space i.e. hallway, 

stairs, etc…, which is most unsatisfactory both for 

health and safety reasons but also to the comfort of 

the growing community. There is no community 

facility dedicated to the needs of the local Muslims 

and the area sadly lacking facilities for the elderly, 

women and Muslim youth. For us (the Muslim community) 

building a Mosque and Islamic Community 

Centre is essential to the continued education of 

young Muslims, help maintain Islamic values and 

identity and give a better understanding of our religion 

to the wider community (Northern Irish)” 

(Author’s interviews with BIC representatives, 

2006). 

The BIc considers the mosque project 

(figure 2) as one that is very important to the 

Muslim community in Northern Ireland. The aim is 

to provide the Muslim community in Northern 

Ireland with a range of socio-cultural, economic, 

and educational activities. It will also aim to develop 

a greater self-confidence through a sense of 

belonging, to affirm cultural identity, to renew its 

enthusiasm for self-reliance, to allow community to 

be at one with itself, and to ensure smooth integration 

in the Northern Ireland context. However, there 

have been continuous struggles through the several 

attempts to get the first purpose-built mosque. 

8 6 

THE cASE Of BLEARY MOSQUE PROJEcT 

Bleary in county Armagh is one of the least likely 

places in the UK or Europe for an outbreak of racial 

conflict. A sleepy village and mixed community of 

around 1,000 Protestants and catholics, it is home 

to mainly private householders and middle-class 

inhabitants. Through 30 years of the sectarian troubles 

in NI, it remained largely untouched by violence 

and sectarianism, maintaining reasonably 

good relations between the two predominant religious 

groups. Since the 1970s, the village has been 

touched only once by the sectarian violence. But, by 

the end of 2002, when plans started to develop in 

order to construct the Province’s first purpose-built 

mosque, a simmering tension has been rising 

(www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk accessed 11.7.2006). 

The mosque project has been given planning 

permission to be built off cranny Road, on 

land donated by an elderly Pakistani who lives in 

Bleary. Locals have anticipated the mosque could 

accommodate around 400 people for weekly services, 

50 car-parking spaces and attract a major 

Muslim influx to the area. These figures and speculation 

have been refuted as misinformation by 

Islamic leaders in Northern Ireland, who have said 

the mosque will be little more than a large bungalow 

facilitating around 30 people for weekly friday 

prayers. 

Bleary residents were opposing the building 

on a number of environmental grounds, complaining 

that they were not given a proper opportunity to 

voice their concerns to the Planning Service. 

However, they were also against it for social and 

cultural reasons, believing it will create community 

conflict. The spectre of racism hanged over the 

debate, though locals angrily denied this was 

behind their objections. They believed the rural 

community is simply the wrong place to site the 

Islamic place of worship. Residents formed a lobby 

group challenging the Planning Service’s permission 

for the mosque. One resident said: “We are 

concerned that locals were never properly consulted. 

The first thing people here knew about the 

mosque was when the local newspaper reported it 

was to be built.” (BBc/Northern Ireland website 

accessed on 14.7.2006).

Figure 2. The new mosque project leaflet. 

After the outline planning permission has 

been granted for the construction of Northern 

Ireland’s first built-purpose mosque, and the objections 

from some local councillors and residents, 

planners were asked to reconsider and a final recommendation 

has yet to be made. councillors also 

argued “ …a mosque would devalue the area and 

introduce people into the community who don’t actually 

live here. … We are as liberal as anybody but 

there are genuine reasons why this proposal should 

not go ahead.” However others have mentioned that 

“This area has no problem with a mosque and if a 

suitable location could be found I would welcome 

it,...”. Later on, the Mosque project has been abandoned 

because of a multitude of socio-political difficulties. 

DIScUSSION 

Would there be a purpose-built Mosque in Northern 

Ireland? 

In order to understand why there is not yet a proper 

purpose-built mosque in Northern Ireland, it was 

important to gain insights from local Muslims and 

question them about future projects and how they 

would consider tackling this issue. According to one 

of them: “Islam does not need walls, Islam does not 

need decorations, and Islam does not need 

minarets. Islam needs your heart; you build your 

mosque through your salat [the prayer in Islamic 

religion].” 

8 7 


fodil fadli 


Figure 3a. BIC logo 

The spiritual interpretation of the spatial, rather than 

formal and the perceptive definition of a mosque 

are commonly held views amongst Muslims 

(Phillips, 2010). Hence, this interpretation confirms 

why the Muslim community had made a conscious 

decision not to display Islamic symbols mainly on 

the exteriors of the converted house. Thus, and after 

the cancelled first purpose-built mosque project in 

Bleary, the Muslim community still keeps low profile 

and tries to gain more in self-confidence and maturity 

before getting in further stages. These further 

stages appear in the ideal place of worship for 

Muslims in Belfast. It is visualised in the proposed 

mosque and Islamic cultural centre in Belfast. A 

quick perceptive visual analysis of the proposed 

mosque (as it appears on the BIc website and project 

leaflet) allows us to detect a Middle-Eastern 

stereotyped mosque model. This trend of Middle- 

Eastern mosque styles is similar to mosques styles 

discussed by Khalidi (Khalidi, 2000) in North 

America. This leads the study to attempt to identify 

the real reasons, which blocked the construction of 

Mosque projects in Northern Ireland. 

Mosque projects and the Northern Irish concern for 

Symbolism 

Initially, it was assumed that financial obstacles 

might have been the cause. However, after meeting 

and discussing with representatives of the community 

and the centre’s representatives, it was clear 

that there is a more complex and complicated phenomenon, 

which is blocking and slowing down the 

realisation of this project rather than the financial 

aspects. As Marranci states in his work, the answer 

8 8 

Figure 3b. BIC symbols. 

of these blockages and obstacles lies on what is 

referred to as ‘Symbol-phagy’, or the way ‘symbols’ 

are absorbed (Marranci, 2004). 

In Northern Ireland, the tendency is to 

transform any event, object, picture, building into a 

symbol suitable for the sides involved in the conflict. 

However, this ‘symbol-phagy’ is dangerous in a 

way that it prevents people from being ‘freer’ since 

sectarianism is mainly based on stereotypes that 

help people create ‘real’ imagined borders and 

luminal spaces. Any ethnic characteristic, symbol, 

image, famous personage or building may be 

transformed into a sign of the hard confrontation 

between the two main antagonists in the conflict. As 

Buckley states: “Symbolism in Northern Ireland is 

often a serious business and some symbols have 

been the occasion of self-sacrifice or murder” 

(Buckley, 1998). 

Therefore, it is argued that for a long period 

of time, the Muslims of NI have found their 

Islamic environment not only in the BIc, which is 

seen mainly as a political symbol of the unity of the 

Northern Irish Muslim, but within the walls of their 

homes.

Figure 4. Murals and political involvement in sectarian NI. 

In another view, the majority of Muslims living in 

Northern Ireland have devoted their domestic 

space as family mosque. Home has a strong symbolic 

relevance especially for immigrants. for these 

Muslims, home became and still represents part of 

the religious space and part of worship (Peter, 

2006). As far as this investigation developed, it 

became important to notice that home has become 

the religious spatial sphere for the Muslim families 

in Northern Ireland. Thus, a home-mosque conversation 

is the perfect temporary solution for many 

Muslims in NI. At the opposite of the BIc, the 

homes of Muslims in NI are perfectly “Islamically” 

decorated. This interesting contrast between the 

‘Islamically bare’ public religious space of the 

mosque and the ‘Islamically marked’ interior 

domestic religious space of the Muslims homes 

explains the way Muslims perceive the display of 

Islamic symbols in NI. In fact, using decorations 

and Islamic symbols in public spaces (i.e. external 

facades of the BIc) would endanger the whole 

community, whereas, in the private context, the 

family’s religious life is protected and kept intimate 

inside the domestic space. These tensions between 

private and public spaces have always had an 

impact on the life of Muslims in Europe and in 

Northern Ireland especially. 

cONcLUSION 

This exploratory study offered an understanding of 

how important the religious spaces are for the 

Muslim minority living in Northern Ireland. Despite 

the obstacles facing their mosque project, Muslims 

are continuing to aspire to a better future within the 

Northern Irish society. They have to adapt to local 

context, with its tensions and sectarianism but also 

they have to overcome their own differences to 

reach an optimum of unity within the community. 

Their religious life has been introverted by creating 

a combined process of physical and meta-physical 

borders between a symbolic Islamic space and the 

over-symbolic private domain (Marranci, 2004). 

finally, it can be argued that while the BIc represents 

the main unity symbol for the Muslim community 

in Northern Ireland, their homes provide 

them with an alternative Islamic environment. Their 

domestic religious space provides the complementary 

part. Meanwhile, future horizons would provide 

this community with a real ideal mosque. 

The study brought up to the surface the 

socio-political and cultural dynamics from which 

the oppositions facing Northern Ireland’s first purpose-built 

mosque started and how they disclosed 

a process in which Northern Irish people have ‘integrated’ 

Muslims within their sectarian divisions 

8 9 


fodil fadli 


through Symbolism. However, how jeopardising it 

will be for Muslims to go over these oppositions to 

get their first mosque, this need is becoming religiously 

compulsory for the community. These 

Muslims have a desire to justify their presence in 

Northern Ireland from an Islamic point of view. The 

‘private-domestic mosque’ indicates the low power 

of the Muslim community within the NI political 

sphere. It has taken 30 years for the Muslim community 

to establish the most important Islamic symbol 

in Northern Ireland, which is their unity and 

integrity through the BIc. furthermore, they are 

decided to face the risk of being involved in the 

political turmoil, and build their mosque as a challenge 

to the success of their future in Northern 

Ireland. 

R EfERENcES 

BELL, D. 1990, Acts of Union: youth culture and sectarianism 

in Northern Ireland. Macmillan, London 

BREEN, S.M. 2007, Truth and justice after violent conflict: managing 

violent pasts. Routledge, London. 

BUcKLEY, A. (ed.) 1998, Introduction: daring us to laugh: creativity 

and power in Northern Irish symbols, in Buckley, A. (ed.) 

Symbols in Northern Ireland. Belfast: The Institute of Irish 

Studies. 

cERI, P. 1990, The Muslim population of great Britain. Ethnic 

and Racial Studies, vol. 13 no. 3, 1990. 

fADLI, f. 2011, Retrofitting historic buildings into the 21st century-energy 

efficiency and passive design aspects. Energy 

Management in cultural Heritage conference-Dubrovnik, 6- 

8thApr 2011, croatia. 

fADLI, f. & SIBLEY, M. 2009, Sustainability Lessons from 

Traditional Buildings in North Africa: The Public Bathhouses: 

Hammams. 3rd cIB conference on Smart & Sustainable Built 

Environment –SASBE 2009, 15th -19th June 2009, Delft. 

HADDAD, Y. & SMITH, J. (eds.) 2002, Muslim Minorities in the 

West: Visible and Invisible. Altamira Press. US. 

HENNESSEY, T. 2001, The Northern Ireland peace process: 

ending the troubles? Palgrave Macmillan< New York. 

9 0 

HOPKINS, P., gALE, R. (eds.) 2009, Muslims in Britain, Race, 

Place and Identities. Edinburgh University Press. Edinburgh. 

KHALIDI, O. (2000), Approaches to mosque design in 

Northern America, in Haddad, Y. and Esposito, J.L. (eds.) 

Muslim Americanization Path? Oxford University Press, Oxford, 

pp. 317–334. 

KNOx, c. 2011, Peace Building in Northern Ireland: A Role 

for civil Society. Social Policy and Society vol 10- N . 2011.: 

pp 13-28 (16). 

MALIK, J.(ed.) 2004, Muslims in Europe: From the Margin to 

the Centre. LIT Berlin, Münster. 

MARRANcI, g. 2006b, Muslim in Northern Ireland: dangerous 

symbols and the use of English, in R. Byron and U. Kockel 

(eds.), Negotiating Culture: Moving and Mixing: Migration and 

Boundary Crossing in Twentieth Century Europe, LIT verlag, 

Munster and London. 

MARRANcI, g. 2006a, The Transmission of Islamic Heritage 

in Northern Ireland, in M. Nic craith (ed.), Cultural Heritages 

as Reflexive Traditions, London, Palgrave Macmillan, New York. 

MARRANcI, g. 2004, constructing an Islamic Environment in 

Northern Ireland. Built Environment. vol. 30- N.1 March 2004. 

: 17-29(13). 

METcALf, D. (ed.) 1996, Making Muslim Space in North 

America and Europe. University 

of california Press, Berkeley. 

MURTAgH, B. 2002, The Politics of Territory: policy and segregation 

in Northern Ireland. Palgrave, Basingstoke. 

PETER, f. 2006, Individualization and Religious Authority in 

Western European Islam. Islam and christian-Muslim Relations 

17.1. Routledge, London, pp.105-118. 

PHILLIPS, R. (ed.). 2010, Muslim Spaces of Hope: 

Geographies of Possibility in Britain and the West. Zed Books, 

London. 

Websites: 

Belfast Telegraph: http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk 

(accessed 11.Jul.2006) 

BBc NI: http://www.bbc.co.uk/northernireland/ (accessed 

14.Jul.2006)

BIc (2011) http://www.belfastislamiccentre.org.uk/bic/projects 

(accessed 2. Dec. 2011) 

BIc website (2006) 

http://www.belfastislamiccentre.org.uk/bic/community 

(accessed 5.May. 2006) 

Notes: 

* Interviews and other informal discussions were 

conducted by the author in 2006. It was mentioned 

as (Author’s interviews, 2006) in the text. 

** The author would like to thank all persons who 

have helped and contributed directly or indirectly to 

this work. 

Dr. fodil fadli 

Department of Architecture & Urban Planning 

Qatar University, 

Doha- Qatar 

f.fadli@qu.edu.qa 

9 1 


open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 The impact of digitalization on social interaction and public space. 

INTRODUC TION 

In 1989 the late Michael Brill, President and 

founder of BOSTI, the Buffalo Organization for 

Social and Technological Innovation observed that 

public space had become place “where strangers 

have no right to speak to each other, where each 

person has the right to be let alone. Public behavior 

has today become more about observation, 

passive participation, voyeurism, spectating - and 

thus knowledge gained in public becomes more 

visual, a matter of observation, rather than through 

social intercourse - giving us the modern paradox 

of visibility and isolation” (Brill, 1989:10). 

It has become the commonly held belief 

that diverse communities and contacts are beneficial. 

Diversity can be enlightening, stimulating and 

uncomfortable. Discomfort can be constructive; 

cultural differences can be dynamic and creative. 

There is a difference between diversity and interaction 

with diverse people. Cohabitation of different 

cultural and ethnic groups inhabiting a public 

space may facilitate, but does not guarantee, interaction 

between. Intra-cultural and intercultural 

communication in pubic space has been a goal. 

Diversity has been written in policy and law. 

9 2 

THE IMPACT OF DIGITALIZATION ON SOCIAL INTER- 

ACTION AND PUBLIC SPACE 


A bstract 

The tradition of urban public space confronts the reality of a ubiquitous, mobile ‘me media’ filled environments. 

Paradoxically, the ability to connect globally has the tendency of disconnecting location. The examination of modern 

public spaces, diversity and spontaneity in those spaces requires recognition of the transformative power of changes in 

the media landscape. Compartmentalization or segregation of interaction based on choice shapes attitudes toward 

diversity. In the digital media environment the individual blocks, filters, monitors, scans, deletes and restricts while constructing 

a controlled media environment. Modern urban life is lived in the interstice between physical and mediated 

spaces (between physical local and virtual connection) the relationship to public space. Augmented with embedded 

and mobile media public spaces simultaneously offer those who enter a combination of connection and detachment. 

This paper utilizes a media ecology model. 

Keywords: Communication media, media landscape, ‘me media,’ digitalization, augmented Reality. 

Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam, 

author of Bowling Alone, (2000) in his discussion of 

declining civic engagement has found that diversity 

in a community reduces civic life. Putnam based his 

conclusion on a large-scale study of civic engagement 

in America. Michael Jones writing in the 

Boston Globe reported that Putnam’s study 

revealed, “that virtually all measures of civic health 

are lower in more diverse settings” (Jones, 2007). 

Diverse communities evidence low levels of trust 

among neighbors—about half as much trust as 

compared to homogenous communities. Putnam’s 

findings even suggest trust within groups was 

reduced by involvement in diverse communities. 

These findings have been interpreted as symptomatic 

of a ‘general civic malaise’ in diverse communities 

that lead to less effort devoted to collective 

needs. Anticipated results ranging from heightened 

intergroup tensions at one extreme to social bonding 

on the other were not supported (Jones, 2007). 

“People living in ethnically diverse settings appear 

to ‘hunker down’ — that is, to pull in like a turtle,” 

(Jones, 2007) Putnam’s research challenges “the 

two dominant schools of thought on ethnic and 

racial diversity, the ‘contact’ theory and the ‘conflict’ 

theory.” “Under the contact theory, more time 

spent with those of other backgrounds leads to

greater understanding and harmony between 

groups. Under the conflict theory, that proximity 

produces tension and discord. Putnam’s findings 

reject both theories” (Jones, 2007). The rise of 

diversity has been facilitated by the increasing availability 

and impact of communication technologies. 

Media technology emancipates people 

from place yet simultaneously invites re-entry into 

public space by enhancing the communicative 

potential of that place. The technology of communication, 

while providing for vast opportunities for 

unintended but opportune encounters, also fosters 

the expectation of control. The realities of public 

space require an appreciation of the communication 

media as powerful agents of change of an environment 

filled with electronic and visual information. 

Urban spaces have become sites of multitasking. 

People watching is augmented by twittering, 

strolling, supplemented by scrolling. These media 

filled spaces are experientially different physical environments. 

The introduction of media into physical 

public spaces brings with it remarkable change in 

our experience of space (Willis, 2008: 11). 

The analysis employs ‘media ecology 

model’ appropriate for describing, predicting, and 

controlling media effects. Relying on Walter Ong’s 

approach “to carefully observe and record what 

happens in communication, then enter into a kind 

of conversation with it” (Soukup, 2005). 

REALTIES OF URB AN SPAC E 

By the late 1970s, critics began to decry the demise 

of the public sphere and the deterioration of community 

made evident in the abandonment of public 

space. (Sennett, 1977; Habermas, 1989; Berman, 

1982). The decline of public culture was documented, 

associated with the subtle withdrawal into 

the private sphere and private space. The loss of 

civic engagement was recognized, as well as the 

serious social, economic, political and health consequences 

of disconnection. Data revealed an 

American public increasingly detached from family, 

friends, neighbors, and community organizations 

and institutions. Putnam famously warned that the 

stock of social capital, the fabric of connections 

with each other, had plummeted, impoverishing our 

lives and communities. 

Advancing suburban sprawl has been seen 

as the enemy of public life. The rise of the suburbs 

was positioned as the enemy of urban public space. 

Media theorist Marshall McLuhan observed, “All 

media work us over completely. They are so pervasive 

in their personal, political, economic, aesthetic, 

psychological, moral, ethical, and social consequences 

that they leave no part of us untouched, 

unaffected, unaltered” (McLuhan and Fiore, 1967: 

26). Urban spaces are no exception in a media saturated 

world in which an ever increasingly large 

portion of the world’s population is connected to an 

increasing array of communication technologies, 

particularly mobile media. 

•By 2010 91% of the population of the United 

States owned a mobile phone while in Germany 

that figure was over 130%. The number of homes 

that do not own a landline phone (a wired phone) 

continues to rise (Mobile Cellular Subscriptions, 

2009). 

•There are 630 million mobile cellular subscriptions 

globally with 490 million in the Asia- Pacific 

region (ICT Facts and Figures, 2011). 

•There were 2.8 trillion SMS messages sent in 

2008; 4.3 trillion in 2009; and 6.1 trillion in 

2010). Estimates placed the number of SMS messages 

at over a thousand messages for every person 

on the planet in 2011 (ITU Stathot, 2011). 

According to the International Telecommunication 

Union, the ubiquity of ICTs is moving well beyond 

developed nations (ITU Statshot, 2011). 

•There were more mobile broadband subscriptions 

in the developing world in 2010 (309 million) than 

there were in the whole world in 2007 (307 million), 

just three years earlier. 

•There were almost as many mobile cellular subscriptions 

in the developing world in 2010 (3.8 billion) 

as there were in the whole world in 2008 (4 

billion), and half a billion more than there were in 

the developed world in 2007. 

•In Africa, mobile broadband subscriptions grew 

almost 15-fold over the last three years – from 2 to 

29 million. 

9 3 

open house international Vol.37 No.2, June 2012 The impact of digitalization on social interaction and public space. Susan J. Drucker and Gary Gumpert



Mobile devices have ushered media consumption 

into public space. Increasing mobile 

devices are consuming public space. Geographers 

have begun to recognize the centrality of communication 

in geography (Adams, 2009). In 

Geographies of Media and Communication 

(2009) Paul C. Adams argues “What is generally 

referred to as the ‘cultural turn’ in human geography...[should] 

be renamed the communicational 

turn – because of the vague and frequently biased 

nature of the term ‘culture’ and also because communication 

is at the heart of every major aspect of 

the cultural turn” (Adams, 2009: 214). 

In 1996 Steve Graham and Simon Marvin 

published Telecommunications and the City: 

Electronic Spaces, Urban Places, an early critical 

review of the relationship between telecommunications, 

city development and management. The 

‘information city,’ digital city,’ ‘smart city’ and ‘the 

global city’ have been the objects of considerable 

interest (Tanabe et. al, 2002). Manuel Castells was 

influential through his treatment of cities as 

‘process’ with a focus on ‘flows’ in relation to place 

(Castells, 2000). Castells’ model of a space of 

flows asserts that material and immaterial flows 

have created a new spatial logic that has overtaken 

the historically accepted ‘space of places’ 

(Castells, 1989). In The Informational City: 

Information Technology, Economic Restructuring, 

and the Urban Regional Process (Castells, 1989) he 

argued that spatial importance will remain in that 

the space of flows is “the material organization of 

time-sharing social practices“ (Castells, 1989: 

147). The literature on megacities and world cities 

has grown highlighting the relationship between 

urban development and access to a global system 

of economic flows (Friedmann and Wolff, 1982). 

The global cities/world cities concept focused on 

access to data within a global economy. Access to 

the Internet backbone, financial services, airline 

connections, and the influence intergovernmental 

and nongovernmental organizations are indicators 

of a city’s ‘position’ in the world (Castells, 1996; 

Sassen, 2001 and 2005). 

Scott McQuire (2008) argued the need to 

consider the ‘media city,’ a concept emphasizing 

the critical role that media play in the creation of 

contemporary urban space. Significantly, he 

argued that there is a longer and more diverse 

9 4 

history of the relationship between mediated production 

and urban space than a concentration on 

ICTs focused upon by the many who explore the 

city-media relationship. “Modern social life 

emerges through a complex process of co-constitution 

between architectural structures and urban 

territories, social practices and media feedback. 

The contemporary city is a media architecture 

complex” (McQuire, 2008: vii). 

Public spaces are augmented by ubiquitous/pervasive 

mobile computing and wireless connectivity 

which means that physical urban space is 

augmented and digital (Aurigi and De Cindio, 

2008). Many entering public spaces venture forth 

armed with a mix of old and new communication 

media. The public spaces of media cities are environments 

in which embedded technologies are present 

in the environment (e.g. big screen, building 

skins, CCTV etc.), augmented with the introduction 

of mobile media (e.g. mobile phones, GPS, 

ebooks, handheld games, laptops/netbooks, PDAs, 

even old fashioned portable radios, books, and 

newspapers etc.). Contemporary public space may 

be seen as boundless located somewhere between 

‘here’ and ‘there’. From a deterministic perspective, 

it is technology driving social change. This is not to 

suggest that media technology alone is responsible 

for the rebirth of public space. Traditionally public 

spaces offered a sense of some liberation from the 

confines of home or work. Media technologies now 

offer this on a global level. Yet, the impact of mediated 

communication upon the experiences, functions, 

and ultimately upon the designing of physical 

space, is generally overlooked. 

Modern life is lived in the interstice between 

physical and media space thereby altering our relationship 

to each. Interstitial space intervenes 

between physical and virtual connection. Luc 

Lévesque has described the ‘interstitial landscape’ 

as places of ‘otherness,’ or space without ‘precise 

use’ (Lévesque, 2002). We have suggested a 

Mediated Spatial Interstice Theory: in which the 

physical and media environment co-exist and 

define each other. There is a reciprocal relationship 

between physical and media space (Gumpert & 

Drucker, 2010). Identifying the implications of digital 

media for community and public space is difficult 

when media infrastructure and options cross 

and transcend scales. The Internet and telecommu-

nications are not global phenomena alone. While 

they suggest a global scale, hyper-local and interest-based 

communities on a global, regional and 

local scale are options. A single scale cannot be 

identified. 

THE DIVERSE CITY 

When considering public space and the digital 

media environment, cities provide a vibrant exemplar. 

Diversity in cities emerged from the vibrancy of 

immigrant enclaves that often served as entry 

points. Sometimes these enclaves evolved into 

theme towns – a place where tourists or the folks 

from the suburbs could go and enjoy a little bit of 

the alien and the foreign, an opportunity to ‘visit 

diversity.’ ‘Visiting diversity’ is defined as a concept 

defined by mobility and the changing concept of 

‘community.’ For immigrants and successive generations, 

the enclave provides a place to ‘visit identity’ 

(Gumpert and Drucker, 2007). Thus, the presence 

of diverse people in pubic spaces and shared 

enclaves in a city can account for those present and 

sharing public spaces. Coexistence or contestation 

may result. But those entering public space, immigrants, 

ethnic groups, members of a diasporic 

community, are measured by connection and disconnection, 

a state of mind converted to a digital 

mindset. 

Contemporary public space is marked by 

increased privatization. The communicative functions 

of public space have not been immune from 

the transformative power of changes in the media 

landscape. Because communication technology is 

not reversible, cannot be un-discovered, technology 

must be understood as a force with transformational 

influence on public space. Sherry Turkel, 

author of Alone Together (2011) points out that 

mobile technology is becoming our ‘phantom limb’ 

so that individuals going without their media 

devices share the experience of those who have lost 

a limb yet experience pain and other feelings as if 

the limb was still there. In a world of constant mediated 

contact, the willingness to interact in urban 

space with ‘others’ is reciprocally decreased or 

increased by the perceived need to disconnect from 

others (Sennett, 1977). Such interaction shifts the 

emphasis from others to the self or ‘me.’ 

‘Me Media’ and Diversity 

The ‘me media’ environment places ‘ME’ at the 

center of a media universe. While the significance 

of media technology is a given, the impact is not 

fully understood. James W. Carey cautioned that 

while technology “overcomes many boundaries (of 

space and time, politics and economics), other 

social borders may be created at the same time. It 

is easier to see old boundaries coming down than 

to see new ones being erected” (Carey, 2005). 

‘Me Media,’ technology revolving around personal 

choice, imposes new acoustical and visual dimensions 

on urban space. Such technology enables the 

obliteration of the unwanted, a detachment from 

place and a preference for interaction divorced 

from space. Thus, choice of community is available 

based on similarity, common interests, values, and 

relevance. 

Digital media give people an infinite choice 

of what they can do and when they can do it. 

Consumers are producers and producers are consumers, 

thereby creating the ‘prosumer.’ Digital 

media empower users to choose, select, demand 

and filter. Transformed are old media and use patterns. 

Newspapers changed by users who opt for 

customized online news sites getting news based on 

interest, sports stores based on loyalty, stock quotes 

based on investment, weather based on location, 

and ads based on demographics, psychographics 

and prior purchase patterns. The daily news has 

become the ‘Daily Me’ observed technologist 

Nicholas Negroponte (1995). Publishing transformed 

into on-demand downloading of e- books 

and magazines. Television viewing changed with 

DVRs providing ease of use control and video on 

demand. Radio listening available anywhere, anytime 

online and the fast growing satellite radio market 

further enhances the appeal of choice to even 

the narrowest tastes. The adage that ‘the customer 

is always right’ carries a different meaning. These 

options enticingly offer control. Power shifts from 

institution to individual. Bypassing media gatekeepers 

is one mechanism of control challenging the 

agenda- setting function of traditional media 

(McCombs and Shaw, 1976). 

Weblogs and Wikis offering accessibility 

and interactivity anywhere anytime are significant 

web-based tools but the most vivid manifestation of 

the ‘Me Media’ environment is the social media 

9 5 




option. The current experience of the third media 

revolution primarily revolves around digital contact 

in social networks and the avatars that ‘physically’ 

shape identities in virtual worlds. 

Social media encourage a hyper-ego 

charged mentality. While inherently networking 

platforms, they actually serve as forms of narcissistic 

self –expression and self-promotion. On social 

network sites, individuals broadcast news about 

themselves, sending tweets that assume others need 

or wish to know about their personal thoughts and 

activities. According to a study conducted by 

‘Crowd Science’ measuring attitudes towards social 

media - particularly MySpace, Facebook, and 

Twitter - the attraction of social media is the emphasis 

on ‘me’ that unites fame and social ‘media.’ 

(Solis, 2011). Survey results revealed 45% reported 

that they heard, enjoying the reactions that stem 

from sharing updates and enjoy the popularity 

posts brought. 36% indicated they believed people 

are interested in what they have to say. 

M EDI A C OCO ONS , DIVERSITY A ND 

SERENDIPITY 

Encouraging diversity, planning for serendipity 

becomes uniquely challenging when confronted by 

pubic space users easily able to hide behind mobile 

media walls used to erect nodes of portable privacy. 

Lives of selectivity reshape the potential uses of 

physical spaces. Surprise is suppressed in favor of 

control and selectivity. There has been a willing 

exchange of surprise for predictability, variation for 

uniformity, with the benefits of unplanned social 

stimulation abandoned. Aided by the ability to navigate 

electronically, many of us live in repetitive 

environments – the houses look alike, the areas are 

zoned to celebrate sameness. There is a tension 

between territorial located interaction, and media 

facilitated emancipation from place. The user 

entering a modern urban place may choose to be 

detached, attending to people of their choosing in 

a variety of distant communities. 

The new technologies allow people to meet 

new and different ‘others’ beyond the confines of 

space and of one’s own culture, creating in this way 

an entirely new world of potential friendships. Scott 

McQuire (2008) notes that the heterogeneity of 

9 6 

relational space is a key experience of contemporary 

globalization, and demands new ways of thinking 

about how we might share space to constitute 

collective experience (McQuire, 2008: 25). 

Mediated connection offers the illusion of 

serendipitous contact. Yet the vastness of the World 

Wide Web may result in less surprise than expected. 

Ethan Zuckerman a fellow at Harvard University’s 

Berkman Center for Internet and Society has 

observed that people have no idea how much they 

are missing. “People generally pay attention to what 

they already know about and what they care about 

… Serendipity can strike – users can occasionally 

stumble on a marvelous new site,” but that can be 

rare (Venkatraman, 2008). 

So called ‘I media options,’ provide filtering 

by personal interest making the individual the 

center of the media universe reinforced through 

selected and often filtered messages. Eli Pariser, the 

author of “The Filter Bubble: What the Internet Is 

Hiding From You” (Pariser, 2011) argues “personalization 

on the Web, is becoming so pervasive that 

we may not even know what we’re missing: the 

views and voices that challenge our own thinking” 

Personalization channels people into feedback 

loops, or ‘filter bubbles,’ of their own predilections. 

(Singer, 2011). Targeted ads, tailored recommendations 

and filtered online searches further the 

trend toward closing exposure to contrary voices 

and views. Publishing and broadcasting always 

offered the ability to limit exposure and avoid ‘the 

other’ viewers with users aware of their choices. 

Legal scholar Cass Sunstein warned of the 

dangers of ‘information cocoons,’ or what he calls 

‘the echo chamber effect.’ (Sunstein, 2001). He 

warned of the consequences of self-designed 

media experiences that exclude and reinforce what 

is known and believed. Sunstein’s concern was for 

the impact on the functioning democracy rather 

than personal interactions but he did warn, “without 

shared experiences, we are going to have a hard 

time understanding one another and agreeing on 

things“ (Sunstein, 2001). Pariser’s alarm surrounds 

the lack of transparency and subsequent loss of 

awareness that personalization algorithms shape 

search engine results. Media enabled cocoons 

reduce opportunities and openness to diversity in 

encounters. The paradox of global media connection 

is the concomitant opportunity to disconnect

and exclude. Pariser is extremely concerned “what 

he believes to be its high toll on serendipitous discovery” 

(Morozov, 2011). 

T H E F A DI N G O F L OC A T I O N A N D 

DIGITA L PUB LIC SPA CE 

Individuals living in a ‘me media’ cocoon, accustomed 

to being shielded, may well seek to extend 

that protection from the unexpected or different 

public space. An assortment of technologies enable 

information from the digital world to be layered 

onto the physical world altering the person/environment 

relationship by creating spaces in which 

users interact with their physical surroundings 

through digital media. 

Virtual worlds as discrete three dimensional 

computer generated spaces to be created, 

entered and played within have become fashionable. 

Virtual Reality (VR) environments such as 

Second Life allows users to construct and experiment 

with identities performing ‘self’ through 

avatars in virtual worlds. Much life in third spaces 

and VR environments provide the opportunity to 

experiment with identity in ‘in between’ spaces. 

Some online virtual worlds accused of threatening 

physical presence have actually been developed in 

ways suggesting they can transform the way users 

experience physical place. 

Some VR games provide a mixed realityspace 

or hybrid reality where people online and on 

the street interact: one physical the other virtual (de 

Souza e Silva and Sutko, 2009). Hybrid reality 

games highlight so-called Hertzian spaces in which 

people “inhabit simultaneously nearby and remote 

locations, physical and digital spaces” (de Souza e 

Silva and Sutko, 2009). Such games feature online 

and street players tracked by GPS devices who 

chase one another in a virtual world. The first such 

game was Can You See Me Now? Introduced in 

2001, the creation of Blast Theory, (a British group 

of game developers), and the Mixed Reality Lab of 

University of Nottingham. This type of distributed 

presence has implications for socializing with others 

people in the city and in online spaces. Blast 

Theory’s pieces are recognized not only because of 

their creative and innovative approach to technology, 

but also because they interrogate the very way 

we use public space (de Souza e Silva & Sutko, 

2009: 70). Net-local public space has been 

described as an emerging form of location awareness 

central to digital media, from mobile phones 

to online maps to location-based social networks 

and games (Gordon and Souza e Silva, 2011). The 

extension of this is the increase in location-based 

technology and context-aware technologies. 

Embedded media technologies in the urban landscape 

enable people to move from immediate 

proximate and mediated distant locations extending 

what is seen as local space. Eric Gordon notes 

the geospatial web is growing and “the focus on 

local knowledge will become increasingly important” 

(Gordon, 2009: 34). In a sense, ‘net-locality’ 

suggests that the Internet is entering the physical 

‘real’ world. 

‘Augmented Reality’ - AR – that facilitates 

serendipity takes the carry over into the physical 

realm to an extreme. Location-based services like 

Foursquare provide a preview of the kind of 

serendipity AR will eventually power. Augmented 

reality adds graphics, sounds, and smell to the natural 

world with video games and cell phones fueling 

development, AR overlays digital data on real 

world environments. Augmented reality applications 

(apps) for iphones are gaining momentum. 

Directions, business locations and layers of history 

become available to anyone following History 

Channel’s Foursquare account for certain areas of 

London. Entering into public space, meeting people 

or filtering may be as easy as using a smartphone, 

with an app capable of providing real-time information 

layered over those sharing that public space 

at the time. Various demographic features can be 

selected to filter in and filter out those in that space 

the user may wish to engage or avoid. 

E-Shadow, a distributed mobile phonebased 

local social networking system would enable 

users to record and share their names, interests, 

and other information then using mobile phone 

based local social interaction tools (Teng et. Al, 

2011). Geo-location-ally enabled digital serendipity 

is possible. 

Mental maps are being transformed 

because space between locations can be subtracted 

or becomes irrelevant. This is linked to our 

increasing dependence upon Global Positioning 

Systems (GPS) that locate us in space and guide us 

9 7 




to place. We are guided from place to place 

through space. Tracking and observing are two distinct 

experiences of space, but they diminish place. 

The points between are superfluous and we are 

tracked from one point to the other. You are either 

on the map or off the map. 

C ONCLU SIONS 

The implications of mediated interracial spaces 

must be considered. Architectural and media determinism 

are at the significant part. Design and planning 

cannot guarantee interaction among diverse 

populations but communication media are guaranteed 

to change mindset and behaviors. We can 

only provide the opportunity to engage with others. 

Diversity is a dynamic process of relocation and discovery. 

On one level diversity can be defined as 

variety, on another it involves the migration of individuals 

or relocation. Relocation often results in 

contested space. When contested space is institutionalized, 

it provides the opportunity to visit diversity 

with a sense of choice and degree of control. It 

is possible and convenient to visit diversity. In terms 

of contested space, diversity involves the dynamic 

geography of impermanence. 

The new ‘me media’ environment that links 

current with a previous location or a location of 

choice redefines enclaves in transition. At some 

point, established communities of diversity create 

new pubic spaces with incoming groups potentially 

entering those spaces. They may coexist, contest, or 

interact. If the option to interact in public space is 

exercised and the potential for learning about each 

other exploited, communities of place can be 

reconfigured and possibly enhanced. 

R EFERENCES 

ADAMS, P. C. 2009, Geographies of Media and 

Communication: A Critical Introduction. Wiley-Blackwell, West 

Sussex, U.K. 

AURIGI, A. and DeCINDIO, F. 2008, Introduction, In Aurigi, A. 

and De Cindio, F. (eds.), Augmented Urban Spaces, pp. 1-4. 

Ashgate Publishers, London. 

BERMAN, M. 1982, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The 

9 8 

Experience of Modernity. Simon and Schuster, New York. 

BRILL, M. 1989, Transformation, Nostalgia, and Illusion in 

Public Life and Pubic Place. In I. Altman and E. Zube (eds.), 

Public Places and Spaces. Plenum Press, New York. pp.7-29. 

CAREY, J. W. 2005, Historical Pragmatism and the Internet. 

Retrieved September 15, 2009 from 

http://nms.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/7/4/443. 

CASTELLS, M. 1989, The Informational City: Information 

Technology, Economic Restructuring, and the Urban Regional 

Process. Blackwell, Oxford. 

CASTELLS, M. 2000, The Rise of the Network Society: The 

Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Vol. 1, Wiley- 

Blackwell, United Kingdom. 

De SOUZA e SILVA, A. and SUTKO, D. M. (eds.), 2009, Digital 

Cityscapes: merging digital and urban play spaces. Peter Lang, 

New York. 

FRIEDMANN, J. and WOLFF, G. 1982, World city formation: 

An agenda for research and action. International Journal of 

Urban and Regional Research. Vol. 6, pp. 309-44. 

McLUHAN, M. and FIORE, Q. 1967, The Medium is the 

Massage: An Inventory of Effects. Bantam Books, New York. 

GRAHAM, S. and MARVIN, S. 1996, Telecommunications and 

the city: electronic spaces, urban place. Routledge, London. 

GORDON, E. 2009, Redefining the Local: The distinction 

between located information and local knowledge in locationbased 

games. In A. De Souza e Silva and D. M. Sutko. (eds.), 

Digital Cityscapes: merging digital and urban plays paces, 

Peter Lang, New York, pp. 21-36. 

GORDON, E. and De SOUZA e SILVA, A. 2011, Net Locality: 

Why Location Matters in a Network World, Wiley-Blackwell, 

Malden. 

GUMPERT, G. and DRUCKER, S. 2007, Diaspora: An Urban 

Communication Paradigm. In O. Bailey, My. Georgiou, & R. 

Harindranath (eds.), Transnational Lives and the Media: Reimagining 

diaspora, Palgrave Macmillan, London. 

GUMPERT, G. and DRUCKER, S. 2010, The Place of the 

Other. Paper presented, The Institute of General Semantics, 

New York, Oct. 30, 2010. 

HABERMAS, J. 1989, Structural Transformation of the Public 

Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, (trans.

T. Burger with the assistance of F. Lawrence), MIT Press, 

Cambridge, MA. (first published in German in 1962) 

ITU STATSHOT NEWSLETTER; April 2011, Site visited May 

10, 2011. 

http://www.itu.int/net/pressoffice/stats/2011/02/index.aspx 

ITC FACTS and FIGURES 2010, Site visited April 12, 2011. 

http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/ict/material/FactsFigures2010.pdf. 

JONES, M. 2007, Aug. 5, The downside of diversity: A 

Harvard political scientist finds that diversity hurts civic life. 

What happens when a liberal scholar unearths an inconvenient 

truth? Boston Globe. Site visited June 10, 2011. 

http://www.boston.com/news/globe/ideas/articles/2007/08/05/the_downside_of_diversity/ 

LEVESQUE, L. 2002, Interstitial Landscapes as Resources: A 

few thoughts about a Tactical Approach to Urban Intervention. 

Berlin. 

www.amarrages.com/amarrages/amar_textes/amar_textes_en 

g.ht ml. 

McCOMBS, M. E. & SHAW, D.L. 1976, Structuring the unseen 

environment. Journal of Communication. Vol. 26/2, pp. 18- 

22 (Winter). 

McQUIRE, S. 2008, The Media City: Media Architecture and 

Urban Space, Sage, London. 

MOBILE CELLULAR SUBSCRIPTIONS 2009, The World Bank, 

Site visited Oct. 11, 2010. http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.CEL.SETS.P2 

MOROZOV, E. 2011, 12 th June, Your Own Facts: Is the personalization 

of search-engine results a blessing or a cure? New 

York Times Book Review, p. 20. 

NEGROPONTE, N. 1995, Being Digital, Alfred A. Knopf, New 

York. 

PARISER, E. 2011, The Filter Bubble: What the Internet Is 

Hiding From You, The Penguin Press, New York. 

PUTNAM, R. 2000, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival 

of American Community, Simon & Schuster, New York. 

SASSEN, S. 2001, The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo, 

2 nd . ed., Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. 

SASSEN, S. 2005, The global city: introducing a concept. 

Brown Journal of World Affairs. Vol. 11/2, pp. 27-43. 

SENNETT, R. 1977, The Fall of Public Man, Alfred A. Knopf, 

New York. 

SINGER, N. 2011, May 28, The Trouble With the Echo 

Chamber Online. New York Times, p. BU3. 

SOLIS, B. 2011, Who is the Me in Social Media? www.briansolis.com/2010/01/who-is-the-me-in-social-media/ 

SOUKUP, P. 2005, Reflections on Walter J. Ong and Media 

Ecology, Proceedings of the Media Ecology Association, 

Volume 6. http://www.mediaecology.org/publications/MEA_proceedings/v6/Soukup.pdf 

SUNSTEIN, C. 2001, Republic.com. Princeton University Press, 

Princeton. 

TANABE M., BESSELAAR P. and ISHIDA T. (Eds.), 2002, Digital 

Cities II: Computational and Sociological Approaches, 

Springer-Verlag, Berlin. 

TENG J. ZHANG, B., Li, X., BAI, X., XUAN, D. 2011, E- 

Shadow: Lubricating social interaction using mobile phones. 

Site visited June 11, 2011. http://www.cse.ohiostate.edu/~xuan/papers/2011_icdcs_tzlbx.pdf 

TURKLE, S. 2011, Alone Together: Why we expect more from 

technology and less from each other. Basic Books, New York, 

New York. 

VENKATRAMAN, V. 2008, Dec. 12, Ethan Zuckerman on 

how to engineer serendipity online Christian Science Monitor. 

http://www.csmonitor.com/Innovation/Tech- 

Culture/2008/1212/ethan-zuckerman-on-how-to-engineerserendipity-online 

WILLIS, K.S. 2008, Places, Situations, and Connections. In A. 

Aurigi, & F. De Cindio, (eds.). Augmented Urban Spaces, 

Ashgate Publishers, London, pp 9-26. 

Professor Susan J. Drucker, 

Hofstra University, 

New York, 

United States 

Susan.J.Drucker@hofstra.edu 

Mr. Gary Gumpert 

Urban Communication Foundation 

New York, 

United States 

Listra@optionline.net 

9 9 



All manuscripts must meet the following 

requirements: 

1. The title of the paper should not exceed ten 

words. 

2. There must be an abstract of between 200 

and 300 words. 

3. The manuscript must have a maximum of 

five keywords following the abstract. 

4. The manuscript must have a reference section 

at the end with the author's names in upper 

case followed by the year, the title of the reference 

in italics and the source or publisher in 

normal lower case e.g JACKSON N.1999, 

Reconstructing Architecture for the Twenty First 

Century, Toronto University Press, Toronto, 

Canada. In this case the whole book/article is 

being referred to i.e no pages numbers are 

given. 

5. The citation format in the body of the text 

must have the author's name in lower case followed 

by the year in brackets e.g (Hamdi 

N.1999). Where a specific page or pages are 

being referred to then the page number or 

numbers must be cited after the author's name 

e.g (Wills, 2002:31. or Wills 2002:31-44) 

6. There must be a conclusion at the end of the 

manuscript. 

7. The length of the manuscript should be 

around 4000 words . 

8. All illustrations must be stored on a separate 

file to the text. 

9. Locate any illustration by placing a figure 

number in the text. 

10. All photographs, maps and graphs must be 

1 0 0 

Notes to Authors 

Manuscript formatting requirements 

in TIFF format and not be less than 300 dpi. 

Photos should be scanned as multi-colour (8 bit 

colour) and then transferred to grey scale. 

Width=12cm, the height is free. 

11. All tables, graphs and line drawings should 

be in rich text form or .doc format using Word, 

Power Point or Excel original programs. Please 

only use grey scales (no colour). 

12. In the first instance and for refereeing purposes 

send a copy of your article to the Editor 

with all images embedded in the text in PDF 

format to the Editor in Chief. 

13. For the final submission i.e after refereeing 

and revising of the manuscript please ensure 

that all illustrations whether tables, graphs, photographs, 

maps or line drawings must NOT be 

embedded in the text of an article. Authors 

MUST put all illustrations on a separate file and 

only put the figure number with caption in the 

text to show where the illustration should be. 

Any article which does not follow this guide line 

will not be published. 

Finally when the manuscript is cleared for 

publication it must submitted on a CD (text and 

images on separate files please) and sent to the 

following address. Nicholas Wilkinson, Eastern 

Mediterranean University, Faculty of 

Architecture, Mersin 10, Turkey 

14. With the CD send one hard copy of the text 

without images and one copy with images in 

the text. 

15. Care should be taken that all information, 

particularly about place names is clear and correct. 

(Elsevier Scopus, EBSCO Publishing, The Social Science Citation Index,(SSCI,) the Arts & Humanities Citation Index, (A&HCI), Social 

Scisearch, Current Contents/Social & Behavioral Sciences,(CC/S&BS) and the Current Contents/Arts & Humanities, (CC/A&H) and 

Journal Citation Reports/Social Sciences Edition. The Journal is also listed on the following Architectural Index Lists: RIBA Index, API, 

ARCLIB, Avery Index and the Ekistics Index of Periodicals. OHI is online for subscribers at www.openhouse-int.com)

1 0 1 



1 0 2

Vol :37 Issue No.2 2012 - Open House International

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?