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EST HODT& IK KEBUS,<br />
TEX -- PAGE EDITION.<br />
TUESDAY.<br />
may IS. 1SS0.<br />
Ee-ior- m<br />
The leaders of the National<br />
party are<br />
sU-ainin- evorv<br />
nerve to secnre the oleeuon of Air.<br />
Bash. We s3" the leaders, meaning<br />
Robert TVilcox aud his gnu of<br />
sopponers. lEr. Commins has come<br />
oat. it i said, nith a cordial endorsement<br />
of Sash's political programme,<br />
inelndrag the release of<br />
the lepers, etc Of eoiirse the (resectable)<br />
white members of the<br />
party remain as usual in profound<br />
silent, and meekly sliuk away into<br />
the political retirement into which<br />
the sadden prominence of .Messrs.<br />
Bash and Wilcox always forces<br />
them.<br />
SUGAR DUTIES.<br />
The last mad scheme in regard<br />
to sugar dados which has found<br />
lavor in the eyes of the Republican<br />
members of the Ways and Cleans<br />
Committee is to admit all foreign<br />
saears below Xo. 1G Dutch stand<br />
ard free, reserving a duty of four- -<br />
tenth of a cent per pound for<br />
higher grades, and . protecting the<br />
present and prospective home producer<br />
by a bounty- - of two cunts a<br />
pound. The small duty on high<br />
grades is intended to secure the<br />
re-iiaa- rs<br />
against the competition of<br />
ioreiga refined sugar. As Willett<br />
& Gray's circular forcibly observes,<br />
sMs wfl! hart no one but the Sand-wie- h<br />
islanders, and the United<br />
States is not legislating just now<br />
for their benefit.<br />
Jbsi what the probabilities as<br />
to the passage of this new tariff<br />
seheme are, no one can tell. It has<br />
one strong point. It is framed to<br />
conciliate all interests at the cost<br />
only of the whole body of taxpayers.<br />
2sbw the whole body of taxpayers<br />
are precisely the persons<br />
whose interests are disregarded<br />
and despised at Washington They<br />
Lave a delegations, no professional<br />
agents, no paid lobbyists,<br />
sad their ehanees with a congressional<br />
committee are correspondingly<br />
sKra. Moreover, what they<br />
pay in bounty they will recover in<br />
the decreased eost of sugar, so that<br />
they are not likely to offer any<br />
load resistance, or any resistance<br />
at all.<br />
The grand difficulty in the way<br />
of the Hoese Committee's new proposals,<br />
is that they are intended to<br />
saddle the eoentry with the bounty<br />
system, contrary to all sound<br />
theory. The Americans however<br />
are despisers of theory, and the<br />
payment of bounties is a meet and<br />
proper thing in the eyes of the<br />
protectionists who happen just now<br />
to control all the branches of the<br />
Government. On the whole it is<br />
oeite impossible to forecast the<br />
result--<br />
What the consequences will be<br />
to tie industry here, if the present<br />
propositions are carried out, it is<br />
hard to say. Tim they will be<br />
very serious, no one doubts. There<br />
is one circumstance from which we<br />
can derive some grains of comfort.<br />
Tie great fall m the price which<br />
wHl follow the removal of the duty<br />
wiR occasion a great increase in<br />
the consumption. This will be followed<br />
of course by an increase in<br />
the demand and a rise in the price.<br />
One eause will therefore operate in<br />
our favor and tend to mitigate the<br />
severity of what might otherwise<br />
prove a ruinous blow. The cons'<br />
x za of sugar in the United<br />
.States will probably be increased<br />
by as much as 600,000 tons, should<br />
the duty be removed.<br />
PATERNAL GOVERNMENT.<br />
The Bulletin thinks that the people<br />
may look too much to and require<br />
too much of the government<br />
in the matter of general improvement<br />
and development an opinion<br />
in which we heartily concur. The<br />
disease of paternalism is becoming<br />
as acute in the United States as it<br />
is in Germany, although it assumes<br />
soother form. It is customary for<br />
everyone who is anxious to make<br />
liis fortcue in America to run to<br />
Washington to seek the aid of a<br />
congressional committee. Xor are<br />
the committees at all backward in<br />
famishing (he desired assistance.<br />
., lifc-- ,. fcJR<br />
Mmss<br />
The proverbial American good nature<br />
comes to the benefit of every<br />
supplicant, and his fate is generally<br />
determined, not by the merits<br />
of the case, or by considerations of<br />
public policy and expediency, but<br />
by the presence or absence of some<br />
rival in the field to dispute his<br />
claims. For instance, the Ways<br />
and lEcaus Committee in fixing the<br />
tariff schedule are guided practically<br />
entirely by the claims of the<br />
delegations of various manufacturing<br />
interests all of whom are anxious<br />
to get the benefit of government<br />
patronaue and assistance in<br />
carrying on their business. The<br />
manufacturers therefore personally<br />
or through their agents at Washington<br />
determine the tariff legislation<br />
of Congress. The conserva<br />
tion of the public depends entirely<br />
on the amount of conflict and opposition<br />
which rival jobs arouse<br />
among rival manufacturers. These<br />
conflicts neuerally inure to the<br />
benefit of the public. " When<br />
thieves fall out honest men come<br />
by their own."<br />
There is no excuse for paternalism<br />
in the United States, where<br />
capital is abundant and business<br />
"enterprise and energy at a maximum.<br />
T'e same thing applies<br />
with even srreater force to this<br />
country, Avhere capital is also aban<br />
dant and where the meaus of the<br />
Government, in striking contrast to<br />
our great neighbor, are relatively<br />
verv limited. The qreat obstacle<br />
which has hindered the flow of<br />
capital into new industries in the<br />
past has been tho lack of confidence<br />
felt bythe community in the purity<br />
and efficiency of the Government.<br />
That obstacle has now happily<br />
been removed, and we believe there<br />
is no serious reason for apprehending<br />
its recurrence. The fact still<br />
remains, however, that capitalists<br />
are unreasonably conservative aud<br />
timid, and unwilling to divert even<br />
a small portion of their great dividends<br />
into new channels of invest<br />
ment and production. Xo one can<br />
forget what circumstances of unparalleled<br />
discouragement and<br />
difficult- - 3Ir. Dillingham had to<br />
face when trying to get his railroad<br />
started. With a few honorable<br />
exceptions, our local capitalists<br />
held aloof. What is true of<br />
the railroad is true of every other<br />
new enterprise and industry. 2sb.<br />
one is willing to undertake anything<br />
without running to the Gov<br />
ernment anu getting it to lurnisn a<br />
good share of the capital and assuming<br />
a considerable proportion<br />
of the risk. It is ridiculous that a<br />
coffee plantation could uot be<br />
started here for want of a few<br />
thousands of dollars from the Government.<br />
The coming Legislature has a<br />
great task before it in further developing<br />
the resources of the country<br />
by costly works of a purely<br />
public nature, such as deepening<br />
the harbor. We want new roads,<br />
public parks, attractions for tour<br />
ists, cable connections and a huu-dre- d<br />
other things which in spite of<br />
the need of them, we can not hope<br />
to obtain for some time to come.<br />
The capitalists of the country should<br />
do their share by forwarding with<br />
tne utmost energy private enterprise,<br />
and not look to the Government<br />
to start industries which they<br />
are amply able to undertake alone.<br />
It is not too much to ask of men<br />
who have grown rich here to re-ga- rd<br />
some part at least of their<br />
wealth as a public trust and to re-<br />
turn it to the country which has<br />
- i i .i i.<br />
.. .<br />
euncueu mem, oy spenumg it m a<br />
way which will benefit that country,<br />
create new industries, widen<br />
its industrial opportunities, and<br />
afford a better and more varied<br />
market for labor. The capitalists<br />
of the nation will not do their duty<br />
by it, until they realize more fully<br />
than most of them at present do,<br />
the responsibilities and obligations<br />
which the possession of wealth<br />
brings with it.<br />
This is a theme to which we have<br />
frequently recurred, and upon<br />
which we shall continue to descant,<br />
though it be to unlistening ears.<br />
TA3MANY HALL.<br />
The ISew York Evening Post of<br />
April 3d is likely to become only<br />
less memorable than the issues of<br />
the Times containing the exposures<br />
which led to the downfall of the<br />
Tweed Bing more than twenty<br />
ye.rs ao. The Post contains a<br />
similar expose of the character of<br />
the so-call-<br />
HAWAIIAN GAZETTE, TUESDAY, MAY 13. 18S0.<br />
"new" Tammany of<br />
to-da- y, an organization which has<br />
been fondly supposed to be purged<br />
of tho gross qualities of its historical<br />
predecessor.<br />
The facts published in the Post<br />
show that Tammany is the same<br />
organization of disreputable politicians,<br />
office holders and office<br />
seekers, liquor sellers, gamblers,<br />
pickpockets, fraudulent contractors,<br />
losvfers, bummers, and even<br />
murderers, that it was win n Tweed<br />
was conducting his gigantic swindling<br />
operations during the war.<br />
The operations for swindliug havo<br />
uot proved so superb during the<br />
last few years as they were during<br />
Tweed's time, hut if New York had<br />
got the World's Fair they might<br />
well have become so, and as it is<br />
some of Tammany's faithful work<br />
ers have risen from the humble<br />
employment like that of a street<br />
car conductor to the proud position<br />
of independent millionaires.<br />
The Post furnishes brief but authentic<br />
and certainly pithy biographies<br />
of the twenty-eigh- t members<br />
of the executive committee of Tammany,<br />
an organization Avhich at<br />
present coutrolls the offices and<br />
governs the city of JNTcw York.<br />
These twenty-eig- ht men are aJl<br />
professional politicians and aspirants<br />
for political favors. The classification<br />
of them furnished by the<br />
Post is as follows. Some of course<br />
fall into more than one category:<br />
Favored city contractors 2, nominal<br />
lawyers 2, lawyer 1, former carpen<br />
ter 1, former navy yard caulker 1,<br />
former plasterer 1, former conductors<br />
3, former office holders 8 office<br />
holders 17, members of the Tweed<br />
Gang G former ''toughs' 4, former<br />
pugilists 3, sons of liquor dealers 2,<br />
former liquor dealers 5, liquor deal-<br />
ers 4, gambling house or "dive"<br />
keepers 5, professional gamblers 4,<br />
indicted for bribery 1, indicted for<br />
felonious assault 1, tried for murder<br />
and acquitted 1, convicted murderer<br />
1, professional politicians 28.<br />
Almost all come from the lowest<br />
strata of the population, a large<br />
percentage are of foreign birth or<br />
extraction. The vast majority are<br />
totally uneducated, and perhaps not<br />
more than four or five can speak or<br />
write English with any correctness.<br />
Some even who hold important<br />
posts of responsibilitj' and trust are<br />
notorious ruffians. The Deputy<br />
Commissioner of Public Works is a<br />
partner in the liquor business with<br />
"Bed" Leary, a notorious burglar,<br />
whose wife "Kate" was an expert<br />
pickpocket. "Bed" Leary, Kate and<br />
"Barney" the Deputy, all lived together<br />
in the same house, so that a<br />
jeweler with premises adjoining felt<br />
compelled to put additional iron<br />
grating on his windows and doors.<br />
With regard to another, John<br />
Scannel, we cite the following ex-traordiuaiy<br />
passage:<br />
His prominence in Tammany<br />
Hall politics is due to the friendship<br />
of " Dick " Croker and "Ed '<br />
Stokes, which he secured under<br />
peculiar circumstances. The three<br />
men were all confined in the Tombs<br />
at the same time 1S74 each<br />
awaiting trial for murder. Croker<br />
was innocent of the crime imputed<br />
to him, but Scannel and Stokes<br />
were both guilty. The last named<br />
was the slayer of "Jim " Fjsk, and<br />
was at one time under sentence of<br />
death for his crime. The friendship<br />
contracted under these extraordinary<br />
circumstances has wielded<br />
a more or less powerful influence<br />
in Tammany Hall ever since.<br />
The Mayor Hugh Grant or<br />
"Hughey" as he is familiarly<br />
known, is the ton of a "liquor<br />
dealer, the ward of a pawnbroker,<br />
and no better than his associates<br />
in Tammany. He cannot speak or<br />
write grammatically, yet he repre<br />
sented Xew York at the late Washington<br />
Centennial, and if the great<br />
exposition were to be held in that<br />
city doubtless he, or another of his<br />
stamp would huve presided in<br />
1892.<br />
Tammany ceased to be a political<br />
organization long before Tweed's<br />
time even. It is now m reality<br />
and if not a criminal<br />
conspiracy, yet at any rate a conspiracy<br />
largely of criminals, whose<br />
sole object is to get possession of<br />
the public treasury for the purpose<br />
of a grand divide among the bojs.'<br />
Unhappily this is not all.<br />
The taint of Tammany is in all politics<br />
in the United States. The<br />
National parties have been<br />
into organizations of the<br />
same characters, for the same ends<br />
paign in 1888, was managed by a<br />
man little better if any, than Tammany's<br />
worst.<br />
When wo can look abroad and<br />
see such a spectacle in other coun-<br />
wo<br />
tries need not despair of our<br />
own. Elder Bush and that<br />
noisy demagogue Bobert Wilcox<br />
are still a shade better than tho<br />
professional blacklegs and ruffians<br />
who carry things with so high a<br />
hand in New York. Moreover there<br />
is the further consolation that while<br />
the roughs havo it their own way<br />
in the empire citj-.Bus-h and Wilcox<br />
havo uot "got there" yet.<br />
COSSIITUTIONAL MATTERS.<br />
We are suffering in this country<br />
from a lack of smoothness in tho<br />
working of our Constitutional system.<br />
There is nothing remarkable<br />
in that. Tho institutions aro now<br />
in a double sense. They are untried<br />
here, and they present a combination<br />
not known elsewhere. Mr.<br />
Brice in his famous book on America<br />
calls attention to our frame of<br />
government as presenting a new<br />
combination of features derived<br />
from England and America.<br />
Why would it not be a good plan<br />
io nave tne legislature elect a<br />
Premier who would then proceed<br />
to form n, Cabinet. The advantage<br />
of this plan would bo that it would<br />
insure pretty effectually the harmony<br />
and unity of Cabinet action<br />
which is necessary to the success<br />
ful working of the system. Of<br />
course it would still be possible for<br />
an unprincipled demagogue to set<br />
at naught the will of his colleagues,<br />
and "play it alone." but such a contingency<br />
would certainly be much<br />
less likely to happen than at present.<br />
Probably it would require a constitutional<br />
amendment to make the<br />
change in the form proposed. But<br />
the same thing might be accomplished<br />
perhaps in another way.<br />
The Legislature might designate by<br />
a vote the person whom they wish<br />
to form a ministry. Such a vote<br />
would not of itself make the person<br />
so designated a minister. But tho<br />
King would probably make the<br />
appointment in accordance with<br />
the expressed will of the Legislature.<br />
He would probably be bound<br />
to do so, because although the con-<br />
stitution requires by intendment<br />
the King to govern with such a<br />
Cabinet only as the majority of the<br />
Legislature approve.<br />
The effect of all constitutional<br />
provisions making the tenure of<br />
office of a ministry dependent upon<br />
a vote of confidence, is virtually to<br />
vest the appointment of ministers<br />
in the Legislature. It is so in England<br />
and by analogy should be held<br />
so here. "What Ave suggest is sim<br />
ply making a definite fact out of a<br />
matter of legal intendment, and by<br />
so doing contribute to the harmony<br />
and smoothness of constitutional<br />
arrangements. Struggles<br />
between the different branches of<br />
government are deplorable enough<br />
even when each confines itself<br />
within the bounds prescribed to it<br />
by law. When these are overstepped<br />
the situation becomes in<br />
tolerable and we find ourselves in<br />
a state of revolution.<br />
foil) Sliirjcrtiscmcnts.<br />
BENSON SMITH & CO.<br />
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