Girl Friend, Boy Friend, Girlfriend, Boyfriend: Broadening Our ...

Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology
2007, Vol. 36, No. 4, 491–502
Girl Friend, Boy Friend, Girlfriend, Boyfriend: Broadening Our
Understanding of Heterosocial Competence
Rachel L. Grover
Loyola College in Maryland
Douglas W. Nangle and Agnieszka Serwik
University of Maine
Karen R. Zeff
Brown University
Heterosocial interactions, or social interactions with other-sex peers, are
theorized to serve a number of unique developmental functions for adolescents
(e.g., companionship, intimacy, experimentation with sex-role behaviors and
sexual activity). Yet despite the importance of heterosocial competence in adolescent
social development, there exists little research on the construct. Early
research, although informative, reflects a narrow focus on heterosocial anxiety
associated with date initiation situations. More recent research has broadened
its purview to include investigations of the relation of heterosocial competence
to the normative development of romantic relationships, as well as depression,
anxiety, and violence in adolescent relationships. To facilitate further research,
an expanded, well-defined description of the construct of adolescent heterosocial
competence is needed that includes other-sex interactions in casual
relationships, friendships, and romantic relationships. In this article we detail
the historical and current definitions of the construct and encourage a broader
understanding in the context of the developmental psychopathology framework.
We follow with a review of our decade-long efforts to better operationally define
and assess the construct by summarizing the development and validation of
two measures: The Measure of Adolescent Heterosocial Competence and the
Measure of Adolescent Heterosocial Competence–Young Adult Version.
Finally, we suggest directions for future research.
Interactions with other-sex peers, also referred to
as heterosocial interactions, serve unique developmental
functions for adolescents. In fact, major
developmental theorists view this dimension of
social behavior as critical to long-term adjustment
(e.g., Erikson, 1963; Sullivan, 1953). The emergence
of mixed-sex peer groups is theorized to aid in
aspects of both social and emotional development.
Portions of this paper were presented as part of the symposium
Girl friend, Boy friend, girlfriend, boyfriend: Other-sex
relationships and adolescent adjustment (R.L. Grover & D.W.
Nangle, Chairs) in March 2004 at the meeting of the Society
for Research on Adolescence, Baltimore, MD.
Correspondence should be addressed to Rachel L. Grover,
PhD, Department of Psychology, Loyola College in Maryland,
4501 N. Charles St. Baltimore, MD, 21210. E-mail: rlgrover@
loyola.edu
491
Copyright # 2007 by
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Participation in mixed-sex peer groups extends
and diversifies the social support available to
adolescents (Bukowski, Sippola, & Hoza, 1999;
Kuttler, La Greca, & Prinstein, 1999). Moreover,
heterosocial interactions set the stage for adolescents
to learn and practice adultlike behaviors
and roles (Furman & Shaffer, 2003; Sippola,
1999). Heterosocial interactions are also assumed
to serve unique functions including opportunities
for companionship, intimacy, and experimentation
with sex-role behaviors and sexual activity
(Hansen, Christopher, & Nangle, 1992).
Heterosocial competence is hereby broadly
defined as the ability to effectively negotiate social
situations that involve the other sex including
acquaintanceships, friendships, romantic, and sexual
relationships. The requisite social skills are

therefore referred to as heterosocial skills (Hansen
et al., 1992). Although largely undefined, initial
research suggests that heterosocial skills are both
highly related to yet distinct from the broader class
of general social skills (Grover, Nangle, & Zeff,
2005). The overlap is not surprising as both sameand
other-sex relationships require the ability to
initiate and maintain conversation, negotiate conflict,
and act in socially appropriate ways (Kelly,
1982). On the other hand, heterosocial relationships
also necessitate the ability to negotiate the
anxiety that is unique to other-sex situations,
establish potentially deeper levels of intimacy,
and integrate emerging sexuality and passion
(Connolly, Furman, & Konarski, 2000).
Over the past few decades, the social transition
in adolescence from same-sex peer groups to
mixed-sex friendships and romantic relationships
has garnered increased attention from both developmental
and clinical researchers (e.g., Connolly
et al., 2000; Glickman & La Greca, 2004). With
this attention has come an increased understanding
of the importance of heterosocial competence.
Although early clinical research in this area
reflected a narrow focus on heterosocial anxiety
associated with date initiation situations, more
recent clinical research has broadened its purview
to include investigations of how heterosocial competence
may be related to depression, anxiety,
academic adjustment, and violence in teen relationships
(e.g., Davila, Steinberg, Kachadourian,
Cobb, & Fincham, 2004; Glickman & La Greca,
2004). To facilitate further research, an expanded
understanding of the construct of adolescent heterosocial
competence is needed. Next we detail
the past and present trends in research and theory
pertaining to the construct and encourage a
broader understanding in the context of the developmental
psychopathology framework. Then we
summarize our decade-long efforts to better operationally
define and assess the construct. Finally,
we suggest some directions for future research
including an increased focus on diversity and
developmental issues.
Historical and Current Considerations
of the Construct
Despite the pivotal role of heterosocial competence
in adolescent social development, for decades
there was a paucity of relevant research on
this construct. The lack of focus on adolescent heterosocial
competence in the developmental literature
appeared to be part of a broader absence of
interest in sex differences in peer relations research
(Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 1998). The indices of
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GROVER, NANGLE, SERWICK, ZEFF
social competence upon which this literature was
based reflect and maintain such neglect. For
instance, both social status and peer acceptance
are typically determined by collecting either
same-sex peer nominations=ratings or by aggregating
peer ratings without regard to sex. Similarly,
even self-report measures based on broad conceptualizations
of adolescent social competence
devote few, if any, items to other-sex interactions
(e.g., Cavell & Kelley, 1992; Inderbitzen & Foster,
1992).
In contrast, the heterosocial competence construct
has long been of interest in the clinical literature;
however, until recently, such research was
narrowly focused on functioning in date initiation
situations. In the late 1970 s, clinical interest in heterosocial
interactions peaked, as researchers came
to view them as an ideal analog for anxiety
research because of the negligible demand effects
and the strong and not easily habituated physiological
reactions associated with such encounters
(Nangle & Hansen, 1998). Anxiety engendered
by dating and heterosocial interactions is common
and, in its more extreme forms, is linked to a number
of negative outcomes. For instance, studies
using large college samples indicated that as many
as 37% of men are very anxious about dating (e.g.,
Dodge, Heimberg, Nyman, & O’Brien, 1987). One
study revealed that highly socially anxious individuals,
compared to low-anxious controls, participated
in fewer other-sex interactions, exhibited
poorer social performance, and reported lower satisfaction
in such interactions (Dodge et al., 1987).
As expected, these detrimental effects appear to
extend to same-sex interactions as well. For
instance, Himadi and colleagues found that highly
socially anxious male participants evidenced more
difficulties in same-sex friendship interactions and
general adjustment problems than their less
anxious peers (see Himadi, Arkowitz, Hinton, &
Perl, 1980).
The majority of studies published during this
era compared socially anxious and nonanxious
male participants on a variety of self-report and
behavioral measures. In one of the first studies of
this nature, and one of the few to include both
male and female participants, Glasgow and
Arkowitz (1975) evaluated the behavioral differences
among high- and low-frequency daters. To
identify aspects of behavior that differentiated
the groups, the researchers administered selfreport
measures and assessed specific behaviors
(e.g., gazing, talk balance ratio) in a verbal interaction
with an other-sex confederate. In addition to
the assessment phase, some researchers then implemented
an intervention aimed at improving the
heterosocial interactions of the minimal daters.

In one such study, Twentyman and McFall (1975)
required college men self-identified as ‘‘unable to
interact with women’’ to record daily interactions
and participate in a battery of behavioral tests.
Following the assessment, half of the shy group
was randomly assigned to an intervention phase
consisting of behavioral rehearsal, modeling, and
coaching that targeted telephone and face-to-face
conversational skills. At posttest, the treatment
group improved both in the analog role-play tasks
and self-monitoring reports of frequency and duration
of interactions with women.
Naturally, attempts to identify the more molecular
skills composing heterosocial competence
were limited by the indexes then employed to
define competence. As just described, most existing
heterosocial research has relied on date
initiation as the sole index of competence.
Attempts to identify the social skills that differentiate
low- and high-frequency daters have resulted
in a range of behaviors including eye contact,
smiles, voice quality, facial expressions, appropriate
gestures, duration of speech, self-disclosing
statements, conversational questions, compliments,
and date requests (Conger & Conger,
1982; Hansen et al., 1992; Kelly, 1982). Extended
silences and response delays, speech dysfluencies,
and negative statements have been linked to less
successful heterosocial interaction (Kelly, 1982).
The few studies that included female participants
found similar results with occasional gender
differences such as topic initiation, touching
while laughing, and attractiveness (Muehlenhard,
Koralewski, Andrews, & Burdick, 1986). Despite
the wide range of identified molecular skills associated
with successful daters, the component skills
are similar to those that comprise general conversational
competence (Hansen et al., 1992).
Although problems associated with adolescent
heterosocial interactions, such as HIV=AIDS and
unwanted pregnancy, have increasingly demanded
national attention, clinical interest waned in the
1990 s (Nangle & Hansen, 1998). In their review
of the publication archives of three major clinical
journals (i.e., Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Psychology, Behavior Therapy, Behavior Modification),
Nangle and Hansen reported a clear
downward trend in related articles from 1975 to
1994. Over 3 decades, the majority of reviewed studies
used primarily male participants, investigated
heterosocial anxiety, relied almost exclusively on
role-play assessment methodology, and investigated
assessment rather than treatment. This sampling
of studies clearly reflects the singular focus
of the examination of heterosocial competence in
the clinical literature up to that time. The nearexclusive
interest in heterosocial anxiety may have
UNDERSTANDING OF HETEROSOCIAL COMPETENCE
prevented further investigation into the construct
including performance in other than dating interactions,
gender differences, and developmental
issues.
Long-standing definitions of heterosocial competence
suggest that the use of a single index of
competence, such as date initiation, is inadequate.
Barlow and colleagues defined heterosocial skills
as those learned behaviors necessary for initiating,
maintaining, and terminating social and=or sexual
relationships with the other sex (Barlow, Abel,
Blanchard, Bristow, & Young, 1977). This comparatively
broad definition suggests that an
adequate determination of what skills compose
heterosocial competence will be a particularly
challenging task. Not only would the component
skills most likely change in various stages of a
friendship or relationship, the situations in need
of survey are likely to be varied. In a recent study,
high school students described numerous situations
involving the other sex as problematic. Using
a focus group methodology, Grover and Nangle
(2003) identified nine distinct themes within participating
adolescents’ responses encompassing
dyadic interactions within the bounds of casual
relationships, friendships, romantic relationships,
working relationships, and abusive relationships.
For these reasons, a global definition or description
of specific heterosocial skills may not be
meaningful. To improve upon previous conceptualizations
of the heterosocial competence construct,
we propose a new and expanded view that bridges
the extant clinical and developmental literature.
Heterosocial Competence: Assumptions,
Functions, and Deficits
We view heterosocial competence as falling
under the umbrella of the more general social competence
construct, requiring overlapping yet somewhat
unique skill sets. Consistent with existing
developmental models, heterosocial competencies
are presumed to develop as an outgrowth of
same-sex social competencies (Connolly et al.,
2000; Grover et al., 2005; Nangle & Hansen,
1998). Even with such overlap, heterosocial competence
is assumed to remain distinct in form
and function. Moreover, deficits in heterosocial
competence likely result from deviations from
normative pathways.
Overlap with Same Sex Social Competence
Although considered to be substantial, the
exact nature of the overlap between the skills comprising
competence in same- and other-sex social
493

interactions is unknown (Kelly, 1982; Nangle &
Hansen, 1998). The two types of interactions have
previously been viewed as being distinct, yet they
may differ only in terms of contextual variants,
such as the sex of the interaction partner (Conger
& Conger, 1982). Both require the ability to converse,
match social behaviors, manage conflict,
and generally act within social norms (Kelly,
1982). Overlap in the molecular component skills
(e.g. eye contact, smiles, and nervous gestures)
would also be expected (Chee & Conger, 1989).
Interactions of both types are also presumed to
serve similar functions for adolescents, including
affection, companionship, intimacy, and a sense
of inclusion (Connolly et al., 2000; Kuttler et al.,
1999). Both same- and other-sex friendships provide
social support, and research indicates that
teens consider both sexes when establishing friendships
(Bukowski et al., 1999; Kuttler et al., 1999).
There is strong evidence that same-sex friendships
offer a buffer against loneliness and depression
(Erdley, Nangle, Newman, & Carpenter, 2001),
and other-sex friends may serve a similar protective
function. Both same- and other-sex friendships and
romantic relationships may influence academic
achievement and career aspirations as well as
enhance identity development in terms of facilitating
participation in hobbies and refinement of interests
and opinions (Furman & Shaffer, 2003).
Underlying this overlap in form and function is
the presumption that heterosocial competence
develops from the springboard of same-sex peer
interactions and competence (Connolly et al.,
2000; Dunphy, 1963; Nangle & Hansen, 1998).
Dunphy observed that teens move from small
same-sex cliques to mixed-sex crowds over the
course of adolescence and theorized that mixedsex
groups provide the opportunity to meet and
become romantically involved with the other sex.
In support of Dunphy’s initial observations,
Connolly and colleagues (2000) documented that
the size of the same-sex peer group predicts the size
of the other-sex peer network for high school
teens. Similarly, Bukowski and colleagues (1999)
found that more popular adolescents had more
other-sex friends than those at the midrange of
popularity. Further, a positive relationship exists
between same-sex social cognitive skills, popularity,
and perception of competence and the same
variables examined in other-sex relationships
(Miller, 1990). As a possible explanation for the
overlap, Nangle and Hansen (1998) theorized that
socially competent adolescents seek out similarly
competent peers and are affiliated with larger
social networks that provide additional opportunities
to learn heterosocial skills and facilitate the
transition to mixed-sex peer groups.
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Distinct Features of Heterosocial Competence
Context plays a central role in determining
competence, and other-sex social interactions have
a number of unique contextual features. Adolescents
behave differently with other-sex peers
than with their same-sex friends in terms of tone
and conflict strategies (Bukowski, Sippola, &
Newcomb, 2000; Tezer & Demir, 2001). Moreover,
teens associate both other-sex friendships and
romantic relationships with opportunities for intimate
involvement (Connolly, Craig, Goldberg, &
Pepler, 1999). At the same time, heterosocial interactions
typically engender increased anxiety due
to their ambiguity and potential for romantic
involvement (Darling, Dowdy, Van Horn, &
Caldwell, 1999; Glickman & LaGreca, 2004).
Romantic dissolution can also trigger significant
distress and has been linked to the first occurrence
of a major depressive episode (Monroe, Rohde,
Seeley, & Lewinsohn, 1999). Emerging sexuality
is yet another distinct contextual variant (Nangle
& Hansen, 1998).
Interactions with other-sex peers may require
different behaviors, and similar behaviors may be
judged differently as a function of the gender of
the interaction partner. For example, in an examination
of conflict behaviors, Tezer and Demir
(2001) found that late adolescent boys were more
competitive in situations involving same-sex rather
than other-sex peers and chose avoidance as a
strategy during conflict situations with girls but
not with other boys. In addition, the gender of
the interaction partner may lead to different interpretations
of similar behaviors. For example,
although girls become increasingly attracted to
aggressive boys in middle school, they are less
attracted to aggressive girls (Bukowski et al.,
2000). Further, during a videotaped interaction
with best friends of both the same and other sex,
teens exhibited a differential pattern of behavior
depending on the sex of the partner (McBride &
Field, 1997). Specifically, girls were more playful
with same-sex friends and elicited playful behavior
from their male partners. However, boys did not
display the same degree of playfulness with samesex
friends.
Romantic relationships, when compared to
other-sex friendships, present unique challenges
and place new demands on other-sex social competencies.
In a study examining age-related differences
in the conceptualization of friendships and
romantic relationships, Connolly and colleagues
(1999) found that adolescents are able to distinguish
between friendships and romances based
on self-reported qualities, such as passion, commitment,
affiliation, and increased intimacy. In

addition, older adolescents replaced reports of
intense feelings of passion, including physical
attraction and sexual activity, with descriptions
of intimacy, indicating a possible shift from more
superficial attraction to more adultlike romantic
relationships. In making the transition from
other-sex friendships to romantic relationships,
adolescents need to learn to cope with complex
emotions and handle many novel situations. In
fact, young adults perceive interpersonal situations
with romantic partners as more difficult than those
with close same-sex friends (Buhrmester, Furman,
Wittenberg, & Reis, 1988). Emerging body image
concerns, jealousy, blurred lines between friendship
and romance, unrequited attraction, and
sexual activity are just a few of the potential
challenges (Grover & Nangle, 2003).
Underscoring the unique developmental functions,
major developmental theorists view heterosocial
competence as critical to long-term
adjustment, especially in the area of adult romantic
relationships. According to Sullivan’s (1953)
developmental stage theory of interpersonal relationships,
different types of social relationships
fulfill specific interpersonal needs that become
more complex with age. Application of Sullivan’s
theory would suggest that socially competent adolescents
whose needs were successfully met by
same-sex peers in early adolescence would be more
likely to successfully negotiate other-sex intimacy
needs in middle and late adolescence. Further,
Sullivan suggests that relations with other-sex peers
build on the earlier development of intimacy and
fulfill the need for sexual contact. The combination
of intimacy and sex prepares teens for adult romantic
relationships that contain both experiences.
Erikson (1963) contended that adolescent social
relationships have a direct impact on the young
adult’s ability to achieve intimacy. Upon the successful
resolution of the intimacy versus isolation
crisis, a key developmental challenge of early
adulthood, the individual can form a loving and
deep union with a romantic partner. Further,
Erikson maintained that adolescents must first form
a sense of identity, without which romantic relationships
only have ‘‘pseudo-intimacy’’ and thus must
resolve the two complimentary challenges of identity
formation and development of intimacy through
their interactions with the other sex. Thus, both
Erikson and Sullivan viewed adolescent heterosocial
skills and interactions are integral for establishing
and developing later mature adult relationships.
Skills Deficits and Clinical Implications
Competence within a mixed-sex peer group
contributes to the emotional well-being of the
UNDERSTANDING OF HETEROSOCIAL COMPETENCE
adolescent. Participation constitutes a leisure
activity by increasing the opportunity for pleasurable
activities, hobbies, and sexual stimulation,
with comfort in mixed-sex situations predicting
better self-esteem (Darling et al., 1999). These
positive psychological benefits seem especially evident
for adolescent boys as girls provide boys with
validation of their accomplishments, a phenomenon
absent in male same-sex interactions (Kuttler
et al., 1999). Moreover, heterosocially competent
teens experience an overall sense of group
inclusion by participating in new mixed-sex peer
groups with their previous same-sex friends
(Connolly et al., 2000). Further, relationships with
the other sex, especially those that are romantic in
nature, enhance social status within the peer group
(Hansen et al., 1992).
In addition to heterosocial skills being associated
with general well-being, deficits in these skills
have been linked to several clinical difficulties.
The developmental psychopathology approach
has emerged as a major organizing framework
for examining the development and persistence of
pathology through the life span (Cicchetti &
Cohen, 1995). Pathology is viewed as a deviation
from normative development over time (Rutter &
Sroufe, 2000). Consistent with this framework,
social deficits in adolescence and difficulties in
other-sex interactions are seen as departures from
a normative pathway. Although directionality
remains unclear, there is evidence that suggests
that certain developmental pathways are associated
with heterosocial skills deficits. Researchers
have suggested two such deviant pathways: one
involving socially withdrawn and anxious youth,
and another for aggressive youth (Connolly &
Goldberg, 1999).
Regarding the first proposed deviant pathway,
social withdrawal and anxiety tend to interrupt
the normal development of peer relationships
across adolescence (Connolly & Goldberg, 1999).
Studies indicate that the effects of social anxiety
are cumulative and increasingly detrimental. In
one study, social isolation at age 7 predicted low
levels of social competence, self-worth, loneliness,
and peer-group insecurity at age 14 (Rubin, Chen,
McDougall, Bowker, & McKinnon, 1995). Furthermore,
La Greca and Lopez (1998) determined
that adolescents in the 10th through 12th grades
with higher levels of social anxiety reported lower
peer acceptance, fewer friendships, and less intimacy
and support in close friendships. With the
demonstrated close links between same- and
other-sex relationships, it seems likely that disturbances
in the development of other-sex friendships
and romantic relationships would follow. Indeed,
anxiety has been associated with fewer date
495

initiation behaviors and interactions with the
opposite sex that in turn may delay entry into
romantic relationships (Connolly & Goldberg,
1999; Hansen et al., 1992). In an analysis of retrospective
reports, individuals with a history of
social anxiety reported acute feelings of selfconsciousness
during social situations in junior
high school and had fewer dating partners than a
comparison group between the ages of 12 and 21
(Albano, Marten, Holt, Heimberg, & Barlow,
1995). Further reflecting developmental continuity,
those teens that rarely date in adolescence
tend to exhibit decreased social skills, social
withdrawal, and romantic dysfunction later in
adulthood (Collins & Sroufe, 1999; Nangle &
Hansen, 1998).
In contrast to withdrawn youth, aggressive
youth tend to encounter a different set of social
difficulties not characterized by social isolation.
Although they are generally accepted, aggressive
children tend to affiliate with their similarly
aggressive peers, thus enhancing the chances that
such behavior is reinforced (e.g., Dishion,
Spracklen, Andrews, & Patterson, 1996). As these
children enter adolescence, they are more likely to
extend their aggressive behavior to other-sex peers
and romantic relationships (Connolly & Goldberg,
1999). For example, youth identified as bullies are
more likely to harass other youth and more likely
to report using physical aggression in a romantic
relationship than those not identified as bullies
(Connolly et al., 1999). Researchers have recently
begun to examine longitudinal predictors of adolescent
dating violence. One such study found that
if their peers were involved in aggressive dating
relationships, adolescents were more likely to
engage in violent dating behaviors themselves
(Foshee, Linder, MacDougall, & Bangdiwala,
2001). In other studies, a history of aggressive
behavior, particularly for males, predicted
aggression in dating relationships (O’Keefe, 1997).
In addition to the heterosocial problems associated
with anxious and aggressive teens just cited,
heterosocial skills deficits are hypothesized to be
associated with several other problems, including
unwanted sexual contact and inconsistent and=or
ineffective contraceptive use. Approximately 10%
of male and 20% of female adolescents have
experienced unwanted sexual activity, ranging
from unwanted touches to forced intercourse (Jezl,
Molidor, & Wright, 1996). Although research on
unwanted sexual activity has focused on incidence
rates rather than causes, there is a small body of
literature to suggest that some instances of
unwanted sexual activity are linked to heterosocial
skills deficits. Specifically, sex offenders frequently
exhibit faulty perspective taking by concluding
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GROVER, NANGLE, SERWICK, ZEFF
that their victims enjoyed the experience despite
evidence suggesting otherwise (Abel, Becker, &
Cunningham-Rathner, 1984; Nangle, Hecker,
Grover, & Smith, 2003). Similarly distressing,
contraceptive use in the teen years is frequently
inadequate, inconsistent, or incorrect. For
example, Warzak, Grow, Poler, and Walburn
(1995) reported that roughly 78% of adolescents
reported not using any form of contraception
during their last sexual intercourse experience.
Interventions designed to increase contraceptive
use usually target communication, assertion, and
problem-solving skills (DiClemente, 1993). However,
only those social skill measures assessing
social skill in contraceptive situations, as opposed
to more traitlike measures, appear to be directly
related to reports of condom and contraceptive
use (Nangle & Grover, 2001).
Efforts to Assess Adolescent Heterosocial
Competence
Despite the importance of developing competence
in other-sex social situations, our current
understanding of the heterosocial competence construct
is not well formulated, and progress in fully
understanding the construct is hampered by the
lack of established measures. In our review of
more recent studies, we uncovered measures that
assess general social competence in adolescents
and several measures that assess what appear to
be correlates of heterosocial competence rather
than direct indexes. The few broad-based measures
of adolescent social competence devote few if any
items to other-sex. For instance, the Measure of
Adolescent Social Performance (MASP; Cavell &
Kelley, 1992) contains 1 item pertaining to othersex
interactions out of 50 social problem-solving
vignettes. Similarly, the Teenage Inventory of
Social Skills (TISS; Inderbitzen & Foster, 1992)
includes only 1 heterosocial situation in 40 items.
Other relevant measures found included self-report
measures of heterosexual-social anxiety (e.g.,
Survey of Heterosexual Interactions; Twentyman
& McFall, 1975), other-sex relationship quality
(e.g., Network of Relationships Inventory;
Furman & Buhrmester, 1985), and dating conflict
(Conflict in Adolescent Dating Relationships
Inventory; Wolfe et al., 2001). Many of these
measures focus solely on dating relationships
despite recent research that stresses the importance
of including skills used in a broader range of
situations.
In response to the need for a broad assessment
of heterosocial competence, we set out to develop
a measure of adolescent heterosocial competence.

In a series of systematic investigations spanning 10
years and involving more than 1,500 participants,
we developed two versions of a self-report measure
to assess competence (i.e., Measure of Adolescent
Heterosocial Competence [MAHC]; MAHC-
Young Adult Version [MAHC-YAV]; copies of
both measures can be obtained by contacting first
author Rachel Grover). Guiding this process was a
situational-based model of social competence
(Bem & Allen, 1974; Goldfried & D’Zurilla,
1969). More specifically, we followed the behavioral-analytic
model put forth by Goldfried and
D’Zurilla, one of the most widely used approaches
for assessing competence over a variety of relevant
situations. The Goldfried and D’Zurilla approach
advocates including problematic situations and
response choices generated by the target population,
thus ensuring external validity. Moreover,
by including all relevant situations from one
domain of competence, a summary score of the
resulting measure represents the average competence
within the domain. This versatile approach
has been applied to an extensive list of subject matter
including unwanted sexual contact (Murnen,
Perot, & Byrne, 1989), interpersonal decisionmaking
skill in college-age women (Goddard &
McFall, 1992), and adolescent general social
competence (Cavell & Kelley, 1992).
In developing the MAHC, we completed a systematic
series of five studies that included nearly
700 participating teens and 12 cooperating professionals
consistent with the Goldfried and D’Zurilla
(1969) approach (see Grover et al., 2005). For the
initial step, an extensive list of heterosocial situations
was collected through focus groups and an
open-ended survey study involving approximately
200 adolescents (see Grover & Nangle, 2003).
Next, a new sample of nearly 200 adolescents rated
the collected situations on dimensions of commonness
and difficulty to identify the ‘‘critical’’ situations.
To collect responses to the situations, a new
sample of more than 150 adolescents were asked
to imagine themselves in vignettes describing the
critical heterosocial situations and to write down
what they would actually do and=or say in response.
In the next step, 12 expert judges (e.g., high school
teachers, adolescent health care providers, academic
experts in the study of adolescence) rated the adolescent-generated
responses for competency.
The final step involved both the creation and
psychometric evaluation of the resulting measure.
The resulting measure is a 40-item multiple-choice
social problem solving questionnaire. Respondents
are asked to read brief vignettes of heterosocial
situations and select their response from four
choices of varying competence. Responses are
scored with values from 1 to 4, with higher values
UNDERSTANDING OF HETEROSOCIAL COMPETENCE
assigned to more competent choices. To evaluate
the psychometric properties of the MAHC, more
than 200 adolescents completed the measure along
with other measures of theoretically related and
unrelated constructs. The reliability of the MAHC
was acceptable (a ¼ .73). Investigation of convergent
and discriminant validity yielded initial support
for construct validity. As expected,
adolescents with higher MAHC scores also tended
to score higher on a measure of more general
social competence (i.e., MASP) and report lower
levels of anxiety in heterosexual-social situations
[i.e., Survey of Heterosexual Interactions (SHI)].
Contrary to expectations, the MAHC was not correlated
with peer ratings of social acceptance. The
overall pattern of interrelationships (i.e., MAHC
correlated with MASP and SHI; MASP not correlated
with SHI) suggests that our findings are not
just artifacts of common method variance; however,
multimethod validation is clearly required
in future research with the MAHC. In support of
discriminant validity, the MAHC was not associated
with a measure of socioeconomic status.
Developed in a similar manner, we have
recently completed a construct validation of the
MAHC-YAV (Serwik, Zeff, Grover, & Nangle,
2005; see Table 2 for sample questions from both
measures). More than 400 college students completed
a battery of measures assessing a full range
of social behavior dimensions and relationship
quality variables hypothesized to be associated
with heterosocial competence. Overall, strong
evidence of convergent validity was found. Specifically,
higher MAHC-YAV scores were associated
with increased overall social competence,
decreased overall social anxiety and social sensitivity,
and decreased anxiety in heterosexual-social
situations. Likewise, the MAHC-YAV proved to
be closely related to a full range of relationship
quality variables. More heterosocially competent
individuals tended to report lower levels of negative
interaction with other-sex friends and dating
partners. In response to conflict situations, higher
competence was predictive of increased negotiation,
decreased psychological aggression, and
decreased sexual coercion. Finally, as with the
original version, MAHC-YAV scores were not
related to socioeconomic status and adequate
internal consistency (a ¼ .77) was obtained.
More recently, Zeff (2005) used the MAHC in a
study designed to test some of the hypotheses put
forth in the deviant pathway for socially anxious
youth proposed by Connolly and her colleagues
(Connolly & Goldberg, 1999). Recall that this
pathway suggests that social anxiety would first
impact same-sex peer affiliations and later exert a
cumulative negative effect on the formation of
497

498
Table 1. Themes and Exemplars of Problematic Heterosocial Situations on the MAHC and MAHC-YAV
Theme MAHC MAHC-YAV
Disagreeing with something that someone said. Having an argument with a romantic partner.
Introducing yourself to a member of the other-sex. Calling someone you are attracted to for the
first time.
Becoming romantically interested in a friend. Jealously of romantic partners of other-sex friends.
Asking someone on a date. Breaking up.
Discussing contraception with your partner. Communicating sexual desires with your partner.
Refusing drugs from a romantic partner. Sexual contact while intoxicated.
Sexually offensive jokes.
Continued sexual comments despite being asked
to stop.
Giving a speech in a class in front of the other sex.
Joining a club that has many members of the
other sex.
Being asked out by a coworker.
General communication
Situations surrounding conversations.
Initiation
Situations at the start of a friendship
or relationship.
Friendships
Situations that involve other-sex friends.
Dating
Situations that involve dating.
Sexual situations
Situations that involve sexual contact.
Drugs and alcohol
Situations that include alcohol=drugs.
Harassment=abusive situations
Situations that could be harassment
or abusive.
School situations
Situations at school involving the
other sex.
Work situations
Situations that include working
with the other sex.
Note: MAHC ¼ Measure of Adolescent Heterosocial Competence; MAHC-YAV ¼ MAHC-Young Adult Version.

Table 2. Sample Questions from the MAHC and MAHC-YAV
Version Item
MAHC You are at a school dance. You notice a girl across the room that you would like to talk to.
You know her name, but you have never talked to her before. What would you do?
( ) Ask her to dance and then make conversation while dancing.
( ) Go up to her and introduce myself.
( ) I would be too shy to go up and talk to her.
( ) Get a friend to walk over with me and then start talking to her.
MAHC You are at a party with a bunch of friends. A boy friend comes over to you and offers you a beer.
When you say no, he says, ‘‘Oh come on, I brought this over just for you. You have to drink it!’’
What would you do?
( ) Drink it.
( ) Tell him why I am not drinking.
( ) Say, ‘‘No thanks,’’ and walk away.
( ) Say, ‘‘Maybe later,’’ and don’t do it later.
MAHC-YAV You and a female friend have been spending a lot of time together. Her boyfriend begins to get
jealous of the amount of time the two of you spend together. What would you do and say?
( ) Talk to her boyfriend, let him know that you are just friends, and that he is welcome to hang
out too.
( ) Tell the guy to chill out and explain that you’ve been around a lot longer than he has and
you’ll be around long after he leaves.
( ) Leave it to the friend to handle, but argue why it is just jealousy on his part.
( ) Stop seeing her so much and explain that her boyfriend is more important.
MAHC-YAV You have a male friend that you like very much. In fact, you want to tell him that you’d like to
be more than friends. What would you do and say?
( ) Don’t tell him and just remain his friend.
( ) Find out how he feels about you through friends and then give him gifts.
( ) Tell him that you really like him now that you’ve gotten to know him and that you’d like to
be more than friends.
( ) Look for clues to determine if he is interested in being more than friends and then show him
your feelings more through actions than through words.
romantic relationships. In the Zeff investigation,
more than 450 adolescents, divided into two age
cohorts (i.e., 9th–10th graders; 11th–12th graders),
were assessed for social anxiety, peer acceptance,
heterosocial competence, gender composition of
peer networks, dating history, and relationship
quality. Consistent with expectations, social anxiety
predicted impairments in the same-sex and
mixed-sex peer groups, as well as romantic relationships.
Moreover, significant grade effects were
found, with social anxiety predicting more marked
impairment for the older adolescents. Of most
interest in our review, the MAHC proved to be a
robust measure of social behavior. Teens higher
in competence tended to be less socially anxious,
have more other-sex friends, garner increased
social support in other-sex relationships, and
experience less negative interactions with samesex
friends.
The results of these studies provide support for
the MAHC and the MAHC-YAV in terms of validity
as well as utility in the process of defining
the dimension of competence possibly underlying
UNDERSTANDING OF HETEROSOCIAL COMPETENCE
Note: MAHC ¼ Measure of Adolescent Heterosocial Competence; MAHC-YAV ¼ MAHC-Young Adult Version.
performance across the heterosocial situations.
From these studies, we gathered further evidence
that the construct of adolescent heterosocial competence
overlaps with general social competence.
At the same time, results suggest that heterosocial
competence during the teen years appears to be
uniquely related to social anxiety. Further
research investigating the extent of the overlap
with anxiety is needed to determine whether anxiety
in heterosocial situations is the single determinant
of competence. Worth noting, in our
validation of the MAHC-YAV, scores were predictive
of romantic relationship quality even after
controlling for more general social competence
and social anxiety suggesting that anxiety may
contribute to, but not fully explain, competence
(Strout et al., 2004). Moreover, as the MAHC
and the MAHC-YAV both require participants
to respond to vignettes of problematic situations,
it is possible that the measures may be best at predicting
competence in particularly difficult social
situations rather than initiation or approach
situations.
499

Directions for Future Research: Diversity
and Developmental Considerations
Adding to the breadth of our expanded understanding
of adolescent heterosocial competence is
the potential variation in the construct among cultural
groups and with sexual minority teens.
Unfortunately, the majority of existing research
has focused on primarily White, presumably heterosexual
teens (e.g., Connolly et al., 2000; Grover
et al., 2005). The small body of existing research
on minority groups is focused almost exclusively
on dating and sexual norms rather than the broad
construct of heterosocial competence. The actual
skills and competencies composing adolescent heterosocial
competence are likely shaped by the
accepted social goals and may differ depending
on the culture. For example, existing research on
Latino culture suggests that the family, rather than
the peer group, may play a prominent role in sexual
socialization. For teens in traditional Latino
families, dating may be considered forbidden
behavior and casual mixing between the sexes during
adolescence may be rare (Raffaelli & Ontai,
2001). Additional research suggests a different pattern
of sexual development for female Latino teens
characterized by a later onset of sexual activity and
an earlier age at marriage and birth of a child than
compared to their White non-Latino peers
(Upchurch, Aneshensel, Mudgal, & McNeely,
2001). Of interest, the difference between the
developmental timing appears to be moderated
by level of acculturation with more ‘‘Americanized’’
Latino teens displaying trajectories similar
to those of White non-Latino Americans
(Upchurch et al., 2001). Culture may affect the
types of heterosocial situations experienced by
teens, the accepted social solutions to the heterosocial
situations experienced, and the accepted goals
for social development. In contrast, regardless of
culture, there may exist certain crucial developmental
heterosocial tasks that the adolescent needs
to master to facilitate the transition to the adult
world. Further research in this area would help
determine whether the current definition of
heterosocial competence needs to be modified to
accommodate cultural variation.
Similarly, our current understanding of adolescent
heterosocial competence may need modification
to include the experiences of sexual
minority youth. Although research on adolescents
with sexual minority identification has greatly
increased over the past 2 decades, there is still
much to be learned regarding the impact of sexual
orientation on heterosocial competence. Whether
a separate construct definition or measures are
needed for sexual minority youth is questionable,
500
GROVER, NANGLE, SERWICK, ZEFF
however, as researchers have recently pointed out
the drawbacks of assuming that social or sexual
development is inherently different for heterosexual
and sexual minority youth (see Diamond,
2003). In fact, much overlap would be expected
as sexual-minority youth have many other-sex
social interactions in common with heterosexual
teens. Research using representative samples
reveals that more teens report attractions to both
sexes rather than attraction only to the same sex
(Garofalo, Wolf, Wissow, Woods, & Goodman,
1999). About 10% of adolescents will eventually
identify as sexual minorities (D’Augelli, 1988).
For many, the realization of same-sex attraction
will occur during adolescence and some have suggested
that these youth may use heterosexual interactions
and dating to experiment and help solidify
their sexual orientation (Diamond, Savin-Williams,
& Dube, 1999). Still, studies of heterosocial competence
that include both heterosexual and sexual
minority youth could reveal information regarding
the form and developmental function of same-sex
versus other-sex friendships and romantic relationships
for both groups.
In addition to research on diverse populations,
research with different ages, especially preadolescents
and young adults, would help establish
the developmental trajectory of the construct.
Including younger populations may enable the
researcher to document the initial development
of heterosocial skills. Initial studies utilizing the
MAHC revealed no age differences among high
school participants. It is possible that a preadolescent
sample may be needed to examine the beginning
of this pathway. For example, in their
investigation of romantic partners as emotional
support figures, Furman and Buhrmester (1992)
examined 4th, 7th, 10th, and 13th grades to
fully capture the developmental trajectory.
Similarly, inclusion of an older population would
allow the researcher to investigate the link between
adolescent and adult functioning in other-sex
relationships.
Finally, the developmental functions of adolescent
heterosocial competence should be investigated.
Right now, there are several gaps in the
developmental literature regarding the role of heterosocial
skills. For instance, does participation in
a mixed-sex peer group facilitate the development
of heterosocial competence? What role does heterosocial
competence play in the onset and quality
of dating relationships? Future inclusion of measures
of heterosocial competence in developmental
research can help move the developmental literature
from descriptive investigations and theories
regarding cross-sex relationships to a greater depth
of inquiry.

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