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Appendix CASE ONE - Collection Point® | The Total Digital Asset ...

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56 Legal History in the Making<br />

comprising casual homicide and justifiable homicide. 56 With the exception of<br />

the first, these categories are, broadly speaking, still in use today. Hume noted<br />

that 'casual homicide' had sometimes been taken to include chaudemellee in<br />

the past, but considered that it was more appropriate to restrict the term<br />

to 'pure misadventure without any act of the killer's will'. 57 Of murder he<br />

said, '<strong>The</strong> characteristic of this sort of homicide is that it is done wilfully<br />

and out of malice aforethought'. 58 Note that in Hume the polite English<br />

'malice aforethought' has taken over from the native forethocht felony. After<br />

Hume the familiar question arose again as to whether 'malice aforethought'<br />

necessarily involved premeditation, or whether it merely signified a deliberate<br />

and wilful killing. <strong>The</strong> point was finally settled in favour of the latter in the case<br />

of Charles MacDonald in 1867. 59 After that the term 'malice aforethought' was<br />

otiose and gradually passed out of Scots law after a life of 500 years or more.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Scottish evidence may be sparse but it seems clear enough. It points<br />

to the consistent and uninterrupted use of the term malice aforethought to<br />

describe a premeditated, rather than a merely deliberate homicide, from at<br />

least the later fourteenth until the eighteenth century. <strong>The</strong> actual legal term of<br />

art changes from the Latin praecogitata malitia of the statute of 1370, through<br />

the Scots 'forethocht felony', to the more familiar 'malice aforethought'.<br />

Maitland thought the Scottish evidence was relevant to an understanding of<br />

the development of the English law of homicide. Kaye was not convinced.<br />

He wrote that the evidence of the statutes of David II and Robert II should<br />

not be pushed too far in view of the generally accepted belief that Scots law<br />

at this period owed more to France and the civil law than to England. 60 Here<br />

Kaye relies too much on Lord Cooper's distinctly speculative account of the<br />

development of homicide noted above. <strong>The</strong>re is, per contra, good reason to<br />

believe that the impact of the Anglo-Norman law on most areas of Scots law,<br />

including the criminal law, was a lasting one - or, at any rate that it lasted until<br />

long after the Wars of Independence put an end to amicable relations between<br />

Scotland and England. For my part, I am at least as impressed by the English<br />

as by the French connection, and, like Maitland, would be inclined to view the<br />

English case of De Warenne v. De la Zouche in 1270, dismissed by Kaye, with<br />

its reference to praecogitata malitia, as part of the jigsaw. 61<br />

Kaye points to the dearth of early recorded cases in Scotland. From the<br />

standpoint of the richer English record this is undoubtedly true; yet the burden<br />

of the Scottish evidence is clear. Kaye also believed there to be a danger of<br />

56<br />

Baron David Hume, Commentaries on the Law of Scotland respecting Crimes (Edinburgh, 1797),<br />

i, 282.<br />

57<br />

Hume discusses the 1649 Act and chaudemellee at i, 369-76. <strong>The</strong> quotation is from p.283.<br />

58<br />

Ibid., 390.<br />

59<br />

(1867) 5 Irv. 525.<br />

«) Op. cit. n.7, 376.<br />

61<br />

In fact, the wording of the French Ordonnance of 1356 (perpetres de mauvaiz agait, par mauvaise<br />

volonte etpar deliberation) seems closer to the 1390 statute's par agait, assaut ou malice prepense than<br />

to any Scottish parallel.

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