Appendix CASE ONE - Collection Point® | The Total Digital Asset ...
Appendix CASE ONE - Collection Point® | The Total Digital Asset ...
Appendix CASE ONE - Collection Point® | The Total Digital Asset ...
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Chapter 14<br />
Sir Augustus Stephenson and the Prosecution of<br />
Offences Act of 1884<br />
Roger Chadwick<br />
During the second half of the nineteenth century radical changes in the<br />
demography of Britain were accompanied by equally notable changes in the<br />
behaviour of its population. What had once been seen as a 'most turbulent and<br />
ungovernable people' became a European model of anxious respectability - a<br />
nation of shopkeepers.<br />
<strong>The</strong> decline of violent crime and its progressive isolation, if not in a criminal<br />
under-class as Tobias and others have suggested, 1 at least in the lowest<br />
socio-economic strata, was matched by a growing ethical consensus among<br />
the respectable majority. In the formation of this consensus government<br />
played a reluctant but crucial role. While efforts to revise or even to codify<br />
the substantive criminal law failed, changes in the administration of the law<br />
brought a rising level of pressure to bear against those who persisted in the<br />
traditional spirit of lawlessness. As V. A.C. Gatrell observed: 2<br />
In so far as the machinery of law and order had positive effects on Victorian<br />
criminality it was because those who broke the law were not well defended against<br />
those who sought to bring them to justice. <strong>The</strong> agencies of the law were, in that<br />
sense, appropriate to their task.<br />
Foremost among these agencies were those of police and public prosecution<br />
and their spasmodic evolution in Victorian England was sufficient to shift the<br />
balance of the legal system significantly against the offender. What may be<br />
true of crimes of violence is not, however, necessarily true of all crime and in<br />
late Victorian England it was the emergence of new crimes and new criminals<br />
which attracted much of what Gatrell called the 'prosecutorial energy' of that<br />
society. 3 It was an impetus that had to meet continuing opposition from all<br />
parts of the political spectrum fearing the extension of government power.<br />
In the hands of a new generation of public servants the Department of<br />
Public Prosecutions evolved as a response not to the threat of the 'criminal<br />
classes' but of middle-class, white-collar crime. Moriarty not Fagin was the<br />
1 J.J. Tobias, Crime and Industrial Society in the 19th Century (New York, 1967).<br />
2 Crime and the Law, V.A.C. Gatrell et al., ed. (1980) 258.<br />
3 Ibid., 251.