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Appendix CASE ONE - Collection Point® | The Total Digital Asset ...

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30 Legal History in the Making<br />

'by the oath of six lawful men and himself the seventh' - the oath-helpers<br />

look as much like a posse of pursuers as a means of proof. But the judicial<br />

combat which the laws allowed as an alternative to compurgation, and which<br />

was in fact the only accepted means of settling disputed issues, was unknown<br />

in either country before 1066. <strong>The</strong> fiefs in whose courts it was laid down that<br />

compurgation might take place were likewise a product of the Anglo-Norman<br />

feudalism of the twelfth century, while the burgesses who might be distrained<br />

in one country for the debts incurred by their fellows in another, though found<br />

in increasing numbers in the border shires as the twelfth century progressed,<br />

are not recorded there any earlier. Although the 1249 code was produced by<br />

the sworn oath of twelve knights of each kingdom, and on previous occasions<br />

men from the two realms had met to pronounce on disputed issues, above<br />

all on the course of the border line itself, 6 there was no role for the jury as<br />

a means of proof. Perhaps this was the result of mutual suspicion, 7 perhaps<br />

just of conservatism. <strong>The</strong> position of the sworn inquest as a means of proof<br />

in criminal cases was finally established in Scotland only in 1230 ; 8 in England<br />

barely ten years before that, and it would certainly take time to make it<br />

acceptable to both sides on the marches, where the duel seems to have<br />

become very well entrenched, even the clergy being obliged to take part in<br />

person. 9 But conservatism was no bar to change and the 1249 code, for all its<br />

archaisms, bears, as observed above, unmistakeable signs of development and<br />

adaptation during the not-too-distant past.<br />

Many changes would have been self-generating, made to meet the needs<br />

of the time. But there was also the possibility of external intervention. <strong>The</strong><br />

state of their borders and relations between their realms were naturally of<br />

close interest to the kings of England and Scots; indeed the willingness of<br />

their subjects to invoke that interest is responsible for a good deal of the<br />

source material for this essay. A petition to Edward I by one Henry Scot,<br />

who bought a horse at Carlisle fair, probably in 1279, and was later charged<br />

with being in possession of stolen goods, sheds light both on the operation of<br />

march law in the late thirteenth century and on how royal action could lead<br />

to its modification. 10 An inquest held in 1380 on Henry's petition told how<br />

a man robbed who believed his property had been taken from one kingdom<br />

to the other must himself cross the border and publicize the crime. If he<br />

found the robber within forty days, he should secure a writ from the sheriff<br />

of Cumberland to the sheriff of Dumfriesshire - that is, if the suspect had fled<br />

to England - giving notice of the duel by which the issue would be decided, and<br />

6<br />

Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, J. Bain, ed. 4 vols. (Edinburgh, 1881-88), i, no.1749;<br />

Barrow, op. cit., 155-56.<br />

7<br />

A. A.M. Duncan, Scotland: <strong>The</strong> Making of the Kingdom (Edinburgh, 1978), 537-38.<br />

8<br />

I.D. Willock, <strong>The</strong> Origins and Development of the Jury in Scotland, Stair Society, xxiii (Edinburgh,<br />

1966), 23.<br />

9<br />

Councils and Synods II, Parti, P.M. Powicke and C.R. Cheney, ed. (Oxford, 1964), 283-84.<br />

10 Bain, op. cit., ii, no. 183.

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