ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT ...

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evolt 21 , they still confronted an intensifying regime of surveillance undergirded by the Criminal Code of 1830 and the municipal laws, or Posturas da Câmara Municipal, passed by the town council in 1838, 1854, 1860 and 1870. Given the absence of private supervision that governed plantation slavery, the State took on the role of policing urban slaves and repressing potential slave resistance. The Criminal Code of 1830 set the legal foundation for State administration of slave and free workers and municipal laws contextualized the manner in which such administration of the labor force would be carried out in the city of Rio. For example, responding to the increasing number of enslaved workers on Rio‟s street, the municipal government introduced in 1838 a new law to the existing legal code of 1830. Title 7 of the 1838 code, “regarding the fraudulent behavior of vagrants, beggars, lotteries, slaves, and ganhadores,” attempted to control street behavior considered vagrancy, requiring that all slave and free ganhadores attain licenses from the imperial municipality and limiting the hours they were allowed to work on the street. Fines or imprisonment up to eight days, when unable to pay the fine, was the usual punishment. 22 The municipal posturas of 1838, 1854, 1860, and 1870 reflected little change toward slave and free ganhadores, fines and time spent in prison being the variables that changed overtime. A main concern of the 1838 legal code was to regulate movement, behavior, and commerce on Rio‟s streets. 23 For instance, 21 Leila Mezan Algranti, O feitor ausente: estudo sobre a escravidão urbana no Rio de Janeiro (Petrópolis: Editora Vozes, 1988). As opposed to Salvador da Bahia, where African Muslim slaves rebelled against the State in 1835, Algranti argues that the absence of slave revolts in Rio was largely because of the greater opportunities slaves had to purchase their freedom. 22 Côdigo de Posturas, Ilustríssima Câmara Municipal (Rio de Janeiro: Emp. Typ. Douze de Dezembro. Dep. Brito. Impressor da Casa Imperial, 1838). 23 Posturas da Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Imp. e Nac., 1839). 38
Title 4 addressed noise pollution, obscene behavior, and offense to public morality by prohibiting loud speech. State regulation was an imprecise tool, however, as street peddling required that vendors vocally announce their presence, typically through singing. Competition could be intense, thus producing a cacophony of noise on the street. State regulation allowed singing for commercial ends during the official working hours of the day, which started at seven o‟clock in the morning and ended at six o‟clock in the afternoon, while the canto do trabalhador, or street vendors‟ signing, came to be a respected aspect of the municipal laws throughout the nineteenth century. Adelino Magalhaes, a writer and precursor on the modernist movement in Rio, nostalgically recalled in a chronicle he wrote in 1887 the festive singing of street vendors he heard as a child from his room in his grandmother‟s house on Rua Marquês de Abrantes. The ice-cream vendor sang, “Sorvete, Ioiô, Sorvete, Iaiá” (ice-cream „massa‟, ice-cream „missus‟) reflecting the creolization of slave language that many travelers had noted of street peddlers. Vendors also appeared after dinner announcing knick-knacks, sweets, and other small goods, “Miudos! Olha os bons muidos!”- “Baleiro! Balas de côco, de ôvo, altéia, hortelã- pimenta!” – “Biscoitos, sinhá!” (Little goodies! Check out the wonderful little goodies! – Sweets! Sweets made from coconut, egg, and mint). 24 This chronicle suggests that vendors still roamed the city‟s streets after six o‟clock. Municipal laws aiming to regulate slave and vendor nocturnal behavior demonstrate that 24 “Adelino Magalhaes, “Ambulantes de ontem” in Obras completas, vol. 2 (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Editôra Valverde S.A., 1946), 472-473. 39
Page 1 and 2: ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLA
Page 3 and 4: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT MODERNIT
Page 5 and 6: ii Para mamá y Elisabeth En memori
Page 7 and 8: school. I reserve my last words of
Page 9 and 10: List of Tables: Table 1: Distributi
Page 11 and 12: List of Images: Image 1: Henry Cham
Page 13 and 14: Introduction From Ganhadores to Amb
Page 15 and 16: commerce, and, on the other, transf
Page 17 and 18: egulation of street commercial acti
Page 19 and 20: At the turn of the century, after t
Page 21 and 22: century urban economy. 14 On the on
Page 23 and 24: sell on the street, and more so aft
Page 25 and 26: the street. Patron-client relations
Page 27 and 28: epressive conditions of their work
Page 29 and 30: strike and the process of labor org
Page 31 and 32: put a strain on State authorities t
Page 33 and 34: Ganhadores, peddlers, porters, shoe
Page 35 and 36: common reasons for arrest. As oppos
Page 37 and 38: the forefront of the debate over in
Page 39 and 40: The last and concluding chapter ana
Page 41 and 42: Chapter One Negros de Ganho: Africa
Page 43 and 44: ideology, relegating slaves and fre
Page 45 and 46: Eventually, free ganhadores became
Page 47 and 48: thus many of Rio‟s slaves were al
Page 49: had died while attempting to put ou
Page 53 and 54: ganhadores had to wear a metal pin
Page 55 and 56: a pedestrian who then proceeded to
Page 57 and 58: would be fined 10$-30$000 for selli
Page 59 and 60: with middlemen was not profitable f
Page 61 and 62: observed, that African women in Sal
Page 63 and 64: chapéus de sol, which the municipa
Page 65 and 66: exempt. Although we do not know the
Page 67 and 68: ganhador, who tended to be self-emp
Page 69 and 70: Portuguese butcher shops (açougues
Page 71 and 72: which applied to slaves and free bl
Page 73 and 74: through the imposition of methods i
Page 75 and 76: most ganhadores lived were Sacramen
Page 77 and 78: licenses in a group and these tende
Page 79 and 80: São José, in the 1870s, Italian i
Page 81 and 82: Spaniards who lived in a hostel on
Page 83 and 84: which had been mainly an African pa
Page 85 and 86: guarantor, or fiador, by the police
Page 87 and 88: Chapter Two “Que possa cada um ca
Page 89 and 90: The transformation in the perceptio
Page 91 and 92: the gradual transition to free labo
Page 93 and 94: strivings of urban wage-workers. 11
Page 95 and 96: same historical stage but also pove
Page 97 and 98: Richard Wade‟s pioneering study o
Page 99 and 100: chácara, while peddlers maximized
Page 101 and 102:
even foodstuffs provided every ince
Page 103 and 104:
square that served as a hangout for
Page 105 and 106:
All these fines “exalted the trea
Page 107 and 108:
and targeted a population that was
Page 109 and 110:
lanket that served as both mattress
Page 111 and 112:
to certain demographic profiles as
Page 113 and 114:
all of them as unmarried and illite
Page 115 and 116:
enslaved men (54) than women (22),
Page 117 and 118:
However, the majority of free male
Page 119 and 120:
most were street vendors of product
Page 121 and 122:
violations of the Criminal Code, se
Page 123 and 124:
one fula migrant from the state of
Page 125 and 126:
times respectively. Also common was
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slaves originally from the state of
Page 129 and 130:
living space to blacks. Fearing sla
Page 131 and 132:
This is indicative of a shift from
Page 133 and 134:
mostly from Naples and Cozenca. Six
Page 135 and 136:
and on street peddlers. As one colu
Page 137 and 138:
many participants of street commerc
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experienced the conditions of citiz
Page 141 and 142:
involved rehabilitation. 8 In 1890,
Page 143 and 144:
earn a living. As Amy Chazkel remin
Page 145 and 146:
In studying the construction of “
Page 147 and 148:
“discursive and contextual constr
Page 149 and 150:
provides a lens not only for the st
Page 151 and 152:
ationalization but because politica
Page 153 and 154:
licensed. Another municipal ordinan
Page 155 and 156:
legal problems, thus returning to t
Page 157 and 158:
equested that neighborhood police s
Page 159 and 160:
profiles of peddlers at the Casa de
Page 161 and 162:
Turks were also migrating in consid
Page 163 and 164:
were still tied to physical traits
Page 165 and 166:
The next paragraphs discuss occupat
Page 167 and 168:
men between the ages of 20 and 50.
Page 169 and 170:
easons usually unrelated to the pra
Page 171 and 172:
sweets (all pretas and one fula), t
Page 173 and 174:
as equals.” The authors argue tha
Page 175 and 176:
Dória described kiosk owners (dono
Page 177 and 178:
social status 65 , José Martins an
Page 179 and 180:
as vagrants, while working minors a
Page 181 and 182:
individual without a beard and wear
Page 183 and 184:
as well as illustrated the persiste
Page 185 and 186:
opposite could have been the case,
Page 187 and 188:
slavery” and the “sexual temper
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this community, individual honor wa
Page 191 and 192:
work.” 88 José unashamedly decla
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and influenced by both systemic-hie
Page 195 and 196:
ecreated the uncertain condition of
Page 197 and 198:
Chapter Four Toward a “Humanitari
Page 199 and 200:
The time period this chapter captur
Page 201 and 202:
technologies claiming to sanitize t
Page 203 and 204:
electorate, exalting the transforma
Page 205 and 206:
the time, did not explicitly define
Page 207 and 208:
partnered with Carlos Martins da Si
Page 209 and 210:
supporting the EAD municipal funds
Page 211 and 212:
claimed was much more elegant and e
Page 213 and 214:
João Lucas. Lucas was an engraxate
Page 215 and 216:
made out of wood and used electrici
Page 217 and 218:
did emerge during the capital city
Page 219 and 220:
work of the street peddler, are wha
Page 221 and 222:
in order to supply juice to people
Page 223 and 224:
did not find the means to obtain su
Page 225 and 226:
In 1909, three Brazilian residents
Page 227 and 228:
chloride, the latter being a chemic
Page 229 and 230:
deplorable service to the city” (
Page 231 and 232:
worker. In Sousa and Lopes‟ reque
Page 233 and 234:
icebox, a small basin for washing d
Page 235 and 236:
1906, Augusto Fernandes Carreira cr
Page 237 and 238:
certain archaic vending practices a
Page 239 and 240:
period. But the technological trans
Page 241 and 242:
Chapter Five “Ficará o Rio Sem A
Page 243 and 244:
majority of the city‟s working po
Page 245 and 246:
incorporated a utopic nation: itemi
Page 247 and 248:
ideals and their inability or refus
Page 249 and 250:
extralegal structures and practices
Page 251 and 252:
strong disagreement between popular
Page 253 and 254:
were required to have two licenses,
Page 255 and 256:
curiosity to watch the milkman unti
Page 257 and 258:
Another major problem for municipal
Page 259 and 260:
However, as the photograph of the L
Page 261 and 262:
street behaviors deemed antisocial.
Page 263 and 264:
ights (e.g., voting rights), the fo
Page 265 and 266:
claim to be the cradle of samba. 56
Page 267 and 268:
milk vendors, and bread vendors, ye
Page 269 and 270:
tended to be white Brazilians born
Page 271 and 272:
location for an extended period of
Page 273 and 274:
street sellers faced frequent deten
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themselves as “honest workers,”
Page 277 and 278:
arrested, and the police suspected
Page 279 and 280:
seven days to fully repay Joaquim M
Page 281 and 282:
strong connections with the Bahian
Page 283 and 284:
of Santana in 1883. 72 Moreover, th
Page 285 and 286:
period. Ganhadores were even listed
Page 287 and 288:
the tenuous position of street comm
Page 289 and 290:
“itinerants,” or street vendors
Page 291 and 292:
the early twentieth century. Prints
Page 293 and 294:
contributed to notions of inclusion
Page 295 and 296:
exception. The widespread artistic
Page 297 and 298:
eflected an interest in Brazilian s
Page 299 and 300:
cartes-de-visite constructed notion
Page 301 and 302:
of an earlier age soon to be erased
Page 303 and 304:
them as valuable actors in the live
Page 305 and 306:
the „Tropical Belle Époque‟ th
Page 307 and 308:
1890s, photographs catalogued in ar
Page 309 and 310:
Benjamin.” 48 As Sekula notes, it
Page 311 and 312:
of the mechanism of great cities[.]
Page 313 and 314:
particular vending occupations were
Page 315 and 316:
development of the city. They descr
Page 317 and 318:
inequalities[.]” 64 Informality t
Page 319 and 320:
conditions that create formality an
Page 321 and 322:
was not merely a twentieth-century
Page 323 and 324:
Appendix, Chapter One Map 1a: Rio P
Page 325 and 326:
Image 3: Jean-Baptiste Debret, “T
Page 327 and 328:
Table 3: Occupation of fiadores, 18
Page 329 and 330:
Image 7: Jean-Baptiste Debret, ”V
Page 331 and 332:
Image 10: Marc Ferrez, “Jornaleir
Page 333 and 334:
Appendix, Chapter Four Image 13:
Page 335 and 336:
Image 17: Arthur Augusto Azevedo,
Page 337 and 338:
Image 22: “Carrinho Francês,”
Page 339 and 340:
Image 26: Augusto Magalhães de Bar
Page 341 and 342:
Image 28: Benedito Novela da Silva,
Page 343 and 344:
Image 31: Valdemanr Flohr-Matthiess
Page 345 and 346:
Image 33: Francisco Falconi, “Car
Page 347 and 348:
Appendix, Chapter Five Image 36: Ra
Page 349 and 350:
Image 40: Marc Ferrez, “Vendedor
Page 351 and 352:
Image 44: Marc Ferrez, “Vendedore
Page 353 and 354:
Image 48: Statue “O Mascate” (P
Page 355 and 356:
Privilégios Industriais Arquivo P
Page 357 and 358:
Azevedo, Celia Maria Marinha de. On
Page 359 and 360:
________. "From Black History to Di
Page 361 and 362:
Cunha, Olívia Maria Gomes da. Inte
Page 363 and 364:
Garza, James Alex. The Imagined Und
Page 365 and 366:
Haverkamp, Anselm. "Notes on the "D
Page 367 and 368:
Macedo, Joaquim Manuel de. Um passe
Page 369 and 370:
Monénembo, Tierno, Luis Felipe de
Page 371 and 372:
Queiroz, Maria Isaura Pereira de. "
Page 373 and 374:
Senna, Ernesto. O velho comércio d
Page 375 and 376:
Stotz, Eulália Maria Lahmeyer Lobo
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ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT ...

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