A COMMON PROGRESSIVE VISION - Renaissance for europe


A COMMON PROGRESSIVE VISION - Renaissance for europe

A Common Progressive vision


for Europe

A Common Progressive vision

Paris Turin Leipzig

8-9 February 2013

A Common Progressive vision


for Europe

Renaissance for Europe - A common progressive vision”

Published in Belgium in 2013 – By FEPS -

Foundation for European Progressive Studies,

with the financial support of the European Parliament

Design: p-l-a-s-m-a . net

Copyright © FEPS – Foundation for European Progressive Studies.

For more information, please contact also :

Ernst Stetter, FEPS Secretary General

at ernst.stetter@feps-europe.eu

or Alain Bloëdt, FEPS Communication Advisor

at alain.bloedt@feps-europe.eu




Massimo D’AlEMA 5






Piero FASSINO - lord (Roger) lIDDlE - Elisabeth GuIGOu - Angelica SChwAll-DüREN

Massimo D’AlEMA - hannes SwObODA - Sergei StANIShEV - Martin SChulz

zita GuRMAI - Alfredo Pérez RubAlCAbA - harlem DéSIR - Gerhard SChRöDER

bernard CAzENEuVE - zoran MIlANOVIć - Frans tIMMERMANS - Victor PONtA

Elio DI RuPO - François hOllANDE - Pier luigi bERSANI


EN 30

FR 34

DE 38

It 43


Foundation for European Progressive Studies 48

Foundation Italianieuropei 49

Foundation Jean Jaurès 50

Foundation Friedrich Ebert 51

A Common Progressive vision

Table of conTenTs


for Europe


Dear European friends, benvenuti in Italia!

A Common Progressive vision

welcome to the second Renaissance event of this initiative, this time in Italy. It follows on

from France last March and will be continued further in Germany and Austria later this

year. the general objective is still to gather progressive leaders and experts together to

discuss the desired direction of European integration we would like to achieve. last time

the focus was on economic union, this time the emphasis is on political union.

Peace, prosperity and progress are the fundamental features we wish to promote in order

to achieve a progressive Renaissance for Europe.

I’m absolutely delighted that so many of you could join us here for this event and project

which I feel so passionate about and I’m overwhelmed when I see this programme which

represents a true European and progressive mood.

Allow me to thank the party leaders for their continued support towards this initiative

and my good friend Per luigi bersani in the perspective of the upcoming elections here in

my country. I’m convinced that Italy will vote for the right candidate to lead our country

towards better times.

Furthermore I would like to thank the experts who have been able to come for two days

of intense discussions and have provided the intellectual framework on which our work is

being established. thank you to the Foundations who have contributed to organising this

initiative. Also thanking of course all the participants, activists, militants and supporters

who have travelled here to come and display their support for Bersani and for a progressive

majority in Europe.

looking forward to constructive debates.

Yours sincerely,

Massimo D’Alema

President of FEPS and Italianieuropei



for Europe

From Paris

to Turin

A Common Progressive vision

Following the success

of the Paris’event,

2 nd step in Turin on

8-9 February 2013

the ambition of the FEPS initiative “Renaissance for Europe” has been to

reengage progressive leaders and citizens in a political discussion about

the state of the Union and the desired directions of integration. the design of the project

reflects an idea that the European populations are still very attached to the promise of

peace and prosperity that the Eu has been a symbol of. however they do not see the

mainstream right will uphold this historical pledge. the mission therefore is two-folded:

on one hand to politicise the question of the Eu and show that an alternative scenario

is possible; and on the other to decisively anchor this debate in the context of national

politics. hence the decision to use the momentum of the electoral campaigns in three of

the founding states of the Eu, namely France, Italy and Germany.

to begin with, the idea united the think tanks from those three countries – respectively

the Fondation Jean Jaures, Italiani Europei and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung – who in

cooperation with FEPS began deliberations on how to create an intellectual ambiance that

would lead to a creation a truly politicised European public sphere. the effects of these

deliberations were reflected in the very first declaration that had been elaborated through

a set of consecutive working sessions in brussels and Paris. this document made a strong

contribution to a debate on how to overcome the effects of the disastrous economic crisis

at hand. It provoked further deliberations, that were both echoed during the first seminar

of the “Renaissance for Europe” (which gathered over 100 prominent academics from the

Eu and the uS and was held in March in the National Assembly), as also in a book of the

Renaissance for Europe” series – “Austerity is not an answer”.

Parallel to the academic debate, the political commitment from the leaders and their

respective parties has been growing – resulting in a most fascinating debate that took

place in Paris in March 2012 (gathering an audience of over 2000 citizens in Cirque d’hiver

and many, many more in front of the tVs). this was a historical, unique moment, when

progressive leaders from both the three founding member states and the Eu level came

together to pledge their will to uphold Europe, to change it accordingly to a common agenda

and to support one another in re-Europeanising the politics in their respective countries.




for Europe

And the hope for a better future of all, that was embedded in the common proclamation,

translated in four languages.

Especially, that it was so enthusiastically quoted by often sceptic leading media agencies

in majority of the Eu member states. If one looks at the campaign in France from today’s

perspective – it is clear that Europe indeed entered into a national debate thanks to the

efforts of François hollande, who has consistently proven to the French citizens that

a different Europe of solidarity is a realistic, tangible goal to be achieved through hope,

political will and cooperation among progressive partners.

the “Renaissance for Europe” became herewith a widely-recognised and highly appreciated

programme, that incorporated a broad range of activities (from closed high-level seminars

to public events opened to thousands of people) and publications (the above mentioned

already “Renaissance for Europe” book series, which was inaugurated with the pamphlet

presenting the memorable speech of helmut Schmidt from the SPD Congress 2011 in 16

languages). the clear objective of the programme has already become a new parameter

through which prism the political developments within different respective countries can

be analysed within the broader, Eu context.

Following the great success of the memorable Paris event, the partners have continued

their work and currently are already well advanced with the preparations of the next step

– which will take “Renaissance for Europe” to turin, Italy on 8 th and 9 th February 2013.

As much as there was a focus on economic questions in Paris, the second of the three

events is going to focus on a question of Political union. herewith, the progressives want

to address the issue of democratic deficiencies of the Eu, as also show that their vision

for Europe is politically distinctive. If supported, it will undoubtedly reshape the union in

a way that it can find political strength within itself to deal adequately and efficiently with

external and internal challenges of the modern times.

the fact that the Eu has just been granted a Nobel Peace Price for abiding by an

honourable, historical mission of consequently implementing its core values for the sake

of political and social stability allows a new hope that a new energy can be found among

European societies to support the progressive “Renaissance for Europe”. this proves the

transformative strength of a political will once forward-thinking leaders come together

– and this understanding will undoubtedly guide the project in 2013, while in Turin and

subsequently in Leipzig.

Ernst Stetter

Secretary General of FEPS

A Common Progressive vision


for Europe






A Common Progressive vision

Growth, solidarity,


setting a new course

for Europe

In September 2011, the social democrats returned to power in Denmark.

November 2011 saw the resignation of Italy’s conservative government and,

in December of the same year, a socialist prime minister was elected in Belgium.

Forthcoming elections in France, Italy and Germany, this year and next, could prove crucial

to setting a new course for Europe, driven by a broad alliance encompassing the full

spectrum of socialist, progressive and democratic forces.

That is the aim pursued by progressive groupings at national and European levels.

Europe is our shared heritage. Our duty is to strive to build a more united,

democratic Europe.

the lack of effective, democratic European economic governance clearly threatens to drag

Europe into recession.

by focusing on wage deflation at the expense of policies that promote growth and jobs,

neglecting solidarity and the fight against inequalities, reducing Europe to nothing more

than a zone of supervision and sanction, and failing to foster social dialogue and democracy,

we are turning our backs on the imperatives of both the combat against the economic crisis

and the European project itself.

while all the signs suggest that Europe is not yet out of the crisis, with a recession looming

and unemployment and poverty continuing to rise in many European union countries,

there is an urgent need to set a new course for Europe, a course of budget responsibility

based on growth, solidarity and democracy.

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for Europe

It is now up to the European Union to provide an appropriate response.

budget responsibility and fiscal discipline are key to ensuring stability in the Eurozone and

reviving the European social model. A framework should be established in each State to

guarantee a reduction in deficits and debt. In order to make public finances less dependent

on market fluctuations and free up resources to invest in social progress and growth,

European sovereign debt levels must be reduced.

this would entail a shared strategy, adapted to the reality of each Member State. It would

have to be implemented responsibly, according to the democratic rules of a new shared

European sovereignty and in keeping with the principles of equality and social justice. the

European union should waste no time in launching initiatives to stimulate sustained and

sustainable growth.

the future union budget for 2014-2020 should provide a more effective, transparent

response, not least through dynamic and economically consistent management of

European structural funds – with a clearer focus on the imperatives of social justice,

employment, education and professional training. the European Investment bank should

play a greater role in this. Creating jobs and combating labour market segmentation,

particularly for young people and women, should be priorities. the existing European

Globalisation Adjustment Fund should be extended and renewed to alleviate the negative

impacts of austerity measures on employment.

Our industrial policy must be developed and reinforced.

Industrial policy should be reshaped to drive the development of major industrial,

technological and infrastructure projects, and promote Europe’s environmental

transformation. For instance, it should focus on projects delivering high value-added

industry founded on technological excellence. It should promote low-carbon industry

based on green technologies, providing lasting, highly-skilled jobs. In order to contribute to

the fight against climate change, we believe there is a clear need to support the widespread

use and standardisation of green certificates now used in some European union countries.

New resources must be created.

the proposal, long championed by European progressives and recently presented by the

Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament,

for a tax on financial transactions should be adopted by the Council without delay. It would

raise the cost of speculation, redress the imbalance between capital and labour taxation

and combat fiscal injustice. It would increase the European union’s resources. It would

A Common Progressive vision

help to finance investments in major European projects, which contribute to sustainable

growth and employment, while also funding aid to developing countries and helping them

adapt to climate change.

this tax will ensure that those responsible for the financial crisis contribute to economic


Other resources could be raised to finance shared investment projects, through the

creation of «project bonds».

the European union should take steps to address its relationships with «tax havens» in

order to combat tax evasion and help to bolster public finances.

Nevertheless, stimulating growth requires above all an increase in demand and completion

of the internal market. Serious efforts are needed to tackle the profound macroeconomic

and social imbalances that are key causes of the crisis in the Eurozone. Measures to boost

competitiveness in countries with trade deficits should be accompanied by reciprocal

measures to stimulate domestic demand in surplus countries. this would help to reverse

the trend of recent decades towards the uneven distribution of wealth. Investment

expenditure should also be distinguished from operating expenditure.

Solidarity must take centre stage in European policies. That is how the stability

of our currency will be guaranteed.

we think it is worth considering increasing joint European responsibility for a portion of

sovereign debt. Eurobonds would contribute to a new fund to reduce debt and make it

possible to rebalance public finances.

the failure of attempts made by conservative governments in Europe to respond to the

Eurozone crisis has led the European Central bank to play an active role in financial markets

with a view to preventing the crisis from deepening, allowing member States to refinance,

and instilling confidence in the financial markets. If this lack of political leadership were to

continue, the European Central bank would ultimately be obliged to play an even more

prominent role in combating the financial crisis.

these are the imperatives which should be addressed in the essential rebalancing of

European policies in order to supplement the budget treaty with measures focusing on

growth, employment and solidarity.

this will be impossible without effective financial regulation, so that financial markets once

again serve the real economy and the necessary link between finance and the economy

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for Europe

is restored. In this context, the ratings agencies should be reformed to put an end to the

current oligopoly, particularly with regard to the valuation of sovereign debt.

This will all have to be backed up by real European democracy.

the European union needs greater powers and a genuine system of governance. Citizens of

Europe should be given the opportunity to make clear decisions on the thrust of Eu policy.

the intergovernmental method implemented by conservative governments does nothing

to help achieve this. Co-decision should also be extended to fundamental economic and

social policy choices.

this means a form of European democracy based on the community method, subsidiarity

and citizen participation, with a greater role for the European Parliament and national

parliaments, accompanied by measures to increase the influence of European political

parties. to this end, European progressive parties should nominate a joint candidate for

the post of Commission President.

An alternative path for Europe, one which respects the Charter of Fundamental

Rights, is possible.


A Common Progressive vision



for Europe


10.30 Welcome Coffee

8 Febbraio 2013

Torino (italy)

Teatro Regio

P.zza Castello, 215

11.00 Opening

• Massimo d’Alema, President of FEPS and Fondazione Italianieuropei and

Former Prime Minister, Italy

the right to have rights in Europe

• Speech by Stefano Rodotà, Professor Emeritus of Civil law, university of Rome

Sapienza, Italy

Reflections on Renaissance

• Bruno Liebhaberg, Chair of the FEPS Scientific Council, belgium

11.45 Restoring Legitimacy: Empowering Europeans

• Luciano Bardi, Professor of Political Science at the university of Pisa, Italy

• Mercedes Bresso, Regional Councillor of Piedmont within the Partito

Democratico, Italy and Former President of the Committee of the Regions

• Olaf Cramme, Director of Policy Network, Germany/united Kingdom

• Fabien Escalona, PhD candidate in Political Science at Sciences Po Grenoble, France

• Diego Lopez Garrido, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council, former

Secretary of State for the Eu and MP, Spain

• Kurt Richard Luther, Professor of Comparative Politics at the Keele

university, united Kingdom

• Elena Paciotti, President of the Fondazione lelio e lisli basso, Italy

• Cesare Pinelli, Professor of Public law at the university of Rome Sapienza, Italy

13:15 Lunch

A Common Progressive vision

• Miguel Poiares Maduro, Professor and Director of Global Governance

Programme at the European university Institute, Portugal

• Steven van Hecke, Member of the FEPS Next left working Group and

Assistant Professor in Comparative and Eu Politics at the university of

leuven, belgium


• Pim Paulusma, Member of the FEPS Young Academics Network, university of

Nijmegen, the Netherlands

14:15 Reshaping the fundamentals: developing democracy

• Rémi Bazillier, Member of the FEPS Next left Focus Group, the FEPS

Scientific Council and Assistant Professor at the university of Orléans, France

• Flavio Brugnoli, Director of the Centre for Studies on Federalism, Italy

• Sergio Fabbrini, Director of the School of Government at the university of

Rome luISS, Italy

• Stefano Fassina, Responsible for Economic and labours of the Democratic Party, Italy

• Gilles Finchelstein, General Director of the Fondation Jean Jaurès, France

• André Gerrits, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and Professor of

Russian history and Politics at leiden university, the Netherlands

• Paolo Guerrieri, Professor of Economics at the university of Rome Sapienza Italy

• Mojca Kleva Kekuš, Member of the European Parliament, Slovenia

• Matthias Kollatz-Ahnen, Former Vice-President EIb, Germany

• Lord (Roger) Liddle, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and Chair of

Policy Network, united Kingdom

• Roçio Martinez Sampere, MP of the Catalan Socialist party, Spain

• Julian Priestley, Member of the board of the Jacques Delors Institute and of

Votewatch.eu, united Kingdom

• Maria João Rodrigues, Professor, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council, Portogal

• Vivien A. Schmidt, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and Jean Monnet

Professor of European Integration, Professor of International Relations and

Political Science at boston university, united States

• Gerhard Stahl, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and Secretary General

of Committee of the Regions, Germany


• Benjamin Wilhem, Member of the FEPS Young Academics Network,

university of Erfurt, Germany




for Europe

15.45 Coffee Break

16.00 Reviving ambition: Providing a hope

• Albert Aixalà, Member of the FEPS Next left working Group and Director of

the Fundació Rafael Campalans, Spain

• Jean-Louis Bianco, Advisor to harlem Désir on European Affairs, PS France

• Marco Causi, Professor of Economics at the university of Roma 3 end MP of

Democretic Party, Italy

• René Cuperus, Director for International Relations and Senior Research

Fellow at the wiardi beckman Foundation, the Netherlands

• Patrick Diamond, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council, Gwilym Gibbon

Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford, and Senior Fellow of Policy Network,

united Kingdom

• Sina Frank, European Policy Division at the Confederation of German trade

unions (DGb), Germany

• Francesca Marinaro, MP of the Democratic Party, Italy

• Will Straw, Associate Director for Globalisation and Climate Change at IPPR,

united Kingdom

• Stewart Wood, member of the labour Shadow Cabinet and of the uK house

of lords, united Kingdom


• Lorenza Antonucci, Member of the FEPS Young Academics Network, bristol

university, Italy/united Kingdom

17.30 Conclusion, the Common Progressive Vision

• Giuliano Amato, Former Prime Minister of Italy and President of the

Advisory board of the Fondazione Italianieuropei


• Anna Colombo, Secretary General of the Group of the Progressive Alliance of

Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament (S&D Group), Italy

• Roberto Gualtieri, Member of the European Parliament, Italy

• Elisabeth Guigou, President of the Foreign Affairs Committee at the National

Assembly, France

• Zita Gurmai, President of PES women and a Vice-President of FEPS, hungary

• Ernst Hillebrand, head of unit, Friedrich Erbert Stiftung, Germany

• Marije Laffeber, PES Deputy Secretary General, the Netherlands/Eu

• Anna Maria Kellner, Friedrich Erbert Stiftung, Germany

• Raffaello Matarazzo, Research Fellow at the Instituto Affari Internazionali, Italy

A Common Progressive vision

• Henri Nallet, Vice-President of FEPS and Vice-President of the French

Fondation Jean-Jaurès, France

• Lapo Pistelli, MP and head of the International Department of the Partito

Democratico, Italy

• Yonnec Polet, PES first deputy Secretary General, belgium/Eu

• Alex Sceberras Trigona, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and the FEPS

Jurist Network, Former Foreign Minister, Malta

• Fabien Valli, S&D Group, head of unit

• Werner Wobbe, Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and DG Research and

Innovation European Commission, Germany/Eu


• Andrea Peruzy, Secretary General of the Fondazione Italianieuropei, Italy

• Ernst Stetter, Secretary General of the Foundation for European Progressive Studies,


20.30 dinner

• welcome address by Piero Fassino, Mayor of turin



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for Europe



08.30 Registration

09.00 Welcome

• Piero Fassino, Mayor of turin


Torino (italy)

Teatro Regio

P.zza Castello, 215

Recommendations from the Expert Seminar

• Lord (Roger) Liddle, Chair of Policy Network, united Kingdom


• Elisabeth Guigou, President of the Foreign Affairs Committee at the National

Assembly, France

• Angelica Schwall-düren, Minister for Europe of Nordrhein-westfalen, Germany

09.30 General Remarks

• Massimo d’Alema, FEPS President and former Prime Minister of Italy

09.45 A European Progressive Vision

• Hannes Swoboda, President of the S&D Group

• Sergei Stanishev, President of the PES

• Martin Schulz, President of the European Parliament

10.15 Party’s Leaders

• Introduced by Zita Gurmai, MEP and President of PES women

• Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, Secretary General of the PSOE, Spain

• Harlem désir, First Secretary of the PS, France

10.45 Germany in a Progressive European Union

• Gerhard Schröder, former Chancellor of Germany

11.00 Speeches by Progressive European Leaders

• Bernard Cazeneuve, Minister of European Affairs, France

• Zoran Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

• Victor Ponta, Prime Minister of Romania

• Elio di Rupo, Prime Minister of belgium

12.00 From France to Italy

• Video Message by François Hollande, President of France

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12.05 towards New Progressive European Governments

• Pier Luigi Bersani, Secretary of the Partito Democratico and Candidate of the

Centre-left Coalition to the Presidency of the Council, Italy

Moderation by

• Ernst Stetter, Secretary General, Foundation for European Progressive Studies

• Andrea Peruzy, Secretary General, Fondazione Italianeuropei

PUblIc DebaTe


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for Europe


Chair of Policy Network.

United Kingdom


Mayor of Turin


President of the Foreign Affairs Committee

at the National Assembly. France


Minister for Europe of Nordrhein-Westfalen.



President of France


FEPS President and

former Prime Minister of Italy

A Common Progressive vision

PUblIc DebaTe


PUblIc DebaTe

for Europe


President of the PES

Former Prime Minister of Bulgaria


President of the S&D Group

in the European Parlament


President of the European Parliament


MEP and President of PES Women


First Secretaru of the PS. France


Secretary General of the PSOE. Spain

A Common Progressive vision

PUblIc DebaTe


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for Europe


Minister of European Affairs. France


former Chancellor of Germany


Prime Minister of Croatia


Prime Minister of Romania


Secretary of the Partito Democratico

and Candidate of the Centre-Left Coalition

to the Presidency of the Council. Italy


Prime Minister of Belgium

A Common Progressive vision

PUblIc DebaTe


PUblIc DebaTe

for Europe


Secretary General Italianieuropei, Italy


Secretary General FEPS

A Common Progressive vision





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for Europe



A democratic Union

of Peace, Prosperity

and Progress

2013 is a crucial year for a progressive Europe. After the socialist victories in

Slovakia, France and Romania in 2012, the elections in Italy and Germany

might change the balance in the European Council, paving the way for a progressive

majority in Europe after the 2014 European elections. the Paris declaration and the launch

of the Renaissance for Europe initiative in March 2012 focused on the need to go beyond

austerity policies, drawing the lines of a new and more balanced course for a Europe of

stability, growth and solidarity. In turin we want to elaborate our vision of Political Europe:

a union of democracy based on shared sovereignty, which is essential to address the crisis,

empower the citizens and restore confidence in the European project. what we want

to deliver is a union of progress and prosperity for all, with a strong mandate from the

European citizenry.

Reshaping the fundamentals: developing democracy

the economic and financial crisis has highlighted the weakness of the governance of the

Euro. the introduction of a common currency has not been underpinned by the completion

of a true economic union. hence even though the Euro has become an important symbol

of the progress of integration, it has failed to become synonymous with European security,

stability and scrutiny. the lack of appropriate institutional architecture meant that there

has been a trade-off between intergovernmentalism of resources and community method

of rules. the first envisaged channelling financial aid from the member states through

intergovernmental bodies. the second leaned towards stricter rules of fiscal discipline at Eu

level and the subsequent implementation of the austerity policies. this set-up has proven

to be ineffective both politically and economically. It has not enhanced financial stability

and fiscal sustainability. Instead it has triggered a vicious circle of recession and worsening

of public finances. the economic and above all social consequences of it are devastating.

the democratic deficit of Eu policies has spilled over into the Member States, undermining

not only public support for the European project but also for national democracies.

A union of fiscal rules managed by technocrats cannot go beyond austerity and deprive

A Common Progressive vision

citizens of their right of self-determination. A sense of security has to be anchored in a

financial discipline and mechanisms which are sustainable and not subjected to permanent

negotiations within and between member states. Continuous bargaining only further

undermines European solidarity. It incentivises a model of governance based on balance of

power and a hierarchy based on wealth, while putting national democracies on a collision

course between those who perceive themselves as shouldering others and these others

who feel to be governed by the former.

the paradox is that the attempt to protect national sovereignty and avoid fiscal transfers

has produced a system of governance which is less effective, more intrusive and less

respectful of state sovereignty than any of the existing federal models, while at the same

time risking more expense for taxpayers.

Restoring Legitimacy: Empowering Europeans

A genuine Economic and Monetary union needs a different model of governance, based

on the following elements:

− a balanced implementation of the Stability and Growth Pact reconciling fiscal

responsibility with growth and employment, safeguarding public investments and

public services, while pursuing deficit and debt reduction;

− a stronger and more balanced coordination of economic policies at EMu level

and new and enhanced Eu policies;

− a comprehensive banking union and an active European Central bank to

promote financial stability and an effective regulation of financial markets to

incentivize long term investment instead of speculation;

− economic policies have to be accompanied by a solid set of responsible

social policies, which become binding targets reflecting pledges of progress and

prosperity for all. this is why a new Social Pact should be framed in such a way

that it becomes a guarantee for all Europeans. the autonomy of social partners

and their role must be safeguarded and strengthened, promoting the emergence

of European social dialogue.

− an adequate budgetary capacity, based on own resources, to promote growth

and competitiveness and to address cyclical and structural imbalances supporting

social and territorial cohesion;

− a borrowing capacity to give stronger foundations to financial solidarity and

support debt redemption.

this model of governance requires a better and clearer division of competences and

resources between the Eu and the Member States, and stronger democratic legitimacy and

accountability at both levels. It must not be based on intergovernmentalism but on the Eu

institutions and the “Community method”, with a strong European Commission acting as a

true government and full co-decision between the Council and the European Parliament.

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for Europe

the Eu and EMu budgetary capacity must come from own resources clearly linked to Eugenerated

wealth and specific regulatory functions connected to union’s competences.

Member States should keep responsibility for the implementation of economic policy

guidelines co-decided at Eu level, and on national budgets within the boundaries of Eu’s

fiscal framework.

Sharing sovereignty on a democratic basis is the only way to recover it and empower the

citizens. the European Parliament and national parliaments shall be the driving forces of

this process and shall fully cooperate, while exerting their prerogatives at their respective

level, according to the principle that democratic legitimacy and accountability must be

ensured at the level at which decisions are taken and implemented.

A genuine Economic and Monetary union requires a treaty change to be completed. we

call for the establishment of a Convention during the next legislature, which could be an

opening of a new phase of deliberations on the European union’s future. but this outcome

needs to be prepared by the swift and full use of the tools of the existing treaties (from

enhanced cooperation and article 136 tFEu to the flexibility clause), and by a broad public

debate involving civil society, social actors, political parties, the European Parliament and

national parliaments. the progressive foundations shall promote such debate and draw

their contribution and proposals for a genuine EMu in a democratic union.

Reviving ambition: Providing hope

better and stronger Eu policies are not possible without true Eu politics. A fiscal and

economic union requires a political union. An Eu wide public sphere must emerge with

a view to enhancing European civil society. this unity of the citizens of Europe shall fully

respect and enhance the value of cultural pluralism and national diversity. but at the same

time it shall frame the debate and the Eu decision-making process along cross-national

political and ideological lines instead that along national divisions.

legislative elections at Member State level must be fully conceived as a part of the Eu

political process. European elections have to be seen not as mid-term tests for national

parties in 28 Member States, but as the moment in which the Eu citizen chooses the

direction for Europe and offers a democratic mandate to the European Parliament and the

European government.

the PES has already decided, before the elections, to appoint a “top” candidate for

the post of President of the Commission. we invite all the European parties to do the

same, following the resolution approved by a large majority in the European Parliament.

the appointment of top candidates must be linked to the presentation to the voters

of alternative political platforms focused on European issues, and subscribed to by the

national parties and their candidates for the European Parliament.

A Common Progressive vision

the politicisation of the Commission and the Europeanization of the elections to the

European and national Parliaments are crucial steps towards a political union, but they are

not the only ones. Direct participation of the citizens in the Eu decision making process must

be promoted and strengthened. the European Citizens’ Initiative has to become an ordinary

tool for involving civil society and political parties in political campaigns on transnational

basis. Strikes and social battles must be conducted at Eu level, counterbalancing the

growing role of lobbies and vested interests in the Eu decision making process with the

weight of citizens and workers. Socialist and Democrat political groups in the European

parliament and in national parliaments must promote strict cooperation, as with the PES

and national parties.

Young people must be the driving force in the process leading to the construction

of a true European polity. As such, initiatives that are focused on equal and relevant

opportunities, such as the European youth guarantee or the Erasmus programme, should

be seen as an investment in the union’s collective future. Progressives should cooperate to

promote cross-border dialogue and exchange programmes, which would allow horizontal

circulation of best practices and national experiences, strengthening the European spirit

and the progressive family. It is a way to restore the significance of partisanship and enrich

it through bringing a pan-European dimension to political activism. this could be realised

by establishing a progressive partisan Erasmus, which through the collective efforts of the

European parties, would enable internships and exchanges of activists among national

level organisations.

the global economy requires supranational democracy. A Political union is the condition

to give Europe an effective and legitimate model of economic governance that promotes

stability, growth and solidarity. A Democratic union is indispensible to provide Europeans

with a voice and possibilities to shape the world they live in. the pledge of “Renaissance for

Europe” is a credible proposal on how to realise this ambitious dream.

ManIfesTo fRoM TURIn


ManIfesTe De TURIn

for Europe



Une Union démocratique

de paix, de prospérité

et de progrès

2013 est une année cruciale pour l’Europe progressiste. Après les victoires

socialistes acquises en 2012 en Slovaquie, en France et en Roumanie, les

élections en Italie et en Allemagne pourraient créer un nouvel équilibre des forces au

Conseil européen et préparer le terrain pour l’avènement d’une majorité progressiste en

Europe après les élections européennes de 2014. la déclaration de Paris et le lancement de

l’initiative Renaissance pour l’Europe en mars 2012 se sont centrés sur la nécessité d’aller

au-delà des politiques d’austérité, de préparer une nouvelle orientation plus équilibrée

pour une Europe de stabilité, de croissance et de solidarité. À turin, nous voulons élaborer

notre vision de l’Europe politique : une union démocratique fondée sur une souveraineté

partagée. Cette conception est essentielle pour s’atteler à la crise, autonomiser les citoyens

et restaurer la confiance dans le projet européen. Ce que nous aspirons à offrir, c’est une

union de progrès et de prospérité pour tous, une union qui jouit de la confiance générale

des citoyens européens.

Remanier les fondements pour développer la démocratie

la crise économique et financière a mis en évidence la faiblesse de la gouvernance de

l’euro. l’introduction d’une devise commune n’a pas été appuyée par l’achèvement d’une

véritable union économique. C’est pourquoi, même si l’euro est devenu un important

symbole du progrès de l’intégration, il n’a pas réussi à s’imposer comme synonyme de

sécurité, de stabilité et de contrôle à l’échelle européenne. À cause de l’absence d’une

architecture institutionnelle appropriée, il a fallu trouver un compromis entre la gestion

intergouvernementale des ressources et la méthode communautaire de règles. les partisans

du premier courant envisageaient d’injecter l’aide financière des états membres au travers

des organismes intergouvernementaux. les tenants du deuxième courant étaient favorables

à un resserrement des règles de discipline budgétaire au niveau de l’uE et de la mise en œuvre

des politiques d’austérité qui en découlaient. Ce compromis s’est révélé inefficace du point

de vue tant politique qu’économique. Il n’a pas amélioré la stabilité financière ni la viabilité

budgétaire. En revanche, il a déclenché un cercle vicieux de récession et de détérioration des

A Common Progressive vision

finances publiques. Ses conséquences économiques et surtout sociales sont dévastatrices. le

déficit démocratique des politiques de l’uE s’est propagé aux états membres, sapant le soutien

public non seulement du projet européen mais aussi des démocraties nationales.

une union de règles budgétaires gérée par des technocrates ne peut aller au-delà de l'austérité

et spolier les citoyens de leur droit à l'autodétermination. Il importe d'ancrer un sentiment de

sécurité dans une discipline et des mécanismes financiers qui sont viables sans devoir faire

l'objet de négociations permanentes au sein des états membres et entre eux. les négociations

continues ne font que miner davantage la solidarité européenne. Elles encouragent un modèle

de gouvernance fondé sur l'équilibre des pouvoirs et une hiérarchie basée sur la richesse, tout

en poussant les démocraties nationales vers une collision entre ceux qui se perçoivent comme

chargés des autres et ces autres qui ont l'impression d'être gouvernés par les premiers.

le paradoxe est qu'en essayant de protéger la souveraineté nationale et d'éviter les transferts

budgétaires, on a suscité l'apparition d'un système de gouvernance qui est moins efficace, plus

intrusif et moins respectueux de la souveraineté de l'état que n'importe lequel des modèles

fédéraux existants, tout en risquant d'alourdir les charges pesant sur les contribuables.

Rétablir la légitimité par l’autonomisation des Européens

une véritable union économique et monétaire a besoin d'un autre modèle de gouvernement,

fondé sur les éléments suivants :

− une mise en œuvre équilibrée du Pacte de stabilité et de croissance qui

réconcilie la responsabilité budgétaire avec la croissance et l'emploi, sauvegarde les

investissements publics et les services publics tout en poursuivant la réduction du

déficit et de l'endettement ;

− une coordination plus solide et plus équilibrée des politiques économiques au

niveau de l'uEM, et de nouvelles politiques européennes améliorées ;

− une union bancaire complète et une banque centrale européenne active pour

promouvoir la stabilité financière, ainsi qu'une réglementation efficace des marchés

financiers pour encourager l'investissement à long terme au lieu de la spéculation ;

− les politiques économiques doivent aller de pair avec un ensemble robuste de

politiques sociales responsables qui deviennent des objectifs contraignants reflétant

les engagements en faveur du progrès et de la prospérité pour tous. C’est pourquoi il

faudrait un nouveau Pacte social conçu de façon à devenir une garantie pour tous les

Européens. l’autonomie et le rôle des partenaires sociaux doivent être sauvegardés

et renforcés en favorisant l’émergence du dialogue social européen ;

− une capacité budgétaire adéquate, basée sur des ressources propres, pour

promouvoir la croissance et la compétitivité et pour gérer les déséquilibres cycliques

et structurels en appuyant la cohésion sociale et territoriale ;

− une capacité d'emprunt pour apporter des fondements plus solides à la solidarité

financière et pour faciliter le remboursement de la dette.

ManIfesTe De TURIn


ManIfesTe De TURIn

for Europe

Ce modèle de gouvernance nécessite une division plus rationnelle et plus claire

des compétences et des ressources entre l’uE et ses états membres, ainsi qu’une

légitimité et une responsabilité démocratiques accrues à ces deux niveaux. Rejetant

l’intergouvernementalisme, il doit se baser sur les institutions de l’uE et sur la « méthode

communautaire », tout en s’appuyant sur une Commission européenne forte agissant comme

un véritable gouvernement et sur un système complet de codécision entre le Conseil et le

Parlement européen. la capacité budgétaire de l’uE et de l’uEM doit provenir de ressources

propres clairement liées aux richesses générées par l’uE et aux fonctions réglementaires

spécifiques découlant des compétences de l’union. les états membres devraient garder la

responsabilité de la mise en œuvre des orientations des politiques économiques codécidées

à l’échelle de l’uE et des budgets nationaux dans les limites du cadre budgétaire de l’uE.

Partager la souveraineté sur une base démocratique est la seule façon de la retrouver et

d'autonomiser les citoyens. le Parlement européen et les parlements nationaux seront

les moteurs de ce processus et travailleront en étroite coopération, tout en exerçant leurs

prérogatives à leur niveau respectif, en vertu du principe selon lequel la légitimité et la

responsabilité démocratiques doivent être assurées au niveau où les décisions sont prises

et mises en œuvre.

une modification des traités s'impose pour réaliser l'achèvement d'une véritable union

économique et monétaire. Pour la prochaine législature, nous appelons à la mise en place

d'une Convention qui pourrait marquer l'ouverture d'une nouvelle phase de délibérations

sur l'avenir de l'union européenne. Il importe cependant de préparer ce résultat en utilisant

pleinement et sans tarder les outils présents dans les traités actuels (de la coopération

renforcée à l'article 136 tFuE en passant par la clause de flexibilité) et en organisant un vaste

débat public auquel participent la société civile, les acteurs sociaux, les partis politiques,

le Parlement européen et les parlements nationaux. les fondements progressifs que nous

avons évoqués favoriseront un tel débat et permettront d'exploiter les contributions et

propositions qui en ressortiront pour bâtir une véritable uEM dans le cadre d'une union


Raviver l’ambition pour offrir de l’espoir

l'amélioration et le renforcement des politiques de l'uE ne seront pas possibles sans une

conception politique vraiment européenne. une union budgétaire et économique requiert

une union politique. une sphère publique à l'échelle de l'uE doit naître afin de renforcer la

société civile européenne. Cette unité des citoyens de l'Europe devra pleinement respecter

et renforcer les valeurs de pluralisme culturel et de diversité nationale. Mais en même

temps, elle devra façonner le débat et le processus décisionnel de l'uE selon des concepts

politiques et idéologiques transnationaux, sans s'inspirer des divisions nationales.

les élections législatives au niveau des états membres doivent faire partie intégrante du

processus politique de l'uE. Il ne faut pas considérer les élections européennes comme un

A Common Progressive vision

test en milieu de législature pour les partis nationaux des 28 états membres, mais plutôt

comme le moment où le citoyen de l'uE choisit la direction à prendre par l'Europe et offre un

mandat démocratique au Parlement européen et au gouvernement européen.

le PSE a déjà décidé, avant les élections, de désigner un candidat numéro un pour le poste

de président de la Commission. Nous invitons tous les partis européens à en faire autant et

à se conformer ainsi à la résolution adoptée à une large majorité au Parlement européen.

la désignation des candidats numéro un doit être liée à la présentation aux électeurs de

plateformes politiques alternatives centrées sur les questions européennes, et approuvée

par les partis nationaux et leurs candidats au Parlement européen.

la politisation de la Commission et l'européanisation des élections au Parlement européen

et aux parlements nationaux sont des étapes cruciales vers une union politique mais elles

ne sont pas les seules. Il importe de promouvoir et de renforcer la participation directe des

citoyens au processus décisionnel de l'uE. l'initiative citoyenne européenne doit devenir un

instrument courant qui permet à la société civile et aux partis politiques de participer aux

campagnes politiques sur une base transnationale. les grèves et les luttes sociales doivent

être menées à l'échelle de l'uE, grâce à quoi le poids des citoyens et des travailleurs pourra

contrebalancer le rôle croissant que les lobbies et les groupes d’intérêts exercent dans le

processus décisionnel de l'uE. les groupes politiques socialistes et démocrates du Parlement

européen et des parlements nationaux doivent promouvoir une coopération stricte, à

l'instar du PSE et des partis nationaux.

Il faut que les jeunes deviennent le moteur du processus conduisant à la construction d'un

véritable édifice politique européen. À cet effet, les initiatives visant à offrir des chances

égales et utiles, comme la garantie européenne pour la jeunesse ou le programme Erasmus,

doivent être considérées comme un investissement dans l'avenir collectif de l'union.

les progressistes devraient coopérer afin de promouvoir le dialogue transfrontalier et

les programmes d'échanges. De la sorte, ils permettront la circulation horizontale des

meilleures pratiques et des expériences nationales et renforceront l'esprit européen et la

famille progressiste. C'est là le moyen de rétablir le sens de l'esprit de parti et de l'enrichir en

ajoutant une dimension paneuropéenne à l'activisme politique. Pour arriver à cela, il faudrait

mettre en place une sorte d'Erasmus progressiste et partisan qui, grâce aux efforts collectifs

des partis européens, permettrait de réaliser des stages et des échanges de militants entre

les organisations du niveau national.

l'économie mondialisée a besoin d'une démocratie supranationale. une union politique

est la condition à mettre en place pour offrir à l'Europe un modèle efficace et légitime de

gouvernance économique qui est capable de promouvoir la stabilité, la croissance et la

solidarité. une union démocratique est indispensable pour donner une voix aux Européens et

leur permettre de façonner le monde dans lequel ils vivent. l'engagement de « Renaissance

pour l'Europe » est une proposition crédible quant aux moyens de concrétiser ce rêve

ManIfesTe De TURIn


ManIfesT Von TURIn

for Europe



eine Demokratische Union

für Frieden, Wohlstand

und Fortschritt

Mit blick auf ein progressives Europa wird das Jahr 2013 von entscheidender

bedeutung sein. Nach den Erfolgen sozialdemokratischer und

sozialistischer Parteien bei den Parlamentswahlen 2012 in der Slowakischen Republik,

Frankreich und Rumänien könnte sich durch die wahlen in Italien und Deutschland

das Kräftegleichgewicht im Europäischen Rat verändern und dadurch der weg für eine

progressive Mehrheit in Europa nach den Europawahlen 2014 geebnet werden. Die

Erklärung von Paris und der Start der Initiative Renaissance für Europa vom März 2012

gehen von der Erkenntnis aus, dass jenseits der Sparpolitik die Konturen einer neuen und

ausgewogenen Ausrichtung eines Europas für Stabilität, wachstum und Solidarität zu

zeichnen sind. In turin wollen wir unsere Vision eines Politischen Europas ausarbeiten:

eine union der Demokratie, die auf geteilte r Souveränität basiert, einem wesentlichen

Element, um die Krise zu bewältigen, die bürger zu stärken und das Vertrauen in das

europäische Projekt wiederherzustellen. wir streben eine union des Fortschritts und des

wohlstands für alle an, mit einem starken Mandat der bürger Europas.

Reform der Grundlagen: Entwicklung der Demokratie

Die wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise hat die Schwächen der politischen Steuerung und

Koordination des Euro ans licht gebracht. Die Einführung einer gemeinsamen währung

wurde nicht von der Vollendung einer echten wirtschaftsunion untermauert. Der Euro

ist zwar ein bedeutendes Symbol für den Fortschritt der Integration geworden, jedoch

ist es nicht gelungen, ihn zu einem Symbol für die Sicherheit, Stabilität und öffentliche

Kontrolle in Europa zu machen. Mangels einer geeigneten institutionellen Architektur kam

es zu einem Kompromiss zwischen Intergouvernementalismus, was die Mittel betrifft,

und einer Gemeinschaftsmethode bei der Regelgebung. Erstgenannter zielte auf die

Kanalisierung von Finanzhilfen der Mitgliedstaaten über zwischenstaatliche Gremien ab.

zweitgenannte tendierte zu strikteren Regeln für die haushaltsdisziplin auf Eu-Ebene

und der anschließenden umsetzung von Maßnahmen der Sparpolitik. Diese Konstellation

erwies sich sowohl in politischer als auch in wirtschaftlicher hinsicht als ineffektiv. Die

A Common Progressive vision

Stabilität und tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen wurde dadurch nicht gestärkt.

Stattdessen wurde ein teufelskreis aus Rezession und Verschlechterung der öffentlichen

Finanzen in Gang gesetzt. Die wirtschaftlichen und vor allem die sozialen Auswirkungen

waren verheerend. Das Demokratiedefizit der Eu-Politik griff auf die Mitgliedstaaten

über: Dadurch wurde nicht nur die öffentliche unterstützung des europäischen Projekts,

sondern auch die für nationale Demokratien geschwächt.

Eine von technokraten gelenkte union der Fiskalvorschriften kann nur Sparmaßnahmen

verordnen, darf aber den bürgern nicht das Recht auf Selbstbestimmung entziehen.

Die haushaltsdisziplin setzt ein größeres Maß an Sicherheit voraus, sowie tragfähige

Mechanismen, die nicht ständigen Verhandlungen innerhalb und zwischen Mitgliedstaaten

unterliegen. unablässige Verhandlungen tragen nur dazu bei, dass die europäische

Solidarität weiter ausgehöhlt wird. Sie geben Anreiz für ein Steuerungsmodell, das auf

ausgewogenen Machtverhältnissen und einer wohlstandshierarchie basiert, wobei

nationale Demokratien auf Kollisionskurs gebracht werden zwischen denjenigen, die

sich selbst als unterstützer betrachten, und denjenigen, die das Gefühl haben, dass

Erstgenannte über sie bestimmen.

Das Paradoxe ist, dass der Versuch, die nationale Souveränität zu schützen und

transferzahlungen zu vermeiden, ein Steuerungssystem hervorgebracht hat, das weniger

effektiv aber intrusiver ist und auf staatliche Souveränität weniger Rücksicht nimmt als

jedes existierende föderale Modell, während gleichzeitig ein Kostenanstieg für Steuerzahler


Wiederherstellung der Legitimität: Ermächtigung der Europäer

Eine echte wirtschafts- und währungsunion setzt ein anderes Steuerungsmodell voraus,

das auf folgenden Elementen aufbaut:

− eine ausgewogene umsetzung des Stabilitäts- und wachstumspakts, die eine

verantwortungsvolle Fiskalpolitik mit den Anforderungen an wachstum und

beschäftigung vereint, öffentliche Investitionen und öffentliche Dienstleistungen

sichert und gleichzeitig den Defizit- und Schuldenabbau fortsetzt;

− eine engere und ausgewogene Koordinierung der wirtschaftspolitik auf

wirtschafts- und währungsunion (wwu)-Ebene und neue und erweiterte

politische Maßnahmen;

− eine umfassende bankenunion und eine aktive Europäische zentralbank,

um die Stabilität der öffentlichen Finanzen und eine effektive Regulierung der

Finanzmärkte zu fördern, die langfristige Investitionen gegenüber Spekulationen


− die Flankierung der wirtschaftspolitik durch eine solide, verantwortliche

Sozialpolitik, die verbindliche ziele festlegt, in denen zusicherungen für den

Fortschritt und wohlstand für alle zum Ausdruck kommen. Ein neuer Sozialpakt

sollte daher so gestaltet werden, dass er für alle Europäer eine Garantie darstellt.

ManIfesT Von TURIn


ManIfesT Von TURIn

for Europe

Die Autonomie von Sozialpartnern und ihre Rolle müssen gesichert und gestärkt

und die Entwicklung eines europäischen sozialen Dialogs muss gefördert werden.

− geeignete haushaltskapazitäten auf der Grundlage von eigenen Mitteln,

um wachstum und wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu fördern und konjunkturelle und

strukturelle ungleichgewichte bei der Förderung des sozialen und territorialen

zusammenhalts zu bekämpfen;

− eine Kreditaufnahmefähigkeit, um die finanzielle Solidarität auf eine solidere

Grundlage zu stellen und die Schuldentilgung zu unterstützen.

Dieses Steuerungsmodell setzt eine bessere und klarere Aufteilung der Kompetenzen und

Ressourcen zwischen der Eu und den Mitgliedstaaten sowie eine stärkere demokratische

legitimität und Rechenschaftspflicht auf beiden Ebenen voraus. Die Grundlage für dieses

Steuerungsmodell darf nicht die Ebene der zwischenstaatlichen zusammenarbeit sein,

sondern es muss auf der Ebene der Eu-Organe und der „Gemeinschaftsmethode“ aufbauen,

mit einer starken Europäischen Kommission, die als echte Regierung auftritt, und der

umfassenden Mitentscheidung zwischen dem Rat und dem Europäischen Parlament. Die

Eu und die haushaltskapazität der wwu müssen aus eigenen Mitteln finanziert werden,

wobei klar ersichtlich sein muss, dass sie aus in der Eu erzeugtem wohlstand stammen

und an spezifische Regulierungsfunktionen in Verbindung mit den zuständigkeitsbereichen

der Eu geknüpft sind. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten nach wie vor für die umsetzung von

Grundzügen der wirtschaftspolitik verantwortlich sein, die auf Eu-Ebene im Verfahren

der Mitentscheidung festgelegt werden, sowie für die nationalen haushalte innerhalb der

Grenzen des fiskalpolitischen Rahmens der Eu.

Die geteilte Souveränität auf demokratischer basis ist der einzige weg, diese

wiederherzustellen und die bürger zu stärken. Das Europäische Parlament und die

nationalen Parlamente werden die treibenden Kräfte dieses Prozesses sein und umfassend

zusammenarbeiten, während sie auf der jeweiligen Ebene von ihren Prärogativen

Gebrauch machen, gemäß dem Grundsatz, dass die demokratische legitimität und

Rechenschaftspflicht auf der Ebene sichergestellt werden muss, auf der Entscheidungen

getroffen und umgesetzt werden.

Für die Verwirklichung einer echten wirtschafts- und währungsunion ist eine Änderung des

Vertrages notwendig. wir fordern die Einrichtung eines Konvents während der nächsten

legislaturperiode, der eine neue Phase der beratungen über die zukunft der Europäischen

union einleiten könnte. Dieses Ergebnis muss jedoch durch eine zügige und umfassende

Nutzung der Instrumente der bestehenden Verträge (von der verstärkten zusammenarbeit

über Artikel 136 AEEu bis zur Flexibilitätsklausel) und eine breit anlegte öffentliche Debatte

unter Einbindung der zivilgesellschaft, der sozialen Akteure, der politischen Parteien,

des Europäischen Parlaments und der nationalen Parlamente vorbereitet werden. Die

progressiven Einrichtungen werden eine solche Debatte unterstützen und durch ihre

beiträge und Vorschläge für eine echte wwu in einer Demokratischen union eintreten.

Neue Ambition: Hoffnung geben

A Common Progressive vision

Ohne eine echte Eu-Politik ist ihre Verbesserung und Stärkung nicht möglich. Eine Fiskal-

und wirtschaftsunion erfordert eine politische union. Im hinblick auf die Stärkung der

europäischen zivilgesellschaft muss ein Eu-weiter öffentlicher Raum entstehen. Diese

Einheit der bürger Europas trägt dem wert des kulturellen Pluralismus und der nationalen

Vielfalt uneingeschränkt Rechnung und stärkt ihn. Gleichzeitig wird sie aber die Debatte

und die Entscheidungsfindungsprozesse der Eu nach länderübergreifenden politischen

und ideologischen linien und nicht mehr nach Spaltungen zwischen einzelnen Staaten


Die Parlamentswahlen auf Ebene der Mitgliedstaaten sind als umfassender teil des

politischen Prozesses der Eu zu konzipieren. Europawahlen sind nicht als zwischenprüfungen

für die nationalen Parteien in 28 Mitgliedstaaten zu verstehen, sondern als zeitpunkt, zu

dem die Eu-bürger die Richtung für Europa bestimmen und dem Europäischen Parlament

und der europäischen Regierung einen demokratischen Auftrag erteilen.

Die SPE hat bereits vor den wahlen beschlossen, einen „Spitzenkandidaten“ für das Amt

des Präsidenten der Kommission zu ernennen. wir fordern alle europäischen Parteien

auf, nach der durch eine breite Mehrheit im Europäischen Parlament angenommenen

Entschließung dasselbe zu tun. Die Ernennung von Spitzenkandidaten muss daran geknüpft

werden, dass den wählern alternative politische Plattformen vorgestellt werden, die

sich auf europäische Fragen konzentrieren, und von den nationalen Parteien und ihren

Kandidaten für das Europäische Parlament unterstützt werden.

Die Politisierung der Kommission und die Europäisierung der wahlen zum Europäischen

Parlament und der nationalen Parlamentswahlen sind entscheidende Schritte auf dem weg

zu einer Politischen union − es sind aber nicht die einzigen Schritte, die dazu erforderlich

sind. Die direkte beteiligung der bürger am Entscheidungsfindungsprozess der Eu muss

gefördert und gestärkt werden. Die Europäische bürgerinitiative muss ein ganz normales

Instrument für die Einbeziehung der zivilgesellschaft und politischer Parteien in politische

Kampagnen auf länderübergreifender Ebene werden. Streiks und soziale Kämpfe müssen

auf Eu-Ebene geführt werden, als Gegengewicht zum wachsenden Einfluss von lobbys und

Interessengruppen am Entscheidungsfindungsprozess der Eu, mit dem Gewicht der bürger

und der Arbeitnehmer. Die sozialistischen und demokratischen Fraktionen im Europäischen

Parlament und in den nationalen Parlamenten müssen eine enge zusammenarbeit mit der

SPE und nationalen Parteien fördern.

Die Jugend muss die treibende Kraft in dem Prozess sein, der den Aufbau eines echten

europäischen Gemeinwesens zum ziel hat. Von daher sollten Initiativen, die sich auf die

Chancengleichheit und relevante Chancen konzentrieren, wie zum beispiel die Europäische

Jugendgarantie oder das Erasmus-Programm, als Investition in die gemeinsame zukunft

ManIfesT Von TURIn


ManIfesT Von TURIn

for Europe

der union betrachtet werden. Die progressiven Kräfte sollten bei der Förderung des

grenzübergreifenden Dialogs und von Austauschprogrammen, die eine horizontale

Vermittlung bewährter Praxis und Erfahrungen in einzelnen ländern ermöglichen,

zusammenarbeiten und dadurch den europäischen Geist und die progressive Familie

stärken. Dies ist eine Möglichkeit, die bedeutung der Parteinahme wiederherzustellen

und sie durch eine paneuropäische Dimension im politischen Engagement zu erweitern.

Verwirklicht werden könnte dies durch die Schaffung eines progressiven parteiischen

Erasmus, das durch die gemeinsamen Anstrengungen der europäischen Parteien Praktika

und den Austausch von Aktivisten zwischen Organisationen, die auf einzelstaatlicher Ebene

tätig sind, ermöglichen würde.

Die globale wirtschaft erfordert eine supranationale Demokratie. Eine Politische union ist

die Voraussetzung dafür, dass Europa mit einem effektiven und legitimen Modell einer

wirtschaftsregierung, das Stabilität, wachstum und Solidarität fördert, ausgestattet wird.

Eine Demokratische union ist unverzichtbar, um den Europäern eine Stimme zu verleihen

und Möglichkeiten für die Gestaltung der welt, in der sie leben, zu geben. Das Versprechen

einer „Renaissance für Europa“ ist ein glaubwürdiger Vorschlag, wie dieser ehrgeizige

traum verwirklicht werden kann.



A Common Progressive vision

Il 2013 è un anno cruciale per l’Europa progressista. Dopo le vittorie dei

socialisti in Slovacchia, Francia e Romania nel 2012, le elezioni in Italia

e Germania potrebbero cambiare gli equilibri in seno al Consiglio europeo, aprendo

la strada a una maggioranza progressista dopo le elezioni europee del 2014. la

dichiarazione di Parigi e il lancio dell’iniziativa “Renaissance for Europe” nel marzo 2012

si sono concentrate sulla necessità di andare oltre le politiche di austerità, delineando

i tratti di un nuovo e più equilibrato corso per un’Europa basata su stabilità, crescita

e solidarietà. A torino vogliamo elaborare la nostra visione dell’Europa politica: una

unione della democrazia basata su una sovranità condivisa, che costituisce la condizione

essenziale per affrontare la crisi e per restituire potere ai cittadini e fiducia nel progetto

europeo. Ciò che vogliamo realizzare è una unione di progresso e prosperità per tutti,

con un forte mandato da parte dei cittadini europei.

Ridefinire i fondamenti: sviluppare la democrazia

una unione democratica

di pace, prosperità e


la crisi economica e finanziaria ha evidenziato la debolezza della governance dell’euro.

l’introduzione di una moneta comune non è stata seguita dal completamento di una

vera unione economica. Quindi, nonostante l’euro sia divenuto un simbolo importante

del progresso nell’integrazione, esso non è diventato sinonimo di sicurezza, stabilità e

controllo democratico. l’assenza di una adeguata architettura istituzionale si è riflessa in

un compromesso tra l’intergovernativismo delle risorse da un lato, e il metodo comunitario

delle regole dall’altro. Il primo ha implicato la canalizzazione dell’aiuto finanziario da parte

degli Stati membri attraverso organismi intergovernativi. Il secondo, invece, si è tradotto

in regole più severe di disciplina fiscale al livello europeo, con la conseguente attuazione

delle politiche di austerità. Questo impianto si è dimostrato inefficace, sia politicamente

che economicamente. Non ha migliorato la stabilità finanziaria e la sostenibilità fiscale. Al

contrario, ha innescato un circolo vizioso di recessione e peggioramento dei conti pubblici,

le cui conseguenze economiche e soprattutto sociali sono devastanti. Il deficit democratico

ManIfesTo DI ToRIno


ManIfesTo DI ToRIno

for Europe

delle politiche europee è arrivato fino agli Stati membri, erodendo il consenso pubblico

non solo nei confronti del progetto europeo, ma anche delle stesse democrazie nazionali.

un’unione di regole fiscali gestita da tecnocrati non può andare oltre l’austerità e

priva i cittadini del proprio diritto all’autodeterminazione. la disciplina di bilancio deve

trasmettere un senso di sicurezza, attraverso meccanismi sostenibili e non soggetti a

continue negoziazioni tra gli Stati membri e al loro interno. la continua trattativa non fa

che minare ulteriormente la solidarietà europea, incentivando un modello di governance

fondato sugli equilibri di potere e una gerarchia basata sulla ricchezza, e portando al tempo

stesso le democrazie nazionali in rotta di collisione l’una con l’altra, divise tra quante

sentono di pagare per le altre e quante, invece, si sentono governate dalle prime.

Il paradosso è che il tentativo di proteggere la sovranità nazionale ed evitare i trasferimenti

fiscali ha generato un sistema di governance meno efficace, più invadente e meno

rispettoso della sovranità degli Stati di ogni altro modello federale esistente, e al tempo

stesso più oneroso per i contribuenti.

Ristabilire la legittimità: più potere agli europei

una autentica unione economica e monetaria richiede di un diverso modello di governance,

che si basi sui seguenti elementi:

- un’attuazione equilibrata del Patto di stabilità e crescita, che riconcili la

responsabilità fiscale con la crescita e l’occupazione, salvaguardando gli investimenti e i

servizi pubblici e, allo stesso tempo, perseguendo la riduzione del deficit e del debito;

- un coordinamento più forte e più equilibrato delle politiche economiche al

livello di uEM e politiche europee nuove e potenziate;

- un’unione bancaria completa, una banca centrale europea attiva nella

promozione della stabilità finanziaria e una effettiva regolamentazione dei mercati, che

incentivi gli investimenti a lungo termine e scoraggi la speculazione;

- le politiche economiche devono essere accompagnate da un robusto sistema

di politiche sociali responsabili, che divengano obiettivi vincolanti e rispondano agli impegni

presi per il progresso e la prosperità. Questa è la ragione per cui deve essere elaborato un

nuovo patto sociale che divenga una garanzia per tutti gli europei. l’autonomia dei partner

sociali e il loro ruolo devono essere salvaguardati e rafforzati, favorendo l’emergere di un

dialogo sociale europeo.

- un bilancio dell’unione adeguato, fondato su risorse proprie, per promuovere

la crescita e la competitività, per affrontare gli squilibri ciclici e quelli strutturali e sostenere

la coesione sociale e territoriale;

- una capacità di emettere eurobond, per dare fondamenta più solide alla

solidarietà finanziaria e facilitare il riscatto del debito.

A Common Progressive vision

Questo modello di governance richiede una migliore e più chiara divisione delle competenze

e delle risorse tra l’unione e gli Stati membri, oltre a una maggiore legittimità democratica e

responsabilità a entrambi i livelli. Non deve fondarsi sul metodo intergovernativo, ma sulle

istituzioni europee e sul “metodo comunitario”, con una Commissione europea forte da un

lato, che agisca come un vero e proprio governo, e una piena codecisione tra il Consiglio

e il Parlamento europeo dall’altro. Il bilancio dell’uE e dell’uEM deve venire da risorse

proprie chiaramente legate alla ricchezza generata all’interno dell’unione e alle specifiche

funzioni regolatrici connesse alle competenze dell’unione stessa. Gli Stati membri devono

mantenere la responsabilità dell’attuazione delle linee-guida di politica economica codecise

a bruxelles e dei bilanci nazionali all’interno dei limiti del quadro fiscale europeo.

Condividere la sovranità su una base democratica è l’unico modo per ripristinarla e dare

potere ai cittadini. Il Parlamento europeo e i parlamenti nazionali dovranno essere le forze

motrici di questo processo e dovranno cooperare strettamente, esercitando al tempo

stesso le rispettive prerogative sulla base del principio che la legittimità e il controllo

democratico devono essere assicurati al livello in cui le decisioni vengono prese e attuate.

Il completamento di un’autentica unione economica e monetaria richiede una revisione

dei trattati. Noi chiediamo la convocazione di una Convenzione nel corso della prossima

legislatura, che possa costituire l’avvio di una nuova fase deliberativa sul futuro dell’Europa.

un simile obiettivo deve essere preparato facendo un pronto e pieno ricorso agli strumenti

previsti dai trattati esistenti (dalla cooperazione rafforzata all’articolo 136 del tFuE, alla

clausola di flessibilità) e con un ampio dibattito pubblico che coinvolga la società civile, le

parti sociali, i partiti politici, il Parlamento europeo e i parlamenti nazionali. le fondazioni di

ispirazione progressista promuoveranno tale dibattito, fornendo il proprio contributo e le

proprie proposte per una vera unione economica e monetaria in un’unione democratica.

Riaccendere l’ambizione: ridare speranza

Politiche europee migliori e più forti non sono possibili senza una vera politica europea.

un’unione fiscale ed economica, infatti, richiede un’unione politica. Deve emergere una

sfera pubblica davvero europea, che valorizzi il ruolo della società civile. Questa unità dei

cittadini d’Europa dovrà rispettare pienamente e utilizzare al meglio i valori del pluralismo

culturale e della diversità nazionale, portando il dibattito e il processo decisionale

dell’unione lungo assi politico-ideologici transnazionali, invece che lungo le tradizionali

divisioni nazionali.

le elezioni legislative nazionali devono essere concepite come parte integrante del processo

politico europeo. A loro volta, le elezioni europee non devono essere più considerate come

test di metà mandato per i partiti nazionali nei 28 Paesi membri, bensì come il momento in

cui il cittadino europeo sceglie la direzione per l’Europa, offrendo un mandato democratico

al Parlamento e al governo europeo.

ManIfesTo DI ToRIno


ManIfesTo DI ToRIno

for Europe

Il PSE ha già deciso di indicare, prima delle elezioni, il proprio candidato “di punta” per

il ruolo di Presidente della Commissione. Invitiamo tutti i partiti europei a fare lo stesso,

conformandosi alla risoluzione approvata a larga maggioranza dal Parlamento europeo. la

nomina di tali candidati deve essere collegata alla presentazione agli elettori di programmi

basati su politiche europee alternative, sottoscritti dai partiti nazionali e dai loro candidati

al Parlamento europeo.

la politicizzazione della Commissione e l’europeizzazione delle elezioni del Parlamento

europeo e dei parlamenti nazionali sono tappe cruciali verso una unione politica, ma

non sono sufficienti. E’ necessario promuovere e rafforzare la partecipazione diretta dei

cittadini al processo decisionale europeo. l’Iniziativa cittadina europea deve diventare

uno strumento ordinario per coinvolgere la società civile e i partiti politici in campagne su

base transnazionale. Gli scioperi e le lotte sociali devono essere condotti al livello europeo,

controbilanciando con il ruolo dei cittadini e dei lavoratori il crescente peso delle lobby

e degli interessi costituiti nelle decisioni dell’unione. I gruppi socialisti e democratici

al Parlamento europeo e nei parlamenti nazionali devono promuovere una stretta

cooperazione sia con il PSE che con i partiti nazionali.

I giovani devono essere la forza portante del processo di costruzione di una vera società

europea. Quindi, iniziative fondate su pari e qualificanti opportunità, come la Garanzia

europea per i giovani o il programma Erasmus devono essere visti come un investimento nel

futuro collettivo dell’unione. I progressisti devono collaborare per promuovere un dialogo

transnazionale e programmi di scambio, che favorirebbero la circolazione orizzontale

delle buone pratiche e delle esperienze nazionali, rafforzando lo spirito europeo e la

famiglia progressista. E’ un modo per recuperare il senso della militanza, arricchendola

e conferendo una dimensione paneuropea all’attivismo politico. Ciò si potrà realizzare

attraverso l’istituzione di un Erasmus progressista militante che, grazie allo sforzo collettivo

dei partiti europei, potrà dare la possibilità di effettuare stage e scambi di attivisti tra le

organizzazioni nazionali.

l’economia globale richiede una democrazia sovranazionale. una unione politica è la

condizione per poter dare all’Europa un modello di governance efficace e legittimo, che

promuova stabilità, crescita e solidarietà. una unione democratica è indispensabile per

dare agli europei una voce e la possibilità di incidere sul mondo in cui vivono. l’impegno di

“un nuovo Rinascimento per l’Europa” è una proposta credibile su come realizzare questo

sogno ambizioso.

A Common Progressive vision



foUnDaTIons FEPS

for Europe

FEPS is the first progressive political foundation established at the European

level. Created in 2007 and co-financed by the European Parliament, it aims

at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European

project. It puts fresh thinking at the core of its action and serves as an instrument for

pan-European intellectual and political reflection.

Acting as a platform for ideas, FEPS relies first and foremost on a network of members

composed of more than 40 national political foundations and think tanks from all

over the Eu. the Foundation also closely collaborates with a number of international

correspondents and partners in the world that share the ambition to foster research,

promote debate and spread the progressive thinking.

the four main topics are:

- NEXt LEFt:

Renewal of Social Democracy – New Social Europe – Progressive European Party

Systems – Renaissance of a Progressive Europe


bridging the gap – Gender Equality – legal inspiration and integration – understanding



Macroeconomic Economy - Financial and Monetary Policy – Economic Governance –

Economic theory


Global Governance and Security - European Policies and Other Continents - Democracy

and Prosperity in the Neighbourhood – Solidarity: the Reason to Fight Climate change.




A Common Progressive vision

0n 6 February 1998, a group of leading figures from the Italian Reformist movement

held a public seminar in Rome, which was attended by representatives from the

political, cultural, business and employment arenas. the day-long event sought to flesh out the

nature and purposes of a new politico-cultural Foundation aimed at creating a shared European

consciousness and fostering debate on the main issues raised by political and economic innovation

in Italian society. It would be a research institution capable of contributing constructively to the

country’s redefinition of its political and cultural foundations in relation to its national identity,

development model and overall system of rules and institutions. It would also function as a public

think tank capable of generating ideas tailored to national and international scenarios, with a view

to reconciling competition, employment, development and social solidarity needs.

In short, the Foundation would serve as a forum for the various cultural traditions in the Italian

Reformist movement.

these complex and ambitious objectives would involve activities geared simultaneously at

theoretical and political research into future scenarios in the European integration process, and

in-depth theoretical analysis of the country’s agenda, with a particular focus on economic and social

dynamics and long-term investment in human capital and system resources (including continuing

education, training and research), without which there would be no competition.

the work of the Fondazione Italianieuropei, which in 2000 was accorded official legal status, has

been structured along these lines. we have organised over one hundred fifty conferences, seminars,

international events and training courses. we have communicated the results of our activities

through our monthly journal “Italianieuropei”, by publishing research and analysis documents on

specific fields of interest and topical political issues and through our website www.italianieuropei.it.

Over the years, the Foundation has forged collaborative relationships with other national and

international institutions in the belief that only by creating a global research and analysis network

can knowledge be perfected, debate fostered, challenges met and opportunities taken to engage

in a process of global integration. the Foundation has conducted its operations independently and

autonomously thanks to private donations and contributions from business and other organisations.




foUnDaTIons Jean Jaurès

for Europe


the Jean Jaurès Foundation holds a mission and ambition to be the place

for the renewal of socialist thought in addressing both global and practical

solutions. It looks to 2012 as its horizon as this will mark the twentieth anniversary of

its establishment.

beyond requiring open, intellectual and innovative action the Fondation Jean-Jaurès is

characterized by two features:

the international dimension: through working with many progressive foundations around

the world, and dedicating a department of the Foundation to supporting democracy in

countries where it is at its most fragile. the FJJ works, particularly in Africa and Central

Europe, to raise questions of democratic governance, staff training policy and supporting

the most innovative and promising projects.

the foundation has partnered with the French Socialist Party and the Office of university

Social Research to create within the Foundation a central socialist archive to take

advantage of the vast wealth of Socialist history.

the FJJ adopts as its strategy collective work: bring together women and men from

different backgrounds who too often do not work together, such as politicians, union

leaders, and business leaders, academic and multidisciplinary experts. the aim is to put

this work to the service of everyone, in the interest of the common good.




A Common Progressive vision

the aim of the international activities of the Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung (FES)

is to promote democracy and development, to contribute to peace and

security, to work to make globalization socially equitable, and to support the continued

development of the European union.

through its projects in over 100 countries, the FES supports building and strengthening

civil society and public institutions. Central to its work are the promotion of democracy

and social justice, economic and social development, strong and free trade unions, and the

advocacy of human rights and gender equality.

In recent years, the FES has placed increased emphasis on global and regional issues. Special

attention has been given to the process of European integration, European Neighborhood

Policy, the continued development of the transatlantic relationship, and strengthening the

system of global governance. worldwide, the FES supports regional cooperative efforts on

security issues, ecological sustainability, and social progress.

through its worldwide network of offices and partners, the FES organizes debates and

discussions on current political and social problems and challenges. Its partners include

political parties, trade unions, NGOs, think tanks, universities, and state institutions.

the goals that guide the political education work of the FES are to enable and encourage

citizens to participate in civil society, the labor movement, and to actively engage in the

political process. the FES offers a wide variety of programs, which aim to inform, qualify,

and engage participants. In these programs the FES promotes and enables citizens to make

sound and educated political decisions thereby strengthening Social Democracy. through

its regional discussion forums, workshops, and public dialogues between politicians

and civil society, the FES allows citizens to participate more actively and effectively in

democratic processes, contributing to the design of social change.

Its network of education offices and academies throughout Germany, special projects, and

conference centres in bonn and berlin, offer diverse and wide-ranging programs which are

also made available online.




for Europe

Phone +32 (0)2 234 69 00

Fax +32 (0)2 280 03 83



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