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HE CI IRIS[IAN

SCIENCE MONITO

COPYR1G10 C 1996 THI CHRISTIAN SCIENCE PUBLISHING SOCIETY All "06 .espi..0

LIFE ON GOLAN HEIGHT'S

A couple professes love

PAGE

via megaphone 1.0

BOSTON - WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1996 Internet address: http://www.csmonitor.com 75¢

Gore-Kemp Debate

May Offer Preview

Of Campaign 2000

Outcome holds more importance than usual

By Rod MacLeish

Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

WASHINGTON

WHILE most vice presidential

debates have no

discernable influence on

presidential elections, the confrontation

tonight between Al

Gore and Jack Kemp may be different.

Millions of viewers - and political

operatives in both parties -

will see the debate in St. Petersburg,

Fla., as the opening salvo of

the presidential campaign of the

year 2000. "That makes this

year's vice presidential election

more interesting than usual," says

Stephen Hess of the Brookings Institution,

a Washington think

tank. "Four years from now these

two men may be debating each

other as presidential candidates."

Mr. Gore and Mr. Kemp are

both widely known, more so than

most recent vice presidents. Both

men are vigorous, attractive, and

articulate, which convinces both

Democrats and Republicans that

they would make excellent presidential

candidates four years

from now. To their political admirers

it is, therefore, important,

if not imperative, to see their candidate's

ticket prevail this year.

See DEBATE Page 18


18 Wednesday, October 9, 1996 THE CHRISTIAN S(

A Preview of Campaign 2000?

DEBATE from Page 1

Thus it is conceivable that voters may

cast their ballots with the vice-presidential

candidate of their party in mind almost as

much as the presidential candidate.

Gore is both politically and personally

close to President Clinton. He has carried

out dozens of important assignments for

the president - from being the Clinton administration's

spokesman and

activist on the environment to

heading a commission on re-

-clueing the size of government.

Kemp, the Republican vicepresidential

candidate, has fulfilled

a special purpose in the

current campaign. Like Gore,

he is a familiar figure in American

politics; he is identified by

his work among minorities and

the poor as Housing secretary

- a voting bloc that Bob Dole is

unfamiliar with. Kemp and

Dole have never been personally

or politically close, but

Kemp is a reassurance to those

who worry about Dole's age.

and a celebrated racket-buster, and Earl

Warren, governor of California. Their

charisma was dazzling, their respective

states heavily weighted with electoral

votes. Their opponent was an embattled

president, Harry 'Truman, whose Democratic

Party had split into three irreconcilable

factions at its convention.

Mr. Truman and his running mate, Sen.

Alban Barkley, handily beat the supposedly

DAN LOH/AP

AL GORE: The vice

president is politically

and personally close

to President Clinton.

Generally, say the experts, there is little

evidence that vice-presidential candidates.

make much difference in elections. Mr.

Hess and James Thurber, a political scientist

at American University (AU) here, both

say that Lyndon Johnson, John Kennedy's

running mate in 1960, won

Texas and persuaded the South

in general to vote for a North-

----r-ern Roman - Catholic:- Mr.

Thurber's colleague at AU, Alan

Lichtman, disputes even that

one possible example of vicepresidential

influence.

"Kennedy didn't need

Texas," he argues. "He could

have won with Illinois and without

Texas."

It has been proved that

dream teams - unbeatable tickets

- can lose to a supposedly

vulnerable opponent. Professor

Lichtrnan points out that when

George Bush named Dan

unbeatable Republicans.

Originally, of course, there

were no vice-presidential contenders

on the ticket. The authors

of the Constitution decreed

that tlie runner-up in

presidential elections would

serve as vice president.

This led to a messy wrangle

in 1800, when Thomas Jefferson

and Aaron Burr received an

equal number of votes. The

12th amendment to the Constitution,

passed in 1804, required

the Electoral College to

vote separately for president

and vice president.

At that point political parties

were on the rise, and vice-presidential candidates

were chosen to balance a ticket geographically

or politically. With a few exceptions

- notably John Tyler, Chester

Arthur, and Theodore Roosevelt - most

vice presidents who became accidental

RICHARD ELLIS/REUTERS presidents were mediocrities.

Nowadays, presidential candidates

personally name their

running mates. Mr. Hess, of

Brookings, points out one

bizarre motive for choosing a

vice-presidential candidate.

"Richard Nixon renominated

Spiro Agnew in 1973 even

though, after four years, Nixon

knew what a mediocrity Agnew

was," Hess says.

JACK KEMP: The CrOP

challenger is known

for his work with the

poor and minorities.

Quayle as his running mate in 1988 almost

everyone regarded the choice as a disaster.

The Democratic dream team that year

was composed of a supposedly "brilliant"

Massachusetts governor, Michael Dukakis,

and one of the Senate's great Southern

statesmen, Lloyd Bentsen of Texas.

Messrs. Bush and Quayle won 422 electoral

votes while the Democratic ticket garnered

only 111.

In 1948 the dream team was Republican

- Thomas Dewey, governor of New York

The idea, apparently, was

that Congress would have second

thoughts about impeaching

Nixon when it realized that

Mr. Agnew would succeed to

the presidency. Agnew, how-

ever, was forced to resign before impeachment

proceedings against Nixon got under

way.

None of these complications or machinations

are evident in this year's vice-presidential

choices. Gore and Kemp are both

competent and articulate.

And that unusual implication - that

tonight may be a warmup for the presidential

race in the year 2000 - makes it

possible that they will sway some among

the large bloc of undecided voters.


THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

UNITED STATES

Wednesday, October 9, 1996 3

Undecided Voters Are Bob Dole's Tersuadables'

ly Kurt Malinger

;tar *inter or The Chnsten Saence Monitor

B

OB DOLE is banking on a

pool of undecided voters.

which he hopes is large

!nough to turn the election in his

favor in the final three weeks.

It's not an unrealistic notion.

By some accounts, as much as 40

percent of the electorate waited

until late October to make up its

mind in 1992. But several factors

make this year different from preceding

elections and frustrate Mr.

Dole's attempt to change his status

as a long shot.

The size of the undecided bloc

and who forms it is disputable.

The way voters view incumbency

has changed. General disinterest

is high. And economic conditions

that favor President Clinton are

forcing Dole to campaign on contradictory

themes of optimism

and pessimism.

For Dole to mount an upset,

pollsters and political analysts

say, he will need to aggressively

pursue a group of diverse and ambivalent

voters who are waiting to

hear different and at times con-

flicting messages.

"The dynamics of the race still

could shift," says Republican pollster

Whit Ayres. "If voters are still

undecided, it means they are not

predisposed to vote for the president.

But Dole needs something

dramatic to shake up the race."

The core of voters who remain

undecided is probably small -

from 5 to 12 percent.

These are mostly

suburban women

and blue- and whitecollar

middle class

men. From there, the

circle widens and

muddies with voters

known as "persuadables."

These are

moderate Republicans,

conservative Democrats,

former Perot voters, and independents

who indicate a willingness

to change their leanings.

This wider bloc can be substantial.

In Colorado, a state with

more registered Republicans than

Democrats, 53 percent of the

electorate is either without party

affiliation or backed Ross Perot

four years ago, according to Denver-based

pollster Floyd Ciruli.

Similar scenarios exist in counties

and congressional districts across

the US, including key Midwestern

battleground states such as Ohio.

Dole should hold a natural advantage

in those areas, especially

with Mr. Perot's diminished status,

but Mr. Clinton still has a

comfortable edge.

One reason Dole

isn't attracting more

"persuadables" is the

skepticism they have

about his economic

message. Dole appealed

to middleclass

anxieties about

economic security in

the Oct. 6 debate,

and his running mate Jack Kemp

will drum the same themes in

tonight's face-off with Al Gore.

But these voters, particularly

men and Perot supporters, seem

unswayed by Dole's tax relief

promises. "This independent bloc

is not yearning for a tax cut," Mr.

Ciruli says. They focus more on

deficit reduction."

There is some evidence that

Dole is cutting modestly into the

women's vote. Suburban mothers

seem receptive to Dole's antidrug

themes. Even so, for Dole to gain

significant support from this

group, he will have to counter the

negative perception many women

have about the GOP Congress's

attempts to trim social and education

programs.

That perception hints at another

trend that may be hurting

Dole. The elections of 1990 and

1992 were marked by record incumbent

losses, as voters punished

politicians for corrupt or

unresponsive governance. Such

punitive voting may be becoming

more sophisticated, as voters

have become more aware of

which party controls Congress.

In 1994, they tossed out Democrats.

This year, the Clinton

campaign has effectively maintained

public awareness of Dole's

ties to unpopular GOP congres

sional leaders.

"My sense is that there is less

anti-incumbency, per se," says

Democratic pollster Mark Mell-

man. "It is now directed toward

those - Republicans in particular

- who shut down the government

and attacked the environment. Increasingly,

people know who is in

power in Congress."

The ultimate reason Dole may

not see an I 1th-hour bounce,

even with a large enough undecided

bloc to tilt the election, is

apathy. After a relatively high

turnout in the 1992 presidential

election, several analysts expect

this year to rival 1988 for record

low participation. A new survey

by the Markle Presidential Election

Watch found a drop of at

least 10 percent in voter interest

across the political spectrum.

Greg Markus, a political scientist

at the University of Michigan

in Aim Arbor, blames both candidates

for public apathy, but notes

the consequences are higher for

Dole. "I wouldn't be surprised to

find the number of undecideds to

be relatively high ... through the

election," he says. "Those voters

look for a campaign that communicates

why this contest is important.

That hasn't happened."

L s High School's Mariachi

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y to overcome the generys.

1Sie is a bridge between

ation and the young be-

'e it in common," Valdez

L' Jesus, bridging the gen-

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homore guitarron player

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au want to get up and

aisician hopes to be a prochi

someday. But in the

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crave: recognition.

riachi," Edwin explains, "is


Cos Angeles

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1996

COPYRIGHT I 996/THE TIMES MIRROR COMPANY / CCM* PAGES

Kemp Gore Debate May Be

Crystal Ball on Year 2000

By RONALD BROWNSTEIN

TIMES POLITICAL WRITER

WASHINGTON—In the eyes of

many political junkies, the race for

the White House begins tonight.

The race for the White House in

2000, that is.

In political circles, tonight's debate

in St. Petersburg, Fla., between

Vice President Al Gore and

Republican vice presidential nominee

Jack Kemp is attracting unusual

attention because many believe

it could preview the

presidential matchup four years

from now.

"These are the two candidates

who will emerge as the two frontrunners

[for 2000] after this election,"

said Democratic pollster

Stanley B. Greenberg. "So there

will be a big spotlight on the

debate."

Kemp and Gore very much make

a political odd couple. Emotionally,

each seems to be fitted into the

wrong party. Kemp is effusive,

emotional and frenetic, an oldfashioned

Irish Democrat in everything

but ideology. Though he can

U RELATED STORIES: A5

be puckishly funny, Gore is as

cerebral, controlled and contained

as a banker.

Kemp is the most boyish 61year-old

in American politics. Like

Frank Capra's George Bailey, Gore,

47, seems to have been born older.

What the two men share is the

common experience of crashing on

Please see DEBATE, All


LOS ANijELES TIMES

DEBATE: Kemp-Gore May Replay

Continued from Al

the runway when they ran for

their party's presidential nomination

in 1988 Gore as a young

senator, Kemp as a nine-term representative

best known for sponsoring

the supply-side tax cuts in

the Reagan administration.

Today, Kemp and Gore are

bound by an intense fascination

with the details of public policy.

Kemp's passions are reclaiming the

inner city, rewriting international

economic policy and, above all,

cutting marginal tax rates. Gore

has been most closely associated

with preserving the environment,

reforming the government and

wiring a policy framework for the

Information Age.

"Gore and Kemp are the right

kinds of candidates for this new era

of politics," said one senior White

House aide. "They're both wonky

guys willing to sit for IIhours

and

talk about global warming or the

• STRONG DEUVERY

Jack Kemp learned the art of

scrambling while starring as

quarterback at Occidental College

in the mid-1950s. CI

gold standard. People want that.

The era of larger-than -life leaders

is past."

Then again, one of the reasons

Gore and Kemp both ran so poorly

eight years ago was their tendency

to exhaust even the most attentive

audiences with extended seminars

on obscure topics. Kemp, in particular,

became renowned for

speeches that wandered off into

musty catacombs of economic

theory and monetary policy. Gore's

1988 campaign may be best remembered

for his insistence on

wearing identical boxy blue suits.

n recent interviews, both Kemp

1 and Gore insisted that they are

not looking ahead to a showdown

in 2000 as they step onto the stage

tonight.

"The old saying that six months

is a lifetime in politics is certainly

applicable here," Gore said. "It's of

limited use to try and predict what

would happen in either party four

years from now, and I'm not

spending any time speculating on

that."

But many around them are doing

just that. how the 1996

election turns I II 'I out, these men could

be measuring each other on the

morning after the votes are

counted. If President Clinton holds

his lead, Gore would be the clear

front-runner among Democrats

I I

and Kemp would likely top the

polls among Republicans next

ter. Even if Dole comes back to

win, most Republicans believe he

would serve only one term; Kemp

would instantly become his presumptive

successor.

If Clinton wins next month,

Gore's path to the nomination in

2000 is probably clearer than

Kemp's. Though Gore's prospects

are tied to unpredictable events in

the economy—and the course of a

second Clinton term if there is

one—most Democrats agree that

the vice president will amass a

powerful combination of money,

institutional support and near -universal

name identification.

If Dole loses, most Republicans

expect that Kemp would start off as

the front-runner, perhaps sharing

the top spot with retired Gen. Colin

L. Powell. But Kemp would have to

work to sustain his advantage.

Already Republican insiders anticipate

a crowded field ranging

from former Vice President Dan

Quayle and several Midwestern

governors to such fresh faces as

Texas Gov. George W. Bush and

moderates Powell and Massachusetts

Gov. • William • •F. Weld (particularly

if Weld wins election to

the Senate this fall).

Some around him expect that if

Dole loses, Kemp would quickly

lay the foundation for 2000 by

speaking regularly at high-profile

Republican events around the

country and establishing his own

political action committee to help

GOP candidates in 1998.

But others, who watched Kemp

procrastinate and finally choose

Debate on TV

Tonight's debate between

Al Gore and Jack

Kemp will be televised on

ABC, CBS, NBC, PBS,

CNN, C-SPAN and

MSNBC at 6 p.m. PDT.

tI fortify his position as systematically

as Gore has already begun to

do. "There is a reality that nobody

gives you anything in politics,"

said one of Kemp's closest political

advisors. "So if you want to be

president, you have to go out and

seize it. Jack has the opportunity to

II that, but it has 1101 "

Both Gore and Kemp are much

better politicians today than they

were eight years ago. During the

1988 campaign, Gore's advisors

broke their lances urging him to

loosen up and reveal more of

himself. Today, no one would call

Gore limber in his personal appearances,

but he's learned to soften his

image with self-deprecating jokes

about his own stiffness; fittingly

for a politician once derided as

wooden, Gore has become his own

best prop.

In an appearance before an a

ence of suburban parents in Garfield,

N.J., early this month, Gore

was still cool and measured, but he

was able to project some of the

same qualities that strengthen

Clinton: empathy and a sense of

understanding about the daily realities

of modern family life.

If Gore is looser than in 1988,

Kemp is more controlled. He still

bound.s around the stage like a

motivational speaker. At a recent

tI wn meeting in Billings, Mont.,

Kemp repeatedly pressed against a

rope line that organizers had set at

the foot of the stage.

"This chain is not here to keep

you from me," Kemp finally said as

he hovered over the people in the

first row. "It's here to keep me

frI m you."

But as Dole's running mate,

Kemp has displayed much more

disciI line than he did as the headliner

himself. His speeches are

crisp and focused; he seems unhurried

and relaxed.

"I wasn't ready before," Kemp

saiI in an interview aboard his

campaign plane. "I'm not saying I

am wiser or more patient . . . but I

feel comfortable far more today

t.han I did in 1988 or :1.r '92."

In 1988, Kemp focused overwhelmingly

on economic issues;

mI re evansive now, he gives fully

equal billing to his calls for the

GOP to reach out to minorities and

reclaim inner cities by cutting

taxes and regulations. Compared to

1988, Kemp is less likely to quote

Adam Smith and more likely to use

language inflected by religion, as

when he pleads the nation's obligation

to care "about the poor, the

lost, the least unto Him."

Above all, Kemp tries to offer a

Reaganesque optimism about the

future—a viewpoint he lately has

taken to contrasting to what he

portrays as pessimism in Gore's

cI ncerns about the environment.

In the conversation aboard his

plane, Kemp demeribed Gore as a

"Malthusian," referring to the

18th-century British economist

Thomas Robert Malthus, who contended

that rising population

would inevitably compound pov -

erty.

moment later, Kernp seemed

A dissatisfied with that description.

"No, he's a neo-Malthusian,"

Kemp said. "He's fearful of people

having babies, and automobiles being

produced."

A moment later, Kemp wasn't

satisfied with that description

either.

"That's hyperbole in which I

II n't want to engage," he said.

"But he does have an attitude that

the sky is falling, and it isn't. The

air is cleaner, the water is purer.

It's not perfect. We have to have

standards and common-sense

regulation. But he has got a very

limited view of our ability to live

the environment more than he

should."

Gore, not surprisingly, doesn't

think of himself as a Malthusian,

neo- or otherwise. "My outlook on

the future is extremely optimistic

and positive; always has been," he

said, sitting in a small conference

room at the Garfield Public Library

last week. "I think we can create

more good jobs by accepting the

responsibility we have to clean up

the pollution in our country and

our world."

Gore fished into his shirt pocket

and pulled out a scrap of paper on

which he had scribbled a quote

from Kemp about Clinton's 1993

deficit-reduction plan. "It will destroy

jobs, increase the budget

deficit (and] cripple growth," Gore

read, quoting Kemp.

Then Gore looked up. "That

doesn't sound very optimistic." He

paused and lowered his voice funereally.

"That sounds gloomy and

pessimistic."

Sounds like these two men are

ready for the • opening bell—tonight,

and perhaps for the next four

years.


and Gore insisted that they are

not looking ahead to a showdown

in 2000 as they step onto the stage

tonight.

"The old saying that six months

is a lifetime in politics is certainly

applicable here," Gore said. "It's of

limited use to try and predict what

would happen in either party four

years from now, and I'm not

spending any time speculating on

that."

But many around them are doing

just that. No matter how the 1996

election turns out, these men could

be measuring each other on the

morning after the votes are

counted. If President Clinton holds

his lead, Gore would be the clear

front-runner among Democrats

and Kemp would likely top the

polls among Republicans next winter.

Even if Dole comes back to

win, most Republicans believe he

would serve only one term; Kemp

would instantly become his presumptive

successor.

If Clinton wins next month,

Gore's path to the nomination in

2000 is probably clearer than

Kemp's. Though Gore's prospects

are tied to unpredictable events in

the economy—and the course of a

second Clinton term if there is

one—most Democrats agree that

the vice president will amass a

powerful combination of money,

institutional support and near-universal

name identification.

If Dole loses, most Republicans

expect that Kemp would start off as

the front-runner, perhaps sharing

the top spot with retired Gen. Colin

L. Powell. But Kemp would have to

work to sustain his advantage.

Already Republican insiders anticipate

a crowded field ranging

from former Vice President Dan

Quayle and several Midwestern

governors to such fresh faces as

Texas Gov. George W. Bush and

moderates Powell and Massachusetts

Gov. William F. Weld (particularly

if Weld wins election to

the Senate this fall).

Some around him expect that if

Dole loses, Kemp would quickly

lay the foundation for 2000 by

speaking regularly at high-profile

Republican events around the

country and establishing his own

political action committee to help

GOP candidates in 19'38.

But others, who watched Kemp

procrastinate and finally choose

not to seek the nomination in 1996,

remain uncertain that he will work

rope line that organizers had set at

the foot of the stage.

"This chain is not here to keep

you from me," Kemp finally said as

he hovered over the people in the

first row. "It's here to keep me

from you."

But as Dole's running mate,

Kemp has displayed much more

discipline than he did as the headliner

himself. His speeches are

crisp and focused; he seems unhurried

and relaxed.

"I wasn't ready before," Kemp

said in an interview aboard his

campaign plane. "I'm not saying I

am wiser or more patient . . . but I

feel comfortable far more today

than I did in 198.8 or '80 or '92."

In 1988, Kemp focused overwhelmingly

on economic issues;

more expansive now, he gives fully

equal billing to his calls for the

GOP to reach out to minorities and

reclaim inner cities by cutting

taxes and regulations. Compared to

1988, Kemp is less likely to quote

Adam Smith and more likely to use

language inflected by religion, as

when he pleads the nation's obligation

to care "about the poor, the

lost, the least unto Him."

Above all, Kemp 'tries to offer a

Reaganesque optimism about the

future—a viewpoint he lately has

taken to contrasting to what he

portrays as pessimism in Gore's

concerns about the environmeni

In the conversation aboard his

plane, Kemp described Gore as a

"Malthusian," referring to the

18th-century British economist

Thomas Robert Malthus. who contended

that rising population

would inevitably compound pov -

erty.

A moment later, Kemp seemed

ri dissatisfied with that description.

"No, he's a neo-Malthusian,"

Kemp said. "He's fearful of people

having babies, and automobiles being

produced."

A moment later, Kemp wasn't

satisfied with that description

either.

"That's hyperbole in which I

don't want to engage," he said.

"But he does have an attitude that

the sky is falling, and it isn't. The

air is cleaner, the water is purer.

It's not perfect. We have to have

standards and common-sense

regulation. But he has got a very

limited view of our ability to live

on this planet Earth with a population

of 5 or 6 or 7 billion. He fears


s.

SECTION

WEDNESDAY

OCTOBER 9, 1996 CCt

GAMES / EVENTS / PEOPLE

SPORTS Coe

Angeles Mules


Occidenat College photo NES LE BAS L. Artgces Lmes

Vice presidential candidate Jack Kemp, left and below, was the Occidental College quarterback in the mid-1950s. At nght is the Eagie Rock campus as it looks today.

No

Debate

About It

Occidental in the '50s Was Where

Kemp Learned to Stand and Deliver

By RANDY HARVEY

TIMES STAFF WRITER

When George Allen coached the

WhitUer Poets in the '50s, his

scouting report on Occidental

College's quarterback might have

read that he could think on his feet, scramble

under duress until he found an opening and

deliver stinging darts.

Forty years later, Al Gore's scouting report

could read much the same as he prepares for

tonight's debate of vice presidential candidates

against Jack Kemp.

"I don't worry about Jack at all in this kind of

situation," says Doug Gerhart, Kemp's backup at

quarterback during the 1955 and '56 seasons at

Occidental.

"Jack loves to compete and, under pressure

that most of us never face at the highest levels of

sports and politics, he's very. controlled."

Memories of Kemp as the Occidental Tigers'

quarterback come easily w many former

teammates because they refresh them often.

Although Kemp has lived in New York or

Washington for more than three decades and has

had a demanding schedule in roles as

Please see KEMP, C7


• TONIGHT'S DEBATE: 6 p.m.

ADITIONAL D COVERAGE: Al


LOS ANGELES TIMES * WEDNESDAY, OCUOHER 9. 19% Cl

KEMP

Coatlased frees Cl

Congressman, Cabinet member and c&ndidate, he

seldom fails to visit when traveling to the West Coast

cities where most of them live.

That some of his most important friendship' were

forged on the small, quiet Eagle Rock campus wad

apparent within moment" after he finished his acceptance

meech for the Republican party's vice presidential

nomination in August in San Diego. With Bob Dole

It his side, among the first persons Kemp greeted after

descending from the stage to the floor was one of his

special guests to the convention, Gerhart.

Occidental, a private, liberal arts college with an

enrollment at the time of 1,200, was not necessarily a

simple place in the years Kemp attended, 1963-57, but

it was unquestionably simpler than today.

Most students resembled Bud and Betty Anderson

from "Father Knows Best," the women with short,

permed hair and dressed in long skirts and bobby 11031,

the men with crew cuts wearing short-sleeved shirts

with button-down collars and blueMans. Virtually all

were white. The student newspaper did not ignore

subjects such as the Cold War and the 1958 presidential

election between Dwight Eisenhower 'and Mho

Stevenson, but more space was devoted to the new

dining hall and the decision to allow men to visit

women's dorms and vice versa.

Serious debates were reserved for the Quad, a

tree-shaded, concrete area at the center of the campus

where students gathered after lunch. Kemp could

often be found sitting on one of the benches, even then

defending his vision of what he considered an

enlightened free enterprise system

The foundation for his philosophy no doubt was

formed during discussions around his staunchly Republican

family's kitchen table, where his father, who

turned a one-motorcycle delivery huffiness into a small

trucking company in Los Angeles, and his teacher-social

worker mother encouraged discussion by their

four sons. Jack, the third son, was known for

stubbornly clinging to his argument' even when he

had few facts to support them.

To correct that shortcoming at Occidental, Kemp

became an avid reader of U.S. News I. World Report,

the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times.

"The rest of us read Sports Illustrated," says

Gerhart, vice president of a satellite navigation firm in

the Silicon Valley. "Not that Jack didn't It was just

that he was interested in other things as well."

But if Kemp was political, no one recalls considering

the possibility that he might become a politician. He

was involved in neither student government nor the

Young Republicans.

"He was the type of guy who liked to argue, not that

you had any thought whatsoever of him doing what

he's doing now," says Jim Mora, Kemp's favorite

receiver at Occidental and now coach of the New

Orleans Saints. "I think of a guy who had a goal to be a

professional football player and who dedicated everything

he had toward that goal."

At the same time, his former teammates are not

surprised that Kemp has reached such heights In

politics. To them. the odds were almost as great

against him becoming a pro quarterback. He played for

13 years, most of them in the American Football

League with the San Diego Chargers and Buffalo Bills.

"Jack sets his goal' and achieves them," says Ron

Botchan, who played with Kemp as a lineman and

linebacker at Occidental and San Diego.

Reuters

In a pocket of supporters, vice-presidential candidate Jack Kemp searches for an eligible receiver.

`Irle was the type of guy who liked to argue, not that

you had any thought whatsoever of him doing what he's

doing now. I think of a guy who had a goal to be a

professional football player and who dedicated

everything he had toward that goal.'

JIM MONA

Kemp's favorite receiver at Occident/0 and now coach or the New Orleans Saints

that Kemp went to Occidental because of summer days

they spent together watching the Washington Redskins

when they held training camps there.

During a campaign speech last week in New Haven,

Conn., Kemp used himself as an example of hope in

America by telling a story about the inspiration he

received from his freshman football coach at Occidental,

Payton Jordan.

"I would not tell anybody that I wanted to play pro

football because I was afraid they'd laugh," Kemp said.

"The only person who would not laugh at my dreams

was my mother.

that room, I would have run through a brick wall for

Payton Jordan.

"About eight years ago, we had a reunion of our

football team. Guess what? We're sitting around after

the banquet, kibitzing with each other, having a

Coca-Cola. And we found out that Coach Jordan,

confidentially, had told every tingle player on the

team that they could play pro football if they worked

harder . . . "

No one worked as hard as Kemp, unless it was the

pass catchers he recruited to work out with him before

and after practices and during summers. Most often,

structor at L.A. City College and an NFL umpire for

the last 17 years. "Going to Mammoth one year to ski.

our car broke down because it was so loaded down

with his weights."

Kemp, a physical education major, said last week

that he was so committed to football that he had

difficulty focusing on his studies. His friends say that

he was intelligent but made good grades only in

subjects in which he had a particular interest.

Otherwise, his academic record was lackluster until

several years later, when he returned to school for his

master's degree.

"It's true that I was tunnel-visioned in terms of the

goals I had for myself, which was to play pro football,"

Kemp told Esquire in 1978. "But I got a good education

just the same. You couldn't get out of Oxy without

learning something. I majored in P.R., but you had to

take 34 hours of history and some premed courses, all

the sciences."

More than once, Kemp was put on probation for not

attending required assemblies.

"I'm not sure he ever went to one," Gerhart says.

"We were usually out throwing the ball around or

lifting weights in the gym."

By the time he became the starting varsity quarterback

as a junior, Kemp weighed close to 180 pounds

and could throw the ball with more zip than the

Redskin quarterbacks who worked out at Occidental in

the summers.

"When I was on defense, I hated to run drills against

him," Botchan says. "He'd throw the ball so hard, I

wouldn't put my hand in front of it."

Kemp held the school record for a time in the javelin

throw, which was much more appreciated on campus

than his ability to throw a football 80 yards. Occidental

was a national power in track and field, able to hold its

own in dual meets with USC and UCLA.

The Big Man on Campus was not the star quarterback

but the star pole vaulter, Bob Gutowski, who won

the silver medal in the 1956 Summer Olympics. The

athletic highlight of Kemp's senior year, '56-57, was a

dual meet victory over Stanford, then coached by

Jordan. Gutowski set the world record that afternoon

at 15 feet 81/2 inches.

In contrast, the football team rarely attracted

national attention while playing in the Southern

California Intercollegiate Conference against schools

such as Whittier and Caltech.

Kemp had his most success as a senior, when he was

the nation's third-ranking small-college passer, completing

92 of 184 passes for 1,123 yards. He was

honorable mention Little All-American and attracted

the attention of the Pittsburgh Steelers, who made him

the 77th player selected in the draft. But Occidental

won only three of nine games that season.

Gerhart, who became an offensive assistant coach

with four NFL teams before entering business, says

the Tigers might have won more games if the coaching

had been more sophisticated.

, "The big innovation in those days was to split a

!receiver out wide," Gerhart says. "The coaches didn't

!take a look at the kind of talent Jack had and design a

'passing game to take advantage of an arm like that.

That didn't happen at the small-college level in that

decade.

"Jack would draw a play in the dirt and then run

around until he found a receiver open."

Kemp, also a safety and the team's punter, found it

difficult to accept defeat. But it was not always his

competitive nature that blinded him to reality.

In his final game for Occidental he nos/cm/4 t tun


seldom fails to visit when traveling to the West Coast

cities where moot of them live.

That some of his most important friendship; were

forged on the small, quiet Eagle Rock campus was

apparent within momenta after he finiahed his acceptance

speech for the Republican party's vice presidential

nomination in August in San Diego. With Bob Dole

at his side, among the first persons Kemp greeted after

descending from the stage to the floor was one of his

apecial guests to the convention, Gerhart.

Occidental, a private, liberal arts college with an

enrollment at the time of 1,200, was not necessarily a

simple place in the years Kemp attended, 1953-57, but

it Wall unquestionably simpler than today.

Most students resembled Bud and Betty Anderson

from "Father Knows Best," the women with short,

permed hair and dreamed in long skirts and bobby mos,

the men with crew cuts wearing short-sleeved shirta

with button-down collars and bluejeans. Virtually all

were white. The student newspaper did not ignore

subjects such as the Cold War and the 1956 presidential

election between Dwight Eisenhowerand Adlai

Stevenson, but more space was devoted to the new

dining hall and the decision to allow men to visit

women's dorms and vice versa.

Serious debates were reserved for the Quad, a

tree-shaded, concrete area at the center of the ciunpus

where students gathered after lunch. Kemp could

often be found sitting on one of the benches, even then

defending his vision of what he considered an

enlightened free enterprise system.

The foundation for his philosophy no doubt was

formed during discussions around his staunchly Republican

family's kitchen table, where his father, who

turned a one- motorcycle delivery business into a small

trucking company in Loa Angeles, and hia teacher-social

worker mother encouraged diacusaion by their

four sons. Jack, the third non, was known for

atubbornly clinging to his arguments even when he

had few facts to support them.

To correct that shortcoming at Occidental, Kemp

became an avid reader of U.S. News & World Report,

the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times.

'The rest of us read Sports Illustrated," says

Gerhart, vice preaident of a satellite navigation firm in

the Silicon Valley. "Not that Jack didn't. It was just

that he was interested in other things as well."

But if Kemp wee political, no one recalls considering

the poasibility that he might become a politician. He

wile involved in neither student government nor the

Young Republicans.

"He was the type of guy who liked to argue, not that

you had any thought whatsoever of him doing what

he's doing now," says Jim Mora, Kemp's favorite

receiver at Occidental and now coach of the New

Orleana Saints. "I think of a guy who had a goal to be a

professional football player and who dedicated everything

he had toward that goal "

At the same time, forrner teammates are not

surprised that Kemp has reached such height, in

politica To them, the odds were almost am great

againat him becoming a pro quarterback He played for

13 years, man of them in the American Football

League with the San Diego Chargera and Buffalo Bills.

"Jack seta his goala and achieves them," says Ron

Botc.han, who played with Kemp as a lineman and

linebacker at Occidental and San I)iego

Kemp once said that he set his goal to be a pro

football player when he was 9.

"It never craned my mind that I wouldn't be," he

said.

It was apparent that Kemp was a good athlete at

Fairfax High, but his email stature-5 feet 10, 150

pounds—prevented him from being a standout

quarterback. He was not recruited by USC or UCLA. A

fnend from high school and college, Russ Ray, says

Reuter.

In a pocket of supporters, viceixesidential candidate Jack Kemp searches for an eligible receiver.

was the type of guy who liked to argue, not that

you had any thought whatsoever of him doing what he's

doing now. I think of a guy who had a goal to be a

professional football player and who dedicated

everything he had toward that goal.'

/114 IONA

Kerop's eremite receiver at Occidental and wyw coach al the New Orleans Saints

that Kemp went to Occidental because of summer days

they spent together watching the Washington Redokins

when they held training camps there.

During a campaign speech last week in New Haven,

Conn., Kemp used himself as an example of hope in

America by telling a 'tory about the inspiration he

received from his freshman football coach at Occidental,

Payton Jordan.

"I would not tell anybody that I wanted to play pro

football because was afraid they'd laugh," Kemp said.

"The only person who would not laugh at my dreama

was my mother.

"But Coach Jordan calls me into his office and says,

'Kemp, I've been watching you You are a disgrace to

this football team. You're not working hard enough.

You're not putting out. I tient you to go out there and

start throwing the football, throwing baseballs, throw -

ing the javelin. You've got to start sacnficing.'

"And then he said something. 'Don't tell anybody,

but of all the players on my team, you're the one. You

can go to the NF'L someday ' When I walked out of

that room, I would have run through a brick wall for

Payton Jordan

"About eight yearn ago, we had a reunion of our

ksaball team Guess what? We're sitting around after

the banquet, kibitzing with each other, having a

Coca-Cola. And we found out that Coach Jordan,

Confidentially, had told every single player on the

team that they could play pro football if they worked

No one worked aa hard as Kemp, unless it was the

pass catchers he recruited to work out with him before

and after practices and dunng summers. Most often,

they were Mora and running back Mike Quint.

"He would throw to us until our tongues were

banging out," says Quint, an Orange County insurance

broker.

To give himself the body of a pro quarterback, Kemp

began lifting weighui long before that was being done

b) moat skill -pointion players.

"He wouldn't even take a vacation without his

weights," says Botchan, a phynical education in-

Kemp, a -phys.ical education major, said laid week

that he was so committed to football that he had

difficulty focusing on his studies. His fnends say that

he was intelligent but made good grades only in

subjects in which he had a particular interest.

Otherwise, his academic record was lackluster until

several years later, when he returned to school for his

master's degree.

"It's true that I was tunnel-visioned in terms of the

goals I had for myself, which was to play pro football,"

Kemp told Esquire in 1978. "But I got a good education

just the same. You couldn't get out of Os), without

learning something. I majored in P.E., but you had to

take 34 hours of history and some premed courses, all

the sciences."

More than once, Kemp was put on probation for not

attending required assemblies.

"I'm not sure he ever went to one," Gerhart says.

"We were usually out throwing the ball around or

lifting weights in the gym."

By the time he became the starting varsity quarterback

as a junior, Kemp weighed close to 180 pounds

and could throw the ball with more zip than the

Redskin quarterbacks who worked out at Occidental in

the summers.

"When I was on defense, I hated to run drills against

him," Botchan gays. "He'd throw the ball so hard, I

wouldn't put my hand in front of it."

Kemp held the school record for a time in the javelin

throw, which was much more appreciated on campus

than his ability to throw a football 80 yards. Occidental

was a national power in track and field, able to hold its

own in dual meets with USC and UCLA.

The Big Man on Campus was not the star quarterback

but the star pole vaulter, Bob Gutowski, who won

the silver medal in the 1956 Summer Olympics. The

athletic highlight of Kemp's senior year, '56-57, was a

dual meet victory over Stanford, then coached by

Jordan. Gutowski set the world record that afternoon

at 15 feet 81/2 inches.

In contrast, the football team rarely attracted

national attention while playing in the Southern

California Intercollegiate Conference against schools

such aa Whittier and Caltech.

Kemp had his most success as a senior, when he was

the nation's third -ranking small-college passer, com -

pleting 92 of 184 passes for 1,123 yards. He was

honorable mention Little All-American and attracted

the attention of the Pittsburgh Steelers, who made him

the 77th player selected in the draft. But Occidental

won only three of nine games that season.

Gerhart, who became an offensive assistant coach

with four NFL teams before entenng business, says

the Tigers might have won more games if the coaching

had been more sophisticated.

"The big innovation in thone dayn was to split a

receiver out wide," Gerhart says. "The coaches didn't

take a look at the kind of talent Jack had and design a

passing game to take advantage of an arm like that.

That didn't happen at the small -college level in that

decade.

"Jack would draw a play in the dirt and then run

around until he found a receiver open."

Kemp, also a safety and the team's punter, found It

difficult to accept defeat. But it was not always his

competitive nature that blinded him to reality.

In his final game for Occidental, he paased for two

touchdowns and ran for three. After the final extra

point had been kicked, he hugged Quint and yelled.

"We won! We won!"

Quint informed Kemp that the Tigers had lost,

39-34.

"He was nearsighted and couldn't read the scoreboard,"

Quint said.

Staff vnitor Marla Ls Seaga contributed to this story.


NEWS 8

The Orange County Register WASH111IGTON-POLITICS \\ ctiliesday, (kt 9, 1996

Gore and Kemp say they will follow the leaders

POLITICS: Tonight's

match will continue the

themes of Sunday's debate.

By JOHN KING

The Associated Press

BAL HARBOUR, Fla. — When

asked about the possibility of

running for president in four

years, Al Gore hastens to end the

line of inquiry. Jack Kemp

shakes his head and wags an admonishing

finger.

As they prepare for tonight's

debate, the candidates for vice

president are trying to keep the

foI l's on Bill Clinton and Bob

Dole. "It is not Al Gore vs. Jack

Ke)np the GOP vice presidential

nominee said Tuesday.

In pre-debate interviews with

The Associated Press, Gore and

Kemp predicted their 90-minute,

prime-time debate would closely

follS w the themes of Sunday's encounter

between Clinton and

Dole. That exchange focused on

tax policy and the state of the

ecbnomy, on education, welfare

and other social policies, and on

the role abroad at the close

of the 20th century.

I. for example, said he was

determined to reinforce Clinton's

argument that the GOP ticket's

S548 billion tax-cut plan would require

devastating cuts in Medicare

and education spending.

—The numbers do not add up,"

Gore said.

Kemp, for his part, said Dole

had scored points in casting Clinton

as a liberal hiding behind

conservative election-year

promises. Kemp promised to follow

up by taking issue with a new

Clinton campaign ad in which the

president says he views his job as

"taking care of the Arnerican

people."

As they discussed their expectations

for the debate and outlined

their views of the vice presidency,

the former House colleagues

voiced friendship and

respect for ach other and predicted

their e encounter wo uld be a

civil affair.

"You can disagree without being

disagreeable," Gore said

Monday afternoon during a

break in his debate preparations

in Sarasota, where former New

The Associated Press

MEETING OF THE VEEPS: Vice-presidential candidate Jack Kemp and

his wife, Joanne, deplane at Clearwater, Fla., on the way to St:

Petersburg, where he will meet Vice President Al Gore in tonight's

televised debate. The Dole/Kemp airplane is named 'Partner's Ship.'

Kemp pledged not to follow in

the footsteps of Vice President

Dan Quayle, who. on several oc-

casions in his 1992 debate with

Gore raised questions about Clinton's

personal character.

"I don't have to be an attack

(10E1,- he said.

As Clinton's vice president,

Gore has taken a lead role in environmental

and technology policies,

as well as in U.S.-Russian

relations. He said he could not

think of anything he would like to

add to his portfolio in a second

Clinton administration.

—Truthfully, my expectations

have been exceeded," he said of

his partnership with the president

in the first term.

Policy differences aside,

Kemp said he was impressed

with the Clinton-Gore partnership

and predicted he would have

a similar bond with Dole, even

though the two were political adversaries

before their 1996 alliance.

■ INTERVIEWS: Excerpts from talks

with Gore and Kemp. Page 9


tvcan

in Sarasota, where former New

York Rep. Tom Downey was the

Democratic stand-in for Kemp.

Kemp was interviewed Tuesday

morning before a practice

session in Bal Harbour, Fla.,

where New Hampshire GOP Sen.

Judd Gregg is playing the role of

Gore.

With Clinton holding a comfortable

lead heading into the final

weeks of the campaign,

Kemp and Gore are questioned

frequently about the possibility

that they could be competitors

for the presidency in four years.

Both dismiss such talk as a distraction

they'd rather not deal

with.

"In 2000, Bob is going to be running

for re-election and I just

hope he keeps me on the ticket,"

Kemp said.

Gore responds by telling the

story of a dog holding a bone in

his mouth while staring at his

reflection in a pond. "He wants

that other bone that the other dog

has, so he opens his mouth to get

that other bone and he loses both

bones," Gore said.

"I am focused on 1996."

After watching Sunday night's

presidential debate, and spending

the past several days with

campaign advisers, both Gore

and Kemp entered their showdown

with clear missions.

For Gore, it was to reverse any

progress Dole might have made •

in selling his plan to cut taxes 15

percent across the board while

balancing the budget by 2002 and

preserving Medicare and other

popular programs.

"All you need is a pencil and

paper: The numbers do not add

up," he said.

Echoing Clinton, Gore said he

would point to lower unemployment,

a shrinking budget deficit

and declining crime rates as evidence

the administration deserves

four more years.

Kemp was most animated in

discussing the new Clinton campaign

ad, and promised to make

it an issue tonight as he seeks to

build on Dole's efforts to paint

Clinton as a big-government libend.

"He was very proud of the fact

that his job was to take care (il

us," Kemp said of Clinton. "It is

an incredible statement. Koh

Dole believes that we can takt

care of ourselves if we have mort

income after taxes, if we havt

better jobs, if we expand this

economy the way we think it can

be expanded."


'9441011. 411

4hlik IS" IIP

"

-4A. wa

The Associated

WARM-UP? Vice President Al Gore, who will debate Republican Jack

Kemp tonight, addresses senior citizens Monday in Sarasota, Fla.

The Orange County Register POLITICS wed,,,,,lay, ().t. 1!00i

NEWS 9

- -

Kemp, Gore: Why be No. 1?

POLITICS: The candidates

talk about their

roles, their expectations

and their upcoming

debate.

The Associated Press

Here are excerpts from AP interviews

with Vice President Al

Gore and GOP vice presidential

nominee Jack Kemp. • Gore was

interviewed Monday afternoon.

Kemp on Tuesday morning.

Q. One obvious question for

voters sizing up candidates for vice

president is whether he or she is

qualified to serve as president.

How would you answer a voter ,

who asked why you were qualified :o.

to be president?

A. GORE: "I have enjoyed

working beside Bill Clinton and

I think he and I have been a

good team. He said from the

start that he wanted it to be a

full partnership and truthfully

my expectations have been exceeded.

He has asked me to

give advice and to participate

Press in virtually every question that

comes before him. That has i?

been a wonderful learning expe-

rience."

KEMP: "If I start saying why I

am qualified to be president it

would be putting the cart before

the horse. Bob Dole is the quarterback

of this team. ... I can't

answer that question without

looking like I am making plans

or I am waiting with bated

breath, and the truth of the

matter is, if I ever had to be

president I would be ready. But

no one running for vice president

should answer that question."

Q. Heading into the first presidential

debate, President Clinton

was viewed as a heavy favorite.

How would you set the expectations

for your encounter?

A. GORE: "The one thing that

Jack Kemp and I can agree on

is that I am the underdog in

this debate."

KEMP: "Al has been there for

four years. He has been in on

every single decision that Clinton

has made. So his knowledge

of the issues and policies is a

lot broader than mine. I never

played a game of football in my

life that I did not respect my

Opponent, and I have got great

respect for him."

OTHER EXCERPTS:

GORE, on Dole's promise to cut

taxes by $548 billion, balance the

budget by 2002 and not make devastating

cuts in Medicare, education

and other popular programs:

"I think that he cobbled togethe?

two inconsistent ideas for this

campaign, and I think he is doing

the best he can to try to reconcile

them publicly and in his own

mind. But I think they are fundamentally

irreconcilable. For 15

years he was the most articulate

Republican opponent of supplyside

economics, and one reason

he opposed it is that, as he often

said, the numbers just don't add

up."

KEMP, on Clinton-Gore asser-.

tions that Dole and Kemp woad'

gut Medicare and education pro-grams:

"It is a lousy way to win an ,

election for a president to have to

say that, but it is effective. It is a

scare tactic. You can appeal to

people's fears or you can appeal

to their highest aspirations. Bob

Dole and Jack Kemp are attempting

to the best of our abilities

to appeal to people's highest

aspirations, and it is pretty clear

that they are attempting to play

on the fears of the American people."



-ps 5 \-U NC---rONDS*-r pcib

Kemp's Racial Awaken,ing

Candidate's Experiences in Pro Football

Led Him Away from Republican Mainstream

By Michael Weisskopf

Wadiaton Past Staff Writer

Jack Kemp had watched the civil

Tights revolution from the side-

Tmes before arriving in New Orleans

for the 1964 American Football

League All-Star game. He was

a professional football player, used

to having black teammates who

for the most part did not have to

confront the daily realities of racial

segregatian in the South.

But on his first night in the

French Quarter, Kemp saw blac.k

players turned away from nightclubs

and refused rides by "white"

taxis. When they announced they

would not play in New Orleans the

next day, he convened a team

meeting to dedare his support for

the walkout, though it meant risk-

ing his starring role as quarterback

and team captain.

For Kemp, it set a pattern. As a

Republican congressman he defied

party conservatives by pushing

sanctions against the apartheid

government of South Africa; as

housing and urban development

secretary he put the interests of

poor tenants over housing developers;

and as the GOP's vice presidential

nominee, he is campaigning

hard for African American

votes his ticket has little hope of

winning.

Kemp said recently that the

pain and humiliation he felt for his

black teammates in the 1960s became

"etched in my memory," and

that when he got into politics, he

pledged to be their "voice" in the Republican

Party.

He enters tonight's vice presidential

debate in Si Petersburg, Fla., as

the embodiment of that pledge, the

unhiely nominee of a party that in

recent presidential elections has virtually

conceded the black vote. Even

ICemp's presence on the ticket as

Robert J. Dole's running mate has

done little to increase support

among African American voters who

are expected to vote in overwhelming

numbers for President Clinton.

But the significance of Kemp's

message of equal opportunity—

sounded from Harlem to virtually allwhite

audiences in Wall Street

boardrooms, suburban Detroit plants

and Montana wheat fields—may not

be immediately measurable. Even if

Dole loses, Kemp has played a distinctive

role in the 1996 caznpaign,

boosting his stock as a presidential

candidate in 2000 when last year's

GOP assault on social programs naay

have faded from memory.

"He is very comfortable with black

maple, and they sense he's comfortable,"

said Eddie N. Williams, president

of the Joint Center for Political

and Economic Studies. he still articulates

some of the social policy

concerns he's articulating now, he'll

turn some heads." But he added that

any Republican faces problems overcoming

the party's history.

Far from glossing over the past,

ICemp asks forgiveness from black

crowds, then rares back in a gospellike

oration filled with black heroes,

blolical allusions and street talk—a

spiel some African Americans find

patronizing. When a black reporter

at a Nashville forum prefaced a

question by noting Kemp's reputation

as a "semi-soul brother," the

candidate shot back, "Whaddaya

mean 'semi,' man?"

If Kemp's crusade seems quixotic

at times, it was based on the calculation

in August that increasing the

black vote a few percentage points

in battleground states could make

the difference in a tight race. Dole

strategists hoped a larger benefit

could come from attracting white

suburbanites put off by the extreme

rhetoric of congressional Republi-

Kemp cIncribes hisEzni.ssion as the

start of healthy competition for a


voting bloc long taken for granted by

Democrats and written off by Republicans

responsible not long ago

fI r the "southern strategf that pursued

white votes by fanning racial

fears. He wears the label "bleeding

I.. rt conservative" bite a badge of

honor.

Otxasionally, he has mistaken it as

a license to range freely in sensitive

terrain, inviting criticism as he did

recently when he praised the "selfhelp"

teachings of Nation of Islam

leader Louis Farralchan and when he

jettisoned his long-standing support

of affirmative action to conform with

Dole's position—an about-face some

black politicians say undermined

I II

\NI -Ps 5 rti , lotqc,

"Tbe fact that a white tnan can

FILEPWCITOMIGERALDMART1NEAU-THEWASHINGTONPOST

walk in Harlem doesn't seem like a A,s HUD secretary, Jack Kemp, shown with community activist Kimi Gray,

I rofile in courage," said Rep. pushed to turn over operation of Kenilworth-Parkside projects to tenants.

Charles B. Rangel, a Harlem Democratic

leader, who dis m isses Kemp's But nothing much mattered in The racism angered him, but did

outreach to blacks as a diversion those early years except football. "I nI t inspire action tmtil the 1964 All-

II m Republican efforts to dismantle was maniacal," he said in an inter- Star game, which because of the

Great Society programs.

view.

player boycott was moved from New

'There's nothing Jack Kemp or Football became an education as Orleans to Houston—a city by then

Bob Dole have said that would allow well as a sport. At Occidental Col- farther along on the road to desegre-

black folks or poor folks to think lege and later in the AFL, Kemp gating.

we're in for anything," said Rangel. learned that skin color was meaning- "The only white who would take a

e are not on the agenda."

less as long as his blockers gave him stand [was] Jack Kemp," recalled Er-

But William H. Ga r y III, who once I rotection and his receivers broke nie Ladd, a black teammate. "He

served in the House with Kemp and open for a pass.

made it known he wasn't for that

is now president of the United Ne- Off the field, however, the same type of activity."

gro College Futid, said Kemp's over- logic did not apply in the land of Jim Years later, as a congressman

ture is "record-brealcing" for a Re- I. When his San Diego Chargers from •Buffalo, Kemp worked •closely

publican_ "The message is, 'I want to went to Houston in 1960 to play the with black colleagties on a nuMber of

compete for your vote, I think you're Oilers, the team stayed in University issues alien •to

conservative Republi-

hnportant,' the former Democans,

such as setting a national holicratic

congressman. "That's the I,uld accept black players. On the day for the Rev. Martin Luther King

II mber one step for pocal salva- eve of the • game, the Chargers went Jr. and sanctions on South Africa.

tion?

to a movie. Waiting for the lights to One of his pet projects in the

Growing up n Is Angeles in the II Kemp found out that his black House and later as a Cabinet mem-

194. s, Kemp had Me contact with cS -captain, Charlie McNeil, and all ber was creation of urban enterprise

African Americans. He played foot- his other black teammates had to sit zo nes, an idea • based in part on the

ball against black athlet-s and be- in the balcony.

inI ustrialization policies of the late

friended the only black driver in his "D id you know Charlie and I can't governor Luiz Munoz Marin of Puer-

father's trucking company. He knew sit together?" Kemp, stunned, told to Rico. Munoz began a program

that Nat King Cole had moved near coach Sid Gillman. "We're outta called Operation Bootstrap, which

his all-white Wilshire Boulevard here," replied Gillman, and he and offered tax incentives to U.S. firms

neighborhood, although he was un- his team walked out of the theater. locating in Puerto Rico. Kemp wants

aware until recently that the word The Chargers returtied to Houston to v..aive capital gains taxes for in-

'nigger" was burned in the black later that year for the AFL champivestments in blighted communities.

SI front lawn or that his onship. As the national anthem was Kemp considers his time as HUD

daughter, Natalie Cole, was ha- played, Kemp looked over at his fa- secretary, along with football, as the

rassed when she reported to a white ther on the 50-yard line. McNeil's "seminal event in my life." He had

Iigh schooL

father had to sit in a section of the been introduced to the problems of

The yotmg Kemp was exposed to end zone roped off for blacks.

public housing by Robert L. Wood-

ITheral influences. His mother, Fran- "It really just hurt to think that son Sr., who rims a Washingtonces

Pope Kemp, was a Spanish charlie and I could walk onto the base SI. center that helps

tenants take

teacher and social worker who incul- field and play, • but his dad couldn't sit

of their projects.

cated her four sons in the "golden with my dad," Kemp recently re-

his swearing-in, Kemp invited

I ule" and respect for other cultures, called. tf wo dozen o the community leaders

• 41.


\NI 'Ps 5k* 1 NC.. (01■).

to whom he had been introduced by

Woodson. He later traveled to Chicago's

LeClair Court project and

pledged to make public housing residents

HUD's "primary clients"

among the other groups vying for

HUD resources: big-city mayors

who want federal grants and real estate

developers who want more lax

regulations and subsidies.

"Most Democrats worked with

mayors, most Republicans with developers,"

said Ken Blackwell,

Kemp's undersecretary for intergovernmental

relations. "We made a decision

early on to put at the top of

our list low- and moderate-income

residents."

Kemp spent the night in a Philadelphia

project to get a tenant's perspective.

He escorted businessmen

and local officials on project tours to

encourage their assistance. After

spotting crack cocaine use in one facility;

he ordered public housing authorities

nationwide to report what

they were doing to stop drug trafficking.

When tenant leaders testified on

Capitol Hill, he rode their bus to his

office, then invited them for lunch.

And he absorbed their despair, a lesson

he shares on the stump today

when he speaks of a young boy in

Chicago's Henry Homer project who

was asked what he wanted to be.

"If I grow up, Mr. Kemp, I want to

be a bus driver," the child said.

Kemp was no less committed inside

the administration. He hired

several blacks for top slots, including

Undersecretary Blackwell, two assistant

secretaries, and four deputy

assistant secretaries.

He was less successful in advancing

r Dlicy goals. Budget Director

Richard G. Darman led the conservative

resistance. 'They were constantly

burying our policy initiatives,"

said Alfred A. DelliBovi,

Kemp's deputy. 'The question was

funding. That's where Darman

knifed us every time."

The Los Angeles riot of 1992 became

Kemp's biggest test. DelliBovi

said his boss argued at a Cabinet

meeting to turn South Central, the

epicenter of looting, into a laboratory

for the "opportunity society." He

called for rebuilding businesses, job

creation and special tax incentives to

draw capital into the area.

"We wanted Jack to be the lead,"

said Blackwell. But the decision was

made to have a task force, headed by

DelliBovi and a deputy education

secretary, work within existing programs

at no additional expense. Darman's

forces won again.

Four years ago, Kemp got out of

public service and the public eye for

the first time since he turned professional

quarterback in 1957. He began

to make big money as a guest

speaker, consultant and director of

several corporate boards.

But even in his "wilderness

years," as Kemp calls them, he

stayed connected to African Americans.

He joined the board of Howard

University and actively lobbied for

its annual appropriations. He invested

in black-owned capital venture

firms to "prove," Kemp said, "that

capitalism will work in the inner cities."

Politically, he found himself increasingly

out of step with his party

as it lurched to the right. While most

leading Republicans, including Dole,

backed the California initiative to

outlaw affirmative action programs,

Kemp railed publicly against it.

His differences with Dole on the issue

had to be resolved before the ticket

could be completed. The rationale

for Kemp's shift worked out with

Dole's staff was that Dole would speak

for the ticket and that just because

Kemp no longer supports racially-set

quotas does not mean he opposes "affirmative

opportunity and affirmative

effort" by the government.

From the start, Kemp said, he knew

he wanted a very different role than

Dole himself played in 1976 as President

Gerald R. Ford's running mate.

Dole assured him, he said, that the

campaign would be " Inclusionary .

doing the things you like to do.'"

Dole told him that he wouldn't

have to play the role of "attack dog,"

emp recalled. "He knew I wouldn't."


Wednesday, October 9, 1996

Gore and Kemp Practke Jabs for Tonight's Encounter

perhapI

By JERRY GRAY

ST. PETERSBURG, Fla., Oct. 8 —

Vice President Al Gore and Jack

Kemp brushed up today on the eve of

a 90-minute debate that many po

cians in both parties view as s

IL 1iII III

a preview of the possible combatants

in 2000.

Mr. Kemp, the Republican V

Presidential nominee, has spent 18

hI urs over three days with advisers

and a speech coach studying for his

• first national debate in nearly a decade.

Mr. Gore has been cloistered for

four days in an atmosphere his aides

called "pretty relaxed."

Both have been •buffeted by the

winS s of tropical storm Josephine,

but their aides gave the impression

that their confrontatiorr at a

affrey neater here on Wednsy

•. S.

night would be far calmer — at least

ii

as civilized as the encounter between

their running mates, President Clinton

and Bob Dole, on Sunday night.

Campaign officials at Longboat

Key, just south of here, where Mr.

Gore was staying, reminded reporters

that the Vice President and Mr.

Kemp were old friends, unlike Mr.

Gore _I They predicted a low-keyed discus-

then-Vice President Dan

Quayle, his opponent of four years

ago in a debate that featured several

highly-charged personal exchanges.

sion of the two men's differing views

of the future.

"I would be shocked" if the encounter

turned personal, said • Andrew

Cuomo, an Assistant Housing

Secretary and one of a raft of Clinton

Administration officials involved in

the preparations at the Mote Marine

Laboratory, a museum-aquarium 'in

Sarasota.

Mr. Kemp was rehearsing in Bal

Harbour at the Seaview Hotel, the

same venue Mr. Dole used to prepare

fS r his debate on Sunday with Mr.

Clinton, before flying here later in

the day.

Although he is widely known on the

speakers' circuit, Mr. Kemp has

tle experience in formal debating

and Wednesday's event will rnark

the only time he has faced an opponent

one-on-one in a nationwide debate.


The only qualm voiced by the loquacious

Mr. Kemp was how he

would be able to answer the questions

within the 90 seconds allotted

fI r responses. "I got

Coverage of Debate

Tonight's debate between

Vice President Al Gore and

Jack Kemp, the Republican

Vice-Presidential nominee,

will be broadcast live on ABC,

CBS, NBC and PBS, beginning

at 9 P.M., Eastern time. The

cable channels CNN, C-Span

and MSNBC will also carry the

90-minute debate live from the

Mahaffrey Theater in St. Petersburg,

Fla.

Fox plans to skip the debate

to carry the National League

baseball playoffs.

LJ

my answers

down to three minutes," he joked

with reporters tgdak "I went four

minutes without using a verb."

The former Congressman, who

was Secretary of Housing in the Bush

Administration, was among a half

THE RATINGS

OCT. 11, 1992

OCT. 15, 1992

OCT. 6, 1996

ABC CBS

Source: Networks listed

nia and informal adviser to the Dole-

Kemp campaign; and F. Reid Buckley,

who runs a school in South Carolina

to help business executives

sharpen their public speaking skills.

Aides said that Mr. Gregg, who is

articulate but very reserved, has

been a "very convincing" stand-in

for Mr. Gore. "He is appropriately

rigid and mean-spirited," was the

assessment of a senior aide after the

dozen candidates for the Republican conclusion of first of three practice

Presidential nomination in 1988 who

appeared together in debates. And in

October 1987, he shared the stage

rounds on Monday.

ney said the candidate, despite

his inexperience at debating, was

with his Republican opponents — Mr.

Dole, Pete DuPont, Alexander M.

Haig Jr., Pat Robertson and George

Bush — in a nationally-televised de- .

bate on the public broadcasting program

"Firing Line."

cI mfortable with his preparations.

"Jack plan a positive, civil discussion

of the issues," said Alixe Glenn,

thI Ii

e spokeswoman for the campaign.

Despite Mr. Kemp's lack of formal

debating experience, the Gore cam-

Since Monday, Mr. Kemp has paign tried to project the Vice Presi-

practiced in private, going throughdent as the underdog in Wednesday's

at least five unbroken 90-minute de- encounter. Mr. Cuomo found a combates

with Senator Judd Gregg, a pendium of adjectives to describe

New Hampshire Republican, stand- Mr. Kemp as a debater, including

ing in for Mr. Gore.

"formidable, glib, stylized, entertain-

Mr. Kemp has been surrounded by

a retinue of aides and advisers, in-,

cluding John P. Sears, who managed

Ronald Reagan's political campaigns

in 1976 and in 1980; Steven A.

ing and passionate." He referred to

the speaking career Mr. Kemp abandoned

to run for Vice President and

said: "Stylistically, Kemp is very,

very good. They don't pay you •$2

Merksamer, a lawyer from Califor- million for two years unless you

Fewer Watching Debates

Households watching the first debate of the 1996

Presidential debates and the first two of the 1992

campaign. CBS did not broadcast the debates on ,

Oct. 11, 1992, because of a baseball championship.

Figures are in millions.

NBC' FOX

TOTAL

of all four

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

The New York Times

speak very well."

Mr. Kemp's role in Mr. Gore's

preparations has been played by

Torn Downey, the former House

member from Long Island. They

have staged four mock debates, with

Mr. Downey winning rave reviews

for his presentation of Mr. Kemp's

views. "I can't say he won all of

them," Lorraine Voles, Mr. Gore's

spokeswoman, said of her boss. "But

he's gotten much better."

The ground rules for the debate

will resemble those of the Clinton-

Dole debate on Sunday, except that

there will be no opening statements.

Mr. Gore won a coin toss to deliver

his closing remarks last.

The preparations were modestly

disrupted by the storm that swept

through the Gulf of Mexico this week

and caused a leak in , the ceiling

above Mr. Gore's podium at the

practice site. The Vice President

barely noticed, Ms. Voles said.

Since it also curtailed outdoor activities,

a basketball hoop was

brought into the practice site.

"It's been pretty relaxed," Ms.

Voles said. "It's hard to be tense -

when in the middle of answering a

question, he gets up and starts shooting

baskets."


The New York Times, Wednesday, October 9, 1996

Editorial Notebook

How to Watch Tonight's Debate

A candidates' debate is very

similar to an automobile race. People

say they watch to see fine competitors

performing at the very

peak of their game, but in truth

most of them are just waiting for a disaster.

Tonight's Vice-Presidential face-off could be particularly

rewarding, since these debates tend to be a little

more crash-prone than the Presidential variety. Watching

them is also an investment in the future. After the

election, the losers at the bottom of the ticket do not

usually disappear into a limbo of golf and speech honorariums.

Like Bob Dole, they can resurface as a Presidential

candidate years — even many years — later.

In the first Vice-Presidential debate ever, in 1976,

Mr. Dole introduced himself to American viewers by

attacking not only Walter Mondale and his running mate,

Jimmy Carter, but Franklin Roosevelt and the League of

Women Voters as well. For good measure, he threw in

his famous gibe about 1.6 million Americans being killed

and wounded in "Democrat wars in this century." Commentators

also noticed that Mr. Dole seemed to ramble

when he talked. It was, all in all, a preview of tlings to

come. It also explains why longtime Dole-watchers described

his comparatively decorous and only slightly

disjointed performance in the Presidential debate this

week as affable and on-target.

America got its first real look at George Bush when

he and Geraldine Ferraro took to the podium in 1984. Mr.

Bush was asked about his multiple residences, and how

that affected his tax situation.

"I'm really a Texan," the Vice President began.

"But I got one house. ... I notice she said she has a new

good accountant. I'd like to get his name and phone

number because I think I've paid too much in the way of

taxes. And residence, Mr. Boyd, legal residence, for

voting, is very different. And the domicile, they call that,

very different, than the house. ..." The voters were

getting a sneak preview of the rhetorical style they

would scratch their heads over in the decade to come.

Look for the Future —

Wait for a Car Crash

Some people may presume that

tonight's debate, or indeed any debate

featuring Al Gore, will be less

than riveting. They've forgotten

Gore v. Quayle v. Stockdale in 1992,

which was to debates what "Twister" is to cinema. The

Times's Elizabeth Kolbert called it "a kind of psychological

gang warfare."

Mr. Gore, in a single opening statement, managed to

remind the voters that Mr. Quayle was the only candidate

on stage who had not served in Vietnam and that

Senator Lloyd Bentsen had cleaned Mr. Quayle's clock

during their debate in 1988. Mr. Quayle's great triumph

was urging Mr. Gore at one point to "Take a deep breath,

Al. Inhale." But both their performances were overshadowed

by that of Ross Perot's running mate, Adm. James

Stockdale, who began immortally: "Who am I? Why am

I here?" As the evening went on, the admiral frequently

offered to give up his rebuttal time, which Messrs. Gore

and Quayle fought over like two tiger cubs vying for the

carcass of a small mammal.

Mr. Gore could score points tonight against Jack

Kemp simply by being more exciting than people expect,

just as Mr. Dole succeeded this week by being less

hostile than anticipated. Mr. Quayle triumphed in 1992

just by avoiding disaster. ("People expected him to put

countries on the wrong continent," said one commentator.)

Mr. Quayle's own personal car crash, of course,

came in 1988, when he compared his age and experience

to President Kennedy's. "I knew Jack Kennedy," rejoined

Mr. Bentsen. "Jack Kennedy was a friend of mine.

Senator, you're no Jack Kennedy."

It was a retort Mr. Bentsen had practiced ahead of

time, knowing that Mr. Quayle had made that comparison

in speeches before. Right now, Mr. Gore and Mr.

Kemp are practicing stinging retorts that they hope to

find an opportunity to insert casually tonight. You can

tell one is coming by the sound of sque.tlling tires and

ctunching fenders. GAIL COLLINS


THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, OCTOBER 9, 1996

When Jack Kemp debates Al Gore

tInight, the nation will surely see the

pro-growth, tax-cutting, diversity-extolling

Republican most of us have

come to know. But count us among

thS. who also hope the voters see a

running mate who is willing to take

aim at the character of President

Clinton.

This will require Mr. Kemp to play

sS mewhat against I. we know. The

former quarterback is by temperament

an optimist, even an evangelist.

There is no one living (or dead) who

Mr. Kemp thinks he can't convert to

his sunny view of the universe, even

the unconvertible likes of Louis Farrakhan.

All of this is part of his po

cal charm, and shouldn't be repressed

even if it could be.

But as a running mate plucked

frS m oblivion by Mr. Dole, and as a political

professional,

Mr. Kemp also has

an obligation to do

some heavy lifting.

In this Presidential

race especially,

that means exposing

the opposition's

main vulnerability,

which is the lack of

credibility of the

President who says

he raised taxes IS Jack Kemp

much while talking to Republicans,

S ut says he did the right thing when

he's talking to Democrats. Especially

S. cause Mr. Dole's pollsters are worried

that he can't afford to appear

-mean," ItIr. Kemp has to perform as

a stand-in.

For one thing, this is a traditional

Vice Presidential role. Bob IS carried

the cudgels for Jeffy Ford back in

1976, as did George Bush for Ronald

Reagan and Dan Quayle for Mr. Bush.

Al Gore didn't tread lightly over the

Republican incumbent in 1992 and we

expect he'll link Mr. Dole to "Medicare

cuts" and Newt Gingrich in every third

sentence. With his eye on a year 2000

primary fight with Dick Gephardt, Mr.

Gore will want to look tough to unions

and Democratic partisans.

Mr. Kemp also has a role to play in

stirring Republicans to come out and

vI te, to avoid a low-turnout debacle.

Of course part of doing this is selling

Mr. Dole's economic proposals in the

positive way that only Mr. Kemp

Kemp's Opportunity

among current GOP leaders really

can. But part of motivating voters also

means reminding them of the very

negative stakes if . Sn should

win a second term. The evangelists we

remember from the Bible always offered

hope, but along with a little fear.

In the broadest sense, Mr. Kemp

needs to dissect Mr. Clinton's character

for the sake of his own optimistic

political principles. The Kemp worldview

has always been rooted in what

is best for the common good. Thus his

aversion to political "wedges" of the

right or left. Yet the same principles

mean there is an obligation to the

truth, and as a white hat Mr. Kemp is

the ideal person to utter it. No doubt

Mr. Kemp is being advised to avoid

controversy, not least by the same

friends who urged m S run this year

with Ross Perot. And the same folks in

the media who have overlooked the

negative ads telling lies about the

GOP Medicare position will complain

if Mr. Kemp starts telling truths about

the President.

Character properly understood is

after all a high-road issue. In domestic

affairs, we have a President who has

no agenda to speak of, or at least one

he'll admit to. A President who signed

welfare reform, but now implies he'll

repeal most of it in a second term; who

IS mised a tax cut then reneged, then

promised it again then reneged (vetoed)

again and now is promising

again. Conducting foreign affairs we

have a President who is not believed

around the world. Executing our laws

we have a President who dangles a

pardon before potential witnesses

against him while claiming to "cooperate

fully" with the independent counsel.

By stonewalling Kenneth Starr in

his first term, Mr. Clinton has also set

uI himself to be paralyzed by prosecutions

in his second. Ideology aside, voters

need to know that a second Clinton

term probably would be traumatic.

Someone needs to say this, and the

circumstances suggest Mr. Kemp as

the best messenger. The chic talk of

the day, on both sides of the political

sS. ctrum, is that the people are getting

the President they deserve, that

the American people have the sarrif

character as Bill Clinton. At the very

least, someone of real standing in the

Dole -Kemp campaign has to make

clear they care.


THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, OCTOBER 9, 1996

Gore and Kemp Both Focus on Urban Problems

In What Could Be a Preview of the Race in 2000

By HUARY STarr

Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

CLEVELAND — Al Gore is touring a

glistening new shopping center in one of

this Ohio city's bleakest neighborhoods.

The admiring vice president hails the

string of businesses — which includes a

clothing discount store called Fashion

Cents and a furniture retailer called

Renters Choice — as a shining illustration

of how the Clinton-Gore administration

has helped attract investment to the inner

cities.

Jack Kemp is campaigning in Connecticut,

the wealthiest state in the nation. But

the Republican vice

CAMPAIGN

*96

presidential candidate

has chosen to

spend the day in

less-affluent urban

areas. The administration's

economic

policies have left

the cities behind, he

declares at the University of New Haven.

Tonight the two men meet on the same

stage in the vice presidential debate in St.

Petersburg, Fla. in what could be a preview

of the presidential race of 2000. And

their performances on the campaign trail

this year suggest that if Mr. Kemp and Mr.

Gore do face off in 2000, it could be quite a

different political campaign than the current

one between Bill Clinton and Robert

Dole.

Fascination With Minutiae

Both No. 2's are more cerebral than

their partners. Mr. Kemp can conduct a

discourse endlessly on economic growth

and the most arcane subsection of the U.S.

tax code. Mr. Gore, who works on a

laptop computer on campaign trips and

who once hosted a series of dinner discussions

on "the metaphor" at the vice president's

man.sion, has a fa.scination for

everything from the minutiae of nuclear

technology to the federal bureaucracy.

"The strategic resource in the 1990s and

the 21st century is knowledge," he tells

students during a rally at Ohio State

University.

On issues, both men are expressing an

abiding concern about urban problems,

while such talk rarely escapes the lips of

candidates Clinton and Dole. In the current

campaign, Mr. Gore and Mr. Kemp are

spending a good deal of time speaking

of—even debating—the plight of the inner

cities and how to improve it.

This is partly political expediency. Mr.

Gore is working to secure the Democratic

base, including urban, minority dwellers,

for President Clinton this year — and him-

self in four years. Mr. Kemp, whose

White House ambitions also extend beyond

1996, is looking to expand the GOP's core to

attract black and low-income urban voters.

"My goal for our America in the year 2000

is to have our democracy where half of the

African-American vote is voting Democrat

and the other half is voting Republican,"

Mr. Kemp said addressing a "black issues"

luncheon in New Jersey last week.

Genuine Interests

But the background discussion between

the two subordinates also reflects genuine

interests of the two men. Mr. Kemp, 61

years old, is a former secretary of housing

and urban development in the Bush administration,

and Mr. Gore, 48, oversees the

Clinton administration's urban policy.

Their focus on urban issues is unusual

considering that to win elections nationally,

most presidential candidates and

their running mates have strayed from the

cities in recent years. "The bulk of the

population now is suburban and the urban

areas are very substantially Democratic,

so it's not like they're competitive," says

David Bositis, senior political analyst at

the Joint Center for Political and Economic

Studies, an organization of both Democrats

and Republicans.

Still, says Robert L. Woodson Sr.,

whom Mr. Kemp has consulted on urban

policy for years. "I know that Kemp feels

very deeply that this is the seminal issue,

the core of what ails society."

But Mr. Woodson, president of the

National Center for Neighborhood Enterprise,

adds: "I must say I have a deep

respect for Gore. I think he has staked out a

territory of importance to low-income

people" — expanding poor people's access

to computers. "We feel strongly that unless

something is done to help low-income

people take advantage of this technology,

there are going to be potholes on the

information highway."

Campaigning in the Ghetto

Both men have reached out to urban

voters in the current campaign. Mr. Gore,

who is chairman of the administration's

chief urban-policy body, campaigned recently

in a Philadelphia ghetto, at a public

housing project in New York and hosted

African-American mayors at the vice presidential

residence.

"Our urban agenda in the Clinton-Gore

administration is not just about new buildings

and better houses. It's not just about

programs and policies," Mr. Gore asserts

here in Cleveland. "It's about giving people

new opportunities and reviving their

long lost hopes," he says, speaking fervently

to several hundred people standing

in an asphalt courtyard of a once-dilapidated

factory that now houses several new

enterprises and a job training center.

Mr. Kemp has spent a good part of this

campaign going where most past GOP

candidates didn't bother to tread. He made

headlines by visiting Harlem last month.

He has also traveled to inner city Newark,

N.J., Memphis, Tenn., Los Angeles and

Chicago. Mr. Dole and Mr. Clinton have

barely entered a slum this campaign.

Contrary to Mr. Gore's claims, Mr.

Kemp argues in campaign speeches that

the Clinton administration has "abandoned

the inner cities" for political reasons.

Mr. Gore retorts that "the old

HUD" — in a veiled reference to Mr.

Kemp's former job as secretary of housing

and urban development — focused too much

on housing and too little on jobs.

Actually, the core of the Clinton administration's

urban policy resembles an idea

Mr. Kemp pushed tirelessly as housing


THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, OCTOBER 9, 1996

Urban Differences

How Vice President Gore and Jack Kemp differ on solutions to urban problems:

Al Gore

Jack Kemp

secretary: "empowerment zones" and

"enterprise zones," troubled urban areas

designated by the federal government as

eligible for certain tax breaks, grants and

low-interest loans. Mr. Kemp's idea for the

zones focused mainly on tax breaks to

attract businesses; the zones established

in the Clinton administration's 1993 economic

package also include grants and

loans for a variety of social services,

Investment

Empowerment Zones—providing grants and low-interest

loans as well as tax breaks to spur private investment and

provide social services to depressed areas

Housing

Provide vouchers for public-housing tenants to move where

they want

Education

Allow students to attend public school of their choice

Investment

Enterprise Zones—granting tax breaks, including a cut in the

levy on capital gains, to businesses that invest in troubled

urban neighborhoods specially designated by the government

Housing

Allow public-housing tenants to buy their units

Education

Provide vouchers for low-income students to attend private

schools

including job training and day care.

The amount of time Mr. Kemp has

spent in urban centers suggests he may be

as interested in the campaign of 2000 as the

one of 1996. While he has won praise for

reaching out to the cities and minority

voters, he could almost certainly make a

bigger difference in winning voters for Mr.

Dole by carrying his antitax message to

white suburbia in battleground states.


Kemp puts

his drive

to work

for Dole

By Judi Hasson

USA TODAY

FILLMORE, Calif. — Jack Kemp

wanted his wife to have a nice birthday

celebration, but hecklers kept

getting in the way.

The Republican vice-presidential

candidate seethed as his wife, Joanne,

stepped to the microphone to

speak, only to be shouted down by a

handful of protesters.

Kemp grabbed the microphone

and bellowed: -You can boo me. But

don't boo my wife. ... Respect my

woman, my wife, as I respect Hillary

Clinton and Tipper Gore."

When the heckling continued,

Kemp took off his jacket and all but

shouted his stump speech at the top

of his lungs.

That's the kind of combative style

Jack Kemp is bringing to this campaign,

just a year after he spoke wistfully

of being in the -wilderness,"

washed up as a politician.

Now Kemp is back, even if in a

supporting role in a campaign lagging

far behind in the polls. It's a

tough spot loran impatient man used

ID caning the shots.

As Election Day nears, Kemp displays

a new urgency: At 61, he knows

this is his chance to lay the groundwork

for a presidential run in 2000

— or lose his shot at national politics.

In the eight weeks since he was

named Bob Dole's running mate,

flashes of his impatience have

cropped up from time to time. Handlers

sometimes cringed as he wandered

from the crafted Dole message

of the day only to be pulled

back in line.

He said a tax cut would be passed

in the first 100 days of a Dole administration,

then backed off.

He praised Nation of Islam leader

Louis Farrakhan's self-help philosophy,

angering many in the Jewish

community. He later called on Farrakhan

to denounce anti-Semitism.

But he gets angry when asked if

he's trying to wing it on his own.

"I am pouring every ounce of my

mind, body and soul into winning for

Bob Dole; he says,

USA Today

October 9, 1996

Morning-to-night campaign

Unlike Dole, who picks a few

events each day, Kemp's schedule is

filled with speeches, fund-raisers

and interviews from the early morning

talk shows to late at night

That routine rarely seems to wear

on Kemp. An imposing figure at 6

feet and 219 pounds with silver hair

and the chunky build of a former pro

quarterback, he walks with the

speed of an athlete who resents being

cooped up.

These days Kemp seems happiest

when he sheds his suit jacket. He

tosses a football wherever he goes or

pretends to throw one.

But the routine of campaigning

sometimes gets to him: Under the

constant repetition of questions,

Kemp can be seen impatiently tapping

his gold football ring on a chair.

Kemp talks to Dole a couple of

times a week, but his campaign manager,

Wayne Berman, is on the

phone with Dole's campaign manager,

Scott Reed, seven or eight times a

day. Staff members value his calls to

Dole, they say, because Kemp is a

good cheerleader. Aides say he

pumps up Dole's spirit and keeps

him focused on the economic message.

Talking overtime

When he faces Vice President

Gore tonight in the only vice-presidential

debate, voters will see a candidate

who likes to talk so much that

aides fear he'll have trouble keeping

to the 90-second time limit

Kemp is downplaying expectations.

He says he hasn't spent much

time practicing, and he'll probably

look at only one or two of Gore's old

debates. But in fact, Kemp has been

studying and practicing for five days.

The debate, Kemp says, will pit

"our vision vs. their vision, and their

little highway to the future, which is

littered with potholes and tariffs and

duties and barriers and taxes and

regulations and litigation, and our

broad highway for everyone."

At every stop, he sounds two consistent

themes. First he talks about

the need for a 15% tax cut to stimulate

the economy and help families

of every income. And then he ties

that to the need for the GOP to be

seen as the party of inclusion.

"Most of us standing here are pretty

secure. Think of all those left out,

left behind. Think of all those Americans

who will never have a shot at

the American dream," he says. The

Dole-Kemp ticket, he says, will give

everyone that chance.

On the stump he often talks about

his own past, recalling how he grew

up as a Christian in a Jewish neighborhood

of Los Angeles and recounting

the shock of seeing discrimination

Fiviinst black teammates.

"You could not be in a school and

not be sensitive to the influence of

people who, for lack of a better

word, were liberal-minded.. ... I felt

comfortable with people of different

religions and ethnic backgrounds. It

is no secret that football had a big influence

on me."

Kemp had been an outspoken opponent

of proposals that would end

all affirmative action programs and

deny the children of illegal immigrants

access to school. But since

joining the Dole ticket, Kemp has

switched positions to stay in line with

Dole — a change that may be targeted

by Gore tonight

Building a base

A multimillionaire who makes

$30,000 for a speech, Kemp was on

several dozen boards until he resigned

to run with Dole. He's the cofounder

of Empower America, a

conservative think tank that promotes

tax cuts — and which has

many longtime Kemp supporters on

its mailing lists.

Kemp's repeated call to expand

the GOP voting base has fueled speculation

his real goal is the presidency

in 2000. Kemp denies it

"In .2000, Bob Dole is going to be

running for re-election."

Nevertheless, Kemp's high-profile

run is giving him name recognition

and a financial base for the future.

Whatever the outcome, Kemp is

clearly having a ball.

Just after dawn recently In New

York City, he was riding across town

for a television interview. He spied

old football pal, Kyle Rote, who

played for the New York Giants.

"Stop the car," he yelled.

And out he bounced to give Rote a

bear hug before zooming off to yet

another interview. s


THEn,OR ANGEtOr T

ORANGE COUNTY, CALIFORNIA THURSDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1996

A SPIR1TE SCRAP

VYING FOR VEEP: Republican candidate Jack Kemp, left, and Vice

President Al Gore air their rival messages Wednesday at the

The Associated Press

Mahaffey Theater in St. Petersburg, Ha. Each is considered a prime

prospect for his party's nomination in 2000

Gore, Kemp tussle on social issues

POLITICS: Abortion

and affirmative action

make sparks fly as the

No. 2 men square off.

From Register news services

ST. PETERSBURG, Fla. —

Vice President Al Gore and Republican

challenger Jack Kemp

faced off Wednesday night in a

90-minute debate that presented

voters with rival economic messages

and partisan sniping over

social issues like abortion and affirmative

action that have received

scant airing in the presidential

contest.

At the outset. Gore and Kemp

were cordial and declared a

truce of sorts on the character

issue.

Neither abortion nor affirmative

action had come up in Sunday

night's debate between President

Clinton and GOP nominee

Bob Dole, but both issues generated

spirited exchanges between

the campaign understudies.

Although both Dole and Kemp

are on record supporting a con-

stitutional amendment outlawing

abortion, Kemp said such a

dramatic change was not in the

cards.

"There is no consensus,"

Kemp said. "A constitutional

amendment would not pass. We

must use persuasion, not intimidation."

That remark could

alienate Christian conservative

leaders who have been urging

Dole and Kemp to draw sharper

contrasts with Clinton on abortion

and other social issues.

Affirmative action is another

such issue, and Gore moved

quickly to put Kemp on the defensive

on that point.

The vice president recalled

that Kemp had criticized Proposition

209 — a California ballot

initiative rolling back affirmative-action

— but later fell in line

with Dole's support for it after

joining the GOP ticket. Gore said

he wished Kemp had persuaded

Dole to change his position instead.

Both Gore, 48, and Kemp, 61,

are considered prime prospects

for their party's nominations in

2000.

Y911111111141111

PAUL E. RODRIGUIF2/The Regrster

LOOK TO THE FUTURE: Beth Haines,

17, speaks about the vice presidential

debate as Stephanie Little, 16, and

Brett Scheller, 15, listen. Did teens

find Wednesday's debate relevant to

their future? See Page 14

FULLCOMIAGE

• HEADED TO b. REALITY: How

0.C.: Clinton words compared

plans Oct. 17 with deeds.

visit. Page 15 Page 16

• ANALYSIS:

Gore-Kemp debate

provided

details Page 16

REFORM PARTY:

Perot's running

mate comments

Page 17

INKAIMIYANO

lo• Gore on economy

"We have a plan to

balance the budget

while protecting Medicare,

Medicaid, education

and the

environment."

10. Kemp on economy

"This economy is overtaxed,

over-regulated,

there are too many

people suing each

other."

■ Gore on taxes

"We are determined to

move forward ... with

the tax cuts that President

Bill Clinton has

proposed."

■ Kemp on Clinton

"I've really only got

two differences with

Bill Clinton ... foreign

policy and domestic

policy"

MORE ON TAXES

AND JOBS: PAGE 14


The Orange County Register THE VICE-PRESIDENTIAL DEBATE

Despite hints of 2000 rematch,

No. 2s focus on top of ticket

CAMPAIGN: This debate

ha.s a little more

of an edge to it.

From Register news services

ST. PETERSBURG, Fla. —

Jack Kemp and Al Gore were determined

Wednesday night to

keep the focus of the campaign

on President Clinton and Bob

Dole, despite speculation about

them being likely candidates in

campaign 2000.

Gore defended the administration's

record of economic growth

and new jobs. He insisted that the

administration in the next four

I.. rs would balance the budget

while protecting the environment,

Medicare and social programs.

Gore boasted of "lower inflation,

lower interest rates, more

jobs and more growth, all within

the context of a balanced budget.

We have reduced the budget deficit

four years in a row

the kind of growth we want more

I f. We think we can do better

still."

Kemp countered that the economy

and the country's foreign

I are weak.

"This economy is overtaxed,

overregulated, there are too

many people suing each other,

there's too much litigation, our

education is not up to the standards

that the American family

and the American people want

for their children, and clearly the

welfare system is a disgrace to

our .ludeo-Christian principles,"

Kemp said.

Turning to his ticket's call for

S50 billion in tax cuts over six

years, Kemp said the nation's

economy "is not doMg what it

can do."

Gore responded that the Dole-

Kemp tax cut would "blow a

hole" in the federal budget defi

He also criticized the halanced.budget

plan passed last

year by the Republican Congress

that would have curhed the

growth of Medic;are spending,

saying it would have doubled deductibles,

eliminated nursing.

home standards and forced 700

hospitals to close.

What he didn't tell the audience

is that Clinton's counterpro

posal would have raised premiums

by almost as rnuch.

While the administration also

I. ns to curb Medicare spending

in order to avert a bankruptcy,

Gore insisted that "we will always

protect Medicare within

the context of a balanced budget

plan."

Kemp reacted strongly, accusing

the White House of waging a

"disgraceful" campaign to scare

senior citizens and "mislead the

American people with demagoguery"

about Medicare.

"Does anybody think that Bob

Dole, who almost gave his life for

his country ... does anybody

think he could possibly want to

II our country ahead and

leave anybmiy behind?"

Asked to respond to Kemp's

pointed criticism, Gore pointed

to Kemp's own criticisms of

Dole's tax record in past years

and said, "he used tougher language

when he talked about Bob

Dole."

Kemp called the administration's

foreign policy "ambivalent,

confusing" and warned that

"weakness" can provoke enemies

to act against the United

States.

Standing in Florida, a state

with a large population of senior

citizens, the two men sparred aggressively

over the future of

Medicare.

In a contrast to the Clinton-

Dole debate, the vice presidential

candidates engaged in a spirited

debate over the fate of inner

cities, a passion of Kemp's.

Kemp complained that the

Clinton administration has done

too little to help businesses in inner

cities grow or expand, which

he said is the best way to ensure

that people find good jobs and

are able to improve their lives.

"Los Angeles after the riots

did not get enterprise zones,"

Kemp said. '"That is unconscio- Gore reminded viewers that

nable to leave Watts and south- the GOP platform calls for a concentral

L.A. out." stitutional amendment banning

Gore pointedly responded that abortion and he said Kemp had

the administration did create voted 47 out of 47 times while in

empowerment zones in south Congress to support restrictions

central Los Angeles, that "it is on abortion. ''We will never al

creating jobs in south-central low a wonnen's right to choose to

Los Angeles right now " Ile said be taken away," he said.

the administration has already

helped create 1.9 million jobs in

central cities for people who had

been on welfare, and that it has

sI ecific plans to create 1 rnillion

more central-city jobs.

Asked whether affirmative-ac-

lion programs should be repealed,

Gore, who does not, began

with a bow to his opponent.

"I want to congratulate Mr.

Kemp for being a lonely voice in

the Republican Party over the

years on this question," he said,

referring to Kemp's long-standing

support for affirmative action.

"It is with some sadness,"

he said, that he had to point out

that the day after Kemp joined

Dole on the GOP ticket, Kemp

changed his position.

"That's not good for our country,"

Gore said.

Kemp responded by saying he

was for equal opportunity, not a

guaranteed outcome. And he

blamed racial problems more on Ji

a dual economy than on racism.

"Affirmative

action should be

predicated on need, not equality

of reward, not equality of outcome,"

Kemp said. Under a Dole

administration, he said, a "new

civil rights agenda" would expand

access to job opportunities.

This, he said, is what .1 .1.11

Lincoln intended.

Gore retorted: "With all due

respect, I do not believe that

Abraham Lincoln would have

adopted Bob Dole's position to

end all affirmative action."

An exchange on abortion came

when moderator Jim Lehrer

asked Kemp if Dole would seek to

change laws that make abortion

legal in the United States.

Kemp said "there should be all

of the protection th at we can give

to an unborn human being," but

he did not endorse any specific

restrictions and said, —Nis

country should not be torn asunder

over this debate." He did

criticize Clinton for vetoing legislation

bannmg certain late-term

abortions.

Knight Ridder Newspapers and The

Associated Press contributed to this

report

• READER POLL: Did you watch the

debate, Metro, Page 3

Thursday, Oct. 10, 1996

The Associated Press

PLEASANTRIES: Vice President Al Gore, right, and GOP vice

presidential nominee Jack Kemp shake hands before start of debate.

NEWS 15

Clinton plans

visit to 0.C.

tI is month

The Orange County Register

President Clinton IA ill visit

()range County on Oct. 17, the

day after the final presidential

debate in San Diego, the Clinton-

Gore campaign announced

Wednesday.

Clinton last visited the county

in September 1995 to praise youth

anti-crime programs in Santa

Ana. Republican candidate Bob

Dole appeared here most recently

in August.

Details of Clinton's visit were

unavailable.

The visit coincides with continued

signs of strength in ()range

County for the president, as well

as his prospects in California.

Last month's Orange County Annual

Survey by the Universit, of

California showed Clinton and

Dole in a statistical dead heat

here, a county where Republi

cans outnumber Democrats by

23o ,000 voters.

President George Bush won

the county by about 110,000 votes

in 1992, but his margin here

wasn't enough to counter Democratic

majorities elsewhere in

the state.

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NEWS 16

The ()range County Register THE VICE-PRESIDENTIAL DEBATE Thursday, Oet. 10, 1996

Al Gore

Gore, Kemp play the detail men

PoLITICS: DoVs 15%

talc cut#is thoroughly

htished out, and

tilortion is argued. But

the character issue?

Not a peep.

By R.W. APPLE Jr.

The. New York Times


Last Sunday night Bob Dole

disi not do it. For whatever rea-

- lack of passion, strategic

mikalculation or oversight in

th4 heat of the moment — he

faMod to make much of a case for

his proposed 15 percent tax cut in

debating President Clinton.

Se on Wednesday night Jack

Kemp did it for him. Facing Vice

Pliesident Al Gore in a debate

televised nationally from St. Petetsburg,

Fla., the Republican

vitt presidential nominee put

hektrt and soul — and a torrent of

werds — into an effort to sell the

tax cut to the country and to

prove that it would foster more

rapid growth. It was much as he

haxl helped earlier to sell the plan

to -Dole.

Together, Gore and Kemp conf

rented the tax issue head-on and

laid their cases pro and con beide

the electorate in some detail.

They explored its impact on

the environment, on blacks and

omthe inner cities. Seldom in the

i triage-driven, sound-bite political

culture of recent years has a

siiigle topic received such extensiVe

exposure at the height of a

presidential campaign.

vWe cannot just run the clock

04 on the 20th century," Kemp

said, arguing again and again

I ANALYSIS

that every time in this century

that the United States had cut

I'

taxes, revenues had increissed

and the economy had

grown. A tax cut now, Mowed in

shIrt order by a thoroughgoing

rewrite of the federal tax code,

he declared, would "take the

country roaring into the 21st century."

He painted a picture of a country

overtaxed, overregulated

and ovenvorked because the

ecInomy was growing far too

slowly under Clinton. The "haves

are doing well," he conceded, but

"the have-nots are not."

It was precisely what the Republican

leadership, which considers

the tax cut the party's best

hope for victory, had wanted. Before

the debate, Alan Novak, the

Pennsylvania party chairman,

said that if not Dole, someone

else had to rebut Clinton's criticisms

of the Republican tax program,

and added, "That's right

up Jack's alley."

But Gore did not stand idly by

while Kemp defended the tax

cut, and after 90 minutes of backand-forth,

he seemed to have

held his. own. He repeatedly

branded the Dole-Kemp program

"a risky $550 billion tax

scheme" that would "blow a hole

in the deficit" and "knock our

economy off track."

When temp said his plan was

not "trickle-down" economics

but was as propulsive for the

economy as Niagara Falls, Gore

replied that the Republican proposals

would "put the economy

in a barrel and send it over the

falls." He insisted the proposals

would mean cuts in Medicare

and other social programs.

The Republican nominee

brought the greater energy and

fervor to the debate, though he

sometimes got tangled in his statistics

and syntax. •

But even if Kemp proves to

have prevailed in the eyes of

nnost of those who watched, he

nifty not have changed many

votes. Few people, academic

studies have shown, vote on the

basis of their views of the vice

presidential candidates. Dole

and Kemp trail by 10 to 15 percentage

points in most polls, with

less than four weeks until Election

Day.

Dole had also been criticized

by many in his party for failing to

exploit the so-called character issue,

and he had berated himself

for not pressing it effectively

when he confronted Clinton.

But Kemp, given a chance at

the beginning of the session by

the moderator, Jim Lehrer of

the Public Broadcasting Service,

to discuss any "ethical differences"

between Clinton and

Dole, spurned it with the comment

that it was "beneath Bob

Dole to go after anyone personally:,

The two men did debate abortion,

including so-called "partialbirth

abortions the form of

late-term abortion that congressional

Republicans tried to ban

in their last session, and a subject

that absent from the presidential

debate. Dole's opposition

to abortion is believed to be a big

barrier in attracting support

among women.

Kemp conceded that there was

I o chance of passing a constitu-

How they fared:

words vs. deeds

The Associated Press

WASHINGTON — With a flurry

of statistics, Vice President Al

Gore and G()P vice presidential

running mate Jack Kemp made

some big boasts about the effects

of their bosses' economic plans.

How their words compare with

the facts:

■MEDICARE

Gore and Kemp sparred repeatedly

over Medicare, each accusing

the other of distorting

facts. Kemp said the Clinton administration

promised to hold

Medicare spending increases to 6

percent and that Republicans increased

it by 7 percent. But he

was comparing apples with oranges.

The 6 percent figure Kemp

•i

tional amendment outlawing

abortiI n, even though the

platform calls for one, I: and

suggesteI that persuasion and

discussion were needed.

Nothing that was said appeared

likely to change the

minds of suburban Republican

and independent women with

whom Dole has failed to connect.

A major question now is whether

Dole, who has been taking a

harder anti-Clinton line in his radio

and television advertising

and on the stump in the past few

I. will follow through in that

vein in the final presidential debate,

scheduled for Wednesday

in San Diego. He had promised to

do so, but Kemp's avoidance of

personal attacks put that tactic

in doubt.

Old friends and old congressional

colleagues, Gore and

Kemp smiled frequently, joked

with each other and never came

close to losing their tempers.

Kemp kept his famous prolixity

under control, though he could

not resist using the term "Judeo-

Christian" • a lot, and the vice

president, who is noted for a

wooden speaking style, managed

I ccasionally to sound fairly relaxed,

even if he used the phrase

"with all due respect" so often

that it sounded like a recording.

Gore rattled off long lists of

what he termed the accomplishments

of the Clinton administration,

to which Kemp replied that

it was not nearly enough.

CUTS

Gore repeatedly touted Presi-

cited came from an estimate

dent Clinton's "targeted tax cuts

for middle-income familieg." It II

Clinton's failed health-care

plan, and it was based on a per-

is true that Clinton has proposed

capita calculation. The 7 percent

$124 billion in tax breaks aimed

figure is based on the overall

at families with children and

hII

spending increase in the GOP

ers of student loans and re-

plan. When adjusted to show a

tirement accounts.

per-capita estimate, the GOP in-

But most of those tax breaks

crease actually was closer to 5

are temporary and expire in

percent.

2000. Also, Congress' bipartisan

And Gore offered a slew of sta-

Joint Committee of Taxation

tistics showing Medicare re

concluded that the same plan

ents would have paid higher pre-

raises $188 billion in fees and taxmiums

under the GOP plan. But

es to pay for the breaks.

unII_r Clinton's budget, premi-

That study concluded that the ums also would increase sub-

net result of the Clinton plan was

stantially.

a $64 billion tax increase over 10

Under the GOP budget that

years.

Clinton vetoed, monthly Medicare

premiums for individuals

■MORE TAX CUTS

wI uld have risen to $88.90 in 2002

Kemp said several times that frI m $53.70 in 1996. But under

every time income taxes had Clinton's plan the same premi-

been cut, government revenues ums would have started lower

had gone up. However, after but would grow to $70.40 from

President Reagan's 1981 tax cut,

personal

$42.50 in 1996.

income tax revenues

when adjusted for inflation went I■EFFECTS OF

down for three straight years — a

fact

DOLE

cited frequently

TAX CUT

by critics of

the supply-side

Gore charged that the

economics that

Dole

plan "blows a hole in the

Reagan championed. •

deficit"

and will "raise interest rates."

Ile accurately quoted several

■FAMILY AND MEDICAL hundred economists who have

LEAVE ACT

concluded that the Dole plan

Gore insisted that the Family could not be implemented with-

and Medical Leave Act had been out increasing the deficit.

used 12 million times since Presi- However, those same econodent

Clinton signed it. The admists disagree over whether the

ministration calculates that 12 plan would increase interest

milliI n of the million work- rates, as Gore stated flatly.

ers who IS leave from their

jII s in the first 18 months of the •WELFARE

law were covered by the legisla- Gore said the Clinton administion.

However, a bipartisan contration deserved credit for regressional

study concluded that moving 1.9 million recipients


I nly 1.5 million to 3 million frI m the welfare rolls. However,

Americans, or less than 4 per- mI st experts say most of the

cent of those eligible, had taken credit for that decrease goes to

leave as a direct result of the

in numerous states

law. Many would have been enti- that have enacted innovative

tled to the leave even without the programs I to move welfare recip-

law.

ients into jobs.

nit• / e■ IN°

ift oft II dom.:1


NEWS 14

Fast action: In a quick poll

conducted by ABC after the vice

presidential debate Wednesday,

SO percent said Al Gore won the

showdown, 27 percent viewed

Kemp as the winner and 21 percent

called it a draw.

Meanwhile, three national polls

released Wednesday found that

Suhday's presidential debate

didn't help GOP candidate Bob

obie much. A CBS News poll

showed that more Americans (66

percent) than at any time since

1988 believe the economy is in

• good shape and Clinton's job-ap-

• prOval rating has hit 61 percent.

A CNN-USA Today-Gallup track-

;ng poll finds Clinton gaining

slightly in the past week as the

candidate who would do the best

job of handling taxes - now 43

percent say that of Clinton, 3e

percent of Dole and 13 percent of

. Rdss Perot. ABC polling since Sunday

gives Clinton 54 percent, Dole

48 percent, Perot 5 percett of the

re*.

,,And a Reuter tracking poll

AlffIrsestf ay puts Clinton lead -

,r54 Dole by 8.1 percent

Kemp family: The Orange

i.nynty Kemps sat proudly in the

weend row of the debate, right

tiefSfnd Jack Kemp's wife, Joanne

Kemp. The group included

. brother Tom Kemp of Laguna

;leach and brother and sitter-in-

Deck and Carolyn Kemp from

trvine

tom Kemp said he thought his

1 . brother "captured the Puente" of

the debate in his closing remarks.

14 "Gore has this concept of social

engineering, and Clinton and he

hire a plan for everybody as long

I ,i you do things their way," Tom

ii.

p said. "I thought Jack lifted

the discussion by saying a free

le in a free market can do

.at things. At the same time, I

thought there was a great emphatit

on maintaining a proper safety

rwt so you don't let people fall

below a certain level. I thought

that idea of compassion sold

• -Art-

The Orange County Register THE VICE-PRESIDENTIAL DEBATE Thursthy, Oct. 10. 1996

YOUTH: Teens don't

find much that's rekvant

in debate.

Sy JEAN 0. PASCO

The Orange County Register

They may be teen agers today,

but in four years they'll be voters.

Seven Orange County highschool

students watched Wednesday

night's vice presidential debate

at the Register to hear from

candidates who probably will

THE TEEN

PANEL:

Watching vice

presidential

debate are,

from left, Jared

West, 16,

Fullerton;

Christine

Craddick, 14,

Fullerton; Cathy

Lui, 16, Newport

Beach;

Stephanie Little,

16, Irvine; Beth

Haines, 17,

Santa Ana; Brett

Scheller, 15, San

Juan Capistrano;

and Richard

Kim, 16, Yorba

Linda.

Photos by PAUL E. RODRIGUEZ/The Orange County Register

OK TO THE FUTURE

than Kemp did to help Dole. bunch of different schools. She to work to help pay for college. In Little: I'd also like to hear more

Catherine Lul: All Kemp did has a boyfriend and he had to get four years, when I get out of col- about affirmative action. I'll be

was rely on past stories that two or three jobs. They both work lege, I think all of this will have on the verge of getting a job in

didn't relate to what's happening and they both finished high more of a direct effect on me. four years and it's a concern of

now

school, which was tough. It's !Ake if I go into business for a mine. I wonder that I might not

Both Haines: It probably would hard for them. They can't enjoy major like international trade, be able to get the job I want be-

have been more relevant if I was life right now.

I'll want to know about how they cause I'm white. Everybody has

paying taxes. They were talking Haines: I think you should defi- would tax exports.or imports. a brain and it's that way no mat-

so much about taxes and the nitely have a choice. With Kemp, Lui: I would have liked to hear ter what you look like in the out-

economy and blowing a hole in he kept saying government snore about capital punishment side.

the deficit, that has no relevance shouldn't tell you what you and more of what they would do Lui: I'm sure affirmative ac-

to me.

should do, but he says govern- to really enforce it.

tion was a noble thing, but now

Q: What were the issues that ment should tell you can't have Little: I'd like to hear more you have to focus more on the

were relevant to you?

an abortion.

about new policies for dealing individual and not be so con-

Stephanie Little: Affirmative West: I thought the foxhole with all of the (death sentence) cerned about race.

action and abortion. I agree with comments were the worst appeals. It seems like they're Q: If you could vote next

,— n,,eitittr.: ral those is- (Kemp talking about Dole's ac- spending IS years now on death month, who would you choose?

uv..s• ruitp and Gore. I like


didn't help GOP candidate Bob

Dole much. A CBS News poll

showed that more Americans (66

percent) than at any time since

1988 believe the economy is in

good shape and Clinton's job-approval

rating has hit 61 percent.

A CNN-USA Today-Gallup tracking

poll finds Clinton gaining

slightly in the past week as the

candidate who would do the best

job of handling taxes -- now 43

percent say that of Clinton, 3$

percent of Dole and 13 percent of

Ross Perot. ABC polling since Sunday

gives Clinton 54 percent, Dole

Ai percent, Perot 5 perceht of the

Ott..

.i.' And a Reuter tracking poll

-..nesday puts Clinton leadi.

• I de by 8.1 percent.

.i.

Kemp family: The Orange ! s, Co4Anty Kemps sat proudly in the

-second row of the debate, right

betrind Jack Kemp's wife, Joanne

1 Kemp. The group included

brother Tom Kemp of Laguna

; Beach and brother and sister-inlaw

Dick and Carolyn Kemp from

!Nine.

Tom Kemp said he thought his

1 . brother "captured the essense" of

- the debate in his closing remarks.

4. 11' "Gore has this concept of social

E engineering, and Clinton and he

E have a plan for everybody as long

C as you do things their way," Tom

k Kemp said. "I thought Jack lifted

, up the discussion by saying a free

people in a free market can do

r■ great things. At the same time, I

' thought there was a great emphasit

on maintaining a proper safety

net so you don't let people fall

below a certain level. I thought

that idea of compassion sold

well."

, . ,,..,;:. tie said the Kemp family joined

a party with campaign advisers

the Spin Room," where they

: llit hed the debate re-run on

te . ision.

i% pole: Watching the debate from

: burban Chicago, Bob Dole ap-

1,1 pfluded Kemp for outlining sharp

: Oftlerences on tax and other ecot

iibtpic policies. "I'm very proud of

,1 hi " Dole said. As for Gore, Dole

7: sa , "He did a good job of pro-

4 ing more government, taxa'1Ø-spend

liberal policies, more

: regulation."

.'. earlier Wednesday, Dole said he

., might have some "surprises" for

President Clinton when the two

meet in their second and last debate

Wednesday in San Diego.

Clinton: Expanding on a favorite

campaign theme, President Clin-

-ton is calling for a $500 million

.1-iederal investment to expand

.:=nternet computing capabilities at

i 100 universities, national labs and

4

other federal institutions. Clinton

U

4

will announce the proposal in

4 Knoxville, Tenn., today.

.: 4

'

G •

YOUTH: Teens don't

find much that's relevant

in debate.

By JEAN 0. PASCO

The Orange County Register

They may be teen-agers today,

but in four years they'll be voters.

Seven Orange County highschool

students watched Wednesday

night's vice presidential debate

at the Register to hear from

candidates who probably will

want their votes in four years ---

Democratic Vice President Al

Gore and Republican nominee

Jack Kemp.

They didn't find much about

Gore or Kemp — or about President

Clinton and GOP hopeful

Bob Dole that seemed relevant.

Their thoughts.

Q: What impressed you about

the debate?

Jared West: Gore really rocked

(Kemp). He sounded like he really

believed what he was talking

about.

Richard Kim: Gore was better

prepared. He brought up quotes

that Kemp had made about Dole

way back when. That was impressive.

Brett Scheller: I think Gore did

more to help President Clinton

lilt eLr.

PANEL:

Watching vice

presidential

debate are,

from left, Jared

West, 16,

Fullerton;

Christine

Craddick, 14,

Fullerton; Cathy

Lui, 16, Newport

Beach;

Stephanie Little,

16, Irvine; Beth

Haines, 17,

Santa Ana; Brett

Scheller, 15, San

Juan Capistrano;

and Richard

Kim, 16, Yorba

Linda.

Photos by PAUL E. RODRIGUEZI1he Orange Loiinty Register

OK TO THE FUTURE

than Kemp did to help Dole. bunch of different schools. She to work to help pay for college. In Little: I'd also like to hear more

Catherine Lui: All Kemp did has a boyfriend and he had to get four years, when I get out of col- about affirmative action. I'll be

was rely on past stories that two or three jobs. They both work lege, I think all of this will have on the verge of getting a job in

didn't relate to what's happening and they both finished high more of a direct effect on me. four years and it's a concern of

now.

school, which was tough. It's Like if I go into business for a mine. I wonder that I might not

Beth Haines: It probably would hard for them. They can't enjoy major like international trade, be able to get the job I want be-

have been more relevant if I was life right now.

I'll want to know about how they cause I'm white. Everybody has

paying taxes. They were talking Haines: I think you should defi- would tax exportsior imports. a brain and it's that way no mat-

so much about taxes and the nitely have a choice. With Kemp, Lui: I would have liked to hear ter what you look like on the out-

economy and blowing a hole in he kept saying government more about capital punishment side.

the deficit, that has no relevance shouldn't tell you what you and more of what they would do Lui: I'm sure affirmative ac-

to me.

should do, but he says govern- to really enforce it.

tion was a noble thing, but now

Q: What were the issues that ment should tell you can't have Little: I'd like to hear more you have to focus more on the

were relevant to you?

an abortion.

about new policies for dealing individual and not be so con-

Stephanie Little: Affirmative West: I thought the foxhole kith all of the (death sentence) cerned about race.

action and abortion. I agree with comments were the worst appeals. It seems like they're Q: If you could vote next

Dole on his positions on those is- (Kemp talking about Dole's ac- spending 15 years now on death month, who would you choose?

sues. With affirmative action, if tions during World War II). It row.

West: Dole and Gore. I like

all people are supposed to be was a good thing to do, but it had West: I would have liked to Dole and I really respect Gore.

equal, then why do you need spe- nothing to do with anything. hear more about the $10,0(X) tax Craddick: President Clinton.

cial advantages? My back- Christine Craddick: They did a credit (for college tuition). Col- Lui: I'm undecided. I do like

ground is conservative Chris- lot of bringing stuff up that haplege tuition and college costs are Gore as vice president but I don't

tian, so abortion is really touchy pened in the past. It wasn't even a real concern for us right now. like either Clinton or Dole.

with me.

relevant to the subject they were Haines: I'd like to have heard Little: Dole and Kemp. Their

Scheller: The (discussion) talking about.

more about Social Security be- positions on issues appeal more

about abortion mattered to me West: One of the main points cause that's going to be really to me.

because I've had lots of friends our family looks at is what they important. The baby-boomers Haines: Clinton and Gore be-

who have gone through these say about the capital-gains tax- are getting older and it's going to cause of exactly the same rea-

choices. Some of them thought es. My family has some rental end up a burden on us.

son.

they'd definitely have the kid, property and my dad said he'd Lui: I would have liked to hear Scheller: Clinton and Gore be-

hut once they thought about the get out of it and sell it if he could more about foreign policy. My cause I don't think Clinton's done

kid actually coming into their keep (the capital gains 1.

family's from Taiwan and we're anything wrong in four years and

life, they realized they couldn't Q: What were the issues you thinking about becoming our own because being pro-choice is im-

really take care of a child and so would have liked to hear more country. I'd like to see who would portant.

they decided to have an abortion. about?

back us on that. We've backed up Kim: I'm undecided. I don't

I'm on Clinton's side for that. Kim: I wuuld have liked to hear Somalia and brought peace to feel like I heard enough from ei-

Kim: A friend of mine has a kid more about things like a higher Haiti. Would we back up Taither side to wake an informed

now. She had to transfer to a minimum wage. We might have wan?

decision.




t▪

it. ..4us . pal ty rvIt,. ■ampatyl 1 ouvo,c,)

I

' V:in the Spin Room," where they

-Watched the debate re-run on

tetevision.

✓ 4,1.

i; le: u Watching the debate from

burban

Chicago, Bob Dole ap-

I" p'

ded Kemp for outlining sharp

lerberences on tax and other eco

. *Mk policies. "I'm very proud of

Dole said. As for Gore, Dole

, if! "He did a good job of pro-

ing more government, tax

c E a spend liberal policies, more

t regulation "

r. ---,- [Adler Wednesday, Dole said he

II

k 'tight have some "surprises" for

President Clinton when the two

meet in their second and last debate

Wednesday in San Diego.

'. Clinton: Expanding on a favorite

, campaign theme, President Clin

ton is calling for a $500 million

tleral investment to expand

..

■.:Aftternet computing capabilities at

.1 1 00 universities, national labs and

...

'.. other federal institutions Clinton

announce the proposal in

4 Knoxville, Tenn., today.

!..'

.:

C.

:

4

7.

;■-■ _ .

.. at.,

I

4, I

; •

Nest: The next presidential debate

is Wednesday at the Shiley

Theatre in San Diego. Live TV coverage:

ABC, CBS, NBC, PBS, CNN

and (-SPAN will cover. Live radio

coverage: KNX/1070 AM,

KCI1W 89.9 FM and KPCC/89.3 FM

Online: For more information on

the issues, go to The Orange

; County Register's Web page The

. :;40ciress www.00Registercom

*full transcript of the vice presi

dential debate will be available

7.: mid morning today

7. Debate: To hear excerpts from

W4dnesday's vice presidential de

-; bate, call Register Infoline at

(714) 550-4636. category 5109 To

hear excerpts from Vice President

Al Gore's closing statement, dial

category 5181 For excerpts of

Jack Kemp's closing statement,

dial category 5182 And to hear

the debate in its entirety, dial cat

egory 4216

From Register news services

Democratic Vice President Al

Gore and Republican nominee

Jack Kemp.

They didn't find much about

Gore or Kemp -- or about President

Clinton and GOP hopeful

Bob Dole that seemed relevant.

Their thoughts •

Q: What irnpressed you abrout

the debate?

Jared West: Gore really rocked

(Kemp). He sounded like he really

believed what he was talking

about.

Richard Kim: Gore was better

prepared. He brought up quotes

that Kemp had made about Dole

way back when. That was impressive

Brett Scheller: I think Gore did

more to help President Clinton

Stephanie Liftle,

16, Irvine High

sues. With affirmative action, if

all people are supposed to be

equal, then why do you need special

advantages? My background

is conservative Christian,

so abortion is really touchy

with me.

Scheller: The (discussion)

about abortion mattered to me

I. cause I've had lots of friends

who have gone through these

choices. Some of them thought

they'd definitely have the kid,

I ut once they thought about the

kiI actually coming into their

life, they realized they couldn't

really take care of a child and so

they decided to have an abortion

I'm on Clinton's side for that.

Kim: A friend of mine has a kid

now. She had to transfer to a

Jared West,

16, Troy High,

Fullerton

Christine Craddick

14, Rosary High,

Fuller-ton

tions during World War II). It

was a good thing to do, but it had

nothing to do with anything.

Christine Craddick: They did a

lI t of bringing stuff up that happened

in the past. It wasn't even

relevant to the subject they were

talking about.

West: One of the main points

our family looks at is what they

say about the capital-gains taxes.

My family' has some rental

property and my dad said he'd

get out of it and sell it if he could

keep (the capital gains).

Q: What were the issues you

would have liked to hear more

about?

Kim: 1 would have liked to hear

more about things like a higher

II inimum wage. We might have

Catherine Lui,

16, Corona del Mar

High

row.

West: I would have liked to

hear more about the $10,000 tax

credit (for college tuition). College

tuition and college costs are

a real concern for us right now.

Haines: I'd like to have heard

more about Social Security. because

that's going to be really

important. The baby-boomers

are getting older and it's going to

end up a burden on us.

Lui: I would have liked to hear

more about foreign policy. My

family's from Taiwan and we're

thinking about becoming our own

country. I'd like to see who would

back us on that. We've backed up

Somalia and brought peace to

Haiti. NVould we back up

wan?

Beth Haines,

17, Fountain Valley

High

Brett Scheller,

15, Dana Hills

High

West: Dole and Gore. I like

Dole and I really respect Gore.

Craddick: President Clinton.

Lui: I'm undecided. I do like

Gore as vice president but I don't

like either Clinton or Dole.

Liftle: Dole and Kemp. Their

positioI s on issues appeal rnore

to me.

Haines: Clinton and Gore because

of exactly the same rea

son.

Scheller: Clinton and Gore because

I don't thick Clinton's done

anything wrong in four years and

because being pro-choice is important.

Kim: I'm undecided. I don't

feel like I heard enough from either

side to make an informed

decisioI.

Richard Kim,

16, Esperanza High,

Anaheim

SEVEN 0.C. TEENS USE KEMP-GORE DEBA'TE AS SPRINGBOARD TO CAMPAIGN 2000

For some teens, Campaign 2000 began Wednesday

night.

Regardless of who wins the election in less thpn a

month, Al Gore and Jack Kemp are likely to be in the

presidential mix at the turn of the century. If Clinton wins,

both men are likely candidates to replace him If Dole

wins, Kemp will remain on the national stage and Gore

will be a likely challenger.

To gauge the appeal of Kemp and Gore with first-time

voters in 2000, seven Orange County teens watched the

debate in the newsroom Wednesday night. They then

talked about what they saw and heard, and what they'd

like,to see more of in the next four years.

Most of the teens are members of the Register's Teen

Panel; others were recruited because they had expressed

an interest in public affairs. Going into the debate, two

preferred the Dole-Kemp ticket, one liked Clinton-Gore

and the rest had no preference

11111fiat Gore, Kemp had to say on jobs and taxes

■GORE ON TAXES

"We have a balanced-budget

plan that has targeted tax cuts

for middle-income families. • We

have already given tax cuts to 15

million of the hardest-pressed

families in America.

"Our plan for the next four

years features a $1,500 tax credit

called the Hope Scholarship for

tuition at community college, ju

nior college or college, a $10,000

tax deduction for college tuition

for those who go further, so that

in essence no American family

will ever be taxed on the money

they spend for college tuition.

"Also, tax relief for first-time

homebuyers, tax encouragement

for savings and help in paying

health-care expenses, and a tax

break -- actually the elimination

of capital-gains taxes on profits

from the sale of a home. All of

this within a balanced-budget

plan which protects Medicare,

Medicaid, education and the environment."

S. ON JOBS

"We have kl plan (for) creating

millions of new jobs, including

one million new jobs in America's

inner cities with tax credits

for employers who hire people

who are now unemployed.

"The good news is we're making

progress. We've seen 101

lion new jobs created in the last

four years. We've seen the unem

ployment rate come down dra

matically. We've seen the African-

.11 .5 unemployment

rate go below double digits for.

the first time in 25 years, and it

stayed below for 25 months in a

■KEMP ON TAXES

"This economy is overtaxed.

We need to lower the tax rate

across the board on working and

saving and investing ... Bill Clinton,

the president, and Al Gore

suggest that they'll give us a tax

cut, hut only if we do exactly

what they want us to do. That

isn't America. It's social engi,

neering.

"The tax code should reflect

our values in a Judeo-Christian

sense — that work, honesty, integrity

and contracts and property

and investments and savings

should be rewarded.

"And Bob Dole and Jack Kemp

are not only going to cut the tax

rates across the board and lower

the capital-gains tax ... but we're

going to repeal the 83-year-old

code and replace the 7! million

words with a flatter, fairer,

pler code, and that will take this

country roaring int() the 21st century.

"We shouldn't just tinker with

the capital.gains tax. We should

eliminate it in inner cities to put

capital there.

"A $550 billion tax cut in a $50

trillion economy over six years is

/1! percent, and the only hole it

would blow is a hole in the plans

of this administration to try to

tinker with the tax code and de-

fend the indefensible. It would

blow up the bureaucracy and expand

the economy.-

•KEMP ON JOBS

"Clearly, the plan should he to

lift the economy, to get more revenue.

... We have to grow the

economy, •I in Bob Dole's and

Jack Kemp's opinion, we should

aim at daubling the size of the

America') economy in the next 15

years. Under their policy, it'll

tI ke 30 to 40 years. That's not

acceptable.

"We should double the size of

this nation's economy. II It will

mean

more jobs and morLie

wealth."

CompilOd by Register staff writer Jeff

Colliny


Lc),,A„ 10)1qq€1 VICI PRESIDENTIAL Min

ST. PETERSBURG, FLA.

Gore, Kemp fiace-off was a quiet duel

HANS S. / Awaited Press

Sparrinv Vice President AI Gore boasted of the

administration's environmental record.

MARK HUMPHREY Assoasted Preis

Attack: GOP vice presidential candidate Jack KemP

criticized U.S. policies toward Mexico.

GOP fights to retake fortress Colorado

This is one in an occasional series on key

states in the presidential race.

By John Marellus

STAFF WRITER

LAKEWOOD, Colo. — For decades, Republicans

could gaze upon the majestic

snw-capped o

peaks of th e Rcky o Mountains

and see instead a presidential electoral-vote

fortress.

All of that changed in 1992 when Bill

Clinton carried not only Colorado, but Mon-

tana, New Mexico and Nevada as well en

route to the White House.

Bob Dole must rebuild that fortress in

short order if the Republican nominee is to

have any hope of cobbling together the

necessary 270 electoral votes for an upset

victory on Nov. 5.

"This is Bob Dole country. This is a conservative

state," said Don Bain, chairman of

the Colorado Republican Party. "People just

haven't started paying attention yet."

Take Charlene Thompson, an office man-

ager who was interviewed recently at a

shopping center in this conservative Denvez

suburb.

Thompson, a lifelong Republican, stuck

with George Bush four years ago when

Republicans were deserting the former

president in droves. But she doesn't think

she could bring herself to vote for Dole.

- "I certainly don't trust Bill Clinton, but 1

See COLORADO on Page A-23

Post-debate polls

silow few voters

changing sides

By George E. Condon Jr.

COPLEY NEWS SERVICE

ST. PETERSBURG, Vice

President M Gore and Republican challenger

Jack Kemp clashed repeatedly

last night over budget priorities, abortion

and foreign policy wide-ranging

but subdued debate that even

touched on the need for more civty on

the baseball diamond.

It was a debate keenly watched as

much for its impact on the next presidential

race as its influence on the

current one. The nationally televised

event matched up the possible frontrunners

for the Republican and Democratic

presidential nominations in

2000.

Because of that, the stakes were

especially high for Gore, 48, and Kemp,

61, in the eyes of party activists and

odds-makers.

But for the

average voter,

the focus was

on the effect

the debate

would have on

the uphill effort

by Republican

presidential

• Analysis of vice

presidential

debate—A-23

• USD prepares

for Clinton-Dole

bout—B-1

nominee Bob Dole to catch President

Clinton.

And that is where Gore and Kemp

chose their fights on the stage of the

Mahaffey Theater.

The forum, sandwiched between

presidential debates last Sunday in

Connecticut and next Wednesday at

the University of San Diego, was devoid

of fireworks or rhetorical dazzle.

And the immediate reaction of voters,

as measured in instant polls conducted

by the teleon networks, indicated

little shift in voters' attitudes.

In a CBS poll, 48 percent said Gore

won the debate to 31 percent for

Kemp. An ABC poll found 50 percent

judging Gore the winner, 27 percent

See DEBATE on Page A-23


176:4-abek. 10) MO

Thursday

ober 10, 1996

Debate

Polls show few

voters are swayed

Continued from A-1

Kemp and 21 percent calling it a

tie. It was carried on all the major

networks except for Fox, which

carried a baseball playoff game.

Instead of fireworks, viewers

saw two seasoned politicians best

known for their love of policy discussions,

dueling gently for 90 minutes,

brandishing as their weapons

economic statistics and contrasting

governmental philosophies.

Perhaps the most heated clash

came over abortion, but the two

candidates also had spirited exchanges

over Mexico, urban policy

and the environment.

On abortion, Kemp lashed out at

Clinton's veto of a bill that would

have outlawed certain late-term

abortions.

Kemp labeled the practice, called

partial birth abortion by opponents,

"ugly and gruesome," saying it represents

"snatching life away from a

child just moments before he or she

enters the world."

He said Dole "would never have

vetoed that ban."

But Gore defended the veto, saying

it was necessary because the

Republican-controlled Congress

would not include a provision providing

an exception "to protect the

health of the mother" when serious

health consequences were involved.

Gore insisted that the true Republican

agenda, as reflected in the

GOP platform, is the elimination of

a woman's right to decide whether

or not to terminate a pregnancy.

"We will never allow a woman's

right to choose to be taken away,"

said Gore, noting that the GOP platform

calls for a constitutional

amendment to eliminate that right.

Kemp, whose voting record

when he was in the House was

consistently anti-abortion, bathed

his views in a soft light and distanced

the Republican ticket from

that call in the party platform, saying

bluntly, "There is no consensus.

A constitutional amendment would

not pass."

He said abortion foes "must use

persuasion, not intimidation. Bob

Dole and Jack Kemp will try to

remind the American people of

what a tremendous asset our children

are and why there should be

Zile On Diego

0 11 t jib 11 11 e •

protection for innocent human life."

The two also sparred vigorously

over environmental policy. Kemp

bristled at Gore's contention that

the Republican Congress, which

Dole helped lead, "invited the lobbyists

for the biggest polluters from

America to come into the Congress

and literally rewrite the Clean Water

Act and the Clean Air Act."

Clinton, he boasted, "stopped

them dead in their tracks" and

would continue to oppose the environmental

policies outlined in the

GOP platform.

"Al, get real," Kemp shot back.

He countered that the only thing

Democrats have to offer voters this

year "is fear — fear of the environment,

fear of the climate, fear of

Medicare, fear of Newt (Gingrich),

fear of Republicans, fear of Bob

and, probably, fear of cutting tax

rates."

He said that it was "outrageous"

for Gore to brand as polluters those

business leaders who helped Republicans

rewrite the environmental

legislation.

"It is typical of the anti-capitalistic

mentality of this administration,"

Kemp said.

For the first time in the two

debates, U.S. policies toward Mexico

were discussed. Kemp blasted

Clinton's actions surrounding the

collapse of the peso and the subsequent

U.S. bail-out of Mexico,

which was ordered by Clinton despite

strong opposition in the

American public.

Gore called the policy a great

success, noting that the bail-out

loans have been paid back. And,

boasted Gore, "We've ended up

making a $500 million profit. All of

the loans have been paid back.

We're using that $500 million to

further reduce the deficit."

Kemp insisted that the United

States "caused the problem" and

bears full responsibility for the

"pain, the suffering, the unemployment,

the bankruptcies, the loss of

the standard of living, the people

who have had to come across the

border of California, Arizona, New

Mexico and Texas."

Kemp called it "unbelievable that

we could cause a drop in the standard

of living of a friendly country

like Mexico by nearly 40 to 50

percent, unemployment goes up,

we send U.S. tax dollars and IMF

monies to Mexico, and we make a

profit."

Gore said he was perplexed by

Kemp's charges, particularly since

Dole had supported Clinton's stand.

He accused Kemp of joining what


Republicans used to call "the

blame-America-first" crowd.

"The United States of America

shouldn't be blamed for the management

of Mexico's monetary policy,"

Gore said. "We helped our

neighbor in an hour of need, and

they survived, they're stronger."

Kemp is best known for his economic

policies and staunch advocacy

of lower tax rates. And he again

carried that banner into battle. But

no new ground was broken on the

subject, with Kemp arguing repeatedly

for Dole's proposal to reduce

income taxes by 15 percent and

Gore just as repeatedly decrying it

as a "scheme that would blow a hole

in the deficit."

At one point in the debate, moderator

Jim Lehrer of the Public

Broadcasting Service, asked the

candidates to comment on the current

furor over Baltimore Orioles

baseball player Roberto Alomar

spitting in the face of an umpire and

then receiving only a delayed and

modest penalty.

Kemp sidestepped the question.

saying he preferred to make "a bigger

point" about the need for racial

and economic reconciliation. But

Gore said it was important to

"speak out against these violations

of civility when they do occur."

The two candidates differed as

well on other issues:

S Foreign policy: Kemp called

the Clinton foreign policy "ambiguous

. . . contradictory . . . precipitous.

. . It is sending strong signals

to the wrong people. And we have

learned over the years that weakness

is provocative."

Gore pointed to what he called

foreign policy successes, saying

"we restored democracy to Haiti"

with scarcely a shot being fired.

• Affirmative Action: Gore accused

Kemp of dropping his longstanding

support of affirmative action

"the day after he joined Sen.

Dole's ticket." Specifically, he noted

Kemp's support for California's

Proposition 209, the November

ballot initiative that essentially

would do away with affirmative action

programs in state and local

government.

Kemp ignored that comment,

and spoke out vigorously for an

expanded economy that would hep

the inner cities.

Medicare: The two swapped familiar

charges, with Gore casting

the Democrats as saviors of the

program, and Kemp trying to rebut

allegations that Dole wants to reduce

benefits for seniors.


THE SAN DIEGO UNI0N-TRIBUNE•THURsDAY, OCI'OBER 10,1996

Seriously, there was little drama in Kemp-Gore debate

By Mark Z. Barabak

COPIJEY NEWS SERVICE

WASHINGTON — If the hype proves

right, if last night's vice presidential debate

really was a preview of the presidential

race four years hence, voters in 2000 will

learn just how much earnestness they can

possibly stand.

Forget the attack-dog posture usually

assumed by the No. 2 man on the ticket.

Vice President Al Gore and Republican

challenger Jack Kemp were more like a

pair of basset hounds as they deliberately

circled one another and diligently discussed

policy to a wonkish fare-thee-well.

There was precious little drama in last

night's match-up and no electrifying moment;

no "you're no Jack Kennedy" or

"Democrat wars" zinger to leap off the TV

screen and enter the pantheon of political

lore.

But there was a lot of serious-ininded

discussion of serious issues like the economy

and inner-city poverty, the war in Bosnia

and the environment — even the re-

cent incident where baseball player

Roberto Alomar spit in an umpire's face.

Like Bob Dole in his debate, Kemp had

the greater onus last night. "He'll be standing

there with Gore, but he'll really be

debating Clinton," Scott Reed, manager of

the Dole-Kew campaign, said beforehand.

Realistically, though, no one could ex-

ANALYSIS

pect Kemp alone to shake up a race that

'II been stubbornly static for months.

That's simply too much to ask of a vice

presidential running mate, • even one as

turbo-charged as Kemp.

Indeed, nothing happened in St. Petersburg

to even


"Every time this country in the 20th

century has cut tax rates across the board,

revenues went up, the economy grew."

Kemp said, crisply making the supply-side

case for tax cuts.

Some Republicans also counted on Kemp

to defend House Speaker Newt Gingrich

and the GOP-run Congress in a way Dole

hadn't.

While Kemp's love of ideas is well

remotely change the race known, "Republican's aren't looking for a

from where it stood 90 minutes earlier. philosophical disquisition," conservative

Still, many Republicans were counting pundit William Kristol said going into the

on Kemp, with his superior speaking skills, debate. "If Kemp doesn't defend the Re-

to do a better job than Dole had selling the publican Congress, it could be a pretty bad

ticket's economic plan, with its centerpiece night for Republicans running for re-

15 percent tax cut.

election."

Kemp succeeded on that count. He did Here, Kemp surely disappointed Ging-

more to explain and Promote the plan in the rich and his acolytes. When Gingrich's

first 10 minutes than Dole did the entire name came up, it was invariably in the form

hour and a half Sunday night.

of an attack by Gore. The closest Kemp

came to standing up for the speaker was his

generic defense of Republican environmental

policies.

Gore's job, comparatively speaking, was

simple: Defend his boss and don't mess up.

He succeeded on both counts.

Most effectively, he repeatedly dredged

up old differences between erstwhile rivals

Kemp and Dole to pit one against the other.

In a tone theatrically suggesting more

sadness than anger, Gore cited Kemp's

abrupt about-face on affirmative action as

so on as he joined the GOP ticket.

When Kemp

II

criticized I the tax code,

Gore suggested Dole, the ex-chairman of

the Senate Finance C,onunittee, "wrote

about 450 separate provisions in that code.

... You better check with him before you

eliminate it completely. He may be getting

royalties."

When Kemp cited the economy's performance

after President John F. Kennedy cut

taxes in the early 1960s, Gore pointed out

that Dole was in Congress back then and

"was one of those who voted against" Ken-

nedy.

Interestingly, each candidate had reason

to try and be a bit more like the other.

Gore has been stereotyped as someone

who can make a cigar-store Indian seem

vivacious. So it • behooved him to show a bit

of zing. Kemp is renowned as a talker who

can dive into arcane policy r hours without

surfacing for breath. So his challenge

was keeping his answers short foIt and simple,

Kemp did the better job. He joked about

his famous long-windedness, but stayed

well within time limits even as he seemed

ready at times to burst from his suit coat.

Gore, on the other hand, was methodic

to the point of being robotic, as if his

wingtips had been nailed to the floor.

Forecasting a presidential election four

weeks out can be risky. Trying to project

one four years ahead is plain dumb. But if

Gore and Kemp face each otr again in

2000 — this time at the top of their respective

tickets — Americans may finally

get the sober, if excruciatingly serious,

contest they claMi to want.


Cos Angelo Timm

--"1".08■1.11111k

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 10,1996

COPYRIGHT 1996/ THE TIMES MIRROR COMPANY Cet / 114 PAGES

sr)

DAILY SO*

DESIGN A TED AREAS H ICH ER

Gore, Kemp Clash

on Tax Cuts and

Economic Growth

is Politics: Vice president

chides GOP rival for

backing California's

affirmative action tiative.

Republican nominee says

administration's solution to

inner cities is socialism.

By JAMES GERSTENZANG

and MARC LACEY

TIMES STAFF WRITERS

ST. PETERSBURG, Fla.—Vice

presidential candidates Al Gore

and Jack Kemp clashed repeatedly

Wednesday night over their running

mates' prescnpuons for economic

growth, diffenng on the role

of tax cuts and the scope of the

economy's performance during the

four years of the Clinton administration.

Gore and Kemp differed. too, in

their nationally televised debate

over the contenuous social issues

of abortion and affirmauve ac -

tion—two topics on which Kemp

has sought to put some distance

between himself and convenuonal

Republican policy.

Gore, the Democrat seeking a

second term as Bill Clinton's vice

president, and Kemp, the Republican

running with presidential can-

didate Bob Dole, cloaked their

considerable policy differences in

civility on the red-carpeted stage

of the Mahaffey Theater in the

Bayfront Center overlooking

Tampa Bay.

Kemp, something of a maverick,

both within the Republican Party's

congressional ranks and then as

George Bush's secretary of Housing

and Urban Development. accused

the Clinton admirustrauon of

following a socialist polley directed

at the residents of the nation's

inner clues.

"Their soluuon to the inner city

is It IL' the epression.

New DEBATZ, Ala

II

The Exchange

Ansciated Rem

We have seen

progress during the

last four years" but

Republican plans

-would be a serious

risk. If —AL eon

games

114 This economy is

overtaxed, overregulated

Dole and I believe

we can do a lot

better. rf

—JACK KEMP



• ., AI18 THURSDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1996 *

KEMP vs. GORE

The '% Debates

LOS ANGELES TIMES

DEBATE: Economic Growth, Tax Cuts Spur Clashes

Continued from Al

but it's true—socialism. It is not for the people. It is for

the government to tell them where to live, where to go

to school," said Kemp, who grew more red-faced and

voluble as Gore's studied tenor, a trademark of his

public delivery, became even more measured as the

evening wore on.

Even as the two men made clear their policy

differences, Kemp insisted he and his running mate

would avoid personal attacks on Clinton's character.

"It is beneath Bob Dole to go after anyone personally."

Indeed, although Dole criticized Clinton sharply on

the campaign trail Tuesday, on Sunday during his

debate in Hartford, Conn., he shied away from

developing the character issue, fearing, he said later,

that he would turn off voters if he seemed too

aggressive. Kemp hewed to that line, as well.

Where Kemp, GOP Differ

On abortion, Kemp distanced himself from the

Republican Party platform, which calls for approval of

a constitutional amendment that would make nearly

all abortions a crime.

"We recognize there's no consensus in America. A

constitutional amendment would not pass. We must

use persuasion, not intimidation," Kemp said.

He noted that he and his wife have three adopted

dgrandchil ren. "We thank God every •night of our life

that a young woman was given the opportunity to

choose life," he said.

Kemp's words were almost exactly what Steve

Forbes •argued during the Republican primaries earlier

this year. At the time, Forbes was hotly criticized by

antiabortion advocates within the party.

Gore, responding to Kemp, reminded the audience

that the Republican Party's stand would outlaw

abortion even in cases of rape and incest.

"We will never allow a woman's right to choose be

taken he said.

On affirmative action, Gore chided Kemp and Dole

for supporting the California ballot measure that

would bar "preferential treatment" based on race, sex

or ethnicity in public employment, education and

contracts.

"Diversity is a great strength in America," the vice

president said, pledging that the administration would

preserve affirmative action in federal hiring and in the

awarding of contracts.

Gore praised Kemp for having been a "lonely voice"

within the Republican Party speaking up for racial

progress, but noted "with some sadness" that Kemp

had changed course and endorsed the California

m I ..sure the day after he joined Dole's ticket.

Before joining the ticket—Kemp had privately said

he would not support the initiative, now Proposition

I, .• mistakenly said that Kemp had "campaigned

against it, spoke against it, wrote letters

against it," apparently confusing Kemp's record on the

affirmative action initiative with his record on another

• I I Dor. ■iira nreaciriontini nnminacs lark uemn

Reuter.

VirP PrPsiriont AI Gore in St. Petersburg. Fla. In the

that topic 13 times during the hour • •and a half session.

Over and over, •he delved even further into the arrAne

turf of the U.S. tax cod e-83 years old, 7 ,41 rnillinn

pages in length, he r eminded his viewers.

But the vice presidential candidates also managed tn

get to more philosophical matters—each seeking to

draw differences with his opponent's overall policies —

Kemp attacking the administration, Gore defending

policies developed over the last four years.

"We're treading water," Kemp said. "We have

families that are hurting, we have people who are

unemployed, we have people with no property, we

have an administration that is demolishing public

housing in our inner cities and not providing anything

else but more public housing."

"President Bill Clinton promised to create 8 million

jobs. He's created 101/2 million new jobs," Gore

responded. "He promised to cut the budget deficit in

half. He has cut it by 60%."

The best economy in 30 years, Gore said—quoting a

statement that Dole made earlier this year, and no

doubt regrets now.

Three "instant polls" by television networks each

indicated that most voters saw Gore as the victor • in

the encounter. An ABC survey had 50% calling Gore

the winner and 27% Kemp, with 21% of those

surveyed Calling a draw. A •it CBS survey had Gore

48%, Kemp 31%, with 13% favoring a draw. And a

CNN poll put it at 57% Gore, 28% Kemp.

Both Kemp and Gore have been campaigning

extensively in urban areas—something that neither

Dole nor Clinton has done—and the opening third of

their encounter included a lengthy exchange on urban

policy.

Kemp assailed the administration's policies, saying

the welfare state created a "split not so much between

black and white" but between urban • have-nots and

the rest of America.

"We really have two economies," said Kemp.

Defending the adstration's urban initiatives,

Gore cited the establishment of 105 empowerment

zones and enterprise communities since Clinton took

office, adding that "we have moved 1.9 million people

off welfare rolls into good jobs in the last four years."

Gore went on to needle Kemp, who faced opposition

to many of his proposed urban initiatives during the

Bush years.

"Kemp had a good idea when he advocated that

years ago," Gore said of Kemp's advocacy of home

ownership programs for the poor. "He talked about it.

We did • it."

Clinton Foreign Policy Assailed

Kemp also attacked the administration for a foreign

policy that he said weakened the U.S. and emboldened

its enemies. "It's unbelievable that ambiguity can be

called a foreign policy," he said.

Kemp strayed from Dole's position on the issue of

U.S. intervention in Haiti two years ago to restore

nIc.r.tarf T-laittan nrPgirlent Jean-Rertrand Aristide to



debate in Hartford, Conn., he shied away from

developing the character issue, fearing, he said later,

that he would turn off voters if he seemed too

aggressive. Kemp hewed to that line, as well.

Where Kemp, GOP Differ

On abortion, Kemp distanced himself from the

Republican Party platform, which calls for approval of

a constitutional amendment that would rnake nearly

all abortions a crime.

"We recognize there's no consensus in America. A

constitutional amendment would not pass. We must

use persuasion, not intimidation," Kemp said.

He noted that he and his wife have three adopted

grandchildren. "We thank God every night of our life

that a young woman was given the opportunity to

choose life," he said.

Kemp's words were almost exactly what Steve

Forbes argued during the Republican primaries earlier

this year. At the time, Forbes was hotly criticized by

antiabortion advocates within the party.

Gore, responding to Kemp, reminded the audience

that the Republican rty's stand would outlaw

PaI I

abortion even in cases of rape and incest.

"We will never allow a woman's right to choose be

taken away," he said.

On affirmative action, Gore chided Kemp and Dole

for supporting the California ballot measure that

would •bar "preferential •

treatment" based on race, sex

I r ethnicity in public employment, education and

contracts.

"Diversity is a great strength in America," the vice

president said, pledging that the administration would

preserve affirmative action in federal hiring and in the

awarding of contracts.

Gore praised Kemp for having been a "lonely voice"

within the Republican Party speaking up for racial

progress, but noted "with some sadness" that Kemp

had changed course and endorsed the California

measure the day after he)oined Dole's ticket.

Before joining the ticket—Kemp had privately said

he would not support the ative, now Proposition

209—Gore mistakenly said that Kemp had "campaigned

against it, spoke against it, wrote letters

against it," apparently confusing Kemp's record on the

affirmative action initiative with his record on another

controversial ballot measure, Proposon 111I illegal Republican vice presidential nominee Jack Kemp,

immigration.

left, makes his point in first and only debate with

Although Kemp now supports Proposition 209, he

has often seemed uncomfortable with it and has

Roberto Alomar of the Baltimore Orioles spat in the

opp'sed making the initiative a focus for the GOP

camI. F face of an umpire—quickly turned into yet one more

ign.

pronouncement on the need to increafie personal

In keeping with Kemp's somewhat ambiguous

incomes.

I on the issue, he carefully avoided saying

"Civility, responsibility, racial reconciliation,

anything

heal-

favorable about the initiative, saying that

ing the wounds of our country has to be one of the

"my life has been dedicated to equality of opportu-

greatest and most aingularly important goals for this

nity."

country here on the edge of the 21st century," Kemp

said.

Economics Takes Center Stage

He then launched into his complaint that there is

little room for civility in America if the country fails to

But it was economics that dominated the 90-minute create more wealth and spread it to all—a somewhat

debate. Each time the moderator, Jim Lehrer, host of IId juxtaposition given that Alomar has a salary this

Public Broadcasting System's NewsHour. sought to year of $4 million.

navigate the series of mini -speeches into new terri- "Civility cannot return to our country unless every

tory, Gore, and to an even greater degree Kemp, person feels that they have an equal shot at the

managed to steer the topic back to economics.

American dream," he said.

That, said Kemp's running mate, was exactly what Gore denounced the spitting incident, saying Alomar

he was supposed to do.

"should have been severely disciplined, suspended

"He stuck with the economic package—that was our I erhaps, immediately." Alomar was given a five-game

strategy. Every time you get a question, talk about the suspension, but playoff and championship games were

economic package, what it means to the American exempted.

people, what it means to working people," Dole told It was not a performance likely to have broken

reporters outside the white brick Colonial house in viewership records. The number of people watching

Naperville, III., where he had watched the debate. the first presidential debate last Sunday was sharply

Indeed, even a question on civility in American reduced from four years ago, and Wednesday night's

discourse—pegged to the baseball incident in which debate was competing on television with the opening

Reuter!

Vice President Al Gore in St. Petersburg, Fla. In the

foreground is the debate moderator, Jim Lehrer.

game of the National League's championship series

between the Atlanta Braves and the St. Louis

Cardinals.

But Gore and Kemp sought to make a cootest of it

nevertheless, presenting their cases with an air, at

times, of earnest, high school debating wonks well -

versed in the verbiage of the Beltway seeking gamely,

but largely unsuccessfully, for the perfect sound bite.

Perhaps the closest they came was when Kemp,

praising the benefits of tax cuts, said that Gore "will

call that trickle down. I call it Niagara Falls."

"The problem with this version of 'Niagara Falls' is

that Sen. Dole and Mr. Kemp would put the American

economy in a barrel and send It over the falls," Gore

shot back.

Time and again, Gore talked of the proposed tax cut

that represenUi the heart of Dole's economic program.

Eight times he called it a 3550 billion risky scheme."

And with even greater repetition, Kemp hawked the

Dole plan to cut taxes—focusing on his own longtime

favoIite-4 cut in capital gains taxes. He addressed

else but more public housing."

"President Bill Clinton promised to Create 8 million

)obs. He's created 101/2 million new )obs," Gore

responded. "He promised to cut the budget deficit in

half. He has cut it by 60%."

The best economy in 30 years, Gore said—quoting a

statement that Dole rnade earlier this year, and no

doubt regrets now.

Three "instant polls" by television networks each

indicated that most voters saw Gore as the victor in

the encounter. An ABC survey had 60% calling Gore

the winner and 27% Kemp, with 21% of those

surveyed calling it a draw. A CBS survey had Gore

48%, Kemp 31%, with 13% favoring a draw. And a

CNN poll put it at 57% Gore, 28% Kemp.

Both Kemp and Gore have been campaigning

extensively in urban areas—something that neither

Dole nor Clinton has done—and the opening third of

their encounter included a lengthy exchange on urban

policy.

Kemp assailed the administration's policies, saying

the welfare state created a "split not so rnuch between

black and white" but between urban have-nots and

the rest of America.

"We really have two economies," said Kemp.

Defending the administration's urban initiatives,

Gore cited the establishment of 106 empowerment

zI nes and enterprise conimunities since Clinton took

office, adding that "we have moved 1.9 million people

I ff welfare rolls inW pod jobs in the last four years."

Gore went on to needle Kemp, who faced opposition

I many of his proposed urban atives during the

Bush years.

"Kemp had a good idea when he advocated that

years ago," Gore said of Kemp's advocacy of home

ownership programs for the poor. "He talked about it.

We did

Clinton Foreign Policy Assailed

Kemp also attacked the administration for a foreign

pdicy that he said weakened the U.S. and emboldened

its enemies. "It's unbelievable that ambiguity can be

called a foreign policy," he said.

Kemp strayed from Dole's position on the itisue of

U.S. intervention in Haiti two years ago to restore

elected Haitian president Jean -Bertrand Aristide to

power after a coup.

"Clearly, it was maybe the right thing to do," Kemp

said.

Dole opposed the use of U.S. troops in Haiti and has

continued to criticize the action.

Kemp also blamed the White house for the

upheaval in the Mexican economy tsvo years ago,

arguing that the downturn began after the Mexican

government, under pressure from the and the

International Monetary Fund, devalued the peSO.

As the Mexican economy plummeted, Kemp said,

cI st us $20 billion to $50 billion to bail them out."

Gore responded that in the end, the U.S. made a

$500- millio profit on the Mexican deal and that Kemp

was Im II n

properly blaming the United' States for decisions

Memco made. The U.S. government "shouldn't

be blamed for the management of Mexico's monetary

policy," he said.

Gersterizang reported from Washirigton and Lacey from

St. Petersburg. Times staff writers Melissa Healy, David

Savage and Elizabeth Shog,ren In Washington, Edwin Chen

in St. Petersburg, Marla L. La Gangs la Naperville, IN., and

researcher Robin Cochran contributed to this story.


LA „

Foes Used Jabs to Punch Up Images

• Politics: Gore tried to

loosen up with a joke, and

Kemp sought to keep his

economic references down

to earth. Neither was

entirely successful.

By MARC LACEY

and EDWIN CHEN

TIMES STAFF WRITERS

ST. PETERSBURG, Fla.—Al

Gore opened with a joke. Jack

Kemp came down from the

clouds.

Behind all the policy talk, the

two running mates tried on

Wednesday night to revamp their

images a bit.

Gore, known as a dour policy •

wonk. actually caused Kemp to

crack a smile. Kemp did not cite a

single obscure 18th century

thinker or throw out a single

arcane economics term. He went so

far as to boil down the Dole-Kemp

economic plan to the childhood

game of musical chairs.

"I'd like to start by offering you

a deal, Jack," Gore said in his

opening remarks. "If you won't use

any football stories. I won't tell any

of my warm and humorous stories

about chlorofluorocarbon abatement."

Kemp beamed. Then the former

quarterback faded away from the

podium for a mock pass.

On economics, Kemp shelved his

references to economists of old.

Instead, he explained that the

have-nots are elbowed aside in our

economy just like a big guy elbowing

out the little guy for the last

seat in a game of musical chairs.

The solution, Kemp said, is "we

need more chairs," or a fastergrowing

economy.

Neither man, of course, could

shed their true natures completely.

Listen to Kemp delving into the

etymology of the word economics:

"The word 'economics' in Greek

came from the word family, or law

or custom of the family,' he explained.

"A family without a job

where both breadwinners are away

from home and cannot spend time

with their children or can't send

the child to the school of their

choice rather than just the choice

of the federal bureaucracy cannot

possibly be as strong as a family

that has the nurture, the love, the

dignity and the justice that goes

along with one breadwinner, a

strong job and if that man or

woman wants to work, it's their

choice, not just to pay taxes."

Gore, for his part, did appear as

wooden as ever, even after joking

about it.

"He acted just like I acted when I

was trying to be him," said Sen.

Judd Gregg ( R -N.H. ), who played

Gore during Kemp's practice debate

sessions earlier in the week.

Reality was as malleable as

putty when the debate ended and

the spinners flooded into the media

center.

ust before the two men took the

stage, the spin -meisters were

working in reverse. To lower expectations,

aides to Kemp were

praising Gore's debating skills.

He's a pro, they said. A bright,

articulate man who knows verbatim

the policies of the president.

Au contraire, the Gore camp

retorted. Kemp is telegenic, bright,

passionate, far better on television

than the stiff old vice president.

Gore, they maintained, would

clearly be the underdog.

Then the two men debated and

everyone's perspective changed.

"I think he jumped right through

the television screen into Americans'

living rooms and explained

what the economic plan means to

them," said Kemp advisor Dave

Carney, touting his man.

Kemp certainly tried. Whether

the question was on race relations,

the environment or morality in

Amenca, Kemp sought to steer his

response to tax cuts and how they

will stimulate the economy.

Wayne Berman, another Kemp

aide, said the tight time limits

forced Kemp to focus. "In 90 seconds

it's not as easy to get into

some of the more philosophical

references that occasionally come

up out on the campaign trail,"

Berman explained.

-Epp on Klain, Gore's chief of staff

IV said he expected his boss to

edge Kemp on the nuances of

policy, Gore's strong point. But he

said he was nervous that Kemp

would beat Gore on style. No dice,

Klain said, Gore won that too.

"Gore was well-prepared, relaxed,

at ease and very comfortable,"

said Peter Knight, chairman

of the Clinton-Gore campaign.

So that Gore would not be too

overconfident going in, his staff

posted on a bulletin board in Gore's

view a front page headline from

the Washington Times that declared:

"GOP anticipates Kemp

dominance in debate tonight."

Meanwhile, Health and Human

Services Secretary Donna Shalala,

a spinner for the administration,

was claiming victory even before

Kemp and Gore took the stage—in

baseball, that is.

She was glued to a television set

in the media center next to the

debate hall, watching the New

York Yankees edge the Baltimore

Orioles. Although Shalala is from

Cleveland, she played years ago for

a pigtail baseball league, and her

coach was none other than George

Steinbrenner, the owner of the

Yankees. In a bit more spin, she

swore that she is the best shortstop

he's ever had.


Debate Truth Chart

—4-'\ tv\iL r el9s.

Here's a look at some of the factual assertions made by Vice President Al Gore and his

Republican challenger, Jack Kemp, during their debate Wednesday night:

Kemp said Americans now pay more

of their income in state, local and

federal taxes than they spend for food,

clothing and shelter combined.

Kemp also said that when he was

growing up, a family with an average

income sent 4% or 5% of their income

to the federal government in taxes.

Now he said, "it's close to 30%, or at

least 27 or 28%."

Gore said the nation's average

economic growth rate is "higher than

in either of the last two Republican

administrations."

Kemp termed it "unconscionable" that

the Clinton administration omitted Los

Angeles from the federal

empowerment zone program designed

to aid poverty-stricken urban

neighborhoods. Gore responded that

South-Central Los Angeles was

ticketed for a form of the program.

The source is a study by a conservative think tank.

But the government's Bureau of Labor Statistics

found that the average household spent more than

twice as much on food, clothing and shelter as on

taxes in 1994.

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, when Kemp was

a teenager, the total federal tax burden on the

average-income family was 2%, according to the

U.S. Census Bureau. That burden is 25% today.

The change is partly due to higher tax rates, but

part of the difference is that there are fewer

families in poverty and more families paying

taxes. With income more evenly distributed, the

average tax burden grows.

The average growth rate for the Clinton years is

2.6%, higher than the 1.6% during the Bush

years, but lower than the 3.1% in the Reagan

years.

Los Angeles lost out to six other cities in 1994 for

designation as an empowerment zone, which

would have given it a $350—million package of

tax incentives and social service grants. But, as

an alternative, a community development bank

was established. Through the bank, the

administration has pledged $430 million in

economic development grants and loan

guarantees. Still, this spending is more limited

than that allowed under the empowerment zone

program.

ROB C10E 1.4s Angeles Times


Many Republicans see no defense for

Debate called full

I f missed chances

By Ralph Z. Hallow

rHE wASHiNGTON TIMES

CINCINNATI — When Jack

Kemp emerged from a 90-minute

practice debate with Sen. Judd

Gregg of New Hampshire, Mr.

Kemp was heard to remark: "He

kicked my butt."

Mr Gregg evidently did a very

good job of portraying Vice Presilent

Al Gore.

Many Republicans in Washingon

said Mr. Kemp lost Wednesday

light's debate with Mr. Gore badly,

!ither because he was so poorly

)repared for the vice president's

lood of facts or because he was so

ntent on being the gentleman.

"Before the vice presidential

.ebate, the party line was 'Wait till

ack Kemp gets ahold of Al

;ore,' " said William Pascoe, chief

thbyist for the American Conserative

Union. "Now the postebate

party line is 'Aw, nobody

ays attention to vice presidential

AP

GOP three: Bob Dole and Jack Kemp are joined by Colin Powell, whom

Mr. Dole calls Cabinet material, on the campaign bus yesterday. Story, A4.

debates anyway.' "

Mr. Pascoe was so angry and let

down by Mr. Kemp's performance

that he put that message on his

home answering machine right

after the debate.

"In football rnetaphor, he com-

pleted less than 50 percent of-his

passes and threw a few interceptions,"

said Craig Shirley, a GOP

consultant and supporter of Republican

presidential nominee

see KEMP, page Al3

1(emp's lack of offense

KEMP

From page Al

Bob Dole's. "It would sure be nice

if at least he had gone after either

Clinton or Gore and said, 'Don't

call our tax cut plan a "scheme."

That's juvenile! "

Many Republicans around the

nation were far more generous in

their assessment of Mr. Kemp's

performance. But most Republicans

inside the Beltway were

appointed, though reluctant to

criticize Mr. Kemp publicly.

Several Washington-based GOP

operatives expressed surprise

that Mr. Dole, not noted for his oratorical

eloquence, did far better in

his debate with President Clinton

than Mr. Kemp did against Mr.

Gore.

A few prominent Republicans

expressed disappointment with

what they saw as a blown chance

to score against the Clinton-Gore

ticket.

"Jack should have said that Clinton

was for midnight basketball in

1994 as part of the crime bill, and

in 1996 he's for curfews — contradictory

but consistent statements

in that both show a naivete about

believing in government, and both

views undermine parental authority,"

Mr Shirley said.

GOP consultant Lyn Nofziger

agreed. "I thought Jack missed

some opportunities," particularly

the chance to cite Mr. Gore's environmental

"extremism," said the

veteran of Ronald Reagan's campaigns

who worked briefly for the

Dole campaign in the spring.

"Here is a guy who wrote a book

that said we ought to get rid of the

internal combustion engine," Mr.

Nofziger said, "and a guy who

claimed to be converted by his

dead sister to oppose mbacco —

and yet kept growing

What bothered Mr. Nofziger the

most, he said, was Mr. Kemp's assertion

that Mr. Clinton and Mr.

Gore "aren't our enemies, they're

our opponents."

"But they are our enemies," Mr.

Nofziger said. "They want to destroy

everything we believe in."

Mr. Pascoe said Mr Kemp let

every answer degenerate into a

dissertation on tax policy. He

summed up the candidate's performance

as a "semi-interesting

discussion of urban policy, but it is

as if he is still trying to woo Harlem,

East St. Louis and southcentral

Los Angeles."

"I don't know if anyone has told

him yet that it is the other side that

has a 15-point lead and is engaging

in raids into its opponents' base

territory, such as Virginia,

zona, Florida and Texas," Mr. Pascoe

said. "I'm surprised Clinton

hasn't gone to Utah."

Mr. Pascoe added: "I think he

did take advice, but not the right

advice. He actually kept his answers

to 90 seconds but didn't

learn how to boil down a message

to 90 seconds."

Still, ordinary voters appear to

think Mr. Kemp performed well,

and he remains a popular choice to

head the Republican ticket someday.

Mr. Kep m was one reason for

the large, enthusiastic crowd of

about 5,000 who assembled yesterday

M Cincinnati for a rally that

put Mr. Kemp and Mr. Dole on

stage with another popular Republican,

retired Gen. Colin Powell.

Ben Schmidt, 48, a federal defense

contract administrator, said

he thought Mr. Gore used plenty of

facts but "in the wrong context."

Doug Bramlage, an accountant

who described himself as a conservative

Democrat planning to

vI. for Mr. Dole, said he liked

"part of what Kemp did" in the

debate, but he seemed "vague,"

while Mr. Gore was "more pre-

cise."

But the debate didn't change Mr.

Bramlage's support for the GOP

ticket. "Of the candidates that

II I

were available, [Mr. Kemp] was

one of my choices initially," he

said.

Sharon Naffnann, who works

for a Cincinnati bank, said she was

"very happy" with Mr. Kemp's performance.

"I thought he was more

fIr the people than what I got from

the other side."

She said she liked Mr. Kemp's

personality and gentlemanly behavior

Washington Times October 10, 1996


Washington Times October 10, 1996

Civility, the loser's virtue

The Democrats' greatest triumph in the 1996

election may end up being, not the results at the

balla box, but their success in psyching out the

entirety of the Republican Party. President Clinton

and his minions have run around for almost two years

nS w denouncing the GOP as the party of Simon

Legree and Snidely Whiplash. Who knows whether

the public at large has bought this relentless calumny.

But what matters is that the Republicans think

that the slander has taken hold. Republicans have

persuaded themselves that their only chance to win

in November is to replace the"demons drawn by the

Democrats with beatific images of sweetness and

light. This smily-faced parody of politics is heralded

as civility. And in their efforts to be "civil," Republicans

are being played thr suckers.

Consider the vice presidential debate Wednesday

night Al Gore praised Jack Kemp effusively for the

man's great civility. "Jack Kemp has been a powerful

and needed voice against . . . coarsenes8 and

incivility," Mr. Gore gushed. "I think it's an extremely

valuable service to have a voice within the

Republican Party who says 'We ought to be one

nation.' " In other words, rS•S praise of Mr.

Iemp was just a cute way of saying that all the rest

ofthe burns in the GOP are divisive bigots. Mr. Kemp

was so busy thanking Mr. Gore thr that civil vote of

cS nfidence that he didn't even notice that the vice

S resident was shu-ring Mr. Dole and everybody else

in the party.

Throughout the evening, Mr. Gore said the nastiest

things about Mr. Dole —for example, that he and Mr.

Kemp are pushing a scheme" that would destroy

Medicare and Medicaid. Mr. Dole would restrict

education. Mr. Dole met with fat cat pollutors to

"attack" the environment. But Mr. Gore repeated that

these attacks were in no way personal — just the

issues. Thus the barrage was in no way uncivil. It isn't

uncivil to say that Mr. Dole would starve little

chilS ren — that's just a discussion of the issues.

The Democrats have succeeded in redefining

"civility" as adherence to the "issues," while at the

same time defining "the issues" as questions of

policy. Anything goes, as long as it is about "policy."

But stray from funding levels for the Department of

Education, and you are disqualified for kidney

Sunching. How amusing it would have been to see

Richard Nixon make the same defense — that it was

a breach of civty for Democrats to ask whether he

had bmken the law. Maybe he would have survived

the scandal if he had just managed to get that

S.finition of civty into play.

Of course . Sn and Mr. Gore want the

campaign to be thught on the issues. In fact, they went

tS the trouble of adopting 80 percent of the

Republican platform. Mr. Dole should restrict

himself to the "issues" when all his "issues" have

been stolen? The fact that Mr. Clinton is an insincere

champion of conservative causes is relevant to the

debate. But to say so is to address the rnan, not the

issue, and is therethre naughtily uncivil.

It is na nice to call someone a liar or a rogue or

a crook. But it isn't very nice to be a liar, a rogue and

a crook, either. Which debases our political life

more? We could have a full-tliroated rough-andtumble

campaign. Or we could have a powdered and

perfumed charade. With the first, feathers get

ruffled — but as long as false accusations are not

made, the voters get the inthrmation they need to

make their decision. With the second, voters are

merely duped.

What we need is not civty, but a higher standard

If vitriol. The few mincing efforts by Republicans to

go after the president have been pathetic. There's

nothing wrong with name-calling as long as it is done

with flair, and as long as the name properly signifies

the object. "Bozo" meets neither criteria. . a.le

and Mr. Kemp would do well to study up on their

Mencken, or maybe some of the choicer curses

S- red by King Lear. And then they should remind

themselves that the phony "civility" they have been

laboring under is the virtue of losers.


DEBATE

From page Al

product of too many consultants

and too much spin."

Manufactured media events can

bomb when the spontaneity is lost,

Mr. O'Reilley said, which in turn

makes broadcast journalism look

anemic. But there's more.

"Dull is the ultimate four-letter

word. But the real casualty of

these debates is truth," Mr. O'Reilley

said. "You couldn't find it in all

that mushy civility."

"You needed an explosive device

to get through this civility,"

said Alan Caruba, a writer and

founder of the Boring Institute,

which gauges the often negative

social effects of modern-day boredom.

"There's hypocrisy at work. Under

the guise of good manners,

TV's war between the candidates

fizzles into civil bore of repetition

By Jennifer Harper

THE WASHINGTON TIMES

The nice guys finished last. Al

Gore and Jack Kemp drowned

in their own carefully crafted civility

during the vice presidential

debate Wednesday

night, and at a price.

Though they postured like

presidents and

sII ke nobly of

ON

MED IA

civility and

re-

sponsibility, the

pair left viewers

ready for reruns.

"We've almost washed debates

of their flavor," Gen. H.

Norman Schwarzkopf said from

his spot in the St. Petersburg,

Fla., audience. "There's nothing

wrong with a little give and

take."

America agrees. Sunday's

presidential debate garnered

the lowest ratings in 36 years,

with less than a third of the

country tuned in to watch Bob

Dole and Bill Clinton. The TV

audience for the Gore-Kemp

debate dropped by almost half

when compared with the 1992

vice presidential debate, based

on preliminary ratings.

It was not exactly like watching

Thomas Jefferson and Alexander

Hamilton go at it.

"Al Gore looked like something

off 'Star 'frek; like he'd

been beamed down to the planet,"

said Brian O'Reilley, anchor

for the new Fox News Channel,

where a debate analysis was

canceled because "there was

nothing to say about it."

"He was a caricature, the

see DEBATE, page Al3

Kemp and Gore were only speakspeaking coach in Pittsburgh.

ing in generalities, which does not "They're trying to avoid making

serve the public. Voters are dying that gaffe which will be the one

for the GOP to take their gloves off'. thing people remember about

Why are they not asking about all them," Mr. Grishman said. "They

the friends of Bill who are in jail are also trying to conform to the

or on the way? They're trying to authority-figure a im ge that is

put the voters to sleep to avoid sub- I uilt into the .iLU who wants

stance and relevance."

sI mething along te ii:-s of Paul

Mr. Gore and Mr. Kemp jostled Robeson."

over abortion and affirmative ac- Media analyst Andrew Tyndall

tion. They quibbled time and again rejects the idea that any of the can-

over economic policies, girded didates — presidential or vice

witI

officious figures and acro- presidential — cultivates the nicenyms.guy

approach for sincere reasons.

It wasn't enough for many.

It is, he said, a calculated act.

"Put me up there on the stage, "Reme

there would have been some blood

on the floor," Florida GOP Chairman

'Ibm Slade said after the

debate.

Public speakers, however, are a

cautious breed in a political

mate. The candidates are gun-shy,

said Alan Grishman, a public-

II

mber that Dole, Clinton,

Gore and Kemp are facing a •n audience

of channel surfers who may

tune in for a few minutes and then

click away," Mr. Tyndall said. "The

civil, friendly candidate plays very

well under these circumstances,

taken in pleasant, short doses."

Audiences found that both Mr.

Kemp and . Sre seemed to revert

to the same facts and figures

during the 90-minute exchange.

Mr. Gore, for example, repeatedly

referred to the Dole proposal for a

I-rce income tax cut as a

"risky $550 bon tax scheme."

This repeton may be a clever

on-camera tactic.

"Note that the candidates repeat

their facts and figures over and

over _ again," Mr. Tyndall said.

"This is studied and deliberate and

made for the channel surfer. It's

like repeating the same traffic and

weaaudienther on th e morning news for

an ce whic

h is cornthg and

going."

Viewers may hope that the final

presidential debate yields more

than friendly chitchat. Campaign

spinmeisters fret over low voter

turnout, given estimates that as

many as 88 million eligible Americans

will not vote this year.

Mr. Dole may be flexing his

muscles.

"President Clinton is the great

exaggerator," he told an audience

in Ohio yesterday. "He exaggerates

everything that happens in

America. He takes credit for

everything. If that's the case, he

can take the blame for drug use

II ubling."

Washington Times October 10, 1996


THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, OCTOBER 10, 1996

Kemp Avoids Personal Attacks, Debates

It was ptEe Jack Kemp, reeling off S after joining the Dole ticket.

statistics and even going back to remind

Vice Presidential Candidates

They also took up the controversial

voters of the tax-cutting proposal insti- I uestion of abortion, a • subject that wasn't

Put Focus on Economy tuted by Democrat Jack Kennedy. Mr. mentioned in the presidential debate. Mr.

Gore reminded viewers that a young

Kemp directly criticized President Clinton

And Tax-Cut Proposals Bob Dole voted against Mr. Kennedy's tax

fS r vetoing a bill that would have banned

cut.

the "ugly and gruesome practice" known

By JAMES M. PERRY

Republican conservatives had hoped

as partial-birth abortions. Mr. Gore re-

And MICHAEL K. FRISBY

that Mr. Kemp would come out fighting in

Staff Reporters of this

sponded that the president would sign such

debate, attacking THE Mr. Clinton for

WALL STREET JOURNAL

ST. PETERSBURG, Fla. — Republican character flaws. Many of these conserva-

a ban if it had better provisions

•seemed

to protect

Jack Kemp turned aside appeals to attack tives were disap-

the health of the mother.

President Clinton on personal questions of pointed that Mr.

Mr. Kemp said he remained • strongly

character and integrity and launched in- Dole hadn't made

antiabortion, but he also to disstead

into a serious debate with Demo- that kind of attack

tance himself from his party's platform

cratic Vice President Al Gore on policy in his debate. But

calling for a constitutional amendment to

questions.

Mr. Kemp was hav-

S. n abortion. "There is no consensus. A

"Bob Dole and myself do not see Al ing none of that,

Gore and Bill Clinton as our enemy," Mr. which means

constitutional

that

amendment would not

Kemp said in open-

Mr. Dole will have

pass.''

ing the first, and

tS do it himself, if it

The most unexpected question from

only, vice-presiden-

is to be done at all,

rnoderator Jim Lehrer dealt with the Balti-


tial debate. "We see

in the final debate,

rnore Orioles second

them as our oppo-

Oct. 16, in San


baseman Roberto •

Alomar and a spitting incident with an

nents." Instead, he

Diego.

said, the GOP cam-

An unruffled Mr.

American League umpire. Mr. Kemp used

paign would con-

Gore, loyally


Jack Kemp

de-

the question to take • off on an extended

tinue to stress

fending Mr. Clinton at every tum, a4ttacked discussion of why lack of civility in this

J

vility and respect

the Dole-Kemp plan for a 15% across-the- cS untry undermines efforts t SIring

peace

and decency and inboard

tax cut, calling it, again and again, a and order to other comers of the world. Mr.

tegrity. It is be-

"risky scheme." He said his own adminis- Gore said he thought Mr. Alomar "should

neath Bob Dole to go

tration's limited tax-cutting proposals have been severely disciplined — sus-

after anyone per-

would balance the budget without cutpended immediately, perhaps." Then he

sonally."ting

into popular programs such as Medi- went on to complement Mr. Kemp for being

Mr. Gore

care and Medicaid. Mr. Kemp responded S ne


of his party's

thanked Mr. Kemp for taking that position, that the •

most civil leaders, under-

administration's program "isn't

lining the feeling that this was

and said he too wanted to debate about the America.

one of the

It's social engineering."


mS


st polite debates anyone could remem-

nation's future.

The two men disagreed sharply on the

ber.

Mr. Kemp quickly turned his attention S uestion of affirmative action. Mr. Gore

tI •the questions that interest him =g— repeated the president's pledge "to mend,

They were •even polite in their closing

ibe economy and taxes. "This economy," S •end" affirmative action. Mr. Kemp

statements, though they stressed far dif-

he said, "is OVertaxed, over-regulated, and argued that the • country must find a way to

ferent points of view. Mr. Kemp stressed

too many people are • suing each other. The

eliminate all racial quotas, which he im-

that the world has reached a new phase

welfare system is a disgrace to our Judeo-

Christian principles." He went on to

plied were inherent • in •affirmative-action

following the Cold War, and the Clinton


cuss, in extraordinary detail, the tax-cut- programs. The two men sparred specifiting

proposals being pushed by the Repubcally over a ballot initiative in California


lican ticket, giving more time to the sub- that would eliminate affirmative action in

ject than Mr. Dole gave to it in the first that state, with Mr. Gore charging that Mr.

presidential debate Sunday.

Kemp • once opposed the initiative and


THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, OCTOBER 10 , 1996

Gore on Policy

administration's foreign policy was in disarray.

Mr. Gore bored in on a domestic

issue — education — citing a family in the

audience that would benefit from his administration's

plan to give a tax credit to

offset the costs of college tuition.

Afterwards, Dole campaign adviser

Charlie Black said Mr. Kemp "won the

likeability battle by being positive and

upbeat." But Sen. Christopher Dodd, the

Deniocratic general chairman, said Mr.

Kemp was "drifting and incoherent in

many places" during the debate.

Both the vice president and Mr. Kemp

worked hard in preparing for the debate,

which is hardly a surprise, since both men

are earnest, dgent, professional po

cians. Mr. Gore holed up in Longboat Key,

I several 90-minute practice debates

with his old friend, former Congressman

Tom Downey, standing in for Mr.

Kemp. Mr. Gore broke the tension by

shooting baskets. Mr. Kemp went through

the same d regimen across the state at

Bal Halbour, with New Hampshire Sen.

Judd Gregg filling in for Mr. Gore. Mr.

Kemp relaxed by whacking tennis balls.

No one figured this vice-presidential

debate would change the outcome of the

election — vice-presidential debates are

sS mething of a sideshow to the big debates

I• tween the main contenders — but it was

more significant than most, simply because

of the stature of the two contenders.

Mr. Gore, 48 years old, is the logical heir to

President Clinton, should he win re-election,

in the year It Mr. Kemp, 61, was a

popular choice to be Mr. Dole's running

mate. He's a former congressman and

Cabinet secretary and often a powerful

voice at the national level for his supplyside

economic views. Unlike most

vice-presidential candidates, he has

S rought a following to this campaign. He is

wiS. ly seen as a potential GOP nominee in

2000, should Mr. Dole lose on Nov. 5.

Mr. Gore and Mr. Kemp have known,

and generally liked, each other since they

were both in Congress. Both of them take

SI licy matters seriously, to the extent that

frI m time to time they overwhelm their

audiences with facts and details. Mr.

Kemp joked before the debate began that

he could speak for 90 seconds without

using a verb. Mr. Gore has been a frequent

target of late-night comics for his sometimes

wooden demeanor; he has responded

S that by telling jokes about himself, some

S f which go back now for years.

Both men tried to insist they were the

unS• rdogs in the debate, but in fact neither

one should be forced to concede very

much to anyone. Mr. Gore may look a little

stolid, but he knows his business and

showed surprising skill in debating Ross

Perot on the North American Free Trade

AgTeement in 1993. Mr. Kemp has made a

very comfortable living in the years he's

I•• n out of office delivering motivational

speeches. His daughter, Jennifer, told him

he shouldn't try to be funny and he

shouldn't try to be intellectual. "Just be

yourself," she said.

Paul Begala, one of Mr. Gore's handlers,

said the vice president had been

urged o S.fend and define" the achievements

of the Clinton-Gore administration,

and to continue to repeat the Clinton litany

about crossing that now all-so-familiar

I ridge into the 21st century.

1 Journal Link: For the transcript

di j of the vice-presidential debate and an

on-line discussion, see The Wall Street Journal Interactive

Edition at Itttp://wsj.com


I. 14 * may have

been m pitch

to year-2000 audience

By Susan Page

USA TODAY

Democrat Al Gore and Republican

Jack Kemp are rivaLs, but they

opened their debate Wednesday

night with identical tactics: competing

for laughs with a bit of self-cleprecating

humor.

90 seconds," the legendarily

loquacious Kemp said before

answering the first question. "I can't

clear my throat in 90 seconds."

NEWS ANALYSIS

Vice President Gore, who wrote a

dense book on the environment, replied

by offering Kemp a deal: "If

you won't use any football stories, I

won't tell any of my warm and humorous

stories about chlorofiuorocarbon

abatement"

For some, that exchange really

opened the presidential race. Not the

1996 contest.

The one in 2000.

Both Gore and Kemp have been

unsuccessful contenders for their

parties' nominations in the past

Each is seen as a likely candidate in

the future.

So while vice-presidential debates

usually have little impact on the election,

activists viewed this one as a

test for each man. 'Their match-up

might even be a preview of the

choice voters •will

face in four years.

For 90 minutes, the 48-year-old

Gore and the 61-year-old Kemp had

a chance to make their cases before

the largest audience either is likely

to command until and unless he is

nominated for president himself.

How did they do?

According to a USA TO-

DAY/CNN/Gallup P oll of 408 likely

voters who watched the debate,

Gore

won easily over Kemp, 57%cr

Gore aLso was chosen as a be tter • prospecfive

president, 53%-41%, • gaining

9 points from before the debate.

Still, 78% said they would be satisfied

with the choice of Gore vs.

Kemp in 2000.

Before that can happen, each

needs to win the nomination. "That

means their year-2000 audience was

nS t the general audience," Republican

analyst Bill Kristol

noted. "It was

S.- •party's primary )ii voters."

Which may be why both seemed

determined to battle not their opponent

but their own stereotypm the

policy wonk and the talkative jock.

■ Gore, known more for his brains

than his wit, worked to come across

ELS warm and funny. He mentioned

inSividual Americans helped by Clinton

administration policies, including

one family sitting in the audience.

When Kemp defended the GOP's

15% across-the-board tax cut as not

"trickle-down economics" but the

promise of a "Niagara Falls" of

growth, Gore countered the proposal

would "put the American economy

in a barrel and send it over the falls."

S ■ Kemp struggled to show he

provide bite-sized 90-second

answers to questions, though as a yellow

warning light flashed indicating

his time was almost up he sometimes

didn't cut short his words but simply

talked faster.

When Gore ran over his time

it, Kemp demanded, "Does that red

light mean we're supposed to stop?"

Still, the debate apparently didn't

fundamentally reshape the image of

either one.

Afterward, voters said Gore was

more presidential (53%-36%) and

well-informed (537o-27%). But they

described Kemp as more exciting

(53%7-31%) and tougher (58%-32%).

Gore had the edge on teing likeable

and caring.

During their face-off, neither

turned their main fi re 0 El the other.

Social friends since both served in

the House, Gore and Kemp were =-

Iial, at times even complimenting

tI• other.

Instead, Gore targeted Dole and

House Speaker Newt Gingrich, tesh-

Iii

ing

the "Dole-Girigrich Congrtss"

and chiding Kemp for his

views on affirmative ac on an rnmigration

reform to be consistent

with Dole.

For his part, Kemp announced he

wouldn't blast Clinton on character

I uestions. 'That stance has put him at

III s with senior Republicans who

argue the vice-presidential czndidate

is needed to lead that attack,

nS_ left to Dole and TV ads.

Instead, Kemp called for "civility

and respect and integrity and decency."

That high-mindedness may not

II Dole much pocal good, analyst

Larry Sabato noted. But it probably

IS es for Kemp.

/0•/0. 7(0


LISA Today

October 10. 1996

Gore, Kemp tangle on taxes,

just as Dole team had hoped

By Judy Keen

USA TODAY

Vice President Gore and Jack

Kemp said they weren't there to attack

each other. Their IS in

Wednesday's debate, both men said

I efore it began, was to go after the

men at the top of the tickets.

They disappointed anyone who

wanted combat Instead, they showcased

their skills in detailed but

bloodless policy .1:2 and tangled

Intensely over Bob Dole's tax-cut

plan. Because polls show ma IJ

ny voters

don't even know about the 15%

NEWS ANALYSIS

tax cut, that attention was just what

Dole's campaign wanted.

Gore got a lot of what he wanted,

too. He was articulate and persuasive

and matched Kemp's energy

and passion. He surely surprised

viewers who expected hi m II to be stiff

and boring. He outdid Kernp with his

facile conunand of facts.

Dole's camp hoped Kemp could

make the debate an infomercial on

the tax plan that's the heart of the

GOP campaign. Kemp promised

Dole would replace the tax code with

one that "will take this country roaring

into the 21st century."

Gore fulfilled his mission, too, by

repeatedly calling Dol ae's tax plan a

"risky scheme." He chrd ge it would

"blow a hole in the deficit" while

raising interest rates and requiring

cuts in Mediczire and Medd.

Gore also made Kemp squirm by

reminding Kemp of his criticisms of

Dole's votes for tax increases. rtjr

He didn't mind Kemp's criticism

Sr the adininistration, Gore said, because

"he said much worsJE e about

Bob Dole when he said Bob Dole

never met a tax he didn't hike."

Debate over Dole's tax cut blossonied

hi to heated, if technical, discusion

about whether it would endanger

Medicare. Gore repeated a

statement by Dole ally Sen. Alfonse

D'Amato, R-N.Y., that Medicare

must be cut to pay for the tax cuts.

"Medicare is too important for seniors

... to play the type of politics

tIS. t is being played on this issue,"

Kemp said. When Gore persisted,

Kemp said, "Folks, they have no

plan. They have absolutely no plan."

A USA TODAY/CNN/Gallup Poll

foand opinions of Dole's tax plan

sliifted during the debate. Earlier

this week, 35% said they favored it

After the debate, 44% did.

After scoring some points on affirmative

action, Gore seemed to let

Kemp off the hook on that issue. He

applauded Kemp for once supporting

affirmative action, then criticized

him for reversing his position after

becoming Dole's running mate.

Kemp said, "My life has been dedicated

to equality of opportunity."

The issue is a tough one for Kemp

I Ii

because one of his assets is his ability

tI connect with minority voters.

But because of the format, which

limited the candidates' rebuttals,

Gore was unable to nail Kemp on his

reversal. They ended up agreeing

race relations must be improved.

A question about abortion gave

Kemp a chance to highlight his ticket's

opposition to late-term, so-called

partial birth abortions — a procedure

that polls show even many

abortion rights advocates oppose.

Still, Gore was given a chance to

reiterate his commitment to abortion

rights and to slam Kemp for voting

"47 out of 47 times" to support restrictions

on abortion. President

Clinton and Gore are aiming such appeals

at female voters, who are

ing them wide support.

Kemp didn't score many points on

S policy. problem with.

the foreign policy of this administration

is there is none," Kemp said.

"We have learned over the years

that weakness is provocative."

Gore said the administration suc-

ceeded in its peace efforts in Bosnia,

Haitd, Northern Ireland and the

east "President Bill Clinton has

shown tremendous courage, vision,

wisdom and leadership," he said.

The debate's emphasis on issues

set the stage for the final presidential

debate on Oct 16. Dole has hinted he

plans to go after Clinton more aggressively

on character and ethics.

But Kemp made it almost impossible

for Dole to do that with his reply

to Wednesday's very first question.

Moderator Jim Lehrer asked Kemp

to describe his "personal and ethical

differences" with the two tickets.

Kemp wouldn't bite. "It is beneath

Bob Dole to go after anyone personally,"

he said, and differences should

b e "aired with dignity and respect"


lidSLOA/ 22-if 0ct10/

Vice Presidential Nominees

Debate Effects of Tax Cut

By Charles Babington

and Paul Duggan

wlibingt. pea Staff 'rims

ST. PETERSBURG. Fla., Oct.

9—Vice President Gore and Republican

nominee jack Kemp focused

their 90-minute debate tonight on

the economy, with Kemp insisting

that wide-ranging tax arts are needed

to spur growth and Gore arguing

that the GOP plan is dangerous and

Irresponsible.

In polite but spirited exchanges,

Kemp championed tax cuts as a remedy

for a host of problems, including

race relations, environmental

threats and public incivility. Gore repeatedly

said the Republican call for

a 15 percent cut in marginal tax

rates would 'blow a hole in the deficit'

and endanger Medicare, Medicaid.

the environment and schools.

Meanwhile be touted the new jobs

and low inflation that President Clinton's

administration has overseen.

In one of the few noneconomic

Iiscussions, Kemp attacked Clinton's

refusal to ban a late-tenn abortion

procedure that he called "ly ug YS gruesome.— We should recog-.

size that every human life is precious

and there should be all of the

protection we can give for an tinhorn

lumaan being."

Gore said the technique called

"'partial-birth" abortion by its opponents

is used in rare cases. "What is

really at stake here is whether a

-woman will have the right to

choose," Gore said. He noted that

the Republican platform calls for a

constitniional ban on abortions under

most circmnstances. Kemp,

however, said that "a constitutional

amendment would not pass."

The dehate--whida many saw as

DEBM Fran id

a possible preview ci the 2000 presidential

campaign—may have set new

standards for campaign civility. In the

first question from moderator Jim Lehner,

ICemp refused to attack Clinton's

diaracter and added, "I believe it is beneath

Bob Dole to go after anyone personally."

Both men called each other

friend; 'with all due respect" was coe

of the most-repeated phrases

Tbe debate ret rrned frequently to

economic matters. Kemp, long an advacate

of supply-side economics, said

I JI ii

federal revenue has risen every time

taxes have been ad in this century.

GOre said GOP presidential nominee

Robert J. Dole never has explained

how he would pay for his 15 percent

Si and contended that Medicare,

Medd and the military would be

Rely to suffer deep cuts. Gore touted

Clinton's smaller tax-cut plan, which

cans for credits or deductions for college

tuition, first-time home purdlases

and newborn babies.

ICemp disnissed the plan as tepid.

UL

People

would enjoy Clinton's croixised

tax breaks 'only if we do exactly what

tSI.

y want us to do. That isn't America,

tS at's social engineering: he said.

Kemp called for eliminating dr a*

IS. tax in urban areas such as

Washington. 'Iles what Pell Eleanor

Hohnes Norton [DJ wants to do in

OS e District of Columbia, and this administration

said to 'Drop dead,

drop dead.' " He rescommended more

aatrepreneurship and tax cuts kr a

host ci social issues

"Affirmative action should be precticated

on need, not on equality of rewaijird,

not on equality of outcome:

Kemp said, adding that Abraham

coln would agree with him.

I do not bebeve that Abraham

coln would have adopted Bob Dole's

I osition to eliminate all affirmative action:

Gore said.

On environmental matters, Gore accused

GOP congressional leaders of allowing

"the biggest polluters in America

to . rewrite" major laws

governing air and water cleanup. He

said Clinton plans to dean up toxic

wast sites and will protect the euvirorunent

I.

An exasperated ICernp replied: 'So

will Bob Dole! I mean, Al, get raill"

Caning industrial leaders 'polluters' is

a sign cf dae administratideS 31:16-Capltag

attit lideS, Kemp said. 11

*The only

thing

. . they have to offer is fear.'

But Gore repeatedly said ;ii. 10

million m LJ y jobs have been crate under

Clintaa's p e s d e n c y and portrayed

IS- US. economy as being on the right

tradc. --- -

Lehrer, asking if something is

wrong with 'the American soul," alluded

to Baltimixe Orioles star Robbie

S St .5 Irho spit in an umpire's face

last month. ICemp again turned to ear

00Mi•t:24, saying the natice needs "more

wealth and mom jobs and access to

credit and capital and educational

chcice."

Gore said Akxnar "should have been

severely disciplined, suspended, perhaps,

immediately." Alomar is sched-

uled to sit out frve games next year.

Repeatedly, dr focLi

us of the debate

retianed to the centerpiece of the Republican

campaign—Dole's plan to reduce

marginal income tax rates by 15

percent and eventually eliminate capital

gains and estate taxes

In a later step, ICemp said, Dole

would seek to abolisll and rewrite the

entire US. tax axle.

A devout disciple of "supply-side'

economics, Kemp insisted that lower

tax rates woukl sixir economic growth

and would increase, not deaease, tax

revenue, sending the axmtry 'roari ng

into the 21st century.'

'Hell call that tricide-down' [economics],"

Kemp said, referring to

Gore. "I call it Niagara Falls"

He accused Clinton and Gore of

"demagoguery: calling it "disgracefur

for them to predict draconian cuts in

entitlement programs, especially in

Medicare, if suda a tax plan were enacted.

He said the Demoaats were


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IfT MEW 010INIME-01EUltit

Challenger Jack Kemp and Vice President Gore shake hands before their St.

Petersburg, Fla., debate. Their running mates face off again on Wednesday.

Staying Low-Key, Gore Finds

Wedges Between Kemp, Dole

By Dan Balz

Wadrigtae Post Staff Writer

ST. PETERSBURG, Fla., Oct.

9--The comics like to joke that Vice

President Gore is stiff and wooden,

but tonight Gore

turned tse IS

NEWS

ANALYSIS

to his chaascs advantage.Through

90minutesofdebate,

Jack Kemp—try as he might—

couldn't knock the vice president off

his message.

Kemp was typically optimistic; he

was sometimes passionate and

mated and occasionally im-Republican.

In contrast, the vice president

w-as almost robotic, but he was also

effective, chanting a mantra in defense

of President Clinton's record

and agenda and repeating at every

possible turn his claim that the election

of emis Robert J. Dole represents

a threat to "Medicare, Niedd.

education and the

environment" and the gains he said

the administration has made the last

four years.

If this vras a preview of the presidential

campaign in the year 2000,

Gore and Kemp demonstrated—beyond

loyalty to their running

Mates—that they can be appealing

politans with their own standing,

their own ideas and their own convictions.

And for tonight at least, the

civty of their exchanges no doubt

sat well with those Americans who

took the tirne to watch. But given

See ANALYSIS, A24, CoL I


ANALYSIS, From Al

tI. history of vice presidential debates,

tonight's contest was also one

that likely will do nothing to change

the shape of the p residential race.

In past Mutes, Gore has never

shrinik from confrontation. But in this

year of instant-response-dial groups

that seem to retie' against any sign of

I_ gativity, the vke president's strategy

tonight appeared to be: better boring

than risky—or even funny. After

Kemp made dear early on he would

not spend the night on attack, Gore

delivered a low-key performance designed

to draw his differences with

ICemp and with Dole without raising

his voice.

But even in his stolid manner, Gore

took every opportunity to put a wedge

between Kemp and Dole. It was almost

as if Gore were telling the audience

that if they found Kemp appealing

or attractive, it was because he

was different from Dole.

When Kemp talked about the effectiveness

of President John F. Kennedy's

across-the-board tax cuts, Gore

pointed out that Dole had voted

against them. When Kemp suggested

that Dole would do nothing to harm

Medicare, Gore pointed out that Dole

voted against its creation in the

1960s. When the question of affirmative

action was put •on the table, Gore

noted that through much of his career,

Kemp had been a lonely voice within

the Republican Party arguing for expanding

opportunity for minorities,

only to change his position Within days

of becoming Dole's rurming mate.

Kemp preached his gospel of economic

growth and made a more concerted

effort dun Dole did on Sunday

to make the J . for their tax-cutting

economic plan. His most passionate

moments came when he talked about

his hopes and dreams for revitalizing

the inner cities of America—and in

chastising the administration for doing

little on that front. But that subject

that Dole himseff rarely talks

about in his own campaign • for pr

dent, ncc was it one likely to move

many voters at this point in the cam-

Paign-

On occasion, Kemp seemed ill-prepared,

as when he was asked what

was wrong with U.S. policy toward

Haiti And while he was more disciplined

in staying within the time limits

than his reputation for verbosity

would have suggested, he sometimes

reverted to windiness and obscure references

to make his points.

Some • Republicans had hoped this

de_bate would raise the temperature

1JA 2$7i Oct ol %

on the Chilton admtration and on

the president's character. They must

have left &appointed.

The tone was establislied with the

opening question when PBS's Jim

Lehrer suggested to Kemp that some

II embers of his party were upset that

Dole bad failed to critze Clinton's

diaracter in their presidential debate

Sunday night. It was an open invitation

for Kemp to tee off, but 1(mi) refused

the offer, even avoiding any hint

of the ethical pmblems that have beset

the Clinton administration.

"It is beneath Bob Dole to go after

anyone personally," ICemp replied—

and made clear he wasn't going to do

it either.

Gore appeared to be grateful for

Kemp's response, but in reality he had

anticipated exactly that. His advisers

had spent the week in preparation trying

to imagine a situation in which this

debate would turn riegative and nasty,

but in the end conduded it wasn't in

Kemp to fire the first shot, and on that

calculation they were correct.

That left it to the two men to repiONV

ground from Suriday's debate in

Hartford, Conn., and in Gore's case to

repeat almost word for word the answers

Clinton offered in his session

with Dole. That made the going occasionally

difficult for moderator Lehrer

to mot out the real differences between

the two men and their parties.

Kemp defended Dole's tax plan and,

even before Gore used the words,

clairried it was anything but triddedown

economics. After describing his

belief that the Dole plan would result

iI a burst of economic growth and a

potential doubling in the size of the

U.S. economy over the next 15 years,

the former Maio Bills quarterback

turned to Gore and said, Tell call

that trickle-down. I call it Niagara

Falls."

But Gore had a quick comeback:

'The problem with this version of

agara Falls' is that Senator Dole and

Mr. Kemp would put the American

economy in a bantl and send it over

I-- falls:

The two sketched out their differences

over abortion, with Gore po

edly saying the Clinton adniinistration

"will never allow a woman's right to

choose to •be taken away" and pointing

out that the Republican platform calls

for a constitutional amendment banning

most abortions. Kemp critidzed

the president for vetoing the bill barring

certain "ugly arid gruesome" lateterm

abortions and said "every human

life is precious." But he also noted

there s a o consensus in America" on

the issue and said s country should

not be torn astmder over this debate."

There were interesting moments

tonight on subjects that Clinton and

Dole never touched on Sunday night,

particularly on race relations and affirmative

action. But Kemp and Gore

foimd themselves as much in agreeinent

as in &agreement over their

aspirations for America, and unlike

Ia. ny within his own party, the GOP

vice presidential nominee refused to

make affirmative action a wedge issue

iS the canipaign.

Kemp repeatedly tried to shake

Gore loose from his talking points.

"Al, get real: he said at one point,

adding, 'The only thing . . . they have

to offer is fear: fear of the environment

. . . fear of Medicare, fear of

Newt, fear of Republicans, fear of

Bob, and probably fear of cutting tax

rates. They ain't seen nothing yet:

Kemp said the administration's

claim that the economy s ae best in

30 years "staggers the imagination"

and argued that the United States

"cannot morally and sccially and econornically

accept" the current groorth

rates. And he indirectly raised the issue

of character by aslcing tow can

we trust an administration" that is

promising to make good on its pro

es of four years ago?

But Gore cahnly returned to Clinton's

record to try to rebut Kemp's

charge, saying the president had

promised 8 mon new jobs and had

delivered 10.5 million, had promised

to cut the deficit in half and had exceeded

bad promised to end welfare

"as we know and had signed

welfare reform legislation. It was a

pattern that vras repeated throughout

the evening.

Not even the most rancorous of

vice presidential debates has had

much effect on a presidential race-not

the 1976 debate between Dole

and Walter F. Mondale, not the 1988

debate when Lloyd Bentsen leveled

Dan Quayle with his line, "Senator,

you're no Jack Kennedy," not the debate

four years ago when a different

Gore—aggressive, argumentative,

iIs patient and sometimes patronizing—clashed

with Quayle. Tonight's

exr...hange lacked the drama and excitement

of those encounters, producing

no great moments, few memorable

wand bites and no doubt little

viewer interest.

Kemp blies to say Clinton and Gore

are trying to run out the clock on the

21st century. For 90 minutes tonight,

that certainly seemed to be Gore's

goal, and there was little Kemp could

do to as it.


ildiAZOL? _Paif Oct10, Me.

QUOTABLE

VICE PRBIDENT GORE

•"We have a specific plan to create 1 million new jobs

in the inner cities .. . with tax credits for employers

who hire people coming off welfare. . . . We are also

implementing the plan to put 100,000 community

police officers in our cities. .. . We have 105

empowerment zones and enterprise communities."

a-We are seeking to have viprous enforcement of the

laws that bar discrimination. I want to congratulate

Mr. Kemp for being a lonely voice in the Republican

party over the years on this question. I hope that Mr.

Kemp will try to persuade Senator Dole to adopt Mr.

Kemp's position, instead of the other way around.'

u"Senator Dole and Mr. Kemp would put the American

economy in a barrel and send it over the falls. It is a

risky $550 billion tax scheme that actually raises taxes

on 9 million of the hardest-working families. Again, Mr.

Kemp opposed that and called it unconscionable. Now

it is part of the plan that he is supporting."

saDole and Speaker Newt Gingrich . . . invited the

lobbyists for the biggest polluters in America to come

into Congress and literally rewrite the Clean Water Act

and the Clean Air Act. President Clinton stopped them.

... We've already cleaned up more [toxic waste sites]

... than the previous hvo administrations."

Ill'There are virtually no large differences in the

defense budgets put forward by President Clinton

and . . . the majority in the Congress. . . . There is a

huge difference in our economic plan. [Dole's tax

plan would] pose a threat to our nation's ability to

have a sensible defense budget in the future."

el-The platform on which Mr. Kemp and Senator Dole

are running pledges a constitutional amendment to take

away a woman's right to choose, and to have the

govemment come in and order that woman to do what

the govemment says no matter what . . . We will never

allow a woman's right to choose to be taken away."

s"Many other groups who pay careful attention to

Medicare said that the Dole-Gingrich plan on Medicare

would have led to deep cuts, possibly set up a

two-tiered system. . . . Our plan extends Medicare 10

years into the future. We will always protect Medicare

within the context of a balanced budget plan."


TAX CUTS

ENVIRIN■IMENT

DEFENSE SPENDING

'There is a socialist economy. There's no private

housing; there's mostly public housing. You're told

where to go to school. You're told what to buy with

food stamps. . . . That must change. . . . There are

empowerment zones, but you have to do what Bill

Clinton and Al Gore want you to do.'

a 'Affirmative action should be predicated upon need,

not equality of reward, not equality of outcome. Quotas

have always been against the American ideal. We

should promote diversity . . . based upon expanding

access to credit and capital, job opportunities, educational

choice . . . ownership and entrepreneurship.'

• "By cutting and eliminating the capital gains, by

cutting and eliminating the estate tax, by bringing the

top tax rate down . . . the capital would fiow out into •

the economy. . . . A S550 billion tax cut in a $50

trillion economy over six years . . . would blow up the

bureaucracy, but it would expand the economy."

• 'The only thing [Clinton and Gore] have to offer is

fear. . . . We recognize that this country has to live in

balance with our environment . . . To call a

businessman or woman who sits down and has a

chance to express his or her interest in how to make

these laws work . , a polluter, is just outrageous.'


'This administration has taken defense as a percent

of our national economy to a lower level than it was prior

to Pearl Harbor. That;s dangerous and that's provocatve.

And the mixed message, the ambiguities . . . (are

causing] not only problems for this country throughout

the world but particularly here at home.'

• "We should recognize that every human life is

precious, and there should be all of the protection

that we can give for an unbom human being. . . . A

constitutional amendment would not pass. We must

use persuasion, not intimidation. . . Bob Dole would

never have vetoed that ban on partial-birth abortion.'


'You cannot save Medicare , Social Securtty or any

program for the socio-wetfare net of American

unless we grow this eccinorny at at least

twice the rate it's growing today. Folks, they have no

plan. . . Under the Republican plan . . . [Medicare]

will grow at 7 or even more percent.'


FRIDAY, OCT 11, 1996

Powell

boosts

Dole in

Ohio

CAMPAIGN: In a state

where he trails the

president by double

digits, Dole welcomes

an assist from the former

military chief.

By KATHARINE Q. SEELYE

The New York Times

BLOOMINGBURG, Ohio —

Bob Dole brought what he called

his "Midwest common sense" to

Ohio on Thursday. That common

sense seemed to dictate that he

generate some excitement for

his presidential campaign, which

he did by bringing along Gen.

Colin Powell.

Powell, the former chairman

of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and

Jack Kemp, Dole's running

mate, joined Dole for a rally in

Cincinnati. Powell then left, and

Kemp split off to campaign elsewhere,

leaving the Republican

presidential nominee to plow

ahead on his bus tour across

Ohio, where he trails President

Clinton, and without which no

Republican has won the White

House.

"My task specifically is to introduce

you to a straightforward

man who has a straightforward

vision for America," Powell told

thousands of people jammed into

Fountain Square in downtown

Cincinnati. It was one of the biggest

crowds to hear Dole in recent

weeks.

Before the two charged on

stage together, Dole told reporters

that Powell had joined him

because he is "a good friend, he's

got vim and vinegar, vitality,

and he's going to be one of the

stars of our administration."

Was


The Associated Press

THREE FOR THE ROAD: GOP presidential candidate Bob Dole leaves a

plane with running mate Jack Kemp and retired Gen. Colin Powell at

Lunken Airport in Cincinnati on Thursday.

But Dole related no such news

to his audience. Nelson Warfield,

Dole's campaign spokesman,

said: "He'll announce any plan

he may have when he thinks the

time is right. If he had said it

from the podium, it elevates it to

a higher level than it merits."

This may also be Powell's preference.

Asked later why he had

not appeared more than two or

three times with Dole, the general

responded: "I'm not an active

on-the-road Republican. That

was the choice I made living my

private life. It is a choice that has

worked out good."

Still, Dole seemed pleased to

have him. As Rep. John Boehner,

R-Ohio, said, the general's presence

helped draw more people.

"A different group of people begin

to pay attention when Colin

Powell starts showing up,"

Boehner said. "We start reaching

beyond the base."

Dole will wrap up his bus tour

today, then he and his aides plan

to regroup Saturday at Dole

headquarters in Washington and

make some hard decisions about

how to conduct the remaining 3 1

weeks of the campaign.

While Dole trails President

Clinton in Ohio by double digits in

the latest polls, he leads the president

in heavily Republican

Hamilton County, which includes

Cincinnati, and Dole reflected

the warmth that the crowd

showed him.

"When we arrived, the sun

came out," Dole declared. "The

sun's coming out all over America.

And we're going to win on

Nov. 5 in Ohio and all across

America." .

Dole said he had come to Ohio

to solidify his base, explaining,

"You know what Goldwater used

to say — you go hunting where

the ducks are."

He kept his attacks on President

Clinton on 'Thursday to his

standard fare of minor digs.

"Now the president talks a

lot," he said in Cincinnati. "But

he talks a lot about a lot of things.

Remember President Reagan

was the Great Communicator?

Well, President Clinton is the

Great Exaggerator. He exaggerates

everything that's happened

in America. He takes credit for

everything."

n and Nation

THE ORANGE COUNTY REGISTER

Clinton

praises

Gore for

debate

POLITICS: In his home

state of Tennessee,

Gore basks in reaction

to his performance and

challenges Dole's economic.

plan.

From Regis,ter news services

KNOXVILLE, Tenn. — President

Clinton and Vice President

Al Gore turned high. technology

into high politics Thursday as

they proposed a five-year effort

to upgrade the aging Internet

and cast themselves as defenders

of scientific research.

Clinton met Gore on the vice

president's home turf to congratulate

him on his debate performance

Wednesday night against

Jack Kemp.

Gore, meanwhile, basked in

the debate reviews and proudly

brought the president to his

home state.

"It's nice to be in Knoxville,

riding along Al Gore's coattails,"

Clinton joked before a crowd assembled

at the Knoxville Auditorium

Coliseum.

Gore even looked presidential.

He arrived before Clinton at the

airport and discreetly climbed

aboard Air Force One. This way,

he and Clinton walked down the

plane's steps together rather

than meeting the apron.

In his remarks later, he made

almost no mention of the vice

presidential face-off but did say:

'Last night Jack Kemp and I debated

the future; this morning

, Bill Clinton and I are building the

future."

Their campaign stop focused

on administration proposals to

further the creation of high-

. • . • • • • •

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The Associated Press

DEMOCRATIC TEAM: Vice President Al Gore and President Clinton

attend a campaign event in Knoxville, Tenn., on Thursday. Gore got

high marks from the president for his debate performance.

speed communications networks

that would expand access to educational

and other information.

It was Gore's 11th visit of the

campaign to his home state.

At a campaign stop later in

Newark, Del., Gore challenged

GOP presidential nominee Bob

Dole to submit his $548 billion

economic plan to the Congressional

Budget Office for review.

"I want to formally challenge

Senator Dole to make a pledge

that he will submit his budget

plan to get an answer before the

election from the Congressional

Budget Office to tell us whether it

really balances the budget or

not," Gore said at the University

of Delaware.

It was Gore's first such challenge

to Dole. White House chief

of staff Leon Panetta and Laura

Tyson, head of the administration's

Council of Economic Advisers,

have issued similar requests

previously.

According to polls taken immediately

after the debate, sizable

majorities said Gore won or did

better than Republican Kemp.

A sign on the stage in Knoxville

agreed: "There's no debate

about it: Vice President Gore."

Putting it in football terms, as

former pro star Kemp often

does, Clinton said, "Last night it

was Al Gore who sacked the

quarterback."

Kemp's only comment on the

debate came after reporters

traveling with him wrote a question

on an orange, in what has

become a Kemp campaign ritual,

and rolled the fruit forward to

his cabin upon takeoff.

Asked whether he scored a

touchdown or a field goal against

Gore, Kemp wrote, "A touchdown

and a two-point conversion."

GOP strategist John Sears, in

an interview on ABC-TV, suggested

Kemp's day would come.

"I think it's entirely possible

that Vice President Kemp will

take on former Vice President

Gore sometime in the future,"

Sears said.

For all the reviews, vice presidential

debates generally have

little effect on presidential elections.

The Associated Press and Houston

Chronicle contributed to this report.


http://www.washtimes.com

cloinqtint

WASHINGTON, D.C., FRIDAY, OCTOBER

PHONE: (202) 636-3000 ,-Dc

SUBSCRIBER SERVICE: (202) 636-3333 LO

Many Republicans see no defense for Kemp's lack of offense

Debate called full

of missed chances

By Ralph Z Hallow

THE WASHINGTON TIMES

CINCINNATI — When Jack

Kemp emerged from a 90-minute

practice debate with Sen. Judd

Gregg of New Hampshire, Mr.

Kemp was heard to remark: "He

kicked my butt."

Mr. Gregg evidently did a very

good job of portraying Vice President

Al Gore.

Many Republicans in Washington

said Mr Kemp lost Wednesday

night's debate with Mr Gore badly,

either because he was so poorly

prepared for the vice president's

flood of facts or because he was so

intent on being the gentleman.

"Before the vice presidential

debate, the party line was 'Wait till

Jack Kemp gets ahold of Al

Gore,' " said William Pascoe, chief

lobbyist for the American Conservative

Union. " Now the postdebate

party line is 'AK nobody

pays

II

attention to vice presidential

AP

GOP three: Bob Dole and Jack Kemp are joined by Colin Powell, whom

Mr. Dole calls Cabinet material, on the campaign bus yesterday. Story, A4.

debates anyway.' "

Mr. Pascoe was so angry and let

down by Mr. Kemp's performance

that he put that message on his

home answering machine right

after the debate.

"In football metaphor, he com-

pleted less than 50 percent of his

passes and threw a few interceptions,"

said Craig Shirley, a GOP

consultant and supporter of Republican

presidential nominee

see KEMP , page Al3

TV's war between the candidates

fizzles into civil bore of repetition

By Jennifer Harper

THE WASHINGTON TIMES

•IFQIfl1!'I The nice

Al

Gore and Jack Kemp drowned

in their own carefully crafted civility

during the vice presidential

debate Wednesday

night, and at a price.

Though they postured like

presidents and

()N

MEDIA

spoke nobly of

civility and responsibility,

the

pair left viewers

ready for reruns.

"We've almost washed debates

of their flavor," Gen. H.

Norman Schwarzkopf said from

his spot in the St. Petersburg,

Fla., audience. "There's nothing

wrong with a little give and

take."

America agrees. Sunday's

I residential debate garnered

the lowest ratings in 36 years,

with less than a third of the

couV try tuned in to watch Bob

Dole and Bill Clinton. The TV

audience for the Gore-Kemp

debate dropped by almost half

when compared with the 1992

vice presidential debate, based

on preliminary ratings.

It was not exactly like watching

Thomas Jefferson and Alexander

Hamilton go at it.

"Al Gore looked like something

off `Star 11-ek; like he'd

been beamed down to the planet,"

said Brian O'Reilley, anchor

for the new Fox News Channel,

where a debate analysis was

canceled because "there was

nothing to say about it."

"He was a caricature, the

see DEBNFE, page A13


Zhe itiaoljing

FROM PA1

AP

Vice President Al Gore hugs his wife, Tipper. while challenger Jack Kemp huddles with wife Joanne, daughter

Jennifer and son Jeff after 90 minutes of policy and politeness at the debate in St. Petersburg, Fla.

DEBATE

From page Al

product of too many consultants

and too much spin."

Manufactured media events can

bomb when the spontaneity is lost,

Mr. O'Reilley said, which in turn

makes broadcast journalism look

anemic. But there's more.

"Dull is the ultimate four-letter

word. But the real casualty of

these debates is truth," Mr. O'Reilley

said. "You couldn't find it in all

that mushy civility."

"You needed an explosive device

to get through this civility,"

said Alan Caruba, a writer and

founder of the Boring Institute,

which gauges the often negative

social effects of modern-day boredom.

"There's hypocrisy at work. Under

the guise of good manners,

KE1VIP

From page Al

Bob Dole's. "It would sure be nice

if at least he had gone after either

Clinton or Gore and said, 'Don't

call our tax cut plan a "scheme."

That's juvenile.'"

Post-debate polls by ABC, CBS

and CNN all showed viewers believed

Mr. Gore won the debate

handily. In the poll with the largest

sample size, conducted by ABC, 50

percent of the 534 registered voters

surveyed thought Mr. Gore

won, compared with 27 percent

who chose Mr. Kemp.

Mr. Kemp has a reputation in

political circles as a candidate who

glosses over details and uses enthusiasm

and good cheer in debates

and speeches to compensate

for his poor preparation.

These tendencies appeared

most evident in the encounter with

Mr. Gore. The vice president routinely

bested Mr. Kemp with

quotes critical of Mr. Dole or Mr.

Kemp's recent changes in posi-

Kemp and Gore were only speaking

in generalities, which does not

serve the public. Voters are dying

for the GOP to take their gloves off.

Why are they not asking about all

the friends of Bill who are in jail

or on the way? They're trying to

put the voters to sleep to avoid substance

and relevance."

Mr. Gore and Mr. Kemp jostled

over abortion and affirmative action.

They quibbled time and again

over economic policies, girded

with officious figures and acronyms.

It wasn't enough for many.

"Put me up there on the stage,

there would have been some blood

on the floor," Florida GOP Chairman

Ibm Slade said after the

debate.

Public speakers, however, are a

cautious breed in a political climate.

The candidates are gun-shy,

said Alan Grishman, a public-

1994 as part of the crime bill, and

in 1996 he's for curfews — contradictory

but consistent statements

in that both show a naivete about

believing in government, and both

views undermine parental authority,"

Mr. Shirley said.

GOP consultant Lyn Nofziger

agreed. "I thought Jack missed

some opportunities," particularly

the chance to cite Mr. Gore's environmental

"extremism," he said..

"Here is a guy who wrote a book

that said we ought to get rid of the

internal combustion engine," Mr.

Nofziger said, "and a guy who

claimed to be converted by his

dead sister to oppose tobacco —

and yet kept growing it."

What bothered Mr. Nofziger the

most, he said, was Mr. Kemp's assertion

that Mr. Clinton and Mr.

Gore "aren't our enemies, they're

our opponents."

"But they are our enemies," Mr.

Nofziger said. "They want to destroy

everything we believe in."

Still, ordinary voters appear to

think Mr. Kemp did well, and he

remains a popular choice to head

speaking coach in Pittsburgh.

"They're trying to avoid making

that gaffe which will be the one

thing people remember about

them," Mr. Grishman said. "They

are also trying to conform to the

authority-figure image that is

built into the listener, who wants

something along the lines of Paul

Robeson."

Media analyst Andrew Tyndall

rejects the idea that any of the candidates

— presidential or vice

presidential — cultivates the niceguy

approach for sincere reasons.

It is, he said, a calculated act.

"Remember that Dole, Clinton,

Gore and Kemp are facing an audience

of channel surfers who may

tune in for a few minutes and then

click away," Mr. Tyndall said. "The

civil, friendly candidate plays very

well under these circumstances,

taken in pleasant, short doses."

Audiences found that both Mr.

Kemp and Mr. Gore seemed to revert

to the same facts and figures

during the 90-minute exchange.

Mr. Gore, for example, repeatedly

referred to the Dole proposal for a

15 percent income tax cut as a

"risky $550 billion tax scheme."

This repetition may be a clever

on-camera tactic.

"Note that the candidates repeat

their facts and figures over and

over again," Mr. Tyndall said.

"This is studied and deliberate and

made for the channel surfer. It's

like repeating the same traffic and

weather on the morning news for

an audience-which is coming alai

going."

Viewers may hope that the final

presidential debate yields more

than friendly chitchat. Campaign

spinmeisters fret over low voter

turnout, given estimates that as

many as 88 million eligible Americans

will not vote this year.

Mr. Dole may be flexing his

muscles.

"President Clinton is the great

exaggerator," he told an audience

in Ohio yesterday. "He exaggerates

everything that happens in

America. He takes credit for


KEMP

From page Al

Bob Dole's. "It would sure be nice

if at least he had gone after either

Clinton or Gore and said, 'Don't

call our tax cut plan a "scheme."

That's juvenile: "

Post-debate polls by ABC, CBS

and CNN all showed viewers believed

Mr. Gore won the debate

handily. In the poll with the largest

sample size,conducted by ABC, 50

percent of the 534 registered voters

surveyed thought Mr. Gore

won, compared with 27 percent

whS chose Mr. Kemp.

Mr. Kemp has a reputation in

S olitical circles as a candidate who

glosses over details and uses enthusiasm

and good cheer in debates

and speeches to compensate

fI r his poor preparation.

These tendencies appeared

most evident in the encounter with

Mr. Gore. The vice president routinely

bested Mr. Kemp with

quotes critical of Mr. Dole or Mr.

Kemp's recent changes in positions

II.

%ell to we same [acts and ttgures

1994 as part of the crime bill, and during the 90-minute exchange.

in 19% he's for curfevvs — contra- Mr. Gore, for example, repeatedly

dictory but consistent statements referred to the Dole proposal for a

in that both show a naivete about 15 percent income tax cut as a

believing in government, and both "risky 5550 billion tax scheme."

views undermine parental author- This repetition may be a clever

ity," Mr. Shirley said.

on-camera tactic.

GOP consultant Lyn Nofziger "Note that the candidates repeat

agreed. "I thought Jack missed their facts and figures over and

some opportunities," particularly over again," Mr. Tyndall said.

the chance to cite Mr. Gore's envi- "This is studied and deliberate and

ronmental "extremism," he said. made for the channel surfer. It's

"Here is a guy who wrote a book like repeating the same traffic and

that said we ought to get rid of the weather on the morning news for

internal combustion engine," Mr. an audience- which is coming and

Nofziger said, "and a guy who going."

claimed to be converted by his Viewers may hope that the final

dead sister to oppose tobacco — presidential debate yields more

and yet kept growing it."

than friendly chitchat. Campaign

What bothered Mr. Nofziger the spinmeisters fret over low voter

most, he said, was Mr. Kemp's as- turnout, given estimates that as

sertion that Mr. Clinton and Mr. many as 88 million eligible Amer-

Gore "aren't our enemies, they're icans will not vote this year.

S ur opponents."

Mr. Dole may be flexing his

"But they are our enemies," Mr. muscles.

Nofziger said. "They want to de- "President Clinton is the great

stroy everything we believe

exaggerator," he told an audience

Still, ordinary voters appear to in Ohio yesterday. "He exagger-

think Mr. Kemp did well, and he ates everything that happens in

remains a popular choice to head America. He takes credit for

action and im- 11 the Republican ticket someday. everything. If that's the case, he

migration. Mr. Kemp did not coun- Mr. Kemp was one reason for can take the blame for drug use

terpunch effectively.

the large, enthusiastic crowd of doubling."

Many Republicans have con- about 5,000 who assembled yestercluded

that Mr. Kemp was not preday in Cincinnati for a rally that

pared, and this failure diminished S ut Mr. Kemp and Mr. Dole on

their confidence in him as a com- stage with another popular Repubpetitor

for the GOP presidential lican, retired Gen. Colin Powell.

nomination in 2000.

Ben Schmidt, 48, a federal de-

Many Republicans around the fense contract administrator, said

nation were far more generous I- thought Mr. Gore used plenty of

than Washington insiders in their facts but "in the wrong context."

assessment of Mr. Kemp's per- "I thought Kemp did a good job

formance. But most Republicans but could have given a few more

inside the Beltway were disap- facts in his presentation," Mr.

pointed, though reluctant to crit- Schmidt said.

icize Mr. Kemp publicly.

Doug Bramlage, an accountant

Several Washington-based GOP called himself a conservative

operatives expressed surprise Democrat planning to vote for Mr.

that Mr. Dole, not noted for his ora- Dole, said he liked "part of what HARMONY'

torical eloquence, did far better in Kemp did" in the debate, but he

his debate with President Clinton seemed "vague," while Mr. Gore

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Sharon Naffnann, who wolii rks

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the other side." She said she liked

"Jack should have said that Clin- Mr. Kemp's personality and genton

was for midnight basketball in tlemanly behavior.

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PAGE A4 / FRIDAY, OCTOBER 11, 1996 ** elje aajingtostruneo

Trying to put lace on

Mr. Lincoln's pants

If a little learning is a dangerous thing, putting

a book in the hands of a jock can be deadly.

Jack Kemp, like all quarterbacks young and

I. yearns most of all to hear the cheers cascading

from the upper deck, and this fall he's so

S usy avoiding "going negative" that he sometimes

forgets where he is and who he has to be.

If he were still playing quarterback, he would

S• throwing occasional interceptions just to

avoid hurting the feelings of the opposing linebackers.

Why should his own receivers get all the

lS ve and attention?

Old No. 15 quoted Abe Lincoln so often in the

Wednesday-night debate — and abusing the

memory of old Abe by attributing all manner of

politically correct comment to a manly man who

has been dead so long he can no longer speak for

himself — that he obviously thought he was back

in October of 1&50, and Al Gore was Herschel V.

Johnson, the running mate of Stephen A. Douglas.

Jack was coming on like Hannibal Hamlin.

If only he were. Bob Dole and Jack Kemp

cS uld learn a lot from Lincoln, not the saintly

Abe of the sanitized history book that Jack came

across in some distant locker room, but the fleshand-blood

by-any-means-necessary Illinois pol

whI understood that politics ain't beanbag, and

whI knew when to move in to take off his opponent's

head so the body would die.

Lincoln invented "going negative," in a time

and Is when and where candidates for president

gave no quarter and expected none. The

Lincoln campaign's brutal performance at the

Republican National Convention in Chicago in

the spring of '60, stuffing the Wigwam with fake

delegates armed with forged tickets and plying

opposing delegates with enough booze to stupefy

thSm for hours, wrote the rules on how the game

wSs played for decades. Lincoln, the lawyer for

thS

Illinois Central Railroad, could teach trial

lSwyers a thing or two today, too. The railroad

rSn special trains to get

S nough Lincoln

"shouters" into Chicago

to intimidate everyone

Slse, and anyone who

wI uldn't demonstrate

lS yalty was thrown, literally,

from the train, or

driven from the streets.

When the genuine delegates

challenged the

Street fighter

"shouters" with forged

tickSts, the Chicago cops,

Uncoln partisans all, beat 'em up. Abe was a

Clinton kind of guy.

Like old Abe, Bill Clinton gives no quarter, but

demands quoreer and a certain kind of Re-

, publican, as if "knowing his place is eager to tip

his hat and give whatever a Democrat demands.

• This election is not over, but both Republican

cSndidates seem to believe Bob Dole and

Jack Kemp are falling all over each other to

demI nstrate losing with dignity, decorum, grace,

and enough etiquette, breeding and gentility to

chI ke the ladies at the Lavender and Old Lace

Garden Club. They get a few compliments and

sS me of the pundits pat them on the head, and

Clinton-Gore moves up in the polls.

The sad sacks, also-rans and perennial losers

surrI unding the Dole campaign were ecstatic in

thS wake of the Sunday-night debate, when their

mSn attempted to brace the president on the only

topic where he is vulnerable — his character, or

lSck of it — and wound up apologizing for even

thinking such thoughts. Mr. Clinton ended the

evening smiling like the cat that swallowed the

goldfish, bowl and all, with nary a burp.

Mr. Kemp, on Wednesday night, seemed to be

running for president of the student body at

Deepswamp Theological Seminary, or at least for

Camp Fire Girl of the Year, eager to assure his

opponent as the debate opened that he would

nS ver be so unseemly as to shake a crooked skeleton

from the closet. Like all Nice Republicans,

he doesn't understand that nobody in the history

AP

GOP presidential candidate Bob Dole leaves his plane with running mate Jack Kemp and

retired Gen. Colin Powell at Lunken Airport in Cincinnati for the start of a two-day tour.

Powell stands up for Dole

on Ohio campaign tour

Candidate: Ex-general will be administration 'star'

By Laurie Kellman

THE WASHINGTON TIMES

BLOOMINGBURG, Ohio — Bob Dole

yesterday sprinkled "vim and vinegar" on

his struggling campaign by kicking off his

S us tour through this battleground state

with retired Gen. Colin Powell at his side.

"He's a good friend," Mr Dole told reporters

before Mr. Powell introduced him

yesterday at a rally in Cincinnati's Fountain

Square. "He's got vim and vinegar, vitality.

And he's going to become one of the stars

of our administration. A little excitement,

too."

In his scond e appearance with Mr. Dole

this year , Mr. Po well tut o ed the GOP presidential

nominee as the only candidate in

the race qualified to craft and execute a

fS reign policy that guarantees peace.

"Bob Dole has a on and a plan for

America — vision and a plan that America

needs," said the former chairman of the

Joint Chiefs of Staff. "He is a man who has

been tested, he is a man of strength and

character, maturity and energy.

"And I can tell you, Bob Dole is ready,"

Mr. Powell told the crowd in a short, subdued

speech.

Among Mr. Dole's strongest attributes,

Mr. Powell said, is a peace-throughstrength

view of foreign policy -marked by

consistency and coherence."

"A foreign policy that will be supported

by strong military that will give comfort w

our friends and will chill the hearts of any

adversary out there who means us any ill

will," the retired general added.

Yesterday marked Mr Powell's second

appearance for Mr. Dole this year.

After his well-received speech at the Republican

National Convention, Mr. Powell

accepted the Dole campaign's invitation to

campaign regularly with the nominee.

Senior advisers told reporters they ex-

pected Mr. Powell, one of the most popular

political figures in the country, to appear

on the stump as often as his book contract

and speaking schedule permit.

Mr. Powell yesterday told reporters he

has not spent many spare moments with

Mr. Dole because he wants to maintain a

normal schedule.

"I am not an active, working politician. I

have a private life," he said. "What I said I

would do is support the senator. I did that

at the convention and from time to time I

make appearances and everybody knows of

my support."

It is support that Mr. Dole badly needs,

especially here in Ohio, where he was to

spend two days shoring up his base 25 days

before the election. No Republican nominee

has won office without winning Ohio,

so Mr. Dole brought two heavyweights with

him with wide appeal — Mr. Powell and vice

presidential running mate Jack Kemp — to

help punch a hole in President Clinton's

lead here.

A Sept. 20-22 Mason Dixon poll of Ohio

voters found 45 percent likely to vote for

Mr Clinton, 35 percent for Mr. Dole and 5

percent for Ross Perot, the Reform Party's

nominee.

Mr. Kemp and Mr. Powell left after yesterday's

rally.

"We're going to show up, and we're going

to ask Bill Clinton a few questions this

timS," Mr Dole told a crowd later at a chilly

rally on a scenic horse farm, referring to

his debate next week with the president.

However, he repeated his vow to

stay

away from questions involving the pres-

I I

ident's private life.

Mr. Dole today continues his bus tour

through Ohio and returns to Washington

tonight before opening a major strategy

meeting at his downtown headquarters tomorrow.

Clinton plans free computers,

Internet access at every school

By Brian Blomquist

ties — to promote advances in science, security,

medicine, energy and the

THE WASHiNGTON TIMES

KNOXVILLE, Tenn. — President Clinton

met Vice President Al Gore in his home

state of lennessee yesterday, gave him a pat

on the back for his debate performance,

and announced a plan to provide free computers

and Internet service to every school.

Mr. Clinton lauded his running mate's

performaLce in the vice presidential

ebate agaiiist RepubJI( lican candidate Jack

FKemp. "Last night, it was Al Gore who sacked

the quarterback," Mr. Clinton told the Tennessee

crowd. "Mr Kemp found out some-

ii

thing I found out a long time ago. It's better

not to be on the other side of an argument

with Al Gore."

If re-elected, Mr. Clinton said his budget

next year will contain $100 million to start

a program to improve Internet speed by

100 to 1,000 times today's velocity. Remote

computers will be able to transmit the En-

i i

cyclopaedia Britannica in nder a second.

uII

"Believe it or not, everything ages, and

the Internet is straining wider its growing

I

popularity," Mr Clinton said. IJ "We have to

keep the Internet up to speed. We have to

environment.

Mr. Clinton's aides were unsure where

the remaining $400 million would come

from. They hope Congress will approve the

first $100 million request.

Seventy percent of the first $100 million

would come from the Defense Department

budget. Most of the money would fund several

cabinet-level departments and to

versities for research and upgrading software

and hardware.

"The part we are addressing is the part

the private sector is not going to be addressing,"

said Greg Simon, a White House

technology specialist.

"We all know that government has an

important role to play," Mr. Clinton said.

White House aides were unsure who

would pay for Mr. Clinton's plan to provide

all schools, private and public, with free

access to basic Internet services.

The telecommunic,ations act passed this

year provided schools with discounted

rates for Internet services. Mr. Clinton yesterday

said he was asking the FCC to give

schools the "lowest possible" rate, free

Sccess to the Internet.


lI ve and attentMn?

Old No. 15 quoted Abe Lincoln so often in the

Wednesday-night debate — and abusing the

memory of IS Abe by attributing all manner of

politically correct comment M a manly man who

has been dead so long he can no longer speak thr

himself — that he obviously thought he was back

in October of 1860, and AI Gore was Herschel V.

Johnson, the running mate of Stephen A. Douglas.

Jack was coming on like Hannibal Hamlin.

If only he were. Bob Dole and Jack Kemp

could learn a lot from Lincoln, not the saintly

Abe of the sanitized history book that Jack came

across in some distant locker room, but the fleshand-blood

by-any-means-necessary Illinois pol

who understood that politics ain't beanbag, and

whS knew when to move in to take off his opponent's

head so the body would die.

Lincoln invented "going negative," in a time

S 5 5lace 5 when and where candidates thr president

gave no quarter and expected none. The

Lincoln campaign's brutal perthrmance at the

Republican National Convention in Chicago in

thS spring of 60, stuffing the Wigwam with fake

delegates armed with forged tickets and plying

opposing delegates with enough booze to stupefy

thSm for hours, wrote the rules on how the game

was played thr decades. Lincoln, the lawyer thr

the Illinois Central Railroad, could teach trial

lawyers a thing or two today, too. The railroad

ran special trains to get

S nough Lincoln

"shouters" into Chicago

tI intimidate everyone

Slse, and anyone who

wS uldn't demonstrate

loyalty was thrown, literally,

from the train, or

I riven from the streets.

When the genuine delegates

challenged the

Street fighter

"shouters" with forged

tickSts, the Chicago cops,

Lincoln partisans all, beat 'em up. Abe was a

Clinton kind of guy.

; Like old Abe, Bill Clinton gives no quarter, but

lie demands quarter, and a certain kind of Republican,

as if "knowing his place is eager to tip

his hat and give whatever a Democrat demands.

This election is not over, but both Republican

candidates seem to believe it is. Bob Dole and

Jack Kemp are falling all over each other to

demonstrate losing with dignity, decorum, grace,

and enough etiquette, breeding and gentility to

choke the ladies at the Lavender and Old Lace

Garden Club. They get a few compliments and

sS me of the pundits pat them on the head, and

Clinton-Gore moves up in the polls.

The sad sacks, also-rans and perennial losers

surrS unding the Dole campaign were ecstatic in

the wake of the Sunday-night debate, when their

man attempted to brace the president on the only

toS ic where he is vulnerable — his character, or

lack of it — and wound up apologizing for even

thinking such thoughts. Mr. Clinton ended the

evening smiling like the cat that swallowed the

goldfish, bowl and all, with nary a burp.

Mr. Kemp, on Wednesday night, seemed to be

running for president of the student body at

Deepswamp Theological Seminary, or at least for

Camp Fire Girl of the Year, eager to assure his

opponent as the debate opened that he would

never be so unseemly as to shake a crooked skeleton

from the closet. Like all Nice Republicans,

he doesn't understand that nobody in the history

I f the union has loved his way to public office.

"Going negative" is what a presidential campaign

is about. Otherwise why bother to run at

all, because you're giving the voters reasons to

reject the other guy. Democrats understand this,

and relish the fight. Republicans don't, and

cheerfully take whatever scraps of approbation

thSy can scuttle from their opponents and critics,

like chickens chasing stray bugs across the

barnyard.

Mr Dole promises to press the president hard

in their next and last debate, but his managers

insist that's bad manners. He boasted to the president

that he had not brought up the Whitewater

scandal, as if he expected to get the Medal of

Freedom on the spot. Yesterday, campaigning in

Ohio, he apologized, sort of, merely for having

called Bill Clinton "a bozo." Mr. Kemp, who

seems to have hit his head on a goal post, could

not bring himself to criticize anybody, not liars

S r hank robbers or even a bum like Roberto

Alomar for spitting on an umpire. He left that to

AI Gore, and suggested that the capital-gains tax

is what makes millionaire jerks spittin' mad.

Casey Stengel said it first of the original Mets,

whS were so inept they had to be Republicans:

"Can't anybody here play this here game?"

Powell stands up for Dole

on Ohio campaign tour

Candidate: Ex-general will be administration 'star"

By Laurie Kellman

THE WASHINGTON TIMES

BLOOMINGBURG, Ohio — B Ob Dole

yesterday sprinkled "vim and vinegar" on

his struggling campaign by kicking off his

bus tour through this battleground state

with retired Gen. Colin Powell at his side.

"He's a good friend," Mr. Dole told reporters

before Mr. Powell introduced him

yesterday at a rally in Cincinnati's Fountain

Square. "He's got vim and vinegar, vitality.

And he's going to become one of the stars

of our administration. A little excitement,

too."

In his second appearance with Mr. Dole

this year, Mr. Powell touted the GOP presidential

nominee as the only candidate in

the race qualified to craft and execute a

foreign policy that guarantees peace.

"Bob Dole has a vision and a plan for

America — vision and a plan that America

needs," said the former chairman of the

Joint Chiefs of Staff. "He is a man who has

been tested, he is a man of strength and

character, maturity and energy

"And I can tell you, Bob Dole is ready,"

pected Mr. Powell, one of the most popular

political figures in the country, to appear

on the stump as often as his book contract

and speaking schedule permit.

Mr. Powell yesterday told reporters he

has not spent many spare moments with

Mr. Dole because he wants to maintain a

normal schedule.

"I am not an active, working politician. I

have a private life." he said. "What I said I

would do is support the senator. I did that

at the convention and from time to time I

ake appearances and everybody knows of

my H support."

It is support that Mr. Dole badly needs,

especially here in Ohio, where he was to

S two days shoring up his base 25 days

before the election. No Republican nominee

has won office without winning Ohio,

sI Mr. Dole brought two heavyweights with

him with wide appeal — NIr. Powell and vice

presidential running mate Jack Kemp — to

help punch a hole in President Clinton's

lead here.

A Sept. 20-22 Mason Dixon poll of Ohio

voters found 45 percent likely to vote for

Mr Clinton, 35 percent for :qr. Dole and 5

Mr. Powell told the crowd in • a short, sub- percent f or Ross Perot, the Reform Party's

dued speech.

nominee.

Among Mr. Dole's strongest attributes, Mr. Kemp and Mr. Powell left after yes-

Mr. Powell said, is a peace-throughterday's rally.

strength view of foreign policy "marked by

"We're going to show up, and we're going

consistency and coherence."

"A foreign policy that will be supported

to ask Bill Clinton a few. questions this

time," Mr. Dole told a crowd later at a chilly

by strong military that will give comfort to

our friends and will chill the hearts of any

rally on a scenic horse farm, referring to

adversary out there who means us any ill

his debate next week with the president.

However, he repeated his vow to stay

will," the retired general added.

Yesterday marked Mr. Powell's second

away from quest-ions involving the pres-

appearance for Mr Dole this year.

ident's private life.

After his well-received speech at the Re- Mr. Dole today continues his bus tour

publican National Convention, Mr. Powell through Ohio and returns to Washington

accepted the Dole campaign's invitation to tonight before opening a major strategy

campaign regularly with the nominee. meeting at his downtown headquarters to-

Senior advisers told reporters they exm° TTOW.

Clinton plans free computers,

Internet access at every school

By Brian Blomquist

THE WASHINGTON TIMES

KNOXVILLE, Tenn.— President Clinton

met Vice President Al Gore in his home

state of Tennessee yesterday, gave him a pat

on the back for his debate performance,

and announced a plan to provide free computers

and Internet service to every school.

Mr. Clinton lauded his running mate's

perfo mance in the ice presidential

rIIIJt

vIi

debate against Republican candidate Jack

Kemp.

"Last night, it was Al Gore who sacked

the quarterback," Mr. Clinton told the Ten-

nessee crowd. "Mr Kemp found out some-

JI

thing I found out a long time ago. It's better

not to be on the other side of an argument

with Al Gore."

If re-elected, Mr. Clinton said his budget

next year will contain $100 million to start

a program to improve Internet speed by

100 to 1,000 times today's velocity. Remote

computers will be able to transmit the Encyclopaedia

Britannica in under a second.

"Believe it or not, everything ages, and

the Internet is straining under its growing

popularity," Mr. Clinton said. "We have to

keep the Internet up to speed. We have to

keep it big enough and fast enough to connect

all our people."

The five-year, $500 rnillion program,

which Mr Clinton calls "Next Generation

Internet," also would link 100 sites — including

narional laboratories and universi-

ties — to promote advances in science. security,

medicine. energy and the

environment.

Mr. Clinton's aides were unsure where

the remaining $400 million would come

from. They hope Congress will approve the

first $100 million request.

Seventy percent of the first S100 million

would come from the Defense Department

budget. Most of the money would fund sever-al

cabinet-level departments and to

versities for research and upgrading software

and hardware.

"The part we are addressing is the part

the private sector is not going to be addressing,"

said Greg Simon, a White House

technology specialist.

"We all know that government has an

irnportant role to play" Mr Clinton said.

White House aides were unsure who

would pay for Mr. Clinton's plan to provide

all schools, private and public, with free

access to basic Internet services.

The telecommunications act passed this

year provided schools with discounted

rates for Internet services. Mr. Clint:xi I.esterday

said he was asking the FCC to give

schools the "lowest possible" rate, free

access to the Internet.

"I want m see a day when computers are

as part of the Amencim classroom as

blackboards," Mr. Clinton said. -It will revolutionize

and democratize education in a

way that nothing ever has in the history of

S country"

Debate audience tumbles compared with '92

NEW YORK (AP) — The TV audience for

Wednesday night's vice presidential debate

was down sharply from 1992, while Fox

scored with its baseball competition, preliminary

Nielsen figures indicated yesterday.

Overnight ratings covering 34 cities —

roughly half the U.S. population — showed

the audience for the AI Gore-Jack Kemp

debate as aired by ABC, CBS and NBC

averaged a 19.6 rating.

While no total viewership conclusions

can be drawn from these early results, they

can be compared with "overnights" for the

Dan Quayle-Al Gore-James Stockdale vicepresidential

debate of Oct. 13, 1992. For

that debate, the cumulative rating for ABC,

CBS and NBC was 34.5. Fox did not join in

the coverage.

This suggests an audience falloff of

about 40 percent this year.

Meanwhile, Fox's coverage of a postseason

game between the Atlanta Braves

and the St. Louis Cardinals drew a 10.3

rating for the same 90-minute time slot.

No figures were immediately available

thr CNN, MSNBC, C-SPAN or PBS, which

also covered the debate.

Nielsen figures measuring the entire

country are expected to be released today.

ANIERICNS

RED INK

'flicking the national debt.

Twaday

$6,223,526,11111,111114.111

Weehosedsy

$1,217,1113,11211,2114.11111

Transachons between the Treasury and

trust funds resutted in a debt reduction of

$3,934.856.570 13

"le WaewN110,

1-


The New York Times, Friday, October 11, 1996

By Christopher Buckley

No Bark, No Bites

Thank you,

Jack."Well,

thank you, Al.'

WASHINGTON

James Stockdale's

startled "Who am I?

Why am I here?"

was the most memorable

moment of the

Adm.

1992 Vice-Presidential

debate. Wednesday night's showdown

between Vice President Al

Gore and Jack Kemp produced nothing

to match it

The debate was a model of decorum;

within minutes phrases like

"with all due resc)ect" II and "my friend

Al" were flying through the a ir like

ILI

cruise mistletoes. The Kemp camp

II not try to psych out Mr. Gore by

seating the head of Philip Morris in

the front row; the Gore people did not

r I impression that English is your second

language. "Here's ... how ... we

savvy tuition tax credits?

He can take an inherently dramatic

moment — the night American

troops were sent into Haiti — and

make it sound like this: "When that

dictator got the news from his spies

outside the gate that all these planes

were taking off, he said, 'Let's get out

of here' ... I was so proud of our

.cruit Richard Darman, the Reagan President in the way he handled that,

Administration's budget director, to and the result so far is excellent."

glower at his old rival, Mr Kemp. Bill and Al's Excellent Deployment.

Fight fans the world over must As for the Mexican bailout, I had

have thrilled to hear the Vice Presi- no idea we'd made $500 million on

dent, sounding like a St. Albans the deal. We must do this more often.

School prefect, tut-tutting that the Mr. Kemp is genuinely driven by

expectorating miscreant Roberto the power of ideas, even if they occa-

Mo mar of the Baltimore Orioles sionally help to produce deficits of $3

should have been "severely d

trillion. Mr. Gore is phlegmatic ; Mr.

plined and then thanking Mr. Kemp Kemp is pneumatic. He gets so excit-

I. promoting civility.

ed — thank goodness someone does

"Well I thank you, Al," replied Mr. — that his chest heaves and swells to

Kemp, "and I mean that very, very the point where you think one of

sincerely."

those creatures from the movie

Mr. Gore speaks so deliberately "Alien" is going to pop out, squeak

yS u get the feeling he's under the "With all due respect," clamp its

tentacles over your face and lecture

Christopher Buckley is the editor of you comatose about empowerment

Forbes FYI.

zones.

Ron Barrett

The best sound bites? Certainly

Mr. Kemp's admonition that gentlemen

do not "bomb before breakfast."

(As William Kristol, the editor

I f The Weekly Standard, pointed out

afterward, "What does it mean to be

a Republican if you can't bornb before

breakfast?")

Mr. Gore got off a freeze-dried

(just add saliva) bite. "The problem

with this version of Niagara Falls,"

he said, apropos Mr. Kemp's metaphor

for unfettered free enterprise,

"is that Senator Dole and Mr. Kemp

would put the American economy in

a barrel and send it over the falls."

Not bad, although those who build

bridges to the 21st century ought to

watch the Niagara Falls jokes.

The debate left little material for

video editors to regale us with in 2000,

should these two men meet again as

Presidential candidates. Foot-inmouth-wise,

the debate was a disap-

pointment. No one talked of "Demoiiicrat

wars" or compared himself to

John F. Kennedy. Even the bloopers

were minor-league. Said Mr. Kemp in

an all-embracing moment: "African-

Americans, Asian-Americans, Latino-

Americans, female Americans."

Maybe the video archivists can

make a little mischief out of something

else. A friend of mine — a

Democrat, as it happens — said that

at one point he distinctly saw a fly

buzzing about the Vice President,

and reported a brief, delicious moment

when Mr. Gore's eyes crossed

as they attempted to follow it, with

excellent result. El


The New York Times, Friday, October 11, 1996

POLITICS: Questions and Challenges

Both Kemp and Gore Erred in Debate Over

By ANTHONY DePALMA

When the Vice-Presidential debate

turned to foreign policy, there was a

sharp exchange of views over Mexico,

with Jack Kemp accusing the

Clinton Administration of causing

Mexico's worst economic crises in

half a century, and Vice President Al

Gore defending the Administration's

actions with boasts that Mexico had

already paid back all the money it

borrowed.

Both were wrong.

Mr. Kemp first broached the subject

of the Mexican peso crisis, which

has been criticized by Republicans

since the early months of 1995, when

Washington cobbled together an international

rescue package.

In the past, some Republican leaders

have accused the Administration

of having been caught asleep at the

wheel when the peso was devalued in

December 1994. The war cry at the

time was, "Who Lost Mexico?"

At Wednesday night's debate in St.

Petersburg, Fla., Mr. Kemp shifted

direction. He blamed the Administration

for forcing Mexico to devalue

the peso, setting off a chain reaction

of panic selling and roaring inflation

that crippled the Mexican economy

and threatened to spread to other

countries.

"We caused the problem in the

first place," Mr. Kemp said. "And it

cost us $20 billion to $50 billion to bail

them out."

In fact, the $50 billion package

included only $20 billion from the

United States, and the Mexicans

have never used all that had been

made available to them. The remaining

$30 billion in the package was put

up by the International Monetary

Fund and the central banks of several

European nations.

Mr. Gore patiently but persistently

tried to give his version of what

happened. "No, that's not right," he

said the first time. "1 fail to under-

stand the basis of the charge that we

caused the monetary crisis in Mexico,"

he said later. "They manage

their own monetary policy." •

Mexican officials have always said

they were forced by rapidly deteriorating

economic conditions to

abruptly devalue the peso just three

weeks after Ernesto Zedillo became

President in 1994.

In the months before the devaluation,

private economists and United

States Treasury officials had grown

increasingly worried about Mexico's

growing debt and the evaporation of

investor confidence in Mexico.

"We had expressed grave concerns

about Mexico's inconsistent

exchange rate policy and monetary

regime in 1994," Lawrence H. Summers,

Deputy Secretary of the Treasury,

said in a telephone interview.

"Mexico made its own decision to

devalue the peso, and notified us of it


-

The New York Times, Friday, October 11, 1996

Policy on Mexico

after it had been taken."

But Mr. Gore's precise performance

grew sloppy when he bragged

about how the Mexican rescue had

turned from a risky loan to a nicely

profitable venture.

"We've ended up making a $500

million profit," the Vice President

said. "All of the loans have been paid

back."

In fact, the Mexicans have not paid

back everything they owe the United

States. They had drawn down $12.5

billion of the total of $20 billion that

the United States had offered. Under

pressure to pay back the loans before

the elections, the Mexican Government

has moved quickly to repay $9

billion.

Mexico still owes $3.5 billion. The

next payment is not due until next

summer.

So far, Mexico has paid $1.36

lion in interest on the loans, according

to the Treasury Department. The

$500 million in profit that Mr. Gore

mentioned is calculated to be over

and above what the Government

would have made if it had used the

money set aside for Mexico in other

Mexico was charged a premium,

•I

about four percentage points

higher than other borrowers would

have received.

Mexico has risked angering the

European nations that contribute to

the International Monetary Fund by

fS cusing its repayment efforts almost

exclusively on its debt to the

United States.

Mexico borrowed about $14.5

lion from the international organization.

So far, it has paid back $1

lion.


THE WASHINGTON POST FRIO ■1, OCTOBER 11, 1996

Silence on Character Issue

Puzzles Some Republicans

Ticket Faulted for Avoiding Clinton Ethics

By Dan Balz

Washington Post Staff Writer

Robert J. Dole's advisers always

claimed that a reputation for

integrity was one of their candidate's

greatest attributes. Now,

after two debates in which neither

Dole nor running mate Jack Kemp

questioned the ethics of the Clinton

administration, many Republicans

are wondering why the Dole

campaign has failed to make the

case against the president.

"There's been a part of the

[Dole] campaign that is obsessive

about not appearing critical, about

not appearing judgmental, as if it

is more important to be nice than

to win," former education secretary

William J Bennett said yesterday.

"Nothing against nice, but

nice here has become soft-head-

CAMPAIGN, From Al

there were any personal difference

between him and Clinton he wanted

to discuss. He declined, although at

another point he raised questions

about the president's position on

pardons for his former Whitewater

business partners

On Tuesday, Dole appeared to shift

gears with a harsh new radio ad, an

off-handed, disparaging remark about

Clinton and interviews with television

networks during which, in response

to questions from 'reporters about

whether he considered Clinton ethically

fit to be president, Dole said it

was "a very close question." What was

not clear was whether his comments

represented a shift in strategy or the

confluence of unrelated events.

In his debate with Vice President

Gore on Wednesday, Kemp was asked

whether he wanted to draw any "personal

or ethical differences" between

Clinton and Dole. "In my opinion, it is

beneath Bob Dole to go after anyone

personally," Kemp said. From there

the debate moved into economics and

other issues.

ed—and diffident—about central

issues."

Bennett's public grumbling reflected

growing disillusionment

among Republicans that Dole and

Kemp have walked away from issues

they believe cry out for public

discussion, from the White

House travel office affair or the

administration's request for FBI

background files on former Republican

officials to Whitewater

pardons, ongoing investigations of

Cabinet officers and the recent reports

about the Clinton campaign's

fund-raising connections

with an Asian conglomerate.

These Republicans argue that

those are areas of public character

and trust that are legitimate areas

for discussion.

In his first debate with Clinton

on Sunday night, Dole was asked if

See CAMPAIGN, A16, Col. 1

Kemp's performance drew harsh

reviews from many Republicans yesterday.

They complained that he not

only failed to respond to a number of

Gore's attacks against the party and

Dole, but also that he passed up the

chance to shift the opening question

from private behavior to public morality.

Even Dole appeared less than satisfied

with the tenor of the debate,

saying in an interview taped for

ABC's "Nightline" that the Gore-

Kemp encounter looked "like a fraternity

picnic for a while."

Dole aides quickly tried to squelch

suggestions yesterday that their candidate

was unhappy with Kemp or

that Kemp had failed to follow a game

plan that would have put some of

these ethical issues on the table.

"There may have been some rehearsed

lines that weren't delivered,

but big deal," said communications director

John Buckley, adding, "If Bob

Dole was looking for someone who

was to poke Bill Clinton in the eye, he

would have chosen a different kind of

running mate."

But other Republicans said both

Kemp and Dole had missed their best

opportunities—and biggest audiences—to

question Clinton's ethical conduct.

"What's annoying is they've given

away the character issue because

they're too witless to address it," said

William ICristol, a Republican theorist

and editor of the Weekly Standard.

"You don't have to be ham-handed

and crude to raise issues about Clinton's

trustworthiness and ethical

standards of the ,Clinton administration."

But Dole's top aides defended the

candidate and their strategy. "When

we talk about character, we talk

about issues," said campaign manager

Scott Reed. "It's issue-related. Taxes,

spending, drugs are all issues that the

president has said one thing and done

the exact opposite. We're going to

hold him accountable for that."

But Buckley said the ethical record

of the administration remains fair

game. "If there's an opportunity to

discuss failures of the administration,

such as their civil liberties Armageddon

in Filegate or their witch hunt in

Travelgate, we may well take them,"

he said.

But other Republicans despair at

the Dole campaign's inconsistency to


THE WASHINGTON PosT FRIO ky, OcroBER 11, 1996

GOP Ticket Faulted for Silence on Clinton Ethics

make that argtmient. haven't figured

out what they're doing, and I

don't think they know what they're

doing," one Republican strategist

said. "Last week it was `liberal, liberal,

liberal.' Now it's `trust, trust,

trust.' With Dole taking a pass [in

Sunday night's debate] and Kemp taking

a pass, how do they make it work?

Now Clinton has a good argument for

desperation."

That was exactly the line the administration

was pushing yesterday.

With an eye on the final presidential

debate next Wednesday, the Clinton

campaign happily trumpeted Kemp's

statement that any personal attacks

would be "beneath Bob Dole."

"It puts them in a pretty tight box,"

said White House political director

Doug Sosnik, because Dole now

would be hard-pressed to go fiercely

negative as some advisers vrant.

Bennett, who will be campaigning

with Dole today, said he intends to

raise the issues--both with the GOP -

nominee and in public.

"I'm going to try to explain that

there's a distinction between things

that are merely and only personal and

things that have to do with public

trust—and that things that have to do

with public trust not only deserve to

be talked about but must be talked

about," Bennett said.

Tony Blankley, press secretary to

House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-

Ga.), said the ethical climate of the

administration cries out for public discussion

now, if only because various

ongoing investigations could bring

new troubles for Clinton if he wins a

second term.

"I think . . . Jack Kemp instinctively

[was] acting in a way to be true to

himself," Blarildey said. But, he added,

"There's almost a moral obligation to

cite chapter and verse publicly so the

public will be aware before they

vote."

Privately a number of Republicans

have expressed the view that the

Dole campaign appeared ready to

jump into the issue without having

thought clearly about how to make

the argument look like anything other

than desperation politics. They cited

as inappropriate the appearance of

Michael Chertoff, who was the chief

counsel for the Senate's Whitewater

investigation, at a Dole rally this

week.

Even some Democrats have long

believed that Clinton's greatest vulnerability

lies in the area of trust and

character—not the performance of

the economy or his record of raising

taxes. In public opinion surveys, Dole

generally ranks higher than the president

on those personal attributes.

But campaign officials appear to believe

the economic plan remains the

route to victory.

"Voters have made an assessment

of Clinton's character," said John

Sears, a veteran GOP strategist who

was traveling with Kemp yesterday.

"They don't like it when you tell them

what they know."

Another campaign official added:

"Dole's going to win or lose on the

econornic plan. If it was about character,

Dole would already be ahead."

Staff writers Edward Walsh,

traveling with Dole, Paul Duggan,

traveling with Kemp, and Peter

Baker, traveling with Clinton,

contributed to this rePort.


THE wAsHINGToN posT FRID OCrOBER 11, 1996

E. J. Dionne Jr.

A Memo to Jack Kemp

Yes, it pains me to say so, but Al

Gore really clobbered you Wednesday

night It's painful not bec2use there's

anything wrong with Gore, but because

this debate showed you to be as

decent a person as your fans in th

parties suspect

II

boI

you are. It's hard to

se e a decent guy lose.

It's also painful because some of

the best things about you turn out to

be real liabilities.

Don't feel too bad about losing.

Gore is underestimated because he

wisely spends SO much time making

fun of himself. But Gore also is very

sS. rt, which is why he demolished

Ross Perot in that debate on the

North American Free Trade • Agreement

a few years :iI ago. Yes, Gore was

sS "on message" that I wanted to

scream the next- time he referred to

that "tax scheme" of Bob Dole's

or

said the magic words, "Mre, edica

Medicaid, •education and the • environment."

But he ade his points.

Here's your mbiggest

problem: It is

care expenses" and a $500 per child

tax credit, which you also support.

You tried g-amely to say Clinton and

Gore would give us tax cuts only if we

did what they want us to do. True

enough. But most people want to send

tIe eir kids to college, buy houses, etc.

They didn't see the problem. By the

end, you and Bob ENO ie only had a tax

"scheme." Clinton and Gore had the tax

cut.

Your concern for the imier city is

SI- of te S nest things about you. If

yI u hadn't been there, inner-city people

might not have been represented

at all. But here again, you just kept

extolling the stream of benefits that

would flow from cutting taxes. You

really believe this. But most people do

not believe that tax cuts can solve

every problem. Maybe we're just

blind, but you didn't help •us see.

And a delicate point: Your civility

toward President Clinton was a relief

I I 11

given your party's willingness to ac-

way too obvious that your interest in

politics revolves around two ideas,

and only two ideas. The first is the

need to cut taxes to unleash • the

energies of "risk-taking entrepreneurs."

The second is the need to

provide more capital to the inner city.

On your tax-cut obsession, you seem

to think that if you make this argument

often enough—and throw in words such

as "seed corn" and "capital gains"—we'll

all adopt your faith.

It's good to feel so strongly about

an idea. But few of us think of economics

as a matter of faith. What

matters is what works and how it

affects each of us. It's clear you would

reduce taxes on the wealthy. That

niight be okay if you could convince

us with fact that we all would get

richer as a result. But you don't

explain. You assert and assert and

assert,,figuring repetition will do the

job. That's okay for Chamber of Commerce

speeches—those folks agree

with you already—but the rest of us

haven't bought on yet.

Gore did an amazing thing: He

made it sound as if President Clinton's

small tax cuts would give us

"You assert and

assert and assert,

figuling repetition

will do the job."

. .

cuse Clinton of anything and everything.

You even used the word 'giber- ,I ,

ar in a positive sense.

But there would have been nothing.,"

wrong with criticizing the president.*

on matters such as Whitewater or the.,..

FBI files. You disappointed the faith.ful

on this one. If you're going 'to •'-!

bring them around to civility,' you -.1

have to show you can be partisan in acto

civil way, which is what Gore did. .

Because you seem to be in politics",:

almost exclusively for the sake of those -„

two big tax-cut ideas, you weren't

good on the specifics of govenaing,

especially (forgive me) on Medicare, .4

Medicaid, education, the environment,

and also foreign policy. Should ybeI

seek the presidency four years frOnr:'

. • .m

now, you had better study up.

And, yes, it would be good if yOti:

ran. You lost a debate, but none -of

your reputation and good

this time of sea my politics, that's an

achievement.

many more benefits than your much .

bigger tax cut. Gore didn't try to

explain the theory of Clinton's plan

(to the extent that there is a theory).

He just kept mentioning the goodies:

a $1,500 tax credit and a $10,000 tax

deduction for tuition payrnents; the

elimination of the capital gains tax for

the sale of a house; "a tax break for

first-time home buyers and health


'With all due respect,' these debates are dull

ST. PETERSBURG, Fla.

— Somewhere in the middle

of Wednesday night's Miss

Manners' vice-presidential

debate, the technicians running

the C-SPAN cameras

had enough of politeness

masquerading as politics.

They switched the channels

on the TV set on their camera

platform to the far more

riveting broadcast of the Politics

Braves-Cardinals playoff Sy Walter Shapiro

game. When even C-SPAN

gets bored, something has gone awry

with this mid-campaign debate spate.

I MISS the ineffable weirdness of Admiral

Stockdale. I grow nostalgic recalling

those bygone debate panels of journalists

vying with each other to ask

tough-minded, no-evasions-please questions.

Until Wednesday night, I thought

that The Importance of Being Earnest

was an Oscar Wilde play, not the debate

handbook for Al Gore and Jack Kemp.

The prime-time prissiness began

when Gore prefaced a rnild critique of

Kemp's views by uttering that unctuous

phrase "with all due respect" The vice

president reminded me of an adult version

of Eddie Haskell, the cloyingly insincere

teen-ager on Leave It To Beaver.

But before the evening was

mercifully over, Kemp felt compelled

to use the same grating with-all-due-respect

formulation three separate times.

The second-banana debate also was

marred by both candidates resorting to

real-p•eople-real-stories rhetorical gim-

HYPEZile. LORY

** ** ** ** * * ** *

mickry. It is a logical fallacy

to justify a position based on

a single example. But Kemp

made a fetish out of insisting

that Dana Crist would open

up a factory (her would-be

product line was never specified)

in Lancaster, Pa., the minute tax

rates were cut. Gore countered with the

nS tion that just because Jo Anne

Crowder got a job in Detroit, that somehow

proved that the administration

would "do that for millions more all

across the country."

As long as I'm being crotchety, I

might as well grump a little about Jim

Lehrer's performance as the only debate

moderator America needs. Fairminded

to a fault, Lehrer poses his

bland questions in such an uninflected

tone that it drains the energy out of the

room. This same yes-but-on-the-otherhand

style has long been a trademark of

the PBS News Hour. With a format that

grants Lehrer vast powers to shape the

tempo and the tenor of the debates, his

self-effacing style has fostered a bloodless,

anti-politics climate. The result:

The nation's passions are now directed

to the baseball playoffs.

Sure, Lehrer provided many openended

opportunities for both Dole and

Kemp to attack Bill Clinton on everything

from Whitewater to the FBI files.

The Republican failure to seize these

openings has become a nmning motif of

post-debate commentary. But should

the burden of playing hatche man fall

exclusively on Dole and Kemp? At a

time when the inherent corruption of

Itslitical fund-raising is fast reaching

Nixonian levels, Lehrer should have

made sure ethical issues were aired.

This week both New York Times columnist

William Safi re and the Wall

Street Journal have run disturbing stories

documenting the Clinton campaign's

see-no-evil courtship of Asian

mII.,, skirting laws that bar foreigners

frIII contributing to US. campaigns.

The only time Lehrer touched on

anything close to these topics was in

Hartford when he asked Clinton in typically

understated fashion, "How do you

I ersonally avoid being unduly influenced

by people who give you money?"

Talk about pinning a candidate to the

mat. Small wonder that Clinton got

away with a whopper when he claimed,

e had a consistent record in favor of

campaign-finance reform." In truth, the

administration repeatedly refused to

I ress this issue in 1993 and 1994 when

the Democrats controlled Congress.

There were a few moments of Inspiring

candor by Gore and Kemp.

'The president is fond of burnishing

his crime-fighting image by implying

that he has single-handedly paid for

100,000 II swinging their nightsticks

across the country. In the Hartford debate,

Clinton twice bragged that "we

passed the 100,000 police" and worked

hard on "the program to put 100,000 police

on the streets." But Gore, to his

credit, revealed the actual number

when he said, "We've already got 20,000

out there." Clinton has been winning

votes with his talk of 100,000 cops since

the 1992 campaign, and after nearly

fI ur years in office he's reached just

20% of that goal.

Abortion was the issue on which

Kemp played truth4eller. In a rebuke to

the anti-abortion forces who dictated

tI e divisive GOP platform language,

Kemp said, "A constitutional amendment

would not pass. We must use persuasion,

not intimidation." Had Dole expressed

the same common-sense

sentiments before San Diego, the Republicans

would not now be so hardpressed

to win the votes of economically

conservative but socially liberal

suI urban voters.

• All that said, in another triumph of

hope over experience, I'm still looking

forward to Wednesday's final debate.

Walter Shapiro's column appears

Wednesdays and Fridays. Past

columns on USA TODAY Online at

http://www.usatoday.com


The New York Times, Friday, October 11, 1996

Dole Campaign in Discord

Over Attacking President

Kemp Eschews Low Road and Reveals the Split

WASHINGTON, Oct. 10 — Jack

Kemp's declaration at the Vice-Presidential

debate that it would be

neath Bob Dole to go after anyone

personally" crystalized a continuing

disagreement over one of the last

critical decisions for the Dole campaign:

how hard Mr. Dole should

strike at President Clinton in their

final debate next week.

Mr. Kemp's categorical and prohibe

comments came on the same

day that Mr. Dole telegraphed the

opposite intention, suggesting that

Mr. Clinwn should expect some "surprises"

at their debate next Wednesday

in San Diego. [Excerpts from

debate, pages A28-291

Mr. Kemp's remarks also came at

a time of growing distress among

Republicans, in and outside the Dole

campaign, that Mr. Dole had lost an

opportunity in the last debate with

his decorous handling of the President,

evidenced by his failure to

mI ve in public opinion polls.

"When it's the bottom of the

A Private Dole?

When Bob Dole resigned

from the Senate five months

ago, his speech seemed to suggest

that voters would get to

see more of the private side of

his life: a former Kansas Senator

as "just a man." But images

of Bob Dole in situations

outside of politics are few and

far between in this campaign.

Colleagues and aides say this

is in part because he is an

intensely private person, but

also because his life is politics.

Article, page A27.

By ADAM NAGOURNEY

eighth, and you're three or four runs

behind, you've got to start swinging

for the fences," one of Mr. Dole's

debate advisers said today. 'The adviser,

like many other Dole advisers,

were particularly upset at Mr.

Kemp's remarks, which they predicted

that the White House would

use to undercut Mr. Dole should he

attack the President next week.

The adviser also complained that

IF

Mr. Dole was under particular pressure

to strike at . Sn precisely

because Mr. Kemp has declined to

II so on Wednesday. Attacking the

opposition is a role traditionally left

tI Vice-Presidential candidates.

"You have Kemp, who's a nice guy

himself," the Dole adviser said.

"And Kemp goes out there last night

and he's a powder-puff and he doesn't

take Clinton on. We don't have an

attack dog."

Since the last debate, Mr. Dole has

repeatedly suggested that he will

take Mr. Clinton on on a variety of

ethical issues. Today, he declared:

running for President. I think

the F.B.I. files are fair game. I think

the pardon is fair game." He was

referring to pardons involving

friends of the Clinwns who have been

convicted in the investigation of their

Whitewater real estate dealings, nd

allegations of White House

aII

miisuse of

F.B.I. personnel files.

But aides to Mr. Dole said this

evening that he had not arrived at a

final decision. Throughout the campaign,

Mr. Dole has been extremely

I ifficult to predict, often suggesting

one thing and then moving in a different

direction. In this case, Mr. Dole,

whI was in Congress for 35 years,

may be floating the concept of attacking

the President as part of a

strategy to gauge the backlash he

Continued on Page A30, Column 5


The New York Times, Friday, October 11, 1996

POLITICAL MEMO

Dole Campaign in Discord

Over How Hard to Attack

Continued From Page Al

might encounter.

Several senior advisers strongly

oppose the idea, arguing that it would

be politically ruinous for Mr. Dole to

come across as overly belligerent in

San Diego on Sunday. And if history

is any guide, Mr. Dole by next week

might be inclined not to attack if his

standing in the polls has not improved.

Other Presidential candidates

who have been in Mr. Dole's

trailing position at this point in the

campaign — notably Walter F. Mondale

in 1984 — have sought not to turn

negative, weighing their long-term

reputations against a short-term

shot at victory.

What's more, this debate is different

then the one in Hartford, where

the two men stood on stage with Jim

Lehrer, a television commentator.

Instead, Mr. Dole and Mr. Clinton

will answer questions from an audience

of citizens, a setting where the

kind of personal attacks that many

Republicans are urging on Mr. Dole

could seem out of place.

"One gasp from the audience and

we're clobbered," one adviser said.

Mr. Dole has mostly avoided raising

such issues as Whitewater. That

posture reflects an obvious assessment

shared by both candidates of

the political terrain this year: that

voters don't like negative attacks.

Both Mr. Clinton and Mr. Dole, accordingly,

use similar language in

arguing that the campaign should be

free of personal assaults.

"I will try to make this campaign

and this debate one of ideas, not

insults," Mr. Clinton said in his opening

statement at the first debate.

A decision to change course now

would be particularly problematic

for Mr. Dole. More than any candidate

in recent times, he labors under

the weight of his own reputation as

harsh and negative, and it has colored

nearly every decision he has

made in this campaign.

That reputation results both from

the fact that Mr. Dole sometimes

appears grim or annoyed on television

and from a series of incidents in

which he delivered particularly

harsh remarks — such as when he

referred to "Democrat wars" in the

1976 Vice-Presidential debate with

Mr. Mondale, an incident that was

repeatedly played in the weeks leading

to the first debate.

Mr. Dole's political strengths do

not include the subtle attack, and -

many in his campaign are convinced

that any sign of harshness now will

be seized on by those trying to prove

that Mr. Dole is as mean as he is

reputed to be.

"The media is just waiting for

some single gaff," said Senator Alan

K. Simpson, Republican of Wyoming.

"We shouldn't pretend that this isn't

a death watch: That they're waiting

for Bob Dole to do something that he

did eight years ago or 10 years ago.

It's so phony; it just has an odor."

The reality of Mr. Dole's own political

history and the news media coverage

of that subject — as well as the

feeling of some friends that if Mr.

Dole is going to lose, he needs to start

tending to his place in history — have

led some to counsel Mr. Dole not to

turn mean at the debate.

"It's a very, very risky proposition,"

one adviser said. "There's a

tremendous downside, tremendous

backlash potential. What is required

here is a scalpel, and I'm afraid we'd

end up with a chainsaw."

Ann F. Lewis, the deputy campaign

manager for Mr. Clinton, described

Mr. Dole as facing a "terrible

strategic dilemma." And for that

reason, some Republican strategists,

and some of Mr. Dole's friends, say

they believe that the Senator will in

the end choose not to go on the attack.

"This must be enormously stressful

for Bob Dole," said Kevin Phillips,

a Republican strategist. "He

spent three and a half decades being

a very highly regarded public servant.

I doubt that he really wants to

have to do this."

Accordingly, Mr. Kemp's remarks

were particularly unwelcome to Mr.

Dole's advisers. Mr. Kemp made

clear after being asked to serve on

Mr. Dole's ticket that he would not

serve as an attack dog. The price of

that compromise for Mr. Dole has

become increasing clear to aides,

particularly after the debate.

Asked, in light of Mr. Kemp's remarks,

whether he expected Mr.

Dole now to swear off sharp attacks

on Mr. Clinton, Michael D. McCurry,

the White House press secretary,

said, "Jack Kemp will look pretty

foolish if he doesn't."


The New York Times, Friday, October 11, 1996

1 Economy, 2 Diagnoses

WASHINGTON, Oct. 10 — Listening

to Jack Kemp and Al Gore debate

on Wednesday night, it was easy to

conclude that the two men lived in

cI mpletely different countries.

News

Analysis

Mr. Kemp's America

is one in which economic

growth is drastically

stunted, condemned to

inching along at 2.5 per-

cent a year, unless its citizens are no

longer grossly overtaxed and its

Government drops what he called its

"anti-capitalistic mentality."

Mr. Gore's America, in contrast, is

a capitalist's dream, the job-creating

envy of the world, charging ahead at

a time that Europe and Japan are

still languishing in low-growth

swamplands. It is bursting with productivity,

overflowing with exports

S roduced by the world's rnost highly

trained workers.

Not surprisingly, both worlds have

S.. n overdrawn by the candidates in

the heat of the campaign end -game.

And while both campaigns insist that

S nly the private sector can spur'

growth and create jobs, each sees the

Government playing a central role in

charging •the economy. But their

paths to getting there are dramatically

different.

Mr. Kemp, far more consistently

than his running mate, makes the

case that the only answer is an

across-the-board tax cut that would

free entrepreneurs to spend money

any way they wish. "We should dou-

By DAVID E. SANGER

ble the rate of growth, and we should

double the size of the American economy,"

Mr. Kemp said on Wednesday,

setting a goal even higher than the

one he has usually espoused on the

campaign trail. That would mean

growth rates of 5 percent a year — a

pace rarely seen in the United States

in the past two decades.

Mr. Gore, along with the Administration's

economic advisers, talks

mantra-like about the wonders of

cutting the deficit. Their tax-cut programs

are modest and narrow: to

assure that every high school student

can afford some form of college, for

example, or to encourage companies

to hire welfare recipients.

It is hardly unusual for candidates

to portray the state of the American

Continued on Page A30, Column 1


The New York Times, Friday, October 11, 1996

NEWS ANALYSIS

Stressing the Differences:

1 Economy and 2 Diagnoses

Continued From Page Al

economy in such starkly different

4erms; incumbents always seize •the

..best statistics of the day and claim

:credit for them, and challengers usu-

:ally talk about missed opportunities

fI r t.he country to do far better.

But their solutions overlap more

than either side would like to admit:

Both advocate a $500 tax credit per.

child for working faes, and claim

it is possible to balance the budget

without cutting into Medicare, Medicaid

and entitlement programs, a

feat that makes partisans in both

camps roll their eyes. At times, with

his talk of urban policy and making

sure the poor are not left behind, Mr.

Kemp sounded like the Democrat,

while Mr. Gore's discussion of the

benefits of deficit reduction had echoes

of pre-1996 Bob Dole.

The problem, many economists

say, is that both sides are probably

overselling the Government's power

to affect the growth of an economy

the size of the United States'.

"The truth of it is that there is not

a hell of a lot the Government can

S. said Charles L. Schultze of the

Brookings Institution, who served on

President Carter's Council of Econornic

Advisers. His own analysis is

THE RATINGS

Losing Interest

Wednesday night's Vice-

Presidential debate attracted

fewer TV viewers than 1992's.

Combined ratings for ABC,

CBS, NBC, CNN and PBS.

40%

BASEBALL GAME

(Wed. night on Fox)

Source - Nielsen Media Research; Fox

Broadcasting.- PBS

The New York Tirnes

that Mr. Dole's tax-cut plan, if fully

paid for with large budget cuts,

would increase growth by about a

tenth of a percentage point a year —

hardly the stuff of campaign drama.

And even a Government commitment

to education and training larger

than anything the Administration

has proposed would have about the

same effect, he concludes.

"The bottom line• is that if you

want get the most bang for the buck

in economic growth, cut the budget

deficit," Mr. Schultze concluded.

The opposite scenario, commonly

discussed on Wall Street these days

is that after a five-year expansion,

the American economy seems likely

to slow down in coming years, no

matter what economic course the

Government pursues. But that is too

impolitic a subject to be mentioned

by either campaign. "Not'. great

sound bites there," one of Mr. Clinton's

top economic advisers allowed

the other day. "Next subject."

While the differences in economic

views were particularly vivid iri the

Kemp-Gore debate on Wednesday

night, the contrasts have surfaced

only episodically during much of the

campaign. Mr. Dole declared several

weeks ago that achieving economic

growth of roughly 3.5 percent

through a 15-percent cut in taxes "is

what this campaign is all about," but

he did not talk about boosting America's

growth rate in his first debate

with President Clinton last Sunday.

That reinforced the view that while

Mr. Kemp is a true believer in the

power of tax cuts to spur the economy

and Government revenues, Mr.

Dole has his doubts. "He reveals his

discomfort with his proposal by not

sustaining a continued effort to sell

the package to the American public,"

Salomon Brothers warned its

clients last week.

Conversely, while the Administra-

tion has taken a page from Mr.

Dole's book in declaring that "the

era of big government is over," his

campaign has rarely let a week go by

without unveiling another small pro-

gram or targeted tax cut that fl1 is

termed part of a "concerted growth

agenda." In fact, while SI.. those

tax incentives are clearly tied to

increasing productivity — credits for

higher educatilDr1 or job retraining —

others seem more akin to electionyear

gifts. First arnong those is Mr.

Michelle V Agms/The New York Times

Representing two different economic visions, Jack Kemp and Vice

President Al Gore shook hands before their debate on Wednesday night.

Clinton's proposal, first made during

the Democratic convention, to end

the capital gains tax on the sale of a

hSI?. , up to $500,000.

The key to the Clinton Administra-

tion's tax cuts is that they do not ii

cost

much. That has freed Mr. Clinton

and Mr. Gore to make the case that

the $550 billion tax cut proposed by

the Dole campaign — which they

pejoratively term a "tax scheme" —

would "blow a hole in the deficit."

And that message, more than any

other, seems to have undermined the

political effectiveness of the call for

a 15 percent tax cut.

"It was a miscalculation," Richard

Darman, the veteran of many

budget wars during the Reagan and

Bush Administrations, said of the 15

percent plan recently. "The public

actually cares more about deficit reduction

than abotit tax cuts. 'This

year, the Republican candidates didn't

believe those polls. After the election,

maybe they will believe

But that is only one theory about

why the Republican theme that

worked so well for Ronald Reagan in

1980 — cut taxes and the economy

will boom — is not selling so well.

The most compelling theory is that

experience of the Reagan years has

undermined the political appeal of

big tax cuts.

It was during the Reagan era that

the United States ran up the huge

budget deficits that still weigh down

the economy today. While Democrats

and Republicans still argue

over which party is responsible for

fag to trim the budget to pay for

the tax cuts, the experience left

lions of voters suspicious of any plan

that calls for cutting taxes first and

sS. nding later.

Another theory — one put forward

S Republicans like Mr. Darman and

Democrats like Daniel Patrick Moynihan

— is that voters no longer feel

the bite of ever-increasing taxes the

way they did in the 1980's. At that

time, the problem was "bracket

creep": Inflation kept pushing taxpayers

into ever-higher tax brackets.

But there are fewer brackets now,

and little inflation.

Perhaps the biggest hurdle Mr.

Kemp's growth argument faces

these days is a more basic one:

While America may be growing

slowly, its biggest competitors in the

world are growing even slower.

Growth rates tend to be a hot political

issue only when Americans have

the sense that their clocks are being

cleaned by the competition; Mr. Clin-

S::

ton played that card well in well in

1992, when the Japanese economy

to be thriving at the expense

of Silicon Valley and Detroit.

Today, both the popular perception

and the politics of America's competitive

standing have reversed.

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