The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LI, Part 1-2, 1963 - Khamkoo

VOLUME U Part 1 July 1963
THE
JOU NAL
OF THE
SIAM SOCIETY
(J S S)
BANGKOK
2506

VOLUME Ll Part 1
THE
JOURNAL
OF THE
51 M SOCIETY
(J S S)
BANGKOK
2506
July 1963

. ,
CONTlllllUTION A L'ETUDF. !>U RITUEL PUNERAIRF. LAO ( 1) 5
hleu qui reconvre le cadre (tin thr·p) clans lequelle long est encastre.
La decoration achevee, une parente pose sur le "plancher" du
p' o sombok un petit panier con tenant du paddy. Deux grands paniers
remplis d'eau parfumee avec du safran sont places a Ia tete du
cercueil.
A 15 h, les bonzes montent dans la demeure et s'asseoient
dans Ia piece d'honneur. Une vieille de Ia famille allume deux
cierges qu'elle fixe sur l'anse des paniers contenant l'eau parfumee,
prend le riz du panier place sur Ie "plancher" du p' o sombok et le
fait griller. Le riz eclate est verse a nouveau dans le petit panier.
II symbolise l'eclatement des elements qui constituent la personne.
Un membre age de Ia famille se prosterne, coupe en main,
devant les bonzes et recite Ies prieres Na.mo, Itipiso, Kaye, puis le
Aratana sin ou "!'invitation aux preceptes ". Il presente ensuite au
superieur des bonzes, le fils cadet ou le petit-fils du defunt-cheveux
et sourcils tondus-qui tient une coupe d'offrande sur laquelle sont
posees les pieces d'etoffe constituant le costume des religieux. Les
bonzes recitent trois fois Nama puis !'invocation aux Trois Joyaux
avant de donner les preceptes. Apres la recitation des preceptes,
!'uncles bonzes aide ]'enfant a revetir le froc qu'il ne quittera qu'apres
!'incineration ou trois jonrs plus tard. A partir de cet instant, le
bonzillon transmet au defunt les m6rites qu'il acquiert. Apres le
Aratana t:het ou "invitation au sermon" formulee par le vieux, deux
bonzes reci tent, a tour de rMe, le salong bang sakoun (19) qui figure
dans Ie texte Khan Satta S'adok. Deux plateaux portant le nom de
" coupes de sermon" (khan thet) et con tenant des torches ( kabong ),
des noix d'arec, du tabac, du piment, des bananes, des cierges sont
offerts aux bonzes qui ont recite le sermon (20) Ceux-ci recitent les
prieres Nata et Imina tandis que le plus eleve en grade verse de l'eau
dans nne assiette accomplissant ainsi la transmission des merites.
Pendant ce temps, une parente du defunt prepare un grand plateau
contenant quatre cornets en feuille de bananier ornes de fleurs
rouges, un poulet bouilli, un bol de riz gluant, un bol de sauce, une
bouteille d'alcool, deux cierges. Ce plateau qui porte le nom d'
" honoraires offerts pour le renvoi [des esprits] du support" ( k' ai

H Charles ArchaimbauJt
A l'oree de la foret, a quelques metres du lieu de !'incineration,
les acolytes du "porteur d'ames" suspendent, a un arbre, panier
et "tube d'eau de santa!" pour payer, disent-ils, au Phi Pa S'a ou
"esprit gardien du cimetiere '' le droit d'entree. Quand le cortege
arrive pres du bC1cher, les deux bonzes juches sur le support descendent.
Apres Ia prasavya effecluee trois fois autour du bf1cher, support
et cercueil sont poses sur le bucher, Ia tete du mort dirig6e vers
!'Ouest. Un parent fait alors l'appel des bonzes et leur offre los
Jeong bong ou "tas caches"(27) comprenant des noix de coco sur lesquelles
sont piquees des lamelles de bambou ornees de piastres, des
paniers charges de bananes, de cigarettes, de torches et reconverts
d'etoffe blanche. Le bonze le plus eleve en grade prend Ie cordon
de coton relie au support tandis qne les autres religieux r6citent le
S' akanica. Quand ils commencent Imina, il rep and lentement, .a
terre, l'eau contenue dans un verre, pour transmcttre au mort les
merites acquis par les participants. Un des parents enflamme ensuite
le bucher au moyen d'une torche tandis que les bonzes recitent
Nama, Kusala, Asanai, Ap'itam. L'un apres !'autre, parents et amis
jettent, sur le bucher, les torches et les baguettes d'encens qu'ils
tenaien l en main(28).
Tandis que les parents et amis surveillent le bCtcher jusqu'tt
!'incineration complete du corps, le "porteur des funes des participants"
gagne rapidement la demeure du dcHunt que garcle l'une des
parentes agees pour prevenir tout retour intempestif du decede.
Celle-ci pose, devant le "porteur d'ames", un plateau con tenant quatre
bois d'eau parfumee recouverts de cornets en feuille de bananier, des
feuilles de betel, des noix d'arec, un echeveau de coton et deux
cierges dont les mesures sont egales respectivement au tour de
tete et a la coudce du chef de famille. Dans ce plateau nomme
"plateau du Mangala sutra'', le "porteur d'ames" depose son echarpe
contenant la boule de riz gluant et son sabre. II pose sa main sur
le plateau et Ia vieille lui fixe, au poignet droit, une feuille de bananier,
110ttr cheviller au corps ses rm1es, en disant:
"N'allez pus avec les esprits errants! Ne nous quittez point! Deroeurez
avec vos enfants et vos petits enfants ".

CONTRIBUTION A L'ETUIJE DU IUTUEL FUNERAIRE LAO ( 1 ) 9
L'incineration terminee, parents et amis gagnent, a leur tour,
la maison du defunl o\.1 le "porteur d'ames" leur fait le sou, khou.an
(rite de fixation des i'unes), avec une feuille de bananier, en murmurant:
''Demeurez en bonne sante! Qu'aucun evEmement funeste ne vous
menace ! Que la mort s' ccarte de vous ! ". Ens ui te le " porteur
d'ames'' et toutes les personnes qui ont assiste aux obseques vont se
baigner dans le :fleuve tout en machonnant du ,, fer et du plomb"
pour se purifier, ecarter les malheurs et obtenir la longevite(29).
Chaque soir, durant trois jours, les bonzes viennent reciter,
dans la salle d'honneur du defunt, devant le plateau qui a servi a
maintenir les ames, le Mangkala sutra. Le troisieme jour, la recitation
du texte achevee, ils aspergent la demeure pour chasser toute
impurete, avec l'eau parfumee des quatre bols(30).
Le quatribne jour au matin, un repas est offert aux bonzes,
dans la demeure du defunt, puis religieux et laiques se dirigent vers
le bucher. Avec des pinces en bambou, ils recueillent les os qu'ils
placent sur une ecorce de bananier puis ils les lavent avec de l'eau
orclinaire. Les ossements sont inl.roduits ensuite dans une petite
jarre dont le fond est p-erc6 puis asperges avec de l'eau parfumee.
La jarre recouverte d'une etoffe blanche est posee sur les ccndrcs
rassemblces en une eminence. Les bon

i6
' ' ' ' I
Charles Archaimbault
Dans la region de Luang Prabang, avant la descente du corps,
la veuve du dcfunt tient, derriere le dos, un Galancier en tronc de
bananier supportant deux recipients rectangulaires (/wthong) rcmplis
de mets. Elle tourne le dos au cercueil et s'ecrie : "Desonnais, jc
ne suis plus votrc epouse, vous n'etes plus mon cpoux. Suivons des
voies scparees!" Elle tranche le balancier a !'aide d'un coupe coupe
puis place les deux kathong sur le cercueil.
22) A Luang Prabang, une parente agee casse a I' en droit ou ctai t
le cercueil une marmite en terre remplie d'eau ponr signifier que les
elements constituant la personne sont disperses. Les fragments du
pot sont places dans un panier et jetcs au Mekhong. La personne
qui accomplit ce rite re9oit, en honoraires, deux cornets en feuille de
bananier dans lesquels quelques pias1res ont ete inserees.
23) A Luang Prabang, on insere a chacune des extrcmitcs des quatre
fleaux lies au support, un cornet en feuille de bananier, une cigarette,
nne chique, une piastre pour que le cercueil soit Ieger a porter.
24) Chacun des porteurs re9oit cinq piastres "d'honoraircs pour
fortifier les ames"-
25) Ce rite rappelle celui qu'effectuent les paysans avant le battage
quand ils rappellent les ames du riz clispersees Dans les environs
de Xieng Khouang, (a Ban K'ampa ), un vieux marche en avant du
cercueil. I1 porte un coupe coupe et un panier contenant du riz
grille, cinq paires de cierges, un oeuf. Assis sur un sanen fixe der­
riere le cercueil, deux bonzes recitent le yot M auk. Pour se rend rc
au lieu d'incineration, le cortege doit traverser nne riviere. Quand
on atteint la rive, on tourne le cercueil de fa(;on a desorienter le
mort; les deux bonzes sont alors places en tete clu cote des pieds du
defunt. A ce moment, le vieux jette, ala volee, du riz grille dans le
but, di t-on, d'attirer les Phi qui desirent monter sur le cercueil pour
accueillir le mort.
26) lis ne doivent pas se retourner car autrement d'autres deces
surgiraient, dit-on, dans la famille.

Funerailles de cao Ruan Ning Sut Samon a Pakse 1961 (photos Sims)
La danse des veuves chargees de tuer 1e Naga
Mise a mort du Naga
Les aborigenes decapitent 1e Naga

18
· Charles Archalmbault
points cardinaux tout en recitant la gatha suivante : "}'invite le
Bouddha, les grands genies protecteurs, Nang Thorani, Vichnou,
Nang Mekkhala, le roi des Garouda, des Naga, qu'ils nous protegent
et nous accordent la prosperite! "Elle s'approche ensuite du Roi
Naga et decoche une fl.eche sur la tete centrale, perforant une vessie
de pore dissimulee et remplie d'un liquide rouge. Un homme cache
a l'interieur de l' effigie fait mouvoir la tete blessee du monstre en
poussant des cris lugubres pour indiquer que le Naga a ete touche a
mort, tandis qu'un autre place pres de !a queue laisse tomber, par
une ouverture figurant l'anus, des noix de coco. Les deux autres
veuves perforent alors les autres tetes de Naga. Les deux acteurs
caches dans Ies flancs du monstre mettent pied a terre. Des aborigenes
arborant la meme tenue et armes de lances soulevent les tetes
qu'ils font choir. Le catafalque est place sous le dome du Merou
et du bois est entasse dans le ventre du Naga.
II n'existe a Bassac aucune legende expliquant la substitution
d'un roi Naga a l'oiseau Hatsadiling. Cette substitution serait de
date recente car elle n'aurait ete introduite que lors des funerailles
de cao Ras'adanai.
A Xieng Khouang, quand le cortege arrive sur le lieu de
!'incineration, un vieillard prend une hache qui a ete deposee sur le
bucher par ceux qui 1' ont confectionne et il tape trois fois sur un
des quatre poteaux principaux en disant : " Partez! Ames (de ceux
qui ont fabrique le bClCher) ne demeurez point fixees ici. BC1cher
vous avez (en la personne du defunt) un proprietaire! " Le cercueil
est alors pose sur le bucher apres une triple circumbulation eflectuee
de gauche a droite au tour du bO.cher pour indiquer, dit-on que" la
roue des. ,existences continue a tourner ". Apres la recitation des
prieres bouddhiques, on depose, pres du cercueil, un panier con tenant
les mets du dernier repas offert au defunt. En cas d'inhumation, un
vieux chasse egalement les ames de ceux qui ont creuse la fosse en
passant un flambeau a l'interieur.
A Luang Prabang, apres la circumbulation, le fils du defunt
coupe, avec un sabre, le pied des quatre pieux fiches aux 90ins du
bCtcher pour ouvrir, dit-on, au mort le chemin de l'au dela, Le

Charles Archaimbault
( k') presentant dans les trois orthographes, une graphie presque
identique, radicalement differente de celle de la consonne de la serie
haute ( kh ),(34) D'autre part, aucun ouvrage concernant les mauvais
presages et portant le titre de Mulakhiit n'a pu etre decouvert jusqu'a
ce jour dans le Nord du Siam ou du Laos. Cette hypothese devait
cependant etre fructueuse, car aiguillant les recherches vers Ia Haute
Region, elle permit de decouvrir, a Muong Sing, un court traite Lu
portant le titre de Marana Sangk'a (rituel funeraire) qui n'est autre
que le premier chapitre du Mulakiit. Une simple comparaison des
textes faisant ressortir les lacunes, les erreurs des versions lao, pourrait
faire conclure a un emprunt pur et simple par des scribes lao.
Le fait que les observances de ce traite seraient reellement en vigueur
chez les T'ai de la Haute Region alors qu'un certain nombre d'entre
elles paraissent n'etre que lettre morte au Laos tendrait a renforcer
cette conclusion.
Certes seulle texte Lu expose de fa

28
Miila K'iit
Charles Archaimbault
( copie EFEO du manuscrit appartenant a Can
Si Sup'an, lettre du village de P'at Luang prrs
de Luang Prabang).
Traduction du Mula Kiit
Nous rendons presentement hommage aux Trois Joyaux. Que
gri'ice n leur puissance, tous nos d(.girs (!itt: pensees) soient realises,
rombles. Au debut de notre ere, le fntur Gautama descendant de
I' Alcanittha vint renaltre sous les traits de Sammatt:irajabrahma (:1G).
I1 vint g01'\ter les saveurs de cette terre (:17\. Par Ia suite, tous ses fils
prolifererent nombreux et construisirent des demeures par centaines,
par milliers (38\. Proliferant sans cesse, ils instaurerent quatre
grands royaumes et deux petits muong. Les habitants de ces royaumes
conformerent leurs actions aux principes clu roi Sammatti(39) respectant
les rites et le rituel funeraire qu'il avait edictes.
Six habitants des quatre grands royaumes(40) contrevinrent
gravement aux coutumes du pays et furent passibles de Ia peine de
mort. Tout honteux de leur conduite, ils discuterent entre eux et
conclurent: "Vu notre conduite, nos actions, il ne convient pas que
nous demeuri.ons en vie" (41\. Cette decision une fois connue souleva,
par le dedain de la vie qu'el1e impliquait, l'etonnement public. Les
habitants pensant qu'elle devait etre rapportee, en firent part aux
dignitaires. Le roi fut mis au courant. Les six hommes voulurent
alors quitter cette vie, mais chacund'eux: choisit une mort particu­
Here. L'un clit: "Je veux perir noye ". L'autre declara: "Je veux
etre foudroye ". Le troisieme voulut etre devore par un tigre, le
quatrieme decida de se tuer en se jetant du haut d'un arbre, le
cinquieme choisit ]a pendaison, le dernier seul tint a mourir de
maladie (42).
Comme ces six personnes desiraient ainsi mettre un terme a
leur vie selon la fin qu'elles avaient choisie, le roi [edicta les rites
suivants]( 43), II ordonna que l'on enduislt sept fois le corps du noye,
des pieds ala tete et de la tete aux pieds (44), avec un melange de
poussiere maceree et de safran. Le defunt pourrait alors etre incinere.
Si ce rite n'etait point observe 1 le noye ne pourrait etre

30
Charles Archaimbault
ou un religieux devait presenter des offrandes. I1 convenait ensuite
de tirer [comme a la lutte ala corde] sept fois sur sept lianes reunies
en dis ant: "Que Ia pluie tom be! que l' eau de borde!". (51)
La non observance de ces rites provoquerait Ia ruine de la
famille du clefunt jusqu'a Ia deuxieme generation. En ce cas de
malemort, il ne convenait point d'incinerer le corps, de recevoir des
offrandes, de laisser le cadavre passer une nuit en sa demeure, de
reciter les prieres bouddbiques, les Trois Refuges, de faire preceder
le corps par les bonzes, d'offrir du riz cuit. Seul clu paddy pouvait
etre offert (52).
Des obseques normales furent reservees, selon l'ordre du SOU·
verain, a celui qui etait mort de maladie. Les rites comprenaient le
don d' offrandes, Ia recitation des Trois Refuges, de 1' Abbidharma
..
Sangaha, le sejour du corps dans Ia demeure du defunt (53), !'incineration.
Tel est le rituel funeraire qu'edicta le roi Sammanta. Par Ia
suite, ces rites furent observes de generation en generation. 11 con­
vient done de les prendre comme regles et de s'y conformer sinon
des calamites de toutes sortes se produiront. Desirant que les etres
humains echappent aux malheurs, aux calamites, le roi Sammanta a
etabli, des le debut du kalpa, ces regles qu'il convient d'observer.
Autre observance :
Si des grands-parents ont adopteleurs petits-enfants et les ont cleves
comme leurs propres enfants, en cas de deces de ces enfants adoptifs,
il ne convient pas que les grands parents-procedent eux-memes aux
trois rites suivants :
-ligature des mains,
-ablutions chaudes,
- enterrement,
car il ne s'agh pas en fait de leu.rs propres enfants. La transgression
de cet interdit provoquerait la ruine (54),

Charles Archaimbault
Si deux personnes atteintes du cholera, de la dysenteric Oli
du typhus decedent, il ne convient point d'incinerer les personncs
qui deccderaient ulterieurement de Ia meme maladie. Seule l'inhLtmation
est permise. 11 ne convient point de transmettre des meritcs,
d'inviter les bonzes a reciter les pricres bouddhiques et a preceder
le cortege. Il ne convient point d'offrir du paddy (58).
Les personnes qui perissent carbonisees doivent etre enterrees
sur le lieu meme du deces. Si on les depla9ait, la ruine menacerai t
leurs descendants.
Autre ohsen•a11ce :
Il ne convient point d'incinerer ceux qui meurent:
1) ccrases par Ia chute d'un arbre,
2) transperc6s par les defenses d'un elephant, par les cornes d'un
buflle, par UDC lance, Un epicu Ott une flechc,
:-3) foules au pied par un cheval,
4) frappes par un sabre, un baton, une pierre, le projectile d'unc
nrme a feu.
Il ne convient pas de leur licr les pieds et lcs mams, de leur
transmettre des m6rites, de recevoir des offrandcs, de faire prcccder
le cortege par les bonzes ni de r6ci ter les prH:res bouddhiques. S'ils
sont decodes clans la foret, il faut les ensevelir en ce lieu. S'ils sont
clecedes dans le village, il ne faut pas les enterrer dans le cimetiere
de Ia localite.
Les obsequcs doivent etre faites sur le champ. II ne faut pas
que les corps demeurent une nuit dans la maison. Si ces observances
ne sont pas respectees, le chef de village et les parents du dcfunt
seront exposes anx malheurs (59).
Si deux personnes meurent [de maladie] le meme JOUr, dans
le meme village ou dans la meme maison, il convient de proceder
d'abord aux obseques de celle qui est dec6d6e la dernib·e. Les obseques
de la premiere ne doivent prendre place qu'en second lieu. II
ne convient pas de transmettre des merites, de recevoir des offrandes,

Charles Archaimbault
La transgression de cette prescription risquerait de causer du
tort att chef du village. Des malheurs de toutes sortes se produiraient.
Le feu ravagerait a maintes reprises le village ( 66).
Si nne rnaison m1 repose un mort s'effondre ou :si nne solive
se rompt et que le corps tombe a terre, il ne convient point de remonter
le corps dans Ia maison. D'autre part, cette maison ne doit
plus servir de demeure (67).
Si nne maison mortnaire brule avant les obseques du defunt,
si des tissus, des moustiquaires, des habits s'enflamment dans cette
demeure avant les obseques, ces faits constituent des presages de
mauvais augure. II faut alors proceder rapidement aux rites d'cxpulsion
des malheurs (68).
I1 ne convient point de proceder aux funerailles a l'aube, tt
midi ni au crepuscule. La violation de cette prescription cntrainerait
Ia ruine du village (69).
Autre presc1•iption :
Une fois que lc corps du clMunt a ete appnrte a l'enclroit ot't aura
lieu !'incineration, si le feu [qui servira ti allmncr le b!\cher] s'cteint,
il est interdit d'aller en chercher [au viliage] sous peine rl'exposer
les villageois t't la rlline. Aussi, avant de proceder aux funerailles,
convient-il de constituer un foyer el: de l'entretenir pour qu'il ne
s'eteigne pas (70).
Si une personne meurt lors de Ia pleine June, de la nouvelle
June, ottl'un des trois jours marquant la fin de l'annee et lc debut de Ia
nouvelle (sangkan ecoule, jour intermediaire, jour de l'an) ilne convient
point de Ia laisser passer une nuit dans la maison du deces (71 ),
Meme si le deces se produit clans Ia nuit, il ne faut point attendre au
matin pour proceder aux funerailles. Si ces prescriptions n'etaient
point observees, des calamites de toutes sortes se procluiraient frappant
les habitants clu village et Ia parente du defunt.
Si un enfant age de moins de dix ans meurt, il ne convient
point qu'il demeure ttne nuit dans la maison du ded:s. Il ne convient
point de l'incinerer, de reciter les prieres bouddhiquesl de
recevoir des off:randes de la part des parents et amis ( 72),

Charies Archaimhault
passer une nuit dans ]a demeure, de l'incinerer, de reciter les !)l'ieres
bouddhiques. Le corps ne doit pas etre descendu par un orifice
perce t'tl'est, mais par l'escalier (76),
Lors des obseques, il faut, en regie gcnc·rale, proserir tou te
offrandc de fleLJrS OU de feuillage, car de meme que ]es fleurs Se
fanent et que le feuillage jauni t, le chef de famille verrait ses
forces dccliner (77).
Si un esclave meurt dans la maison de son maltre, il ne
convient pas de placer son corps sur le plancher, au milieu de la
maison. Il faut le placer la oi1 reposent les pieds quand on dart, la
tete tl. ]'est. 11 convient de proceder ensuite aux rites funeraires
normaux. La descente du corps doit s'effectuer par l'escalier ( 78 ).
Si un esclave paie 1111 autre esclave pour travailler t't sa place
et si ce second esclave meurt, il ne convient pas de placer son corps
dans la maison [ du maitre]. II faut le laisser mourir hors de la
maison, sous un appentis. Il ne convient point de laisser le d6funt
passer une nuit sur le lieu dn deces. II nc [aut point lui lier les
mains ni lui offrir des mels. Seul dn paddy pent lui etre offert ( 79 ).
Parlons maintenant des morts qui peuvent demeurer une nuit
dans Ia maison mortua ire. Il s' agit de personnes dont le deces
survient a la suite d'une maladie de longue dm·ce. II convient
cl'incinerer ces personnes, de leur Her les mains, de reciter, lors de
leurs obseques, les prieres bouddhiques, de leur donner les Trois
Refuges. Les bonzes doivent preceder le cortege funehrc. II convient
de faire des offrandes de toutes sortes. (80)
Le jour ou une personne decede, il ne convient pas d'ouvrir
les ouvertures par m\ s'effectuera la descente du corps, cl'installer
l'echelle [miniature Em tronc de bananier] qui servira ala descente
du corps, d'insl:rer [dans le cercueil] les supports [qui serviront a
le transporter].
corps (81),
Ces rites ne devront etre accomplis que lors de Ia levee du
Tons ces rites -funeraires ont ete cdictes par le roi Sammantaraja
pour prevenir tout evenement nefaste qui pourrait se produire

,j() Charles Archaimbaull
depo.sait le corps des foudroyes dans un cercueil creusc, en forme
d'auge, dans un tronc d'arbre. On secouait le cercueil trois fois,
puis on lc recouvrait d'un couverc1e en bambou. Ce cercueil devait
ctre confectionne, a !'emplacement meme Ott la personne avail veri.
A la tete du cercueil, on plagait une assiette de paddy.
( 49) Version Lu: de lui laver la figure ..... il ne convcnai t pas de
reciter lcs prieres bouddhiques dans Ia maison [du defunt] car eel
homme avait peri de mort violente. Il ne convenait point de lui
attacber [avec des fils de coton] les pieds et les mains.
(50) V m·siou Lu : " les parents devaient enj amber le cad a vre trois
fois. A defaut des parents, des pieux lai'ques devaient l'enjamber.
Si une personne tombe d'un arbre mais ne se tue point dans la chute,
elle ne doit point mourir dans sa demeure. La ol.t elle meurt, on
peut enjamber son corps. Il ne convient point en ce cas de malemort
de proceder aux ablutions, cl'offrir du riz cuit, ni de reccvoir cles
offrandes. Il convient seulement de presenter clu paddy [au defunt]
en ce jour. La non observance des rites provoqucra la ru1ne.
L'observance des rites sera pour les parents source de prosperil6.
Il convient d'observer pour ceux qui p6rissent brftlcs les mbmcs rites
que pour les fouclroyes ".
(51) Nons adoptons ici Ia version de Can Si Sup' an, ce passage etant
:incomprehensible dans les autres versions lao. La lu tte a la COl'cle
ou Ke Sno est un .ieu rituel pratique a Luang Prabang, au debut de
Ia saison des pluies, lors des ceremonies en l'honneur des grands
genies des douze autels de la ville. Opposant le clan des femmessymbole
de la fecondite-tt celui des hommes, il assure obligatoirement
la victoire aux femmes par deux parties contre nne.
(52) Ve1·sio11 Lu: "Quant au pendu, il ne convenait pas de le laver
a vee de l'eau tie de. II ne convenait pas de recevoir des offrandes,
de lier les pieds et les mains du defunt, de lui donner du riz cuit on
dn paddy. II convenait de reciter uniquement les prcceptes. Tout
d'abord, il convenait d'etendre, sous le pendu, un matelas, une natte.
Un vieillard, un pieux la!que devait alors monter couper la corde
sans qne le pere, la mere, les parents du defunt levassent les yeux.

• I 1
CONTRIBUTION A L'TEUDE DU HITUEL FUNERAIRE LAO (II) 41
On DC devait meme pas entendre le bruit de la chute. Le corps elm,
les parents pouvaient alors s'approcher. II convenait d'offrir a celui
qui avait coupe la corde une somme d'un poids egal a celui du couteau
qui avait servia !'operation. Au cas ou personne ne desirerait COUper
Ia corde, le pere, la mere, les parents pouvaient monter Ia COUper;
mais il fallait alors la couper a trois reprises; il convenait ensuitc
de mesurer le corps puis de creuser une fosse comme dans le cas du
foudroye. Le defunt devait etre en terre debout, le visage tourne vers
lc Sud-Est. II fallait ensuite que les assistants se disputent un
morceau d'etoffe en disant: "Que la pluie tombe! que l'eau coule
clans le torrent!'' Si ces rites n'etaicnt point observes, la ruine
s'ubattrait sur la famille du defunt jusqu'a la septieme generation.
v
Selon Can Si Sup' an, dans la region de Luang Prabang, il est interdit
d'cnterrer un pendu sur le lieu meme de la pendaison. II £aut choisir
un cnclroit situe loin des rizieres. Sur le cercueil, on place ala tete
une assietle de paddy en disant: "Voici du riz que l'on vous offre.
Puissiez-vou::; obtenir une renaissance heureuse ".
Uans le Sud-Laos, les pendu::; sont enterres en dehors du village
sans aucun rite. Trois mois apres Ia pendaison, les parents du d6funt
peuvent offrir ttn repas aux bonzes.
( 5:1) Versio11 Lu: '' Le roi ordonna de laisser le d6funt trois ou quatre
nui ts dans sa demeure, de le laver, de lui attacher les mains".
( 5·1) La J•e1·sio11 de L.P. (Call Si Sup' tm): precise que si les grands­
parents ont procede au rite du "sou khouan" (maintien des ames)
lors du mariage de leurs petits-enfants, en cas de deces de ces enfants,
ils doivent proceder tl !'execution de ces trois rites, "ils peuvent
toutefois omettre l'un d'eLtx car il ne s'agit pas de leurs vrais enfants.
Si par contre ils omettent les trois rites, cette omission provoquera
Ia ruine ".
Ce pas::-;age ne figure pas clans !a version L,u.
Selon Can Si Suv'an et Long Bttl ees prescriptions sont encore
observees a Luang Prabang et a Bassac.

44
Chal"les Archaimbault
chez eux, il convient de les enterrer loin du cimetiere de la localite."
Version L.fl. ( bibliotheque royale): "Il £aut les enterrer lr\ ml ils sont
decedes. Il ne faut point les transporter sinon on provoquerait la
ruine" Cette observance est respectee du Nord au Sud Laos. Les
defunts sont enterres clans la journee meme de crainte que ces accidents
mortels ne se reproduisent.
( 60) Versiou Lu: "Si dans un village, deux personnes decedent le
meme jour, il faut transporter d'abord celle qui est decedee la der­
niere, une fois le feu mis au bficher, on retournera au village et on
transportera alors le premier defunt. Si deux personnes decedent
au meme moment, on proccdera d'abord aux obseques de celle qui
etait malade depuis longtemps"
Versio11 L.P. ( hihliotheque royale ) : " Si dans un village deux personnes
decedent le meme jour, il ne convient point de laisser les corps
une nuit dans la maison. Si on les garde une nuit, la ruine sur­
viendra. Que l'on transporte d'abord celle qui est decedee en
dernier"
Dans Ia region de Luang Prabang et de Bassac, si deux personnes
meurcnt de maladie le meme joLtr, on les incinere l'une et l'autre en
observant tons les rites orclinaires. La seconde est incineree avant
la premiere.
A Xieng Khouang, on les enterre toutes les deux, Ia seconde avant
Ia premiere, sans aucun rite.
( 61) Cette observance ne figure ni dans la version Lu m dans Ia
version de Luang Prabang ( Bibliotheque royale ).
Dans la region de Bassac, le cadavre peut demeurer plus d'une nuit
dans la maison et il peut etre incinere, on doit seulement Her cinq
fils de coton aux poignets du malade pour retenir ses ames; on l'as­
perge egalement d'eau lustrale pour ecarter les mauvaises influences
( 62 ). Cette observance ne figure point dans Ia version Lu ni dans
celle de Luang Prabang (Can Si Sup' an).
A Bassac et a Xieng Khouang on observe, en ce cas, les rites ordinaires,

CONTRIIlUT10N A L'ETUDE DO R1TUEL FUNERAIRE LAO ( 11) Mi
( 63) Ne figure pas dans la version Lu.
A Bassac, ceux qui ont construit le bucher peuvent nller a Ia recon­
tre du cortege. A Xicng Khouang et a Luang Prabang par contre,
Ia prescription du Millak1.1t est obscrvee.
( 64) Versio1t Lu: '' Si les pieux du btlcher suintent, si le bucher
s'effondre, la ruine menace. Autre prescription: il ne convient point
de prendre les chiques, le tabac faisant partie des offrandes. Il ne
convient point non plus de rapporter au village une partie des
offrandes ".
Les textes de Lrtang Prabang presentent ici une version identique.
( 65) Ces prescriptions ne figurent pas dans la version Lu.
Versio1t de L.P. ( Ca11 Si Sup' all) : '' I1 ne convient pas [en cas
d'inhumation] de declarer une fois la fosse creusee, que l'endroit
choisi ne convient point et de creuser en un autre lieu. Il ne convient
point de declarer, une fois plantes les pieux principaux qui
soutiennent le bftcher, que l'endroit est mal choisi et d'aller enfoncer
ces pieux ailleurs,cela provoquerait la ruine de la parente du defunt".
Ces prescriptions sont observees du Nord au Sud Laos
( 66) Ne figure pas dans la version Lu.
( 67) Ne figure pas clans la version Lu.
La version de LP. ( bibliotheque royale) indique seulement: "Si les
poutres mattresses de la demeure ( maison, bonzerie ou vihara) ou
repose le corps d'un bonze, d'un acan ou d'un serviteur de pagode
s'effondrent, il ne convient point de rester en ce lieu mais de
l'abandonner"
Versiott L.P. (Call Si Sup' all) : " Si les pou tres mattresses de Ia
demeure ot\ repose le corps d'un bonze on d'nn serviteur de pagode
s' effondrent ... "
Dans le Surl Laos, la demeure n'est point abandonnee, mais seule­
ment purifiee.

CONTRIOUTlON A L'ETUOE DU RlTUEL FUNERAlRE LAO (II} 45
( 63) N e figure pas dans la version Lu.
A Bassac, ceux qui ant construit le bftcher peuvent aller a Ia recon­
tre du cortege. A Xieng Khouang et a Luang Prabang par contre,
Ia prescription du Mi:ilaki.it est observee.
( 64) Versio11 Lu: "Si les pieux du bucher suin tent, si le bucher
s'effondre, la ruine menace. Autre prescription: il ne convient point
de prendre les chiques, le tabac faisant partie des offrandes. Il ne
convient point non plus de rapporter au village une partie des
offrandes " .
.Les textes de Lnang Prabang presentent ici une version identique.
( 65) Ces prescriptions ne figurent pas dans la version Ln.
Version de L.P. (Call Si Sup'a11): '' Il ne convient pas [en cas
d'inhumation] de declarer une fois la fosse creusee, que l'endroit
choisi ne convient point et de creuser en un autre lieu. II ne convient
point de declarer, tme fois plantes les pieux princilJaux qui
soutiennent le bucher, que l'endroit est mal choisi et d'aller enfoncer
ces pieux ailleurs,cela provoquerait Ia ruine de la parente du defunt".
Ces prescriptions sont observees du Nord au Snd Laos
( fl6) N e figure pas dans Ia version Lu.
( 67) Ne fig me pas dans la version Lu.
La version de L.P. ( bihliotheq!Le royale) indique seulement: '' Si les
poutres mattresses de la demeure ( maison, bonzerie ou vihara) ou
repose le corps d'un bonze, d'un acan on d'un serviteur de pagode
s'effondrent, il ne convient point de rester en ce lieu mais de
1 'a bandonner ''
Version L.P. ( Ca11 Si Sup'a11) : '' Si lcs poutres mattresses de Ia
demeure ot'l repose le corps d'un bonze ou d'un serviteur de pagode
s' effondrent. .. "
Dans le Sud Laos, la demeure n'est point abandonnee, mais seule­
ment pnrifiee.

46 Charles Archaimbault
( 68) Ne figure dans aucune des autres versions. Les rites d'expulsion
des malbeurs ( sia k'o) sont pratiques dans ce cas du Nord au
Sud Laos. Nons decrirons ces rites dans un prochain article.
( 69) Cette prescription qui figure dans toutcs les versions est ob­
servee du Nord au Sud.
( 70) Cette prescription etait observee autrefois dans le Nord et le
Sud Laos
( 71) Vel'sioll L11: "Il ne convient point de laisser, clans Ia demeure,
durant une nuit, le corps d'une personne decedee durant l'un des trois
jours marquant le nouvel An ou lors du quinzieme jour de la lune
croissante ou decroissante. Quatre sortes de malheurs se produiraient.
L'existenee serait menacee. Ruine et deuils frapperaient Ia
parente du defunt jusqu'a la septieme g(meration. II faut proceder
immediatement aux obseques. Il ne faut pas recevoir d'offrandes (de
la part des parents et amis). Il ne faut pas offrir [au d6funt] de riz
cuit. Seul du paddy pourra lui etre presente. Les parents ne doivent
point se reunir dans la maison mortuaire pour proceder £tla veillee.
Ils devront attendre sept jours. Le feu du foyer [que !'on etcint
ordinairement lors de Ia descente du corps] ne doit pas etre
eteint. Si ces prescriptions ne sont pas observees, on s'exposera a
subir de grands malheurs. Un mois ecoule, on pourra offrir du riz
cuit"
Ve1·si01t L.P. (Call Si Sup'au): "Cenx qui meurent durant ces quatre
jours ne doivent pas passer une nuit dans leur demeure "
Autre prescription: "II ne convient point que ceux qui viennent assister
la famille du defunt passent la nuit dans cette demeure. [Les
hOtes de passage] qui dormaient sous ce toit, lors du deces, doivent
continuer a y dormir durant une semaine"
A Luang Prabang et a Bassac, seule la prescription visant les trois
jours de nouvel An est observee.
A Xieng Khonang meme, les dignitaires clecedcs durant ces trois
jours peuvent ihre actuellement !'objet de rites normaux a condition

Charles Archaimbaui t
l'on transporte alors le corps! Lors de ce transport, le mari, lcs
cheveux dCfaits et vctu de haillons, doit porter un sabre sur l'cpa\lle.
Arrive a l'endroit choisi pour l'ensevelissement, il changcra d'habits.
Avant de quitter ce lieu, il faut entourer [d'une palissade] la tombe
en ne per9ant qu'une seule ouverture. Le mari doit dire alors:
"Voici ton enfant. Ne viens point me demander quoi que ce soit.
Ne viens point m'importuner ". II jette alors ses haillons et offre, it
la femme, un tronc;on de bananier symbolisant !'enfant.
Mcme si la femme meurt durant Ia nuit, elle ne doit point
demeurer dans la maison mortuaire jusqu'a l'aube. Si le lieu de la
scpul ture est loin du village, il £aut [Lors du retour] barrer le chemin
:wee cinq fils de coton, s'il est pres, il faut barrer le chemin avec
trois fils de coton et des arbrisseaux"
Vel'sion L.P. (Can Si Sup'a11): "Si une femme meurt enceinte, il ne
convient point de proccder aux obseques dans le cimeticre du village
mais il faut l'enterrer en un lieu a part. II faut prononcer trois fois:
"Ton enfant est avec toi" puis passer nne aiguille ou un fer tranchant
sur les orteils, une fois, sur les pouces, une fois, sur la poitrinc,
trois fois, sur les reins, trois fois. Placez un talco sur le visage de la
defunte et deposez, a Ct>te d'elle, Ull paquet contenant du poivre, de
l'ail, du betel, en disant trois fois : "Je te donne ces medicaments".
Lors du transport de la defunte, ilconvient que l'on mesure le corps
et que !'on construise une echelle a deux ou trois barreaux ... ( Ia
suite est identique ala version Lu ). II convient qu'on entonrc [la
tombe] avec des epines et du sable. Le mari doit dire: "Ton enfant
est avec toi. Tu as des vetements et des provisions pour le voyage.
Maintenant nons n'avons plus de relations. C'est tennin6. Ne
viens pas me demander quoi que ce soit, ne viens pas me tourmenter!
Prends ces vieux vetements! Ton enfant, c'est toi qui en as la
charge". Si le lieu de sepulture est pres du village, que l'on barre
le chemin avec cinq fils de coton, s'il est loin, que l'on barre le
chemin avec sept fils de coton. Que tous ceux qui sont allcs aux
ubscques retonrnent chez eux sans se dctonrner ct qu'ils coupent
des 6pines, pour bar.rer lc chemin, en trois cndroits. Quant ti celui
qui a accompli les rites, il convient qu'on lui donne nne recompense
convenable. Tous les acan ont edi:::te ces prescriptions afin que les

50
Charies Archaimbauit
recite accroupi sept fois, !a gatha que reci tent les accouchetli's
lorsqu'ils dessinent, sur une rame, avec de !a craie, !a figurine
humaine qui ecartera du lit de l'accouchee, les mauvais esprits:
,, yanthun nimittang avamangk'alang cayo camanako sukkumatsa
sattho papaho thusupinang akantang"
Tenant alors en main une coupe offerte par l'epoux de la defunte et
contenant outre de la eire, du coton et des fleurs, une certaine
somme d'agent, le medicastre suivi des parents et amis se rend ala
maison mortuaire.
3) Il remet la coupe au mari qui la place dans la piece de reception
entre deux recipients en feuille de bananier ( cok) contenant l'un
du sable, l'autre du gravier. Un cierge allume est fixe sur la coupe.
Le medicastre face ala coupe recite alors interieurement une gatha
en l'honneur du maitre qui lui enseigna les rites puis melange le
contenu des deux cole dont il jette une partie aux quatre coins de la
piece en murmurant: "Om! Repression, repression, grande repression!
Je reprime les esprits qui siegent sur la tete, je reprime les
esprits qui errent la nuit, je reprime les phi sans tete, les phi deca­
pites, je reprime tons les phi perturbateurs, Om repression, grande
repression Om sahap!" I1 descend ensuite jeter le restant des cole
aux quatre coins de la demeure -de gauche a droite- en recitant la
meme gatha pour ecarter les mauvaises influences. ll entonre ensuite
Ia maison mortuaire d'un fil de coton et plante, au pied de
1' escalier, pour interdire l'acces de la maison aux phi, un grand taleo
hexagonal.
4) Tenant en main la coupe que lui a remis l'epoux de Ia d&funte
'
il regagne sa demeure, place la conpe sous le petit autel dedie au
Bouddha et procede a des ablutions purificatrices. Le soir, avant
de se coucher, il allume un cierge sur Ia coupe et recite cent huit
fois !'invocation a son maitre. Trois jours plus tard, il vide, sur
l'autel, le contemt de le coupe. A Xieng Khouang, trois fosses sont
creusees: l'une pour la femme, Ia seconde pour le placenta, Ia troisieme
pour !'enfant.

GONTRHlUTION A !!ETUDE llU lllTUE!, FUNERA!RE LAO ( 11) 51
A Ba$sac, quan t des jumeaux meurent dans !a quim:aine qui
suit leur naissance, des rites particuliers doivent etre accomplis. Le
medicastre fait preparer, par Ia famille, un grand kathong carre contenant
du riz teint en noir, en rouge et en jaune, des bananes, des
rondelles de canne a sucre, de la soupe acide, de Ia soupe sucrce.
II exige en outre, pour l'accomplissement des rites, nne coupe d'honoraires
contenant huit paires de cierges, une jupe, une echarpe.
II place alors le lwthong devant la mere et les nouveaux nes decedes,
a ct1te du recipient. II fixe quatre cierges allumes aux angles d u
kathong puis passe nne boulette de riz sur le corps de l'accouchee,
de haut en bas, en recitant: "Om! J'invite les cinq esprits nefastes
qui provoquent Ia mort des femmes enceintes et des accouchees et
prennent l'apparence d'un oiseau, j'invite les six esprits courtauds
et nefastes qui provoquent Ia mort des femmes enceintes et des accouchees,
.i'invite la "mere de la naissance ", Ia boulotte qui bercc
( les enfants) pour lcs cnclormir. Je prie de sortir du corps de l'accouchce
tous les ]Jhi des femmes mortes en couches qui accourent en
tenant leurs enfants dans les bras. ]'invite les Phi P'op qui accourent,
passent ct repassent. }'invite les Phi P'ni qui accourent et attirent
Ueurs victimes] par magic. Om Sahap ! " II dbpose la boulettc dans
lc kathonK ct passe, en r6citant Ia mcmc formula, sur le corps de
l'accoucbee, deux nutres boulettes de riz qu'il depose cgalcment clans
le recipient.
On lui tend alors une coupe remplie d'eau de Sompoi sur
laquelle il recite sept fois la gatha suivante : '' Ittipiso Wisesa iimina
p'utt'aname iimina, p'utthatangeo iisotang ''. Il souffle stu· l'eau
pour la consacrer et expulser les mauvais genies et absorbe unc
gorgee qu'il vaporise sur le corps de l'accouchee. II prend ensuitc
des fils de coton noirs, rouges, blancs dont il forme des echeveaux
qu'il tient au creux de sa main et sur lesquels il murmure la longue
formule du Yanthun ( texte que l'on recite pour !'expulsion des
malheurs ). Il noue ensuite ces fils de coton au con, aux bras et aux
chevilles de l'accouchee pour la proteger des mauvais esprits. Dans
deux marmites cassees il depose des mouchoirs sur lesquels il trace
le dessin magi que ( yanta) suivant:

GONTRJIIUTION A 1.' !::TUDE DU HITUEI, FUNERAIRE LAO (II ) 53
( 76) La version Lu qui ne mentionne pas cette prescription en
mcntionne unc par contre qui ne figure pas dans les versions lao
citces: "Si un gendre, une bru viennent ti mourir dans la maison
de leurs beaux-parents, il faut, s'ils appartiennent t! une autre race
ou s'ils sont d'une parentc differente, leur laver le visage avec de l'eau
dans laquelle on a fait maccrer des herbes de l'espcce "ya pet". Il
convient d'obscrver le mcme rite dans le cas d'un cadet qui decede
dans In maison de son frcre ainc otl d'un aine qui d6cede chez son
cadet".
Version Luang Prabang ( bibliotheque roya/e) : "Il convient dans ce
ens d'observer lc rituel [ prescrit pour les femmes mortes enceintes]
dccri t prcc6demmcnt ".
Version L.P. ( Ca11 Si Sup'a11): "Si une femme qui a quitte la maison
de ses parents y revicnt enceinte et meurt, il convient de descendre
le corps par l'escalier. Si on le faisait descendre en r)tant la cloison
qui est situce du crW; oti est plac6e la tete quand on se couche, ce
serait nMaste ".
(77) Ver.shm Lrt: "Lors de Ia descente du corps, il faut 6teindre le
feu du foyer, si on le laissait allumer, de:; malheurs surgiraient ...
Tant que le cercueil demeure dans Ia maison, il faut ae garder de
poser des fleurs sur Ia jarre et les marmites, car lorsqu'elles se
fnneraient, les habitants de cette maison vcrraient leurs forces
d6cliner ".
Vet·sion L.P. (Can Si Sui an): "Quand on offre des mcts au defunt, il
ne convient point de poser sur la jarre d'eau des fleurs ni des feuilles
car elles se dessccheraient ce qui entrainerait la ruine de la
maisonncc ". Cette prescription ne figure pas dans la version de la
bibliothcque royale. Selon Si Sup'an et Long But, cette regie ne
serait point observee a Luang Prabang et a Bassac.
( 78) V ersioJt Lu : " Si un esclave ne dans la maison de son maitre
meurt au domicile de son maitre, il faut le placer pres de laporte
jusqu'a la descente du corps. I1 ne convient point de recevoir des
offrandes. II convient seulement de transmettre des merites au
defunt. A pres les funerailles, qu'on offre du paddy"

60
Dr. Udom Poshakrishna
Das Verdienst Gutslaffs lag sicher weniger auf dem Gebiet
der Medizin als dem der Philologie, hat er doch das erste thai-kambodschanische
Wi:.irterbuch verfasst. Schon nach einem Jahr in
Bangkok stellte er fest, class der V ersuch, ThaiHinder fi.ir den christlichen
Glauben zu gewinnen, vergleichbar war mit dem Unternehmen,
Baumstamme einen Hugel hinaufzuwalzen. In einem Brief an
eine Kirche in den Vereinigten Staaten bat Gutslaff 1829 urn Hilfe.
Bote dieses Schreibens wurde interessanterweise Kapitan Coffin, der
die berilhmtgewordenen siamesischen Zwillinge Eng und Chang
nach Amerika nahm. Gutslaff hatte, nachdem seine Frau nach der
Geburt von Zwillingen gestorben war, jede Energie verloren, seine
Korperkrafte batten dermassen abgenommen, class er nicht mehr
gehen konnte. Er verliess Thailand noch im selben Jahr.
Sein Nachfolger wurde am 30. Juni 1831 der erste amerikanische
Missionsarzt in Thailand, Dr. David Abeel, der wtihrend seines
kurzen Aufenthalts in Bangkok seine Kranken dazu anhielt, in die
I

Dr. Udom Poshakrishna
von opcrierten Magenentzi.indungen uncl Kiefcrkrcbs sind bekannt;
einem Chinesen war der Kiefcrknochen gcbrochen, cs wird
beschrieben, wie die Haut am Knochen bing und cine grosse
Wunde bildcte; einem anderen Chincsen war die Nase durch
Syphilis zcrfressen, bis nur noch die verciterten Nascnli.icher
i.ibriggeblieben waren.
Offenbar verfi.igtc Dr. House i.ibcr keinc praktischen
Erfahrungen bei Beginn seiner Tatigkeit, sondern suchte diese erst
in Thailand zu erwerben. So schrieb er zum Beispiel von der
Operation einer Ohrgeschwulst bei einem Manne: "Ich unternehmc
cine Operation. Es ist clas erste Mal in meinem Leben. Ich bin guten
Mutes und meine HUnde zittern nicht. Operieren ist nicht schwer.
Ich geniesse Gottes Segen, der mich Dummen zuerst lcichtc Auf gab en
lOsen lasst, urn mein Selbstvertrauen zu wecken, clas bei ki.inftigen
scbwierigen FHllen notig sein wird".
Mit zunehmendem Alter wiclmete sich Dr. House immer mehr
at1sschliesslich der Chirurgie uncl liess aile anderen Faile durch Dr.
Lane behandeln.
Dr. House schilclert in einem seiner Briefe, wie er sich unter
merkwl.irdigen Umstanden den Bauch selbst zuntihte. Der Brief
lautet:
"Liebe Freunde! Ich bin schon in Eurer Nahe uncl kann
nicht weiter. Ist es nicht eigenartig ? Heute morgen fl.thlte ich
mich beim Verlassen des Hauses noch ganz wahl, weil icb mich am
Sonntag in Wang Luang ausruhen konnte. Ich sagte' mir, class ich
bald ankommen und die Gesichter aller Bekannten und Freunde
sehen wi.trde, die mich am Ziel erwarteten. Gegen acht Uhr aber
legte mich der Elefant, der neben mir herschritt, unerwartet mit
seinem Ri.tssel auf den Boden und stiess mir einen Stosszahn, ich
weiss nicht wie tie£, in den Bauch. Auf jeden Fall entstand eine
Ltber zwei Zoll breite Wunde. Ich kann meine GefLthle in dem
Augenblick nicht beschreiben. Ich batte nur einen Gedanken: ein
-zweiter Angriff konnte nocb folgen, clenn ich lag gegen einen
Baumstamm gepresst und kom1te nicht entkommen. Dem Elefan-

GESCII!CHTE DEH CI!ll\Ul\Gil!: IN 'fHAILAND 1828-1922 65
tcntreiber gelang es jedoch, das Tier zur Seite zu zwingen. Augenblicklich
liege ich schwer verwunclet allein im Walde. Niemand
ist da ausser den Bedienten uncl den Elefantentreibern. Mein guter
Diener Bio kam eben an und weinte laut. Ich denke an Henriette
(die Ehefrau) uncl an zuhause. Aber Gott, cler Gott, dem ich gestern
im Herzen Treue bis in den Tad gelobt hatte, hat den Unfall
geschehen lassen und tri.istet mich in meinem Unghick. Eine Wunde
dieser Art will sofort zugenaht werclen. Ich werde clas selber mach en
mi.issen. Auf andere Leute ist kein Verlass. Alles neue Gesichter
bis auf Bio. Es mutet mich seltsam an, class ich mir den Bauch selbst
zuni:ihen muss. Aber es gibt keine Wahl, ich muss beginnen. Schon
ist es getan. Vier Naclelstiche genligten. Aus Bambus fertigten
die Bedienten eine Tragbahre an, clenn es ist in diesem Zustand wohl
nicht moglich, mich noch weiter von einem Elefanten schaukeln zu
lnssen. Von neun Uhr an trug man mich die ganze Strecke auf der
Bahre, bis wir gegen fi.'mf Uhr nachmittags ein Dorf am Lai-Fluss
erreichten. Ich liege im mittleren Sala uncl schreibe diese Zeilen
im Scheine einer Kerze. Die ganze Zeit muss ich still auf cler Seite
licgen. Ich fi.iblc mich sehr schwach und muss gleich aufhi5ren.
Die Menschen hier sind sehr freuncllich. Ich habe einen Mann
beauftragt, cliesen Brief nuch Chiangmai zu bringen.- Ich brauche
nicht zu sagen, wic grosse Schmerzen ich Icicle. Ich befUrchte eine
Entzlindung des Bauchfells. Wenn clas eintritt, wird es schlimm.
Noch vicle Tage muss ich weiter so liegen bleiben. Wenn ich mich
jetzt erheben und auf die Tragbahre steigen sollte, um mich nur
noch einen Tag tragen zu lassen, wi.irde es sicher ftber meine I

fiRSCHICHTE DER CHinllRGIE IN THAILAND 1828-1922 67
i.iberreiche ich Ihnen als behandelndem Arzt hicrmit 200 Baht und fiir
Dr. House zur Belohnung 40 Baht.
Von Anfang an vertraute ich der amerikanischen und europiii.schen
Methode bei der Geburtsbilfe, doch bedaure ich, class die
Kranke meine Meinung vor der Erkrankung nicht teilte, da sie viele
Verwandte hat. Jeder von ihnen empfahl die Befolgung der i.lberlicferten
siamesischen Methode. FUr Ihre Art der Bchandlung
herrscht jeb:t im Palast grosse Bewunderung.
Von Ihrem wohlwollenclen Freund
Mongkut.
Dr. House und seine Frau kehrten im Miirz 1876 in die
V ereinigten Staaten zurUck, da Mrs. House an chronischen Kopfschmerzen
und an Asthma !itt und das tropische Klima nicht mehr
ertragen konnte. Dr. House hatte 29 Jahre in Thailand vcrbracht.
Dr. Bradley und Dr. House zusammen haben 41 Jahre in Thailand
gelebt und gewirkt. In clieser Zeit regierten drei Konige:
Konig Phra Nang Klan, cler 1851, Konig Mongkut, der 1868 und
Konig Chulalongkorn, der 1910 starb.
Phya Sarasin Sawamipal{di ( 1849-1926)
Phya Sarasin Sawamipakdi hiess urspri.inglich Tianhi und
war Buddhist. Als Kind besuchte er sieben Jahre die Thong-Noppakun-Tempelschule
und lernte dart Lesen und Schreiben. Urn
seinen Lerneifer zu befriedigen, planten seine Eltern fi.ir ihn eine
hohcre Ausbildung und schickten ihn in die Missionsschule in
Samreh. Er wurde bald der beste Schi.iler dieser Lehranstalt. Da
er begabt war und sich den Wi.inschen seiner Lehrer entsprechend
auch christlich tau fen liess, war er bei den Missionaren sehr beliebt.
Dr. House nahm den jungen Herrn Tianhi im Jahre 1864 mit in die
Vereinigten Staaten, wo er auf Kosten seiner Eltern Medizin
studierte, wic er es gewL'lnscht hatte. Nach Absolvierung aller Kurse
wurde er 1871 an der Universitiit von New York zum Doktor der
Meclizin promoviert. Dr. Tianhi war mithin der crste siamesische
Arzt, der eine modeme medizinische und auch chintrgische Ausbil­
dung genosscn hat.

GESCHICHTE DER CHIRURGIE IN THAILAND 1828-1922 69
Hospital zur Verfi.igung, das am 26. Apil 1888 von Seiner Majestat
untcr dcm Numen Siriraj-Hospital eroffnet wurde.
Danach wnrden vier weitere Spitiiler cingerichtet:
1) die Nervenheilanstalt in Pakklongsan, Dhonbury,
2) das Burapha-Hospital fi.tr allgemeine Erkrankungen vor dem
Burapha-Palast,
:1) das alte "Nursing Home" an der Ecke von Silom-und Charoenkrung-Strasse,
das Dr. Hays zur Behandhtng von Europaern
bcnutzte und das von den Gesundheitsbehorden i.ibcrnommen
wurde, und
4) das Dhebsirin-Hospital, das gegeniiber dem Dhebsirin-Tempel
ncu errichtet wurde.
Da auch in den Provinzen verschiedene Krankenhauser
eingerichtet worden waren, ordnete Seine Majestat am 25. Dezember
1888 die organisatorische Znsammenfassung aller Krankenhauser
einschliesslich des Siriraj-Hospitals unter einem Gesundheitsamt
an. Sein erster Direktor, S.K.H. Prinz Sisoavapang, ein Mann von
grosser Energie und starkem Charakter, versuchte in jeder Weise,
das Siriraj-Hospital gross und beliebt zu machcn. Darum war sein
fri.i.hcr Tod, der Prinz war erst 27 Jahre alt, ein grosser Verlnst. Bis
zulctzt hiclt er sein Vertraucn zum Siriraj-Hospital aufrecht und
erldi:irtc, class er cs vorziehe, dart zu sterben, wenn er nicht gesunden
konne. Der Prinz verschied am 11. Oktober 1889.
Nachdcm die gennnntcn vier Krankenhanser eingerichtet
worden waren, wnrden zwei Bedi.irfnisse dringend: es galt, Arzte
fi.lr die Krankenhauser ausznbilden und operative Behandlungen zu
ermoglichen. Urn diese Bediirfnisse zu befriedigen, wurde 1889
eine Schule fur Arzte gegri.indet, in der man der Chirurgie neben
der Allgemeinmedizin besondere Aufmerksamkeit schenkte. Der
erste Lehrer und Direktor dieser neuen Schule war Dr. Hays.
Dr. T. Heyward Hays war 1886, zehn Jahre nachdem Dr.
House in die U.S.A. zuriickgekehrt war, nach Thailand gekommen.
Er verfi.i.gte nicht nur i.i.ber ausgezeichnete fachliche Fahigkeiten,

70
Dr. Udom Poshakrishna
sondern besass auch Weitblick und grosse Energie. Als Gri.inder
der ersten Apotheke des Landes vertrat er die Meinung, class
Medikamente verkauft und nicht verschenkt werdcn solltcn, cine
Maxime, deren Befolgung h1r die amerikanischcn Arztc unter unfl
vorteilbaft sein konnte.
Die Regierungsstelle, der die Hospitiilerunterstnnclen, erknnnte
die Fahigkeiten Dr. Hays. Sie beauftr:1gte ihn mit dcr Einrichtung
eincr Medizinischen Schule, an der junge Leutc nnch weRtlichem
Vorbild ausgebilclet werdcn sollten. Diese erste Arzteschule wurde
im November 1889 im Siriraj-Hospital erMfnet. Es meldeten sich
40 Kanclidaten, von denen schliesslich nur 15 Hhrighlieben. Dass
die ubrigen nach und nach ausschieden, hatte verschiedene Grunde:
1) Viele Facher waren zu schwer. Die Grundkenntnisse der
Studenten reichten noch !angst nicht aus, nm den Vorlesungen
folgen zu konnen. Erst zehn Jahre fruher, im Jalll'e 1879, war
die erste Mittelschule, die von Samuel McFarland gcleitete
Suan-Anand-Schule, gegri.1ndet worden, so class die Zeit fur die
Griindung einer Hochschnle einfach noch nicht rei£ war. Ausserdem
war die Mehrzahl der Studierenden bereits verheiratel.
2) Die Stu den ten batten sich nicht klargemacht, in welch gross em
Umfang sie in Beruhrung mit Kranken kommen wnrden.
3 ) Der Lehrer war der Landessprache nicht machtig. Er las nur
das vor, was ihm iibersetzt worden war, ohne selbst den Inhalt
seiner Worte zn erfassen, was die Studenten wohl wussten.
Nach drei Jahren sah Dr. Hays ein, dass es auf diese Weise
nicht mehr weitergehe. Er gab diese Arbeit auf und schloss die
Schnle. Seine iirztliche Tatigkeit setzte er fort am Siriraj-Hospital
und am. Bangrak-Hospital, ldas wenige Jahre nach dem Sil·iraj­
Hospital als private Anstalt gegriindet worden war, aber spiiter
staatlich wurde. Dr. Hays arbeitete ferner in seiner Apotheke, der
American Dispensary. Die Operationen hat er sicher im Bangrak­
Hospital ausgefi.lhrt, das er ganz neu einrichtete,-als regulares
Spital, nicbt nur als Gaststiitte, wo die Kranken in der NHhe cines
Arztes Schutz und Behandlung fanden. Dr. Hays war ausserdem
noch leitender Arzt bei der Marine und bei der Eisenbahn.

74 D1·. Udom Poshakrishna
cigcne kleine Klinik an der Ecke von Rajawong-und Charoenkrungstrasse,
wo er dann 40 Jahre lang nach modernen Hcilmethoden
den Kranken half. Sein Ruf verbreitete sich tiber das ganze Land,
und jecles Kind in Bangkok kannte ibn. Er kannte nur wenige
Priiparate. Was er vic! anwandte, war Chloroform, von dem er
wochentlich ca. 50 Pfund verbrauchte, ausserdcm essigsaure Toncrde
und Zinksulfat in Losungsform zur Behandlung von frischen nnd
alten Wunden, was sich als "Dr. Plais Losung ''grosser Beliebtheit
erfreute. Verkauft wurde es ZLl 25 Satang die Flascbe nncl brachte
Higlich cine Einnahme von 50 Baht. Die moisten Wundpatienten
gingen zu ibm. Sein Name, der Hexer bedeutet, erhohte das Vertrauen
der Leute zu ibm.
Dr. George Bradley McFarland war all die Jahre um die
Entwicklung cler Medizinischen Akademie bcmi.iht, die im J nhre
1900 urn einige Unterricbts-und Wohnrtlume und urn cine Mensa
fi.ir die Studenten vergrossert wurcle. Von KCinig Chulalongkorn
erhielt die Akademie den neuen Namen Konigliches Mcdizinischcs
Kollegium. 1903 wurde die Studicnzeit von drei auf vier Jahre
heraufgesetzt. Zum Lehrkorper geh6rten damals: Dr. McFarland,
Dr. Hays, Dr. Adamson, Dr. Egan Wachter, ferner Dr. Chum fur die
alten Heilmethoden, Luang Vinit fi.ir Physiologische Chemie und
Luang Vicbit fi.ir Engliscb. Dr. Wachter, ein Deutscher, Mitglied
im Katbolischen Vincent-Seminar in Bayern, war nach Amerika
ausgewandert. Nach seinem Studium am Kansas City Medical
College kam er fi.ir die Presbyterianische Mission nach Thailand.
Von allen Missionaren zeigte er die gr6sste Erfahrung uncl war in
Fragen der Inneren Medizin ein hervorragender Berater. Obwohl
er in Rajburi stationiert war, hiclt er wochentlich zwei Vorlcsungen
an der Medizinischen Akadernic.
Im Jahre 1907 wurde der Lehrkorper erweitert durch die
Dozenten Dr. Walker, Dr. Toy, Phya Rajanugul, Dr. Fernandis, Dr.
Bozoni und Chao Phya Pbra Sadet Surentaratobodi. Bci jedcr
Urlaubsreise in die V ereinigren Staaten besichtigte Dr. McFarland
:verschiedene medizinische LehrsUitten, um neue Anregungen fUt
den Unterricht in Thailand zu sammeln. Ausserdem brachte er fur

GF.SC:HICIJTF: DER CHIRURGTE TN THAILAND 1828-1922 75
die Akndemie jedesmal Gebrauchsgegensti:inde mit, die er aus
eigener Tasche bezahlt hatte. Urn seinen Studenten das Studium zu
erleichtcrn, sdl!'ieh Dr. 1vfcFar1and auch folgrnde Lehrbiieher:
1. Human Anatomy, Volumn 1-3
2. I'vfatcria Mer1icn & Therapeutics
3. Elementary Physiology
4. Advanced Physiology
fi. Treatise on Asiatic Plague
fi. Treatise of Diseases of the Nervous System.
Dr. McFarland gebiihrt der Ruhm, der grosste Forderer der
merlizinischen Wissenschaft in Thailand gewesen zu sein. Zudem
war er der erstc Ordinarius fi.ir Chirurgie an dcr Meclizinischen
Akarlcmie. Als cr 1926 in den Ruhestancl trat, konnte er auf 35
Jahre segensreicher Arbeit zuriickblicken. Er starb am 3. November
1942 im Chulnlongkorn-Hospital.
S.KH. Prinz Rangsit von Chainart ( 1919-1922)
Prinz Rangsit, obwohl nicht Arzt sondern Piidagoge, warder
en;te Dekan der Kiiniglichen Medizinischen Akademie. Er vertrat
di(' Mninung, class ein Administrator weclcr ein Gelehrter noch ein
P'aehmann zu scin hrnuehe, sonclern folgende E1genschaften aufweiscn
miisse :
1. Verstiindni::;, Intere::;se und Liebe zur Arbeit,
2. die Fiihigkeit, geeignete Fachlcute auszuwahlen,
3. Verlrauenswiircligkei t,
4. AutoriHit und
G. Ncidlosigkcit.
Dcr Prinz hattc nile diese Eigcnschaften und verstand es
darmn, die Kiinigliche Meclizinische Akarlemie, die anfangs noch
einc kiimmerliche elementare Lehranstalt war, in die erste Hoch­
schule der Nation zu verwandeln. Sein Bruder, Konig Vachiravudh,
verfolgte die Entwicklung mit Interesse. Er liess die Medizinische
Hochschule mit der Hochschule fur Staatswissenschaften vereinigen,
eine Vereinigung, aus der 1917 die Chulalongkorn-Universiti:(t her­
vorgins-, deren erster Rektor Prinz Rang-sit w1.1rde.

76
Dr. Udom Poshakrishna
Im Umgang mit Professoren der Mcdizinischen Fakultiit der
Heidelberger Universitiit hatte Seine Hoheit genaucn Einblick in die
Fragen der arztlichen Ausbildung gewonnen. Von einem Arzt verlangt
man nicht nur gute Kenntnisse der Naturwissenchaften, der
Basiswissenschaften, der Krankheitslehre und der Therapie, sondern
auch der Logik und Ethik; ausserdem muss"'er genau sein, einen
scharfen Beobachtungssinn besitzen, ldar pri.lfen mnd beurteilen
konnen. Der arztliche Beruf, besonders der des Chirurgen, ist eine
verantwortungsvolle Aufgabe, da bier Menschenleben auf dem Spiel
stehen. Der Arzt muss lernen, den Gefahren gut geri.istet zu
begcgnen. Um dieses Ziel zu erreichen, erhohte Prinz Rangsit im
Jahre 1915 die Studienzeit von funf auf sechs Jahre. Er entwickelte
einen Plan zur Verbesserung des Standards der Kurse. Er versuchte,
auslandische Arzte und Wissenschaftler, die in Bangkok ansassig
waren, als Lehrkrafte zu gewinnen. Daher standen damals den
Studenten als LehrkrHfte gegeni.iber : ein EnglHnder in der Inneren
Medizin, ein Franzose in der Bakteriologie, Deutsche in Sprachkursen,
in der Chemic, als Zeichner und in der Chirnrgie, ein Osterreicher
im Lateinkurs, ein Amerikaner in der Chirurgic, Physiologic
und Ophthalmologic, ein Italiener in der Bakteriologie, Toxikologie
und Gyniikologie, ein Kanadier und ein Indcr in der Anatomic und
DHnen in der Geburtshilfe uncl Gynakologie. Nati.lrlich gab es daneben
thailandische Dozenten.
Als Bedingnng fur die Zulassung zum Medizinstuclium setzte
Prinz Rangsit ein Reifezeugnis von Mathayom VIII, der achten
Klasse der hoheren Schule, fest. Die Studienkurse, die sich Uber
sechs Jahre erstreckten, teilte er wie folgt ein: ·zweieinhalb Jahre
fiir Sprachen ( Englisch, Franzosisch, Deutsch), fi.ir die Gnmdlagen
der Medizin ( Chemie, Physik, IBiologie, Anatomic, Physiologic,
Pathologic, Bakteriologie, Toxikologie und gerichtliche Medizin );
die nachsten zweieinhalb Jahre waren bestimmt fiir Klinische Medizin,
Chirurgie, Innere Medizin, Gebnrtshilfe und Frauenheilkunde;
das letzte J ahr war ein praktisches Pflichtjahr·
Als Chirurgen waren unter anderen ti:itig: Dr. Th. van Wesel,
Dr. Schneider, Dr. Schafer und Dr. Strong. Die drei ersten waren

so
H.R. Van Heekeren
The origin of the Dongson culture is much disputed. Two maht
distinct points of view are known. Heine Geldern2 argues for a
Hallstatt-Transylvania-Caucasian source, migrating across Central
Asia to Western China and Indochina respectively. Karlgren3,
however believes he has traced the origin of this culture back to the
Huai Valley in South China.
By now it is well-known, that this culture is widely spread geographically,
covering South China, Indochina, Thailand and the greater
part of Indonesia as far as lake Sentani in West Irian (New Guinea).
The Ougha!J cave: During our first stay in Kanchanaburi, prior to the
first reconnoitring trip in 1961, the Governor showed us a beautiful
and well-preserved bronze kettledrum of the Heger I type. We
were told that the drum had been found some years ago in the Ongbah
cave upstream of the K wae Yai and approximately ten kilometres
west of Sri Sawat village; a second drum was lost during transport
to Bangkok.
In the central field of the tympanum we saw a sun emblem with
twelve rays and a row of flying herons. In addition there were rows
with geometric motifs in the form of small circles connected with
tangents, which can be looked upon as a late simplification of the
double spirals; there was also a great assortment of feather symbols
on the body and tympanum such as semi-artificially ocellated pltlmes
or wings, which were the chief emblems of head-hunters at that
period.'l All the conventional and magic symbols were done in low
relief.
The drum lacks, however, the ritual scenes such as plumed warriors
in spirit boats, hunting scenes and scenes of festivals with
which the early Dongson drums from South China, Indochina and
the eastern part of Indonesia were often embellished.
All in all, the drum displays the decorative and stylistic features,
familiar to us of the late Dongson culture, and it must therefore be
assigned to that period.
2. Heine (-;eldern, R. 1951: Das Tocharerproblem unci die Pontische Wanderung,
Saeculum, Vol. 2, pp. 225-225.
3. Karlgren, B. 1942: The date of the Early Dongson culture. Bulletin
Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, Vol. 14, pp. 1-28.
4. Schuster, Carll95:3: Head-Hunting Symbolism on the Bronze Drums of
the Ancient Dungson Culture and in the Modern Balkans. Actes clu IV Congres International
des Sciences Anthropologiques et Ethnologiques, Vienne, Tome II, pp.
278-282.
'I

TllA!·IJAN!SII PHICH!S'I'OIUC EXPEDITION 1963-1962 !ll
In the beginning of December 1961, we took the opportunity of
paying a visit to the cave mentioned above, for the purpose of collecting
more objects of the Bronze Age. In the course of our investigation
we found that deep pits had been dug by treasure hunters
who obviously were interested only in the valuable Sawankalok
ware and who left behind the other prehistoric relics which were
unearthed. All the same, we managed to obtain from the surface a
great wealth of prehistoric objects notably a.o. 29 mesolithic tools,
4 polished stone axes, 4 grinding stones, 88 fragments of bronze
armrings, a number of ancient iron implements, a large amount of
potsherds, and 41 complete earthenware vessels of the Neolithic
and Bronze Ages respectively. Large wooden coffins were lying
scattered around. The lids were removed and contents taken.
Other precious relics were larger and smaller ornamented fragments
of at least four different kettledrums; the fragments will be cleaned
and studied in Copenhagen.
Finally we observed a bronze conventional frog in a village house
near the river; it was said that the object belonged to one o£ the
drums in the Ongbah cave.
Sai-Yok: Only a few additional remarks arc needed on some Bronze
Age findings unearthed in the course of the Sai Yok excavation.
In the upper layers of the large cave of this locality some carnelian
beads and a number of small, pale-blue glass beads were found,
together with Bronze Age pottery. The most important single
find, however, was a beautiful bronze bell, round in shape and
with a loop on top. The object was adorned all over, with spiral
designs in low relief.
Tlze Sawmill Site at Wflng Pho: Prior to the activities of the Thai­
Danish Expedition in the Kwae Noi Valley, a Sheldon Travelling
Fellow of Harvard University, Karl G. Heider, had explored the
same area, in 1956. We know from his reportS that in the course
of the construction of the sawmill, one year earlier, a large amount
of soil was removed, down to a depth of more than three metres.
During the operations, urns with human skulls, socketed bronze
axes, polished stone axes, carnelian beads, spindle whorls and pot.,
tery were exhumed. One vessel contained ten conical bronze bells;
another, which is now on display in the National Museum at Bang-
5. Heider, Karl G. 1957: New Archaeological Discoveries in Kanchanaburi
The Journal of the Siam Society, XLV, 1, 61-70.

I1.R. Van !Icckereu
kok contained a socketed bronze axe and a polished stone axe; it is
a grey coloured pot, 15 ems in diameter.
On November 25 and 26, 1961, we were in a position to visit the
site in question; from the vertical wall were taken a conical bronze
bell, a perforated stone plate, a small yellow pot, a number of grey,
yellow, reel and black sherds, some metal slags and some quartz
flakes. All the evidence suggested that we were dealing with a
rich burial site of the Bronze Age, and from an efficiently conducted
excavation we might have expected many finds. Actually we encountered
the exact opposite of our expectations. By general consent,
Wang Pho was selected for more detailed study and stratigraphic
excavation. The locality is situated south of the sawmill and there
were no indications that it had suffered any disturbance.
I left Sai Yok early in the morning on Wednesday, February 7th,
1962 by speedboat and arrived at Wang Pho in the afternoon of the
same day. At once preparations were made for excavation and
agreements were obtained from the owner of the sawmill. Next
morning, the first step taken was to ::;trip the site of vegetation
next, to lay out two trenches, 3 metres long and 2 metres wide with
a horizontal interval of 2 X 2 metres. Later two more trenches were
opened, measuring 4 X 3 metres and 5 X 3 metres rcspec ti vely.
The excavation, conducted by the author with the much appreciated
as::;istance of Mr. Tjirapat, commenced on February 8th and continued
for 20 days.
A 7-14 men digging crew was employed, operations proceeded
sector by sector and a daily progress report of the work was kept.
Every object or sherd found was recorded carefully by three-dimensional
projection. The depth was levelled from an arbitrarily chosen
point of departure. In the process of excavation profiles with stratigraphic
soil formation were established. The finds were found in
sufficient depth to be suitable for stratigraphic analysis.
For the time being we will have to be satisfied with a brief description
of the most important data obtained in the course of excavation,
sector by sector. Only when the boxes with finds have nrrived and
have been properly studied, will it be perrnissable to give a full
archaeological account and to make more definite statements.
A tentative summing up of the results may be as follows:

THAI·DANISH PREHISTORIC EXPEDITION 1960-1962 83
Sector 1: In this sector we had a distinct soil formation sequence.
At least two cui tural phases are apparent, notably a historical horizon
( Chonkoutni ) overlying a Bronze Age horizon.
The first sherd came to light at 62 ems below the present surface.
These sherds were rather small, unadorned and waterworn with
round edges: they continued to be found to a depth of 124 ems. Beneath
this level the first Bronze Age sherd could be observed; the
sherds of this period were larger and -found in unrolled condition,
among them large rim-and bottomsherds. Some sherds were cordmarked,
others decorated with incised straight lines. Nondescript
stone flakes without secondary finish, some of them showing a distinct
bulb of percussion were found throughout this horizon.
A striking find was made at a surface depth of 127 ems.: it was a
peculiar, thi.n-walled, yellow-grey vessel or coffin of earthenware
measuring 55 X 35 ems, rectangular in shape with round corners. The
coffin was covered with an inverted coffin of the same shape, and
both were stepped. The whole had been buried intact and was still
complete.
It was placed in east-west d-irection, resting on a 25 ems. thick hard
layer of sand. The basal face of tl1e vessel was decorated all over
with incised circles and curvilinear geometric designs; it contained
fine sand but no cultural relics of any kind were found.
Its particular importance lies in the fact that it has perhaps great
classificatory value, because if I remember well, stepped vessels
have their counterpart in the Indochinese Bronze Age. They were
probably brought to this region by some ethnic movement from Indo­
China. A simple stone knife was found at a depth of 205 ems and
a large concentration of sherds was observed at 215 ems. Sherds
continued to be found to a depth of 227 ems.
At a low level, namely 305 ems, much charcoal was found over the
whole surface of the sector, but there were no cultural remains.
Excavation was stopped at a depth of 335 ems without encountering
a clearly defined bottom.
Sector H: Broadly speaking this sector presents the same picture
as the former one. Thus, at least two different phases o-£ civilisation
can be observed; the stratification too is the same as in sector 1.
The historical horizon runs from 80 to 140 ems, the Bronze Age

84
H.R. Van Heelteren
horizon to 269 ems. Among the potsherds are black ones with incised
parallel lines and cord-marked ones. We finished excavation
at a surface depth of 350 ems.
Sector III: It was not possible to distinguish soil -formation sequences
here. The sandy oil was very hard and difficult to excavate.
The first sherd came at a depth of 50 ems. Among the historical
sherds was a quantity of glazed ware. Metal slags were unearthed
at 112 ems. and a large polished stone axe at 127 ems. Some cordmarked
sherds were found at the same horizon. At a depth of 170
ems excavation was stopped.
Sector IV: There was a complete absence of soil formation sequences.
Some glazed sherds were unearthed in the upper horizon
at a depth of 130 ems, a broken globular pot was found; the pot is
estorable.
Lack of time forced us to abandon the excavation of this sector
after a surface depth of 150 ems had been reached.
To summarize, a first effort has been made to obtain a sound knowledge
of the Bronze Age of this area. From the above nntes it can
be concluded that this aim is still far from being realized.
This does not in any way af-fect our impression that it is fairly probable
that further investigation of other Bronze Age sites in the
Kwae Noi Valley will enable us to obtain fuller knowledge o-f this
interesting period.

CHAO LUANG MUAK KHAM
(THE ROYAL. MASTER WITH THE GOL.DEN CROWN)
Report on the Forest-Spirit of Ran Saliem
by
CJJr. C!Jhristian CVJelder
Who is the Spirit-Who are his helpers- Who works as gobetween-
How do the villagers worship the Spirit-Does Buddhism
tolerate the worship of the Spirit.
On Wednesday,August 8th, 1962, the eighth day of the waxing
moon, a wan phra, or holy day, Nai Kraisri Nimmanahaeminda, Mr.
Hartland-Swann and the author of this paper went to visit different
houses of the village Ban Pa Hung, Tambon Yap Hua Na, Amphur Sa,
Changwat Nan. We were quite surprised that in all houses visited
the villagers were sitting around not doing any work. When we
inquired why they did not work, they answered that they were not
permitted to work on a wan phra the eighth and fifteenth day of the
waxing and of the waning moon. We were told that this is an old
custom in the district. If anyone should be found working on a
wan phra, he would have to pay a fine of five ticals. We asked
whether this fine was supposed to be given to the temple as the
delinquent was found working instead of paying respect to the Buddha.
But we were surprised to hear that the fine would be given
to the Forest-Spirit Chao Luang Mualc Kharn who did not like people
to work on a wan phra ! Whoever fears the Spirit in the district,
and this is practically everybody, would not dare to work on a wan
phra. One who would not follow the law of the Spirit would be
punished severely by the Spirit himself.
When we asked where the Spirit lived we were told that his
house was south of the village Ban Saliem Klang, north of Ban Pa
Hung on the western bank of the River Sa. We walked up the river
along its bank and came after about four kilometres to a forest with
old and tall trees, In the middle of this forest there was a house of

86
Dr. Christian Velder
about four by six metres, built on wooden poles and covered with
thatch. This was the dwelling of the Spirit Chao Luang Muak
Kham and his three servants, Chao Fa Haek (the Split Sky), Chao
Dao Yat; (the Stardrop) and Phaya Prap (the Subduing One), all of
them bearing titles:of nobility (Chao Luang, Chao Fa, r:hao and Phaya).
Villagers directed us to the remains of an old Buddhist bricktemple
about five minutes north of the Spirit-house near the bank of
the river. We ordered our porters to dig near what we realised to
be the foundations of a rectangular bot. Three small Bud,clha images
in late Sukhothai style were found during the excavations. Three
bricks were also uncovered stamped with the words Saen Nan (Prince
of Nan) in Sukhothai letters. The temple could thus ds.te back to
the Sukhothai period before Nan came under Chiengmai rule.
During the Chiengmai period the northern alphabet tua tham came
into use and was only recently replaced by the Central Thai alphabet.
A prince of Nan obviously ordered this temple to be built. Between
the temple and the river we found two big brick furnaces all covered
by jungle soil and big trees. In the furnaces we found ore which
may have come from old mines in the mountains to the west. The
knowledge of the furnaces is still preserved among the people of
Ban Saliem Klang. Another site with bricks laying around in the
jungle was shown to us about two minutes from the Spirit house towards
the river. But we found no foundations of a temple. To the
north of Ban Saliem Klang there is another village, also on the bank
of the river, which is called Ban Saliem Ni1a. It is possible that
there was formerly a third village south of Ban Saliem Klang, be­
cause Klang' means middle and Niia north. This one might have
been in the vicinity of the Spirit house and the site where we found
the bricks but no foundations. Saliem might have been in former
times an important village or rather town, important because of its
kilns. The princes of Nan must have had a particular interest in
the metal from Saliem. They ordered a temple to be built and it is
possible that there is a connection between the name of the Spirit
and his helpers on one side and noblemen from Nan protecting the
people of Saliem on the other.

CHAo::LUANG=MUAK KHAM 8'/
The Spirit Chao Lnang Muak Khwn is the master of the whole
district of Ban Pa Hung, Ban Saliem Klang and Ban Saliem Ni.i.a.
His realm stretches north to the border of the district of Chieng
Muan, Amphur Pong, Chang1.vat Chiengrai; east to the hill Doi Lak
Lo or Doi Nang Lo; south to the hill Doi Chang and the deserted
village Ban Sop Khaeng between Ban Huay Lot and Ban Pa Hung;
and west to the hill Doi Pae Muang, at the border between Changwat
Phrae and Changwat Nan.
The Spirit Chao Luang MtLu.k Khan• has much more power
than any other spirits in the surrounding districts. If anyone comes
to catch elephants in the realm of Chao Luang Muak Kham, he must
come and worship the Spirit first. If he catches an elephant he must
send somebody to give offerings to the Spirit. If he fails to do so
he will be punished. A long time ago there was a prince of the royal
family who caught elephants in the forest of Doi Khao Khoeng on
the border between Phrae and Nan, just where the highway today
passes. But the prince did not pay respect to the Spirit, so the
Spirit had to kill the elephants soon afterwards.
The Spirit is in fact a good and just spirit. He does not oppress
the people. l-Ie does not particularly like meat. He prefers
sweet food, e.g. rice mixed with palm sugar or sugar cane. He does
not touch raw food at all. Nor does he like liquor too much. But
he is very fond of all kinds of sweet smells. Joss sticks and beautiful
candles make him happy, especially if decorated with silver and
gold leaves.
The ones who make the people suffer are his three servants,
Chao Fa HcLek, Chc!o Dao Yu,t and Phaya. Prap. Nobody in the village
Ban Pa Hung could tell us where the spirits came from and
why they were living in this forest. They have obviously lived there
always. They could only tell the story of Phaya Prap. He was in
ancient times the headman ( Kamnan) of the district Yap I-Iua Na.
He was in charge of the jungles north of Phrae. One day be went
out to hunt wild gaurs. When he saw his animal, he followed it.
But the beast turned around and Phaya Prap tried to save his life by
running around a tree. But the animal gored him and he died in

IJ8
Dt·. Christian Velder
the forest. Since that time he had to live the life of n spirit. He
offered his services to the Chao Lnang Mna k Klwm and was accepted.
Together with his two colleagues, fellow-servants of the Spirit,
he restlessly walks through woods and jungles. The villagers fear
the Spirit's servants more than the Spirit himself. The three attendants
like to drink heavily. They want to eat meat and the people
have to offer them chickens. H they make the poor farmers suffer
too much, a pig or a buffalo can make them rather happy and may
calm them down. The people do not mind feeding the great Spirit,
but his smaller servants eat only expensive food and if they cannot
eat their fill they oppress the people. But everybody has to shoulder
this burden. Complaints could only make things worse.
The Chao Luang Muak Kham really is the mightiest Spirit.
He is so high, that he would not talk to a simple villager. But as
they are helping him he ought to help them too. He has to give them
advice and to tell them their fortune. He has to predict, whether
this year they would harvest enough rice, whether there will be
enough rain, whether they will be able to sell their goods at a good
price, etc. The Spirit cannot answer questions like this himself.
Therefore he must choose go-betwecns, a Master of the Spirit (Khao
Cham) and a Master of Sacrifices (Mo Ngon). At the present moment
Nai Panya Kasi has the duty of IOwa Cham and Nai Muen Kasi,
his brother, is Mo N gon. Both of them have been in the service of
the Spirit for over a year now.
The Khcto Cham and the Mo N gon are chosen in the following
way. A list of applicants is submitted to the Spirit who is sitting
in his joss-house. The Spirit must choose his new representatives
by approving or discarding one name after the other from the list.
The Spirit's answer is obtained by measuring a bamboo stick. The
ceremony of measuring the stick is called Mai Wet (wooden span).
The stick used is about two metres long. The Khao Cham stretches
his left ann to the left side and holding with his left hand the stick
adjacent to the tips of the fingers of his left hand he stretches his
right arm as far as possible to the right side. His assistant marks
the spot on the stick reached by the foremost finger of his right

t:fj,i,o LUANG MUAK KI!AM
hand. Then the Khcto Cham addresses the Spirit and reads to him
the name of the first applicant.
The Spirit answers by shrinking or stretching the bamboo:
The right fingertips of the Khao Cham reach the mark made
previously, The Spirit does not want the applicant whose name
was just read. The next name is put forward. The stick is measured
again. This time it bas shrunken. The :fingertips of the Khao Cham
overpass the marie The Spirit strongly objects to this particular
applicant. Another name is read. The bamboo is measured. The
Spirit approves. He stretches the stick. The :fingertips do not
reach the previous mark. The new Khan Cham (or the new Mo N gon)
is elected. lie will stay in office until the Spirit makes the people
understand that he does not want his services any more-or until
death .
. How does the Khao Cham communicate with the Spirit? H
one of the villagers wants to know the opinion of the Spirit regarding
a very important matter of his life, he comes to the joss-house.
There the Khrw Cham will ask him, what he wants from the Spirit.
Normally it is help the villager desires. There are many problems
he cannot solve himself. It did not rain for a long time. The new
rice-plants do not want to grow. The rice in the fields gets dry and
stunted. Pa1·asites are killing the plants. Mice eat bundles of ripe
rice, field crabs dig the rice stems up. A problem like this cannot
he solved by the spirit of the honse of the man's family. Only
the Chao ],nang Mualc Kham can help. But he will help only in
major matters. To ask him, Jor instance, whether one should marry
this or that woman would only bother him and he would not utter a
word for such a trifle. But he is ready to hear the great sorrows of
his worshippers. They go to tbe joss-house in the forest and bargain
with the Spirit: If the Spirit helps his humble servant to overcome
his problems, then he in return will give the Spirit food. Here is an
example: On Sunday August 5th, 1962, one of the buffaloes of
Lung Joy of Ban Pa Hung was slain by a tiger on the path between
Ban Pa Hung and Ban Saliem Klang. Now Lung Joy wants the Spirit
to guard the remaining buffaloes. The Spirit should drive the tiger

90 Dr. Christian Veiciet;
far away! The Khao Chctm measures the stick by holding it aiong his
outstretched arms. The mark is made. Then the Khao Cham asks
the Spirit: Will you help this poor man and protect his buffaloes?
If you do, you shall get a reward. Lung Joy has consented to present
you with a string of chickens after two month's time if by then
nothing has happened to his buffaloes. But if one more of the
buffaloes dies, you shall get nothing! If you will help, please stretch
the bamboo! After that the Khao Cham takes up the stick again,
holds it along his outstretched ann and his fingers do not reach the
spot marked before. The stick has grown. Lung Joy is out of
trouble. The Spirit has promised to help.
The Khao Cham is the one who gets into direct communication
with the Spirit by measuring the bamboo. The first duty of the Mo
Ngon is to kill the animals which are offered to the Spirit and his
three servants as reward for their assistance or as advance presents
to persuade them to help or to stop them from being angry. The Mo
Ngon beats the animal with a wooden stick on the back of its head;
that is why he is called ]\![ o N gon, Doctor Occiput. Then he has to
skin or pluck the animal and to slice the meat. When the meat is
properly cut, he gives it to the Khao Cham who prepares the meal
and presents it to the Spirit. After this offering ceremony the Spirit
can eat what he likes. The food is then taken away from the josshouse
and shared by the Khao Cham, the M o N gon and the villager
who has offered it.
The Khao Cham and the JVlo N gon thus live partly from
offerings to the Spirit. They are also allowed to work the field which
belongs to the Spirit, about three rai ( 5000 m 2 ). The Kluw Cham
and the M o N gon divide this field in two parts. One fifth of the rice
from their field belongs to the Spirit. This rice is sold to buy utensils
like plates and pots for the preparation of food during the offering
ceremonies. The Spirit's utensils are kept in the joss-house and he
guards them well. He would not let a thief escape. Besides
kitchen utensils the Spirit also has cloth, cushions, betelnut boxes
and the like. These things are kept in the house of the Khao Cham

C!IA.O LUANG MUAK KHAM 91
The Khao Cham and the Mo N gun with their families subsist on the
offerings and the rice from the Spirit's field. Besides that all the
deer in the woods, wild pigs, oxen, buffaloes and bears are reserved
for the Spirit. If somebody shoots or catches a wild animal he has
to share it with the Khao Cham and the Mo Ngon. Both of them
will get each one piece and there are two more pieces sliced off, one
for the spirit of the house of the successful hunter and one for the
Uuw f,uanp: Muak Kha111. A fifth piece is given to the village
hc·adman. The hunter may keep the rest of the meat as well as head
and skin of the animal. If the hunt was a battue, the hunter who
has killed the animal gets two pieces besides head and skin. The
other participants of the battne get one piece each, all of these pieces
being equal portions, including the portions for the spirits and the
go-betweens.
Sometimes the villages celebrate great ceremonies in front of
the joss-house. The inhabitants of the three villages in the district
of the Spiri l collect money to buy animals and other offerings they
want tn present to the Spirit. In general they collect chickens and
liquor which are either given by the respective villager or bought
hom the money he contributes instead. There is a tradition about
how much each family in the village has to give for these festivals.
1. The owner of a house who has fields and cattle must
sacrifice one chicken and one beer-bottle full of local liquor.
2. The owner of a house who has fields or cattle must
contribute one chicken and half a bottle of liquor.
B. The owner o.f a house who has neither fields nor cattle
must give one chicken only.
There are at least two yearly festivals. The .first one takes
place in June when the work in the fields begins. The farmers ask
the Spirit to protect their fields so that their harvest may be
plentiful. The second yearly festival is celebrated in December.
Now it is time to thank the Spirit for his help during the season.
Because of his protection the villagers now have lots of rice to eat
and to share with the Spirit. After he has had sufficient time to eat

92
Dr. Christian Vcldcr
from the offerings, the Khau Cham puts before his seat, the people in
the congregation are allowed to eat and drink the remains of their
offerings themselves. Therefore the yearly celebrations are always
joyful and full of fun for the participants.
Besides these yearly festivals the communities of the villages
only congregate at the joss-house if something happened to the
whole village or district. All the rice in the fields might have been
eaten by swarms of sparrows, the cattle might suffer from a deadly
epidemic, etc. If something like this happens, a special ceremony
must take place immediately and the villagers might even sacrifice a
water-buffalo if the danger is great.
When we inquired about the Forest-Spirit we also asked
questions on the relations of the villagers of Ban Pa Hung to
Buddhism. In the village there is one temple built on wooden poles
and covered with thatch. This temple is not much larger than the
joss-house of the Spirit in the forest. One priest is living there.
He has been in charge of the temple for three years. His know ledge
is about what one can learn in four years of primary education. One
novice is assisting the priest. We asked the villagers, whether the
priest does not forbid them to worship the Spirit. They an::;werecl
that the Buddhist religion helps a man to get merits. 1t teaches us
to behave well and to hold the five commandments. We may not do
evil. Hearing the teaching of the Buddha and giving food to the
teacher brings personal merit. So we might pass away to a better
life.
But in this life there is only the Spirit who can help the poor
man. How could Buddhism help to fight rats eating the rice on the
stem? How can Buddhism drive wild pigs away when they come to
devastate the fields? The matters of the Spirit are the business of the
Spirit and the matters of the temple are the business of the temple.
One does not contradict nor oppose the other.

HECEN'l' SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS 99
There is an interesting preface in which the author points
out that since religions are after all man-made he proposes to deal
first with man-his origin and development into organised communities
which gave rise to the need of disciplined conduct leading to
religions.
Then follows an introduction giving a survey of beliefs in
connection with the origin of man according to traditions and finally
to scientific conclusions. Following up then his dictum that man
made religion he goes on to deal with a survey of the modern division
of mankind-racially, philogically and physically.
Religion of course was bound up at first with nature-worship
which developed into a polytheism, which among the Aryans resulted
in a sort of monotheism. Dealing separately with each faith by
grouping them into the deistic and atheistic types, the author takes
up the former group which included Christianity, Islam and Brahmanism.
The latter, from its close relationship with Thai culture
though no part of our religion, is dealt with at length occupying some
hundred pages. Buddhism is well and proportionately summarised,
leaving out nothing of importance in the rational philosophy of the
Buddha. A chapter follows on Lamaism, then Jainism, Shintoism•
Taoism and Confucianism.
As may be expected in such an ambitious scope, nothing but
the more important characteristics of a religion finds due place. And
yet the two volumes are encyclopaedic. They form part of the curriculum
of the King Mongkut University.
The author, a native of the north-east who has successively
risen in the Buddhist hierarchy of the Kingdom till he now holds
the distinguished rank of a Deputy Somdec Pra Rajagana, is a scholar
who has shielded himself behind an inborn modesty to such an
extent as to cause surprise to the public with his production of this
worthy classic which is really deserving of the merit of scholarship.
24 April1963.
q),

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ment of.
Andersen, Dines and
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Books.
Introduction to Sericulture of Thailand
by Section of Sericultural Extension.
( 1961)
Sutta-Nipata. (1948) (Pali Text Society)
Introducing Cultural Thailand in 0Lttline
( 1962) (Thai Culture, New Series, No.1)
The Nature and Development of the Thai
Language. ( 1961) (Thai Culture, New
Series, No. 10)
Siam, Land of Temples ( 1962 ).
Folk Elements in Burmese Buddhism.
( 1962)
Points of Controversy or Subjects of
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Old Testament Flora ( 1961)
(Presented by the Thai Bible Revision
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Petakopadesa ( 1949) (Pali Text Society)

Buddhaclatta, A.P.
(editor)
,
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Some Aspects of Siamese Politics ( 1953).
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Egerod, Seren
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"
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,
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,,
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105
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Samyutta-Nikaya Pt. II ( 1960)
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Der Pfad zur Erleuchtung (Presented by
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Literaturen Indiens von ihren Anfangen
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108
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,,
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World Within; a Borneo Story ( 19f19).
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The Old Javanese Ramayana; an introduction
to some of its problems ( 1958)

IIorncr, I.B. (Trans. )
" "
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"
,
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,,. ,,
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( 1962) ( Sacred Books of the Buddhists,
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K wang Haiao Monastery of Canton
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Lingat, R.
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Madras, University of
ACCESSIONS TO THE SIAM SOCIETY LIBilt\RY tii
Dharma et Temps u Propos de Manu, I,
85 .. -86 ( 1961)
( Extrait du Journal Asiatique)
( Presentation )
Buddhistische Marchen
(Presented by the German Cultural
Delegation)
Philologica Indica
( Presented by the German Cultural
Delegation)
Mathura Inscriptions
(Presented by the German Cultural
De legation)
Thai Traditional Painting. (1962)
(Thai Cui ture, New Series, No. 20)
Harangues faites a sa Majeste et aux
Princes et Princesses de Ia Maison
Royale par les Ambassadeurs du Roy de
Siam a leur premiere Audience le premier
jour dn Mois de Septembre 1686 ( 1687 ).
Bangkok Editor ( 1949 ).
Bulletin of the Institute of Traditional
Cultmes Madras. Part II ( 1959).
(Presentation)
Maskell, Dorothy (editor): Kankhavitarani nama Matikatthakatha
( 1956) ( Pali Text Society).
McHugh, J,N.
McHugh, J,N.
McHugh, J,N.
Minney, R.F.
Collecting Pottery ( 1963 ).
Hant11 I-Iantu; an account of Ghost
Belief in Modern Malaya ( 1959) (Malay
Heritage Series No.3).
Ghost Belief in Modern Malaya ( 1959 ).
Fanny and the Regent of Siam ( 1962 ).

116
Smith, Helmer (editor)
ACCESSIONS TO TilE SIAM SOCIETY LHIUAHY
The Khuddaka-Patha ( 1959 ).
( Pali Text Society ).
Smith, Nicol and Clark, : Into Siam Underground Kingdom ( 1945).
Blake
Society of Divine Word
" " "
Spinks, Charles Nelson
Stcinthal, Paul
Sudhan Advertising &
Printing Press
Takakusu, J. and
Others (editor)
" ,, , " ,
Thongchuta, Tani t,
Nonthabund, Somnug
and Moormann, F.R,
Thongchuta, Tanit &
Nonthabund, Somnug
,
Folklore Studies. (Journal of the Far
Eastern Folklore Vol. xviii)
Folklore Studies. ( Journal of the Far
Eastern Folklore Vol. xix).
Early Thai Pottery ( reprinted from the
Sarawak Museum Journal, Vol. X)
(Presented by the author).
Udana ( 1948 ) ( Pali Text Society ).
Picture Book of H.M. the King of Thailand
( Rama IX).
Samantapasadika Vol. VI ( 1947 )
( Pali Text Society ).
Samantapasadika Vol. VII ( Hl47)
( Pali Text Society).
Miscellaneous Soil Reportc; of the Dc··
partmcnt of Agriculture, Department of
Rice and the Royal Irrigation Department
No. 10 Report on the Soil Survey of
the Site of the Proposed Agricldture Centre
Near Satani Nam Phong ( Khon Kaen
Province) ( 1962).
(Presented by the authors)
Miscellaneous Soil Report of the Depart­
ment of Agriculture, Department of Rice
and the Royal Irrigation Department
No. 11 Report on the Soil Surve:J' in the Ban
Si Than Area ( Khon Kaen Province}
( 1963 ).
(Presented by the authors )

Trenckner, V. (editor)
U Pok Ni
Valentijn, Francois
VanderWal, Dr. S.L.
Van Vliet, Jeremia:;
Velder, Christian
Vogel, Jean Philippe
Der Waarhcid, 'Ecn
Licfhcbhcr
Wade, J. and Binney,
J,P.
Waldschmidt, Ernst
"
"
ACCESSIONS TO TilE SIAM SOCIETY LIBRAHY 117
,,
,
Majjhima-Nikaya. Vol. I ( 1948)
( Pali Text Society ) .
Konmara Pya Zat, Vol. I ( 1952).
Beschrijving van Oud-cn Nieuw Oost-
1 ndicn, third volume, second part, 7762.
Some Information on Education in Indonesia
up to 1942 ( 1961 ). (Presented by
the an thor).
Historiael Verhael cler Sieckte en de Doot
van Pra Interra-Tsia 22en Coninck in
Siam, ende den Rcgherenden Coninck
Pra Ongh Srij ( 1958 ). Presentation.
Der Kampf der GLitter und Damonen
( 1962 ).
( Presented by the author ).
The Goose in Indian Literature ( 1962).
(Prese ntcd by the Kem Institute, Lei den)
Kort-Bondig V crhaal van den Op en
Ondergang van d' Heer Constantyn
Faulkon ( 1690 ).
The Anglo-Karen Dictionary ( 1954 ).
1 iiltere Akademieabhandlung.
(Presented by the German Cultural
Delegation)
Indologen-Tagung 1959
(Presented by the German Cultural
Delegation )
6 Akademieabhandlungen.
( Presented by the German Cultural
Delegation )

118 ACCESSIONS TO THE SJA,\1 SOCIETY LIUI!AHY
Walleser, Max Philosophische Grundlagen des Buddhismus
( 1868) ( Presented by the
"
,
, ,
Williams, L.F.
Rushbrook
Wilson, David A.
Windisch, Ernst
(editor)
Wirz, Paul
Wolfenden, Stuart N.
Woodward, F.L.
(Trans.)
"
,, "
, " ,
" " "
"
"
"
German Cultural Delegation )
Sckten des alten Buddbismus ( 1927 )
(Presented by the German Cultural
Delegation)
Streitlosigkeit des Subhuti (Ell?)
(Presented by the German Cultural
Delegation)
A Handbook to India, Pakistan, Burma,
Ceylon. ( 1962 ).
Politics in Thailand. ( 1962 ).
Iti-Vuttaka. ( Pali Text Society) (1948)
Exorcism and the Art of Healing 1n
Ceylon ( 1954 ).
Outline of Tibelo-Burman Linguistic
Morphology ( 1929 ).
The Book of the Gradual Sayings, Vol. I
( 1955 ) ( Pali Text Society, Translation
Series, No. 22)
The Book of the Gradual Sayings, Vol. V
( 1955) ( Pali Text Society, Translation
Series, No. 27)
The Book of the Kindred Sayings, Vol. IV
( 1956) ( Pali Text Society, Translation
Series, No. 14)
The Book of the Kindred Sayings, Vol. V
( 1956) ( Pali Text Society, Translation
Series, No. 16)

122 ACCESSIONS TO THE siAM SOC)ETY;S LIDi\ARY
Museum National d'Histoirc Naturelle, Bulletin due, 2e Ser1e,
Tome 34, Nos. 2-3, 1962.
Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard College, Bulletin of the,
Vol. 127, Nos. 3-5, 1962; Vol. 128, Nos. l-4, 1962.
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Bulletin, Vol. LX, Nos. :320-:321, 1962.
Muslim World, the Vol. LII, No.4; Vol. LIII, No. 1, 1963.
Nachrichten, 83-84, 1958; 87-88, 1960.
National Research Cmmeil of Thailand, Journal of the, lth Year,
Vol. 1, 1960.
Natur Und Museum, Band 92, Heft 9-12, 1962.
Notes from the Royal Botanic Garden Edinburgh, Vol. XXIII, No. 1,
1959.
Nytt Magasin for Botanikk, Vol. 9, 1961.
Nytt Magasin for Zoologi, Vol. 10, 1961.
Objets et Mondes, Tome II, Fasc. l, 1962.
Ohio Herpetological Society, the, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1962.
Oriens Extrcmus, 9 Jahrgang, Heft 1, 1962; 8 Jahrgang, Heft. 2, 1961.
Oriental Art, New Series, Vol. VIII, No. ;1, 1962.
Oriental Institute, Journal of the, Vol. XI, Nos. B-4; Vol. XII, No. 1,
1962.
Oriental Philosophy Half-Monthly Magazine, the, Vol. 15, Sept.
1962.
Pacific Science, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1, 4, 1962.
Prace Geologiczne, Nr. 10-11, 1962.
Research Institutes for Asian Studies in Japan, Directories, No. 1,
1962.
Royal Central Asian, Journal, Vol. XLIX, Pts. III & IV, 1962; Vol.
L, Pt. 1, 1963. (Presented by the British Council, Bangkok.)
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,
Bulletin of the, Vol. XXV, Pts. 2-3, 1962; Vol. XXVI, Pt. 1,
1963.

ACCESSIONS TO THE SIAM SOCIETY'S LlllRARY 123
Siriraj Hospital Gazette, (Thai), Vol. 14, Nos.10-12, 1962; Vol.15,
Nos. 1-2, 1963.
Societe des Etudes Indochinoises, Nouvelle Serie, Bulletin de la,
Tome XXXVII, Nos. 2-[3, 1962.
Stu1.tgarter Beitriigc zur Naturkunde, Nr. 5:-l-60, 1961; Nr. 80-83,
1962.
Tamil Culture, Vol. X, No. 1, 1963.
Tohogaku, Nos. 22-24, 1961-1962.
Toyo Gakuho, 44, Nos. 2-4, 1961-1962; Vol. 45, No. 1, 1962.
Tropical Abstracts, Vol. XVII, Nos. 9-12, 1962-1963; Vol. XVIII,
Nos. 1-2, 1963.
Tulane Studies in Zoology, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1963.
U.P. Research Digest, Vol. I, No.4, 1962; Vol. II, No. 1, 1963.
United States National Museum, Annual Report for the Year Ended
June :10, 1962.
United Stales National Museum, Proceedings of the, Vol. 113, Nos.
3465-3466, :3461, 1962; Vol. 11.4, Nos. 3467, 1963.
University of California Publications in Entomology, Vol. 27, Nos. 2,
1962.
University of California Publications in Zoology, Vol. 60, Nos. 3,
1962; Vol. 65, Nos. 2-4; 1962; Vol. 66, No. 1, 1963.
Viet-Num Kbao-Co Tap-San, So. 3, 1962.

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126 ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1962
1 ) Finance Committee :
The Senior Vice-President ( I-U-1. Prince Prem Purachatra
), Chairman,
The Honorary Secretary,
The Honorary Treasurer.
2) Editorial Committee:
The Honorary Editor of the Journal (Mr. Kenneth].
MaeCormac ), Chairman,
LU-I. Prince Dhaninivat, Kromamun Biclyalabh,
I-I.E. Monsieur Ebbe Munck, Honorary Ecli tor of the
Natural History Bulletin.
3) Natural History Committee:
Lt. General Phya Salwidhan Niclhes, Chairman,
I-I.E. Monsieur Ehbc Munck,
Mr. Ariyant Manjikul,
H.S.H. Prince Piyarangsit Rangsit.
4 ) Exchange Committee:
1-I.S.H. Prince Subhadrnclis Ditikul, Cl1ainnan,
Phya Anuman Rajadhon,
H.l-I. Prince Sukhurna Paribatra,
Mr. ].]. Boeles.
5) Travel Section Committee:
Mr. Sanya Dharmasakti, Chairman,
H.S.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul,
H.S.H. Prince Subhadraclis Diskul,
Mom Rajawongse Sumonajati Swasdikul.
6 ) Research Committee :
H.H. Prince Prem Purachatra, Chairman,
Mr. l(enneth ]. MacCormac,
Mr. V.F. Hemmingsen,
H.S.H. Prince Ajavaclis Diskul,
H.E. Monsieur Ebbe Munck,
The Director of the Siam Society Research Centre.

i30 ANNUAL Ilt:POR'l' b'OH 1YB2
On September 26th, 1962 Continuing with Arts m Thailand
1. Chiengsaen Art
2. Sukhothni Art
3. Uthong Art
4. Ayudhya Art
5. Bangkok Period Arl
On July 19th, 1962
Dr. Boonsong Lekhakul M.D. lectured
on "Preservation of Wild Life in
South Eastern Africa", followed by
a showing of films.
On October 17th, 1962 Mr. Afzal Iqbal of the Embassy of
Pakistan lectured on "The Origin
and Development of Islam Culture in
the first Century of Islam".
On October 25th, 1962 Miss Elizabeth Lyons, Art Consultant
attached to The Department of Fine
ArtH lectured on " Chinese Art",
illustrated by coloured slideH.
On November 2nd, 1962 Mr. Kraisri Nirnmanhaeminda and
Mr. Julian Hartland-Swann Jointly
gave lectures on "The Spirits of the
Yellow Leaves", which was the result
of the Siam Society Research Centre
Expedition to meet the Khonpa in
Changwat Nan, North Thailand.
On November 13th, 1962 Seven reels of coloured films on Hill
Tribes were shown by the courtesy of
the USIS., Bangkok.
On December 28th, 1962 Dr. Li Fang-Kuei Ph. D., Member of
Academia Sinica, lectured on "Some
Problems in Thai Linguistics."
On January 21st, 1963 Shrimati Kamaladevi Chattopadhaya,
Chairman of All India Handicrafts
Board lectured on " Indian Arts and
Culture".

VOLUME U Part 2
THE
JOUR AL
OF THE
I M SOCIETY
(J S S)
BANGKOK
2506,
Odober 1963

VOLUME Ll Part 2 October 1963
THE
JOURNAL
OF THE
SIAM SOCIETY
(J S S)
.ANGKOK
UOG

VOLUME LJ PART 2
Articles
J.J. Boeles
Gebhard Flatz
Kraisri Ni mmanahaeminda
Christian Velder
William A. Smalley
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Second Expedition to the Mrabri of
North Thailand (''Khan Pa '')
The Mrabri: Anthropometric Genetic,
and Medical Examinations
The Mrabri Language
Note A Description of the Mrabri Camp
Notes on Kraisri's and Bernatzik's
word Lists
OCTOBER 1963
Page
133
161
179
185
189
'
"
J
, ,,, r'll
ll.. ,,
t

J.J. Boclc;;
at Ban Klmm on the West side of the highway Prae-Nan. (See map)
They must have crossed that highway. going in a Southern direction. The
distance between these two meeting places is not more than 35 km. as
the crow Hies.
Our friends the Khan Pa were pleased to meet us again and Mr.
Kraisri as a fatherly friend was at once able to hold a lively conversation
in Thai Yuan and Khamu. They were greatly puzzled when presented
on the spot with their own image: photographs taken on the previous ex­
pedition. 'I'hey finally recognized themselves but looked at the back of
the picture several times, still puzzled. The cloths that had been distributed
in August last year were gone; they were again wearing the loin cloth
made of discarded pieces of cloth; we would say rags. They were cold
and some shivered in the evening wind. Cotton blankets and tobacco
were distributed with the promise that the next day more presents would
be given when they would come back with their women and children.
This was agreed upon after which the Khan Pa disappeared in the clarkness
of the jungle. In the meantime Mr. Kraisri had been able to establish
that they call themselves Mrabri in their own original language.
Bri-forest, the same word as in Khamu. Mra-Khon-human being.
The correct general Thai designation is Khan Pha-pcople from the forest.
The Meo or Mong Njua call them Mangku. The best known name among
the Thai for the Mrabri is "Phi Thong Luang", or "the spirits of the
yellow leaves". This is a misnomer because the Mrabri are human beings.
The Mrabri resent the word "Phi" (Ghosts). 'T'he word Yumbri ( Bernatzik)
was not known to them, though they recognized the word "bri ''
for forest.4 It is therefore correct to designate these elusive tribes people
as Mrabri and we shall use this name in our further description.
During the stormy night the temperature dropped to 5' C. but
there were no mosquitoes. The next morning our group of Mrabri
returned. Unfortunately without women and children. We knew from
the previous encounter that the Mrabri were hiding their women. In
squatting position our friends took a substantial meal of rrhai food, white
rice and canned sardines-they even could eat with spoons-after which it
became possible to do real work. Mr. Kraisri settled down to linguistic
4. J.S.S. Vol. L. P

Photo l. !Joi Khun Sataan. Part of Meo village below our camp.
Photo 2. Kraisri N. establishing Mrabri vocabulary with Ai Plaa (split ear).

Plwtu :;. [lui 1\hllll SiilclcliJ. Joyf11l i\·lml,t·i /J

Photo 7. First Expedition. Mrabri one carrying sling· bag; basket
ar,d 2 ro)ls of woven mats are for barter trade.
Photo 8. Doi Thong. Abandoned Mrabri camp. Velder's
sketch 2, dwelling place I. Meo stands on bark sheet.
Sleeping mat of woven leaves in foreground.

··
.T.J. Boeles
It is doubtful that the Akha would have obtained this technique from the
Mrabri considering that in general a technically more developed society
-such as the Akha- is not likely to acquire techniques from a less developed
society. However since we have as yet not been permitted to watch the
Mrabri produce anything in their own surroundings, in their own camp,
conclusions as to techniques used in making their handicrafts, or the origin
thereof, cannot be established. We have collected however a bunch or
bundle of long dried hemp fibres in the Mrabri camp which could have
been used to make threads for those network slingbags consisting of similar
fibres. It is however not excluded that these fibres are also used for other
purposes like making carrying-strings. \Ve have not encountered netting
tools. Apparently since Bernatr.ik's clays more slingbags have come into
use which explains why we were able to collect 4 specimens. These circumstances
justify the conclusion that the Mrabri now produce their own slingbags.
For their fabrication great skill is required. Each bag reveals that
4 different techniques have been applied by the maker:
1. A crochet technique is used for making the band that forms the
mouth of the slingbag. This band which holds the net together is made
in one piece in the round, somewhat like a ladies' seamless stocking. (See
plate 3. IV)
2. Emerging from this band downwards, is the body of the hag;
a network produced by an even krwtling technique. See plate 3. II. III.
In the good-sized slirigbags the knots are double; the meshes arc uniform.
3. The two ends of this circular net (again no seams) are joined at
the bottom of the bag by bmided strings.
4. 'I'he shoulderstrap consists of one long narrow, tightly woven
band, the ends of which are rather crudely sewn on the outside of the band
that forms the mouth of the bag as mentioned under 1. It is not clear
which technique is used in making this shoulderstrap, it was however not
produced on a movable hanclloom. The technique rather resembles that
of the weaving of basketwork. One band measures 58 x 4.5 em.
A definite description of the construction of these intricate slingbags
could only be established when we have seen the Mrabri actually producing

SEI:IlN!li·:XI'Eii\TION Til TilE MRAliRI (' 'KI!ON PA") OF NORTH Tf·IAlLAND 14:1
been identillecl as being m

i48
J..t: Boelefl
the picture indicates that endless dense mountainous jungie through which
we had been climbing in our journey on Doi Thong in search of the home
of the wandering Mrabri. rrhe picture is therefore at once familiar. It
is at the same time a picture of their universe in synopsis and of which
the Mrabri is the centre. If we consider the limitation of the vehicle of
expression, a section of bamboo having a circumference of 22 em and a
knife or stylus (?)for engraving, then we have again a feeling of awe
when confronted with this evidence of creative expression, again incom­
patible with "primitivity".
Social structure.
During our investigations we were never certain whether the elusive
Mrabri would turn up the next day, as promised and therefore our re­
search was deliberately concentrated on three major aspects:
1. Physical anthropology.
2. Linguistics (establishment of vocabulary)
3. Material culture.
'T'his aim has resulted in the articles in the present Journal. As
a result we have not been able to establish as yet a clear social structure.
vVe were moreover handicapped in that we have not seen their younger
women and young children. From our visit to their camp it became clear
however that the Mrabri live together in at least one group, forming one
society. In the camp there were 6 separate dwelling places (sketch 1 of
Velder) and though not all of them were in use, this indicates that the
group is split up into families. Each family (up to 8 ) sleeps in a separate
dwelling place. From their behaviour on Doi Khun Sataan there is no
doubt that the man is the head of the family which basically consists of the
triangle : father, mother, son. 'J,he position of the woman is not clear
by lack of evidence. vVe have not seen such a triangle and therefore
classification of social structure cannot now be established; a patrilocal
system might however be the rule. We saw one ill woman: a grand­
mother who received medical treatment by Dr. Flatz; she did not speak.
vV e were told she came with her son and grandson and these three genera­
tions of Mrabri were photographed together (Photo 4 ). A later visitor to
the same group of Mrabri on Doi Khun Sataan, Hans Berthel from Mlin­
chen, saw two more women (one of them is pictured with her child on

Photo. 14. Doi Khun Sataan. Mrabri man in squatting position. Berthel's party.

152 J . .T. Boelos
trip and to improve on his n1ethods in the t!econd. For this reason it hecame
possible for Khun Kraisri Nimmanahaeminda, after the second trip,
to establish an extensive Mrabri vocabulary in comparison with 7 other
Mon-Khmer (non-tonal) languages. T'he expedition has been particularly
fortunate to be able to carry out Anthropometric, Genetic and Medical
examinations by blood researcher Gebhard Flatz M.D. from Bonn. Dr.
Velder from Chiengmai prepared a note on the actual camp of the Mrabri.
These studies in the field are published in this issue of the Journal of the
Siam Society dealing exclusively with the Mrabri. This issue morever
contains a number of photos, drawings and one map of the area. The
make-up of the expedition was such that it became possible to eliminate
interpreters and informants other than the Mrabri themselves by which
method the risk of ethnocentric interpretations was considerably reduced.
'l'he standard field technique of the rigid and prepared questionnaire was
deliberately set aside for the same reason. It is realised that the time to
write another monograph on the Mrabri has not yet arrived. This would
only become possible after a fieldstucly of the Mrabri in their original
habitat had been made. To mention only a few gaps in our knowledge
to be the filled :
1. A comparison with similar Mon-Khmer language groups in
Laos and in South-Vietnam, together with a comparison of
other aspects of their cultures.
2. Further blood research; to acquire greater statistical accuracy.
3. The establishment of the phonology of the Mrabri language.
4. A full description of the techniques used in making the artifacts
of the material culture of the Mrabri as well as comparison
with related techniques in other hill tribes.
5, A study of the social structure of the Mrabri and their behaviour
patterns in dry and wet seasons.
G. A study of their psychology and religious beliefs.
7. A study of the attitude of the Mrabri towards the outside
world; the Meo, Kamu, Tin, rrhai, as well as with tribes like
the Khon Paa in Laos.
There will be additional problems of human relationship Wd that further

J£
I
Photo 15. Comparison of crosshatched patterns on rim of neolithic vessel of Sai Yoke with carving on bamboo container of l\1rabri. (I).
--- ,

THE MRABRI: ANtHROPOMETRIC GENETIC, AND
MEDICAL EXAMINATIONS
[}ebhard Cflatz
The second Mrabri ( 1 l expedition of the Siam Society gave
the author of this report an opportunity to examine somatometrical­
ly and medically 18 of the 24 Mrabri encountered at the Meo village
Ban Khunsathan (Nan Province) in January 1963. The examina­
tions were carried out with the purpose of augmenting the general
knowledge of the Mrabri people by a more complete description of
their physical features, of pathologic conditions, and of genetic
characteristics, such as blood groups, hemoglobin types etc. Fur­
thermore, it was attempted to aid in clarifying some of the questions
raised by previous re)orts concerning the so-called Phi Tong
Luang and by the findings of the first Mrabri expedition of the Siam
Society, reported by the leader of both expeditions, Mr. Kraisri
Nimmanahaeminda, and Mr. Hartland-Swann ( 2 ): Are the Mrabri
an ethnic and racial unit or are they a group thrown together in recent
centuries by a caprice of fate? Do they show the expected criteria
for people who have been called "autochthonic stock of Southeast
Asia" ( Condominas) and "protomongoloid" (Bernat:dk); or do they
exhibit things in support of the legend of the prince of Nan who
released his slaves into the jungle? And finally, is there any truth in
the tales describing the forest people as "negritoes ", tales which
have entered a recent ethnologic publication ( 3).
Before the results of the examinations are presented it should
be mentioned that the author of this report is a physician with train­
ing and experience in hematology and population genetics. Some
of the examinations were carried out in specialized laboratories, and
for the evaluation of some of the results expert advice was sought.
Due mention will be made in the appropriate places.

Fig. 1 Mrabri with dysostosis mandibulofacialis (malformation of the facial skeleton).

Til F. !llllAIIR!: ANTHROPOMETIIIC, GENETIC, AND MEDICAL 163
coarseness of the features in some men and · t d 1
. . , sqmn s an cornea
opacttles tend to increase the variance They can t b h
. . . · no o scure t e
stmllnn ty of the facial and cranial configuration of most of the
members of the group (Fig. 2 ).
B. Somatometries.
The measurements obtained from 15 Mrabri men are given in
table I. The short stature, the broad face, and the short wide nose
are reflected in these measurements. The generally small standard
deviation is an indication of the uniformity of the group.
Table II shows a comparison of the somatometric indices
calculated for the Mrabri and three control groups, Thai Nuea,
Meo, and Germans. All indices were calculated from measurements
taken by the same examiner and the same technique. The nasal
indices do not conform with the standard indices. Nasal length
had to be substituted for nasal height because of the limited instrum­
entarium at hand.
The cephalic index (breath of the head in percent of the
length) shows the Mrabri to be mesocephalic, only two are in the
lower ranges of bruchycephaly. In contrast, the Meo and Northern
Thai arc predominantly brachycephalic. The variability in these
groups is, however, much greater than in the Mrabri. The facial
indices show little difference between Mrabri and Thai Nuea (both
are broad-faced with indices near 80), as compared to the Europeans
with high and narrow faces. The nasal indices are similar in mean
and range for Thai N uea and Meo, where as Mrabri and Europeans
nre nasnl antipodes. Fig. 3 illustrates the different nasal configura­
tions. It is apparent that the Mrabri have the largest nostril area
and circumference of the four populations.
Lateral photographs of the Mrabri showed a pronounced
flatness of the face typical for mongoloids (Fig. 4.) The projected
distance from the cornea to the nasal apex was near 3 em for the
Mrabri, as compared to 4 to 5 em in Europeans.
Comment : Somatometric oata and photographs were submit­
ted to Doz. Dr. H. Walter of the Anthropological Institute of the

164 Gebhard Flatz
University of Mainz. He concurred with the opinion that the Mrabri
are distinctly mongoloid. They show many characteristic of the type
described by von Eickstedt (5) as palaeomongoloid. According to
von Eickstedt the ,Palaeomongoloid race was present in the ancient
population of the Southeast Asian subcontinent. Historically later
it was separated by migrations from the North. The Mrabri could
be a small relic of persons predominantly palaemongoloid. Dr.
Walter believes, however, that they show some admixture of different
origin, possibly sinid. The surprising uniformity of the Mrabri
is thought to be due to endogamy, i.e. marriage limited to members
of a ethnic or social group.
The author is of the opinion that the palaeomongoloids have
contributed much to the composition of the present "immigrant"
populations of Southeast Asia. Palaemongoloid types are frequent
in the Wa(6), Law a (Fig. 5 ), Khmer, and also in the Thai population.
The most distinctive palaemongoloid sign is the flat and wide nasal
configuration. This configuration is not in itself a racial characteristic.
It is found frequently in populations inhabiting areas with
humid, hot climate.(7)
C. Physical examination.
15 members of the Mrabri group had a physical examination.
Besides the detection of physical anomalies and pathologic conditions
special attention was paid to the question of femininization in
Mrabri males which was raised after the inspection of photographs
taken at the first expedition. In the following, pertinent findings
are listed under organs and systems :
1. Hair. Thick, straight, and black in all persons. Headlice
were found in one. Body hair scanty, no beards.
2. Eyes. Vision could not be tested accurately, but was
apparently good. Corneal opacities were found in two indiv,iduals.
In one man the opacity occupied almost the entire
cornea. He stated that an injury to his eye was caused by an
insect sting. The pupillar reaction to light was prompt in all
men.

Fig. 4 Mrabri. Note the lack of facial depth.

TilE MRABill: ANTII!\OPOMETHJC, GENETIC, AND MEDICAL 165
3. Ears. Purulent discharge unilaterally in one man.
4. Mouth. No abnormalities of mucous membranes and
tonsils. The teeth were all in surprisingly good condition.
In the older men considerable grinding effects on the molar
teeth were noticeable. No trace of caries or parodontia was
detected.
4. Neck. In contrast to the Meo tribe none of the
Mrabri showed any thyroid enlargement.
fi. Lungs. Clear to percussion and auscultation m all
men.
6. Heart. Conspicuous bradycardia in all men. Pulse
rate (standing) varied from 44 to 62 per minute. This is
most probably due to the enormous physical activity of the
Mrabri. In more sedentary societies a low pulse rate is considered
a characteristic of athletes.
7. Abdomen. The spleen was enlarged ( 2 to 5 em below
the cos tal margin) in all but one.
8. Lymphnodes. Palpable in the groins in all men.
Enlargement obviously due to frequent injuries with infec­
tions on legs and feet.
9. Genitalia. Penis and testicles were of normal size.
The pubic hair was scanty and limited by a sharp horizontal
line above the symphysis. This distribution of pubic hair,
quite abnormal for Europoids, is normal for Mongoloids, and
was found in all Thai, Meo, and Chinese examined.
9. Skeletal system. With one exception, the man with
the deformity of the facial bones (Fig. 1 ), no abnormalities
were found.
10. Neuromuscular system. Normal deep tendon reflexes.
Well-developed muscles of the extremities. Together
with a paucity of subcutaneous fat this gives the Mrabri a
muscular appearance. In comparison to the Meo, the arm
musculature, particularly the pectoralis muscles, are very

166
Gebhard Flatz
prominent. This is probably due to frequent climbing of
trees and digging in search of food. With the arms hanging
the pectoral muscles are relaxed and create a soft prominence
on the anterior chest wall which may be mistaken- especially
on photographs-for undue breast development. There is,
however, no abnormal amount of mammary tissue palpable
and the suspicious surplus disappears readily when the arms
are raised (Fig. 6 and 7 ).
11. Skin. The frequent tattoos and fungus infections
have been well described ( 2 ). Several members of the group
had burn scars on their back, probably caused by the exposure
to fire in the camp.
12. General impression. The Mrabri are well developed
muscular males. Despite a paucity of subcutaneous fat there
are no signs of malnutrition. The most frequent abnormalities
seen to be fungus infections, burns, and splenic enlargement.
It is difficult to estimate the age of the Mrabri. The
youngest members of the group were approximately twenty
years old as judged by the eruption of only two third molars
(wisdom teeth). This conclusion is, of course, invalid if the
unknown schedule of dentition in the Mrabri is different
from that in Europeans. The oldest of the group were the
woman described below and one of the men who was obviously
older than the rest, probably between 45 and 55. The
majority must have been between 25 and 35 years old.
Addendum. The only Mrabri female seen by the expedition,
a woman of approximately 50 years, permitted only a
superficial examination. She was obviously ill. A reliable
history as to the duration and the nature of her illness could
not be obtained. The examination revealed a right middle
lobe pneumonia for which she received treatment. It is astonishing
th1t this frail woman who was quite short of breath
and had a temperature of 39 C ( 102.2 F) was able to walk
three hours over steep mountain paths to our camp and back.
She was reported improved the next day.

Fig. 5 Lawa from Baw Luang ( Chiengmai) with facial configuration similar to the Mrabri.

Fig. 6 Mrabri with chest wall prominence due to the relaxed pectoralis muscles.

Fig. 7 Disappearance of the bulge after extension of the pectoralis muscles

168
Gebhard Fla tz
are common in Southeast Asia, as in all tropical areas. Abnormal
hemoglobin diseases are caused by an alteration of
the normal chemical composition of the protein molecule he­
moglobin, the red coloring matter of the blood. Besides the
normal variant ( Hb A) the abnormal Hb E is present in 5 to
40% of the population in different areas of Thailand. Thalassemia
is a disease closely related to the abnormal Hb syndromes.
If the abnormal gene for Thalassemia is present in
a person in the homozygous state (i.e. double dose, inherited
from both parents) a severe disease with chronic anemia and
early death results. Deficiency of the red blood cell enzyme
glucose 6 phosphate dehydrogenase ( G-6-PD) is also common
in Thailand. In affected persons ingestion of certain
drugs and chemicals causes a rapid destruction of the red
blood cells.
a) Abnormal Hb and Thalasemia. ( 8)
Of the 18 Mrabri examined six were heterozygous for Hb
E. One had an increased amount of Hb A 2 indicative of the
presence of the Thalassemia gene, The findings on the blood
smears were in accord with these results.
b) Red cell enzyme G-6-PD
Normal activity of this enzyme in all 18 ::;amples.
3. Blood groups ( 8)
AlliS samples were of the blood group A CDe/CDe (A
Rh-positi ve ),
4. Virus antibodies. ( 8)
In tropical areas the group of arthropod-born viruses is
of special interest. Viruses of this group cause encephalitis
and dengue fever, and have recently been shown to be the
causative agent of Thailand hemorrhagic fever.
The blood sera of the 18 Mrabri were tested for antibodies
against arthropod-born viruses at the Virus Dept. of the U.S.
Component, SEA TO Medical Research Laboratory, Bangkok.

1'70
Gebhard Flatz
food of the Mrabri. In one of the stools eggs of Trichuris
trichura, an intestinal parasite were found. The frequency
of anemia in the members of the group makes one suspicious
of hook worm infestation. The stools were rather old. Therefore,
hookworm ova, if they had been present, may have
hatched before examination.
DISCUSSION
The life of the Mrabri, paradisical as it may look at first
glance with its freedom of regimentation and taxation, is in truth
endangered by many forces. Diseases which plague the man in the
plains are also present in the Mrabri: infection with malarial plasmodia,
with fungi, bacteria, and infestation with intestinal parasites.
Hereditary diseases are present, and external forces as fire and the
beasts of the forest threaten them. A relative protection seems to
exist against certain viral diseases which are common in the valleys,
and venereal diseases do not seem to have entered the Mrabri community.
We know almost nothing of the health status of the Mrabri
children and infants, but we may assume that selection by disease
is rigorous, and only the fittest survive. Therefore, the Mrabri are
well adapted to their rough environment; physical vigor and resistance
to disease are essential.
With the knowledge gained an attempt can be made to aid in
clarifying some of the problems mentioned at the beginning: Are the
Mrabri a different generation of the tJeople Bernatzik ( 11) encountered
in the same area in 1936? Bernatzik's description of his ''Yumbri"
and the appearance of the men seen by us is similar in most
details. The major difference, the absence of tattooing in Bernatzik's
gronp and the frequency of tattoos in the Mrabri of 1963 is
superficial in more than one sense of this word, and may be due to
more frequent visits to the valley in recent years. Bernatzik does
not give somatometric measurements except for the height which is
similar to the height of the Mrabri. The only remaining means of
comparison are the photographs. The sole discrepancy between his

THE MRADRI: ANTHROPOMETRIC, GENETIC, AND MEDICAL 171
"Yumbri" and our Mrabri seems to be the different hair style which
is shorter, and in some similar to the manner of the Mea in Bernatzik's
people ( 11, Fig. 60 ). The facial characteristics observed
in our group are present in all adult males on Bernatzik's photographs.
The prominent brows, the mongoloid eyes without epicanthal
fold, the straight, wide, and flat nose, and the triangular
configuration of the face are identical in both groups and can be
verified on Bernatzik's figures 45, 54, 55, and 60. The interpretation
of the evidence gained from the comparison of the physical
features is in favor of the typological identity of Bernatzik's "Yumbri
'' and the Mrabri. The main argument in this question will, of
course, have to come from the linguistic investigations.
Are the Mrabri descendants of a group of slaves released into
the jungle? Despite the fact that one should not take historical
legends too lightly it seems highly improbable that the Mrabri could
have this origin. This is not the place to discuss the sociological
aspects of this question (can people who have lived, even though as
slaves in Nan, ever fall back to a primitivity as that of the Mrabri?).
The results of the anthropometric and genetic examination cannot
exclude this possibility. All characteristics present in the Mrabri
could have been present in a small founder group of a few couples.
The prince of Nan is, however, supposed to have released two
hundred slaves ( 2 ). If the Mrabri were their descendants the high
degree of uniformity of their appearance and their blood groups would
be surprising (especially if these findings can be substantiated by
examination of more Mrabri individuals).
Are the Mrabri an ethnic unit? Medicine and anthropo­
logy have no contribution to this question. The result of the.
linguistic and sociologic investigations will tell us whether
the Mrabri are a separate ethnic unit. The clarification of
their linguistic affiliation will, however, be of great interest
for the anthropologist. If it can be proved that their language
belongs to the austroasiatic (Man-Khmer) group their pre­
sence in Southeast Asia can be dated back 2000 years,

TilE MRADHJ: ANTHROPOMETRIC, GENETIC, AND MEDICAL 173
The "creation" of a race was often not more than the arbitrary selection
of a type of human and its designation as the prototype of a
"race". There is hardly ever proof that such a prototype is not in
itself a mixture between more ancient "races" whose existence may
be shrouded in prehistoric darkness. In the end, the genetic analysis
of race leads to the view that mankind is a genetic continuum.
It is easy to find conspicuous differences between people whose
origin is geographically distant (e.g. Chinese and Europeans). Their
equally conspicuous similarities prove that they must carry a significant
proportion of common genetic material. Any division of the
human species in races will inevitably separate large groups of men
who may be apart in some characteristic, but belong together in
others. Therefore, the term race has not much scientific significance
and is best restricted to a descriptive use for the great, more or less
well defined groups (e.g. mongoloid, europoid, negroid).
In 1934 the German anthropologist von Eickstedt described a
human type in Southeast Asia which he considered characteristic of
a palaemongoloid race. The reservations with which "race" has to
be viewed let it appear advantageous to limit the acceptance of the
term "palaeomongoloid" to a human type which may have been pre­
ponderant in the prehistoric population of Southeast Asia. We may,
therefore, speak of a palacomongoloid type with reference to the
three types described by H. Liu (cit.a. 3) in the Chinese population.
According to von Eickstecl t, the palaeomongoloids are distinguished
by prominent zygomns (cheek bones), mongoloid eye configuration
without epicanthal fold, and a short, wide, flat nose, characteristics
strongly expressed in the Mrabri, but also present in individuals of
other Southeast Asian populations (see comment to somatometries).
The classification of the Mrabri as protomongoloid does not
seem justified. Observations on a few individuals ( Bernatzik, 11)
are not sufficient to create a new racial or typological class. Further­
more, the term protomongoloid induces the association of a common
origin of all mongoloids from this race, an assumption which is
neither proved nor likely.

174
Gebhard Flatz
Are the Mrabri autochthonic in Southeast Asia? The following
remarks to this problem are also made with all the reservations
appropriate for an analysis of observations on a small number of individuals.
The somatic analysis leaves no doubt that the Mrabri are
mongoloids. No traces of negrito characteristics are present. It
seems doubtful that the Southeast Asian subcontinent ever harbollred
a negrito population north of the Malayan peninsula. The
area of origin of the Mrabri must therefore be limited to the area of
the mongoloids. The clue for a further delimitation may be found in
some somatic characteristics of the Mrabri, particularly in the nasal
configuration. The flatness of the nose with a large nostril area is
an indication of a domicile in the tropics for many generations.
There is good evidence that the different nasal configurations developed
as an adaption to environ men tal temperature by selection over
many generations. In cold climates the narrow nose with small
nostrils conveys an advantage because of the more efficient warming
of the breathing air. In hot climates wide flat noses with a large
nostril area are preponderant.

TilE MRAIIHI: ANTHI\OPOMETH!C, GENETIC, ANU MEDICAL 175
Mrnbri population incidentally in recent times.(l3) Bernatzik (11)
relates a story of the rape of a Mrabri woman by a foreign tribes
man. The combination of Thalassemia and Hb E in one person
causes a severe chronic illness leading to premature death in many
cases. The presence of both genes in the Mrabri population will,
unfortuno.tely, lend to a decrease of their genetic fitness.
Ontlool{ on further Mrabri research
The fate of the Mrabri people appears to be predictable.
Those who will have survived the forces leading to extinction will
finally be absorbed by the superior hill tribes and probably later into
the Thai community. Bernatzik ( 11) claims that many Mrabri
(respectively, Phi Tong Luang) have mixed with the Lahu in
Northwest Thailand. The present author was unable to detect any
Mrabri charac tcl'istics in the population of several Lahu villages in
Ampoe Fang and Ampoc Wang Nuea. In Ban Doi Khun Sathan
there were, however, several Meo who differed considerably from
the majority of their kinsmen. Their facial configuration was very
similar to that of the Mrabri. The coming years will still provide
an opportunity to study the Mrabri in their present cultural state
and in their present environment. A thorough ethnological investigation
of other Mrabri groups and a more complete survey of genetic
traits and environmental conditions (more complete in the number
of different examinations as well as in the number of individuals
examined) will not only increase our knowledge of human life at
an early primitive stage but may also provide a solution to some
problems of human evolution.
REI!'EltENCES, ANNOTATIONS, AND AOKNOWLEDGEMENTS
( 1) As it was established that the people previously known
under the names Khon Pa and Phi Tong Luang call
themselves Mrabri, the latter name will be used exclusively
unless reference to previous reports is made.
( 2) Kraisri Nimmanahaeminda and J. I-Iartland-Swann.
J. Siam Soc. L. 165, 1962

176 Gebhard Flatz
( 3) Bernatzik, H., editor. Die grosse Voelkerkunde.
Vol. II. Herkul, Frankfurt, 1954.
( 4) The description of the various methods would take undue
space in a journal not primarily directed to the medical
reader. Information concerning methods may be obtained
from the author.
( 5) Von Eickstedt, E. Rassenkunde unci Rassengeschichte
der Menschheit. Fischer. Stuttgart 1934.
( 6) see ( 3 ), figure 95.
( 7) Schwidetzky, I. Die neue Rassenkunde. Fischer. Stu ttgart,
1962.
( 8) The au thor is indebted to the persons listed for their
support by aid in or carrying out the mentioned examinations
at their laboratories:
Prof. Dr. ].H. Jonxis, Director, and Dr. C. Pik, Chief of
Laboratory, Department of Paediatrics, University of
Groningen, The Netherlands (Hemoglobin electrophoresis)
Dr. Sommai Sringam, Chief of the Blood Bank at
Queen Saovapha Institute, Bangkok (Blood group determination)
Major S.B. Halstead. Affiliation and contribution
described in the text.
Miss Pradap Ramabutr, Chief of Laboratory, McCormick
Hospital, Chiengmai. (Hemoglobin, blood smears, and
serologic tests for syphilis).
( 9) Young, G. The Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand. The
Siam Society. Bangkok, 1962.
( 10) Special thanks are due to the Honorary Treasurer of the
expedition for the collection of this delicate material.
( 11 J Bernatzik, H. Die Geister der gel ben Blaetter. Bruckmann.
Munchen, 1938.

'l'UE MHABRI: AN'!HROPOr.I:E'l'lHC, G8NEf!C, AND MEDlCAt. 177
( 12) For a discussion of these problems, see :
Dobzhans ky, T. Genetics and the origin of species.
Columbia University Press. New York, 1941.
Stern, C., Die Grundlagen der menschlichen Erblehre.
Musterschmidt. Goettingen 1955.
( 13) These views are not in complete agreement with the
opinion derived from the first investigations of abnormal
hemoglobins in Thailand. The results of French workers
in Cambodia and of a study of 6000 individuals in Thailand
by the au thor (to be published) are in favor of this
interpretation.
I wish to thank the leader of the Mrabri expedition of the
Siam Society, 1963, Mr. Kraisri Nimmanahaeminda, for the invitation
to participate in the expedition; and Prof. Dr. Hungerland,
Director of the Dept. of Pediatrics, University of Bonn, for his
encouragement and for the permission to extend my stay in Thailand.
Address: Universitaets-Kinderklinik, Koblenzer St. 119,
Bonn, Germany.

No.
TABLE I.
Somatic measurements ( in centimeters )
Weight
Cephalic Cephalic
Height
Facial Interzyg. Nasal Nasal Nasal
in kg Length Breadth Height Distance Length Breadth Depth
1. 49.0 151.0 18.5 15.3 10.8 13.9 6.2 4.4 1.9
2. 47.0 147.0 18.8 14.5 11.1 14.0 6.1 4.4 1.8
3. 54.0 159.0 18.7 14.6 11.3 13.9 5.6 3.9 1.8
4. 53.0 156.0 18.9 14.7 10.9 13.6 5.6 4.2 1.7
5. 45.0 156.0 18.1 13.6 11.2 13.7 5.7 4.0 1.9
6. 46.0 153.5 18.3 14.5 11.4 14.0 5.6 4.1 1.8
7. 51.0 151.0 19.3 14.9 10.9 13.9 5.5 3.9 1.6
8. 50.0 158.5 18.2 14.9 10.7 12.9 5.7 3.9 2.1
9. 52.0 157.0 19.0 14.4 10.9 13.5 5.7 4.0 1.6
10. 50.0 148.0 18.9 14.7 11.0 14.2 5.3 4.4 1.8
11. 50.0 153.5 19.0 14.5 11.3 14.0 5.2 3.8 1.7
12. 54.0 158.0 18.5 14.1 10.8 13.5 5.5 4.2 1.8
13. 43.0 149.5 18.2 14.1 10.9 13.4 4.9 4.0 1.6
14. 42.0 149.0 18 8 14.2 10.6 12.9 4.8 3.7 2.2
-
15. 45.0 146.0 18.2 14.6 11.3 13.8 5.2 4.1 1.6
Mean 48.8 152.9 18.6 14.5 11.0 13.7 5.5 4.1 1.7
Standard
Deviation 3.9 4.4 0.36 0.4 0.24 0.41 0.38 0.25 0.16
-- -- -