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No. 39, May 2012 - Fachbereich Translations-, Sprach- und ...

No. 39, May 2012 - Fachbereich Translations-, Sprach- und ...

Chapter Six examines

Chapter Six examines "the language of an online public discussion of a newspaper article", in order to find out how and what kinds of narratives are used "in the 'flagging' of national identity". (100) The importance of narratives as a way of creating meaning is hinted at (105), but not sufficiently developed, and the discussion of key characteristics of a narrative only scratches the surface of what has been emphasized in narratology in the past two decades. The article used here was good in 1990 when it was published, but too much is left out when the main points of a narrative are reduced to events and the "relationship between the story and its teller" (106), a relationship that is never seriously investigated. (For new discussions on narrative, cf. Herman (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Narrative 2007 and Fludernik Towards a 'Natural' Narratology, who already in 1996 denied the relevance of events in narratives.) To call narratives dealing with historical, personal, and ideological topics "three main narrative types" again reveals the weak theoretical basis of what has been undertaken here. (106) The conclusions drawn are, unfortunately, even weaker. But using online discussions for such an investigation is, of course, a useful way of finding out what people, members of the general public, think about specific issues. The Herald article 'Painting of Forgotten Warrior Unveiled' of 23 October 2007 is employed for this purpose, and the text is clearly a good choice. Some results are also evident and important: "National references do not exist in a textual vacuum; they are employed within different and perhaps competing rhetorical strategies." (111) Usually "more than one narrative strategy is used by a writer to achieve their communicative end", and thus the separation of "the types of narrative for descriptive clarity" is conceded to be not quite appropriate after all. (117) However, the authors stick with their one-sided categories and thus reveal again that their theoretical background neither allows them to go beyond simplistic opposites nor to draw the necessary conclusions from their results. Writers, on the web or elsewhere, do, of course, use "multiple narrative types to modulate between discursive locations", but these locations should no longer be described "as the objective historical and the subjective personal". One is really surprised to find references to "the objective historical" in a book that mentions Anderson, Foucault and others in its bibliography, but no longer really astonished to find that "the subject matter of those narratives tended to be non-civic in character." (119) This category then takes the authors to "a distinction which could be made between […] atavistic and rationalist narratives. The latter are evident in those who draw attention to the subjectivity of the act of narration. Atavistic narratives were explicit in their commitment to non-civic cultural and historical conceptions of Scotland", something "rationalist narratives are less explicit" about. (119) This is a result one could have had long before any investigation of narratives and one that does in no way enhance one's understanding of contemporary narratives and conceptions of Scotland's identity. The results of Chapter Seven, based on "conversational style interviews [--] with over sixty MSPs and Scots MPs […] between 2003 and 2009", in order to find out about the sense of Scottish identity among the Scottish political elite (121), are again the known and predictable ones, especially that "Scottishness is not an ethnically based form of belonging, but a civic one" (138), based on "self-perception and self-choice." (137) The authors notice that this "argument reflects that provided within contemporary political literature and is the modernist, inclusive, civic-based form of belonging" (137f), but they again are not aware of the extent to which this position has been formed by precisely this elite. Instead they find that this position stands in stark "opposition to the majority of mass opinion." (136) Even when one accepts their view that there was more support for what they call non-civic ideas of belonging, the contrast is neither as strong as they make it out to be, nor is it really surprising, as the interviewees clearly represent the dominant political parties and, therefore, also the dominant discourse.

Chapter Eight "(Re)describe[es] Scottish National Identity" (139-) with a particular focus on the "difference between the majority elite and the mass formation of who the Scottish nation embraces", which is seen as "a central issue in Scotland today." (141) Now, at last, the authors say that "the civic versus ethnic divide remains artificial", but they still justify having employed it because of its "descriptive usefulness." (143) They still do not see that it can provide only one-sided results because it is not only artificial but absolutely one-sided itself and, therefore, utterly useless for an analysis and sound description of complex discourses and narratives. And they keep on using it even now, as they quite evidently cannot see any alternatives at all. Their concluding pages thus simply repeat earlier statements already sufficiently expressed in the book and provide not a single new idea. They do again express, however, the terrible amount of naivety behind so much of what is said here. While a sentence like "the masses control who has control of the past" (152) may perhaps be accepted by some as positive wishful thinking, the next sentence reveals where the authors might have begun rather than end their research, if they had had a better knowledge of their tools and a more comprehensive understanding of their subject: "it is probably impossible not to ground policy within a discourse of belonging, history and culture given the pervasive remit of contemporary democracies." (152) One wonders what democracies have to do with this, but these authors evidently do not even know that policy has always been based on a discourse of belonging, history and culture, whether in ancient Rome, Greece, Egypt, totalitarian states, or anywhere else. So yes, this discourse needs to be looked into. But anybody with just a basic knowledge of discourse theory, (political) narrative, or individual, social, and national identity could have told them this decades ago. Klaus Peter Müller (Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz) Crime Scotland – Then & Now 2nd Scottish Studies in Europe Conference 31 May – 3 June 2012, Göttingen, Germany Conference info. Conference Announcements ASLS Annual Conference 2012 Crossing the Highland Line in the 19th Century: cross-currents in Scottish writing 8–10 June 2012 Sabhal Mòr Ostaig, Isle of Skye, Scotland Conference info. Scottish Studies Newsletter 39, May 2012 Back to top The nineteenth century saw the romanticisation of the Highlander, the rise of tartanry and the emergence of the modern Scottish tourist industry. It also witnessed the worst excesses of the Clearances and the beginnings of an exodus from the Highlands to the industrial cities and to the colonies. This conference will examine the literary culture of Scotland – Highland and Lowland – during this transformational period, and will explore its interactions and intersections. Reduced rate (ASLS members/students/unwaged): £40 each - Full rate: £50 each (coffees/teas and Saturday lunch included) - Conference dinner, Saturday 9 June: £30 each James Hogg and the Romantics

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