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Structural analogy in language and its limits [Contrast and analogy v.2]

Structural analogy in language and its limits [Contrast and analogy v.2]

John Anderson 22

John Anderson 22 Miner calls these sequences in Winnebago ‘fast sequences’, and attributes to them the properties in (49): (49) Winnebago ‘fast sequences’ Using the formula ‘C1V1C2V2’ for the ‘fast sequences’: a. C1 is a voiceless obstruent (/p k č s š x/); b. C2 is a sonorant (/m n r w y/); c. V1 = V2; d. the sequences are spoken (and apparently sung) faster than other CVCV sequences; e. the sequences may be reduplicated just as CV sequences may, and are the only CVCV sequences which may reduplicate. Properties (49.d) and (e) suggest that these sequences are monosyllabic, despite the appearance of two vowel segments, and that (c) is the case suggests there is in some sense only one vowel present. Miner points to other phenomena that appear to point in the same direction, and to support a synchronic status for Dorsey’s Law. Thus, instead of the stem-final -e in (50.a) we in (b) an -a before the suffix -ire: (50) a. mąąčé ‘he cut a piece off’ b. mąąčáire ‘they cut a piece off’ A stem-final ‘fast sequence’ behaves like a single vowel in this respect: (51) a. kèré ‘he departed returning’ b. kàráire ‘they departed returning’ (I return shortly to the question of accent placement, marked by the acutes and graves in (50/51).) The conjunction of properties in (49) and (50/51) has led to analyses seeking to account for Dorsey’s Law in terms of timing. Thus, in Steriade’s (1990: 391) formulation: ‘from an input syllable beginning with two consonantal gestures overlapping in duration with each other, a delay in the onset of the liquid can create a sequence in which the vowel gesture begins to “show” between the consonant gestures’. This is illustrated in (52) (her (12)): (52) Tiers Gestures a tongue body [ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ] r tongue tip [ - - - -] → p lips [ - - - - - - ] And she concludes: ‘since Dorsey’s Law creates a sequence in which a consonant gesture has come to be nonperipherally superimposed on a vowel gesture, it automatically turns a monosyllable into a disyllable’ (Steriade 1990: 391).

23 Structural analogy in language, and its limits However, this conclusion is difficult to reconcile with the properties we have just looked at which suggest that monosyllabicity is retained under Dorsey’s Law. The assignment of disyllabicity doesn’t indeed seem to be an automatic consequence of rightward drift of the sonorant articulation to reveal part of the vowel gesture. Nevertheless, an account in terms of timing has considerable plausibility. And I shall try here to formulate the basis for the change in timing (without necessarily acquisition of disyllabicity) in terms of the framework I have been presenting in what precedes. My startingpoint is a suggestion of Hind’s (1997: 295-6) – though he, indeed, fails to recognise his account as incompatible with Steriade’s assumption of automatic assignment of disyllabicity. 14 In terms of a framework that unites ‘articulatory phonology’ with aspects of ‘government phonology’, Hind associates the loss of coordination between the two consonants in the clusters manifested in ‘fast sequences’ with ‘failure of indirect government’ of them by the syllable centre ((1997: 296). In terms of the structures assumed here, I interpret this as involving failure of (16) to apply to the second consonant in ‘fast sequences’. (16) is repeated here for convenience of reference: (16) consonant adjunction {C }⇒ { \{|V|}} Failure of (16) reduces the onset dependencies in a form like k(e)re ‘return’ to those in (53): (53) {V} | {C\{V}} {V} | : {C\{V}} {C\{C}} : : : : : : : k + r e Consonant adjunction is not available in Winnebago to sonorants dependent on the onset head. Compare the initial cluster in the English form in (28): (28) {V} | {C\{V}} {V} | | {C\{V}} {C\{V}\{C} {V} : : | : : {V} {cor,obs\{V}} : : | : : : {V/{C}} {C\{V}} : : : : | : : : : {C\{C}} {C\{V}} : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : k + l + a + m + p + s

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