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Structural analogy in language and its limits [Contrast and analogy v.2]

Structural analogy in language and its limits [Contrast and analogy v.2]

John Anderson 92 (i) {V}

John Anderson 92 (i) {V} | {C\{V}} {V} : | : { \{V}\{C}} {V} : : | : : {V} {C\{V}} : : : : : : : : : : {u} : : : | : : { \{u}} {u} : : : : : : : : : f j u: d (I have omitted in (i) non-essential categorial information.) /j/ here is ambivalent: it is an adjunct as a primary category to /f/ and to the syllable centre, but as a secondary category it specifies /u:/. As a specifier, it selects to modify a vowel of a particular quality, of a particular secondary category, and as such it belongs to a small, indeed unique, class. 22 The discussion of h-sequencing here simplifies the situation somewhat: see again Anderson (1986a, 2001a) for a consideration of morphological and other complications ignored here 23 For reasons discussed by Anderson (1997a: §§3.3.2, 3.7.2), existentials commonly lack assignment of a grammatical relation. Note for instance the absence of the ‘topic/focus’ marker in the Tagalog existential in (i.a) vs. its presence in the ‘nonexistential’(b): (i) a. May aksidente Kagabi there-was accident last-night b. Dadalhin ni Rosa ang pera kay Juan Will-take by Rosa T/F money to John (T/F = ‘topic/focus’.) 24 Also clausal are standard instances of interrogation and negation. This is particularly transparent in systems with ‘spreading’ or ‘multiple’ or ‘double’ negation (cf. e.g. Jespersen 1917, Austin 1984). Consider the well-known example from the Alfredian translation of (of the Orpheus and Euridice episode in) Boethius’s De consolatione philosophiae in (i): (i) Nan heort ne onscunode nænne leon ne nan hara nænne hund, no hart not feared no lion nor no hare no hound, ne nan neat nyste nænne andan ne nænne ege to oðrum nor no animal knew no malice nor no fear to other

93 Structural analogy in language, and its limits (‘No hart was afraid of any lion nor any hare of any hound, nor did any animal know any malice or any fear for another.) The clausal negation feature is manifested as ne in Old English in the specifier position of the verb of the clause, but it may also be manifested in other eligible places, such as in noun phrases which are neither definite nor indefinite and in the alternative coordinator, as shown extensively in (i). But in systems which reject ‘spreading’ negation the negative still licences the occurrence of ‘neither-definite-nor-indefinite’ determiners, such as the any in the glosses to (i), and they may act as alternative hosts for the manifestation of the extrasegmental negative feature, as illustrated by (ii.a) vs. (b): (ii) a. Fred saw no-one b. Fred didn’t see anyone c. No-one saw Fred (= *Anyone didn’t see Fred) And there is no alternative manifestation equivalent to (ii.b) for (ii.c). And this phenomenon of alternative loci for the manifestation of an element again has an analogue in the phonology. Consider, for example, the manifestation of the Danish ‘stød’. Stød is a property of certain words in Danish which is manifested as creaky voice. The location of stød is always within the rhyme of a stressed syllable, but its location in the rhyme depends on the structure of the rhyme. Thus we find the possibilities shown in (iii), where ‘*’ marks the location of stød: (iii) a. lys ‘light’, kø ‘queue’ * * b. damp ‘steam’ * c. deg ‘day’ * In words whose stressed vowel is intransitive the stød coincides with that vowel, as in (iii.a); with transitive stressed vowels stød coincides with the complement, which must be sonorant (have a preponderance of V), as in (iii.b). So that we can say that stød coincides with either an intransitive vowel or a dependent sonorant. With diphthongs both conditions are fulfilled, as shown in (iv.c), with (iv.a) and (b) illustrating the other rhyme structures:

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