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The domain of semantic roles

The domain of semantic roles

26 The

26 The domain of semantic roles In is used to indicate the body in the interior of which an object is situated. The relative directional locs in English are, appropriately, overtly more complex: into, onto. I am proposing, then, that the distinctions introduced by the first-place formatives in the Tabassaranian case system are distinct from the system of semantic relations and are not intrinsic to the functor category; they reflect, as elsewhere, incorporated relational {N}s. But what of the second-place formatives distinguished by the rows in table 3? Consider the glosses suggested by Hjelmslev (1935: 141), replicated here: lative: “exprimant le mouvement vers, et par conséuent un rapprochement net”; comitative: “déignant accompagnement, ‘(ensemble) avec’ ...”; directive: “indiquant la direction vers, mais sens comporter nécessairement l’idé nette de rapprochement”; ablative: “désignant un éloignement qui est selon les circonstances plus ou moins vague”; locative: “désignant le ‘repos’, ni rapprochement ni éloignement net”. The locative is simply (non-directional) {loc}, which combines with first-place distinctions to form relative cases; Hjelmslev glosses the comitative second-adessive -h (locative, as usually, getting no distinct expression) as “étant près de, à côté de”. Likewise, the ablative is {abl}; Hjelmslev’s description in part reflects the frequent “abstract” uses of the “particule”, particularly with the adessives. The directive appears to contrast minimally with the lative: if we represent the “rapprochement net” of the lative, involving terminal inclusion in one of the relative spaces indicated by the first-place formatives, as being associated with an abs, we can identify lative and directive as respectively (directional) {loc,abs} and {loc}. Likewise, we can differentiate the comitative from the locative in terms of presence vs. absence of abs (cf. (45.a) above). This gives the categorisations shown in (50): (50) lative comitative directive ablative locative {loc,abs} {loc,abs} {loc} {abl} {loc} directional directional In this way, the second-place formatives, unlike the first-place, can be said to realise the content of the functor category itself, given the characterisation of the relations attributable to functors provided by table 1. Tabassaranian also shows two cases which look like specialisations of combinations involving the ablative -an: the “temporal postessive” – better, I think, “temporal ablative” – -lan ‘after’; and the “ablative-comparative” -t’an. More transparently, the “equative-predicative” -s-u combines the “equative” -sa ‘like’ and “predicative” -a/-o/-u. Given this, it is tempting to take the “equative” to involve a first-place formative, so that apparently uncombined instances, as in ner-sa ‘like a stream’ (Hjelmslev 1935: 148), are interpreted as (equative-)locatives, with (as is

John Anderson 27 usual with Tabassaranian locatives) zero second-place formative: cf. the final row of table 3. ‘Likeness’ is then another “space” for relative location. However, otherwise the “predicative” marks predicative adjectives only, just as the “attributive” in -i (Hjelmslev 1935: 139-40, 154) attaches to just adjectives. This suggests that the “equative” is an adjectivaliser (cf. English stream-like), just as the -d formative of (51) is a nominaliser: (51) bic’ur-d-i little-NML-ERG (‘the little one’) (Hjelmslev 1935: 140). And just as, following Hjelmslev, we can dismiss this latter as a case (“... il ne s’agit pas d’un morphème casuel ...”), so too the “equative” would be basically derivational. The simple “equative” may, as an adjective, be either attributive or predicative; the “equative-predicative” is only predicative. The “equative” may also take a noun inflected for genitive as a base (= ‘like that of a N’); this supports a derivational rather than inflexional interpretation. And this is a conclusion that seems to be generalisable – as I shall now argue. Despite the tradition whereby similar phenomena are referred to in French grammars of Basque as “surdéclinaison”, the interpretation of such structures again involves a derived nominal, it would appear. Relevant forms appear in (52): (52) a. etcheko ‘of the house’ b. etchekoak ‘those/the people of the house’ c. etchekotzat ‘for (the benefit) of the house’ Etcheko in (52.a) is marked with the “local genitive” suffix -ko, which can function as an independent case, e.g. as marking the “modifier” of another noun (etcheko nausia ‘the master of the house’); but in (52.b) and (c) other inflexions have been added, respectively the plural absolutive (called “nominative” in many grammars of Basque – as is the corresponding case in Tabassaranian grammars) and the prolative (‘for ...’). However, rather than suggesting that in such instances a single simple noun bears two cases, it seems preferable to regard the “local genitive” in (52.a) as being able to form the base for a derived noun to which may then be added further case inflexions. The structure of (52.b) and (c) thus involve two nouns, one derived from the other; what is unusual is that the base noun in (52), as in the Tabassaranian “genitive-equative”, is itself inflected for case. But I’m suggesting that the complexity here is basically derivational rather than inflexional. The “equative” of Tabassaranian thus does not require any extension of our idea of the content of case. Nor, I suggest, do markers of predicativity or attributiveness. The other Tabassaranian cases appear to be simplex (but some of them sometimes select a different stem from the complex cases illustrated in table 3). One of these is a dative, interpretable, as commonly, as {erg,loc}:

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