5 years ago

Maximi Planudis in memoriam [Pt.1]

Maximi Planudis in memoriam [Pt.1]


4 Maximi Planudis in memoriam but the ablative is identical with the agent, which occupies subject position (as it does in (1) and (2)). This is also the case in (6) (6) Egbert sold Seymour the bomb in which the allative has become the object; and in (7): (7) Seymour was sent the bomb in which it is subject, and the agent/ablative phrase displaced as such (and deleted). Examples (5)-(7) differ from (l)-(4) in that the agent of the action is ‘conflated’ with the ablative. In a sentence like (8): (8) Seymour bought the bomb from Egbert it is rather the allative and the agent that are identified; and there is no corresponding sentence with Seymour (the allative) as object. 11 In the passives corresponding to both (5) and (8), the phrase which I have described as ‘conflating’ a directional and an agentive function is marked with the by we would expect of a post-verbal agent: The bomb was sold to Seymour by Egbert, The bomb was bought from Egbert by Seymour. Let us turn now to an attempt to characterize the underlying representations implied by the immediately preceding observations, and to a rather more careful examination of the processes of subject- and object-formation. In the first place, we shall be concerned with the establishment of the underlying relations involved. I shall term the relation contracted by the noun phrase which becomes the (direct) object in (l)-(2) and (4)-(8) and the subject in the corresponding passives and in (3), the absolutive (ABS): it is neither directional nor agentive. The agentive subjects in (l)-(2), (5)- (6) and (8) are derived from underlying ergative (ERG) phrases. I have already noted the various occurrences of the allative and ablative (ABL). However, in the representations proposed below I shall substitute the term locative (LOC) for allative. This depends on the assumptions that the allative simply equals LOC in a directional predication, and that directional predications necessarily involve both LOC and ABL (cf. Anderson 1971b: §8.2). We can thus represent the relational structure of a sentence like (3) as in (9), which is a dependency tree with V as governor of and Ns as dependents of, the functional elements, ABS, LOC and ABL. 12 11 However, if the agent and allative are distinct, object- and subject-formation for the allative are possible: Seymour bought Plumtree the bomb, Plumtree was bought the bomb (Anderson 1971b: §§11.3-4). I shall not be concerned here with instances showing subjects and objects derived from underlying ablatives, as with the sentences containing rob (rather than steal) noted by Fillmore (1968b: 388); see too, Anderson 1971b: 135 12 Each predication is a dependency structure with V as governor and immediately dependent case (functional) elements, each of which has in turn a N dependent on it: for discussion, see Anderson 1971a, 1971b, and Tesnière 1959, Robinson 1970, Sgall and Hajičová 1970.

John Anderson (9) V : ABS : ABL LOC : : : N : : N : N : : : : : : : : : the marble rolled from the door to the window ABS is pruned as part of the process of subject-formation. Consider now the structure of (1). Clearly, ... the bomb to Canada from Australia involves just such a directional predication as is represented in (9). (I ignore here differences in the superficial sequence of LOC and ABL). But in it there is also an ERG present as subject, and there are passive forms in which ERG is realized (in post-verbal position) as by. This can be allowed for if we propose that in the case of (1) the directional predication is subordinate to a causative one, containing an ERG and ABS, as in (10). 13 (10) V ERG ABS N N : : ABS : : V : : ABS LOC ABL : : : : N : N : N : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : Egbert the bomb to Canada from Australia The N governed by the upper ABS is semantically empty; and there is an intermediate stage at which the lower V comes (by abjunction – Anderson forthcoming: §§VIII-IX) to be governed directly by the upper V, as in (11). 13 Complex predications are assumed to involve a V dependent on an adnominal case: see Anderson forthcoming; in preparation. In this instance the adnominal case is ABS; in sentences like Lucinda prevented Boris from coming, it is rather ABL (from): cause … to involves LOC. 5

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