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Cosmopolitan Networks in Commerce and Society 1660–1914

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MARGRIT SCHULTE BEERBÜHL <strong>and</strong> KLAUS WEBER<br />

how swiftly the spatial patterns of the commercial networks adapted<br />

to economic <strong>and</strong> macro-political changes. A graph show<strong>in</strong>g ris<strong>in</strong>g<br />

immigration rates for German merchants <strong>in</strong> Cadiz <strong>and</strong> Bordeaux<br />

from the late seventeenth century <strong>and</strong> throughout the eighteenth<br />

<strong>in</strong>dicates dynamic growth of German trade <strong>in</strong> these places, <strong>in</strong> particular<br />

dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1770s <strong>and</strong> 1780s. Dur<strong>in</strong>g this period, the communities<br />

<strong>in</strong> Cadiz <strong>and</strong> Bordeaux grew considerably (see Figure 3.5). The situation<br />

changed dramatically when the Atlantic revolutions struck<br />

both port cities. The Spanish <strong>and</strong> the French networks of German<br />

trad<strong>in</strong>g families were doomed with the loss of Spanish <strong>and</strong> French<br />

Atlantic colonies. With Spanish American countries becom<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />

<strong>and</strong> Sa<strong>in</strong>t-Dom<strong>in</strong>gue lost as a result of the Haitian Revo -<br />

lution, places such as Bordeaux <strong>and</strong> Cadiz immediately lost their role<br />

as spr<strong>in</strong>gboards to overseas colonies. In Bordeaux, the outbreak of<br />

the French Revolution caused a sharp demographic decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> all<br />

communities of foreigners. Only those German merchants who had<br />

<strong>in</strong>vested <strong>in</strong> rural <strong>and</strong> urban property, probably no more than a<br />

dozen, survived the crisis. In Cadiz, the decl<strong>in</strong>e was somewhat<br />

delayed, but because of a lack of alternative <strong>in</strong>vestment opportunities<br />

such as were available <strong>in</strong> Bordeaux, for example, the ultimate impact<br />

was even harsher. By around 1815, apart from the above-mentioned<br />

Bohemian firms, only three of the larger German textile trad<strong>in</strong>g houses<br />

were still there. 93<br />

Migration to Brita<strong>in</strong> also <strong>in</strong>creased dur<strong>in</strong>g the last quarter of the<br />

eighteenth century. Given the lack of any immigration controls<br />

before the outbreak of the French Revolution, no estimates are possible.<br />

With reference to London, Figure 3.5 reflects only the wealthy<br />

elite of migrants who could afford the cost of naturalization by private<br />

act of Parliament. 94 Their numbers rema<strong>in</strong>ed fairly constant<br />

throughout the eighteenth century, except for a sharp rise dur<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

last decade.<br />

93 Weber, Deutsche Kaufleute, 151–2.<br />

94 On the history of naturalization <strong>and</strong> denization see Schulte Beerbühl, Deut -<br />

sche Kaufleute, ch. 1 <strong>and</strong> ead., ‘British Nationality Policy as a Counter-Revo -<br />

lutionary Strategy dur<strong>in</strong>g the Napoleonic Wars: The Emergence of Modern<br />

Naturalization Regulations’, <strong>in</strong> Andreas Fahrmeir, Oliver Faron, <strong>and</strong> Patrick<br />

Weil (eds.), Migration Control <strong>in</strong> the North Atlantic World (Oxford, 2003),<br />

55–70.<br />

96

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