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Cosmopolitan Networks in Commerce and Society 1660–1914

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Jewish Consuls <strong>in</strong> the Mediterranean<br />

tioned by name: ‘The Jewish ambassadors have obta<strong>in</strong>ed from his Holi -<br />

ness exhortatory letters to all the Catholic potentates who have forces<br />

at sea not to molest vessels of the Jews.’ 115<br />

Leah Bornste<strong>in</strong>-Makovetsky has po<strong>in</strong>ted out the difficulties of<br />

apply<strong>in</strong>g the term ‘Jewish diplomacy’ <strong>in</strong> the n<strong>in</strong>eteenth-century<br />

sense to the political activities of Sephardic Jews <strong>in</strong> the early modern<br />

period. She sees the <strong>in</strong>formal Shtadlanut, that is, the actions of prom<strong>in</strong>ent<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividuals from the Jewish commercial elite dur<strong>in</strong>g crises, as<br />

the dom<strong>in</strong>ant form of Jewish diplomatic activity <strong>in</strong> this period. In<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>ciple, I share this view. I believe, however, that efforts such as<br />

those by Rodriga <strong>and</strong> Magg<strong>in</strong>o to establish a consulate went beyond<br />

this traditional form of represent<strong>in</strong>g Jewish <strong>in</strong>terests. Rodriga’s agenda,<br />

as Bornste<strong>in</strong>-Makovetsky has noted, can hardly be called ad hoc.<br />

His attempts to establish a consulate were, like those by Magg<strong>in</strong>o,<br />

pru dent <strong>and</strong> systematically planned. The conjecture previously rais -<br />

ed, namely, that there had been contact between Rodriga, the Jewish<br />

consul of Venice, <strong>and</strong> Magg<strong>in</strong>o, his colleague <strong>in</strong> Tuscany (<strong>and</strong> later <strong>in</strong><br />

the Holy Roman Empire) s<strong>in</strong>ce the 1580s would further suggest that<br />

<strong>in</strong> this special case the particular type of <strong>in</strong>ter-personal network had<br />

developed whose existence Bornste<strong>in</strong>-Makovetsky sees as evidence<br />

that Jewish diplomacy of the sixteenth <strong>and</strong> seventeenth centuries was<br />

more than ad hoc <strong>in</strong> nature. 116<br />

Conclusion <strong>and</strong> Outlook<br />

The emergence of the economic–political consular office <strong>in</strong> Medi ter -<br />

ranean Jewry will now be summarized. In terms of the number of<br />

consuls <strong>and</strong> members of the Jewish community that they represented,<br />

economic–political consulship <strong>in</strong> early modern Jewry was never<br />

a large-scale phenomenon. But this is not the decisive fact for historians.<br />

This form of consular office merits their attention because of its<br />

quality as a genu<strong>in</strong>e response to economic–political challenges at a<br />

time of huge upheavals <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternational trade <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> the situation of<br />

the Mediterranean Jews, <strong>in</strong> particular, the Iberian Jews.<br />

115 Sophie Crawford Lomas (ed.), Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, vol.<br />

21, pt. 1 (London, 1927; repr<strong>in</strong>t Nendeln, 1969), 512. Stephen Powle to Sir<br />

Francis Wals<strong>in</strong>gham, message from Rome, 13 Feb. 1588. Emphasis added.<br />

116 Bornste<strong>in</strong>-Makovetsky, ‘L’activité diplomatique’, 461.<br />

181

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