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Declaration <strong>of</strong> Originality<br />

I hereby declare that <strong>the</strong> dissertation ‘<strong>Uptake</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Success <strong>of</strong> Insect Farming in Papua<br />

New Guinea: Implications for Biodiversity Conservation’ is substantially my own unaided<br />

work. All information derived from published literature <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r sources is acknowledged<br />

<strong>and</strong> referenced within <strong>the</strong> text. This work is being submitted for no o<strong>the</strong>r purpose o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

than <strong>the</strong> Master <strong>of</strong> Philosophy examination <strong>and</strong> does not exceed 15,000 words in length.<br />

<strong>Rob</strong> Small<br />

Date <strong>of</strong> Submission: 27/8/04<br />

2


Acknowledgements<br />

I would like to thank <strong>the</strong> following institutions <strong>and</strong> organisations for <strong>the</strong>ir financial<br />

assistance that enabled me to conduct this research:<br />

The Royal Geographical Society<br />

Rufford Small Grants for Conservation<br />

DEFRA<br />

Darwin College<br />

Department <strong>of</strong> Geography, Cambridge University<br />

I would like to thank <strong>the</strong> following individuals for all <strong>the</strong> help <strong>and</strong> support that I received<br />

from <strong>the</strong>m during <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> my work:<br />

David Whittaker<br />

Mike Hudson<br />

Ca<strong>the</strong>rine <strong>and</strong> Stanley Aisi<br />

Peter Clark<br />

Tim Bayliss-Smith<br />

Max Ketternacker<br />

My parents <strong>and</strong> most <strong>of</strong> all Lizzie King<br />

3


Contents<br />

DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY 2<br />

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 3<br />

LIST OF FIGURES 7<br />

LIST OF TABLES 8<br />

LIST OF MAPS 8<br />

LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS 8<br />

ACRONYMS 9<br />

INTRODUCTION 10<br />

CHAPTER 1 13<br />

POST INDEPENDENT PAPUA NEW GUINEA 13<br />

Colonial History 13<br />

Economic Development 16<br />

Population Growth <strong>and</strong> Urbanisation 18<br />

Environment <strong>and</strong> Development 20<br />

Conclusion 21<br />

4


CHAPTER 2 24<br />

INTERNATIONAL AND PAPUA NEW GUINEAN CONSERVATION 24<br />

History <strong>of</strong> Conservation Thought 24<br />

Integrating Conservation <strong>and</strong> Development 26<br />

Sustainable Use <strong>of</strong> Wild Populations 29<br />

Papua New Guinean Conservation 32<br />

Sustainable Use Projects in Papua New Guinea 33<br />

CHAPTER 3 35<br />

BUTTERFLY COLLECTION AND TRADE IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA 35<br />

The Origins <strong>of</strong> Butterfly Collecting 35<br />

Insect Trade in Papua New Guinea 39<br />

Development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency 41<br />

CHAPTER 4 51<br />

UPTAKE AND LONGEVITY OF INSECT FARMING AND COLLECTION 51<br />

Investigating <strong>the</strong> Success <strong>of</strong> Insect Farming Projects 51<br />

Methods 52<br />

Results 53<br />

Location <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors 53<br />

Provincial Longevity <strong>of</strong> Collecting <strong>and</strong> Farming 53<br />

Total Farmer <strong>and</strong> Collector Income 53<br />

Annual Provincial Earnings 54<br />

Average Provincial Income 54<br />

Patterns <strong>of</strong> Provincial Income 54<br />

Range <strong>of</strong> Individual Income 55<br />

Number <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors 55<br />

Duration <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors 55<br />

Summary <strong>of</strong> results 55<br />

5


Discussion 56<br />

CHAPTER 5 67<br />

CASE STUDIES OF THE BRANDS OF COLLECTORS AND FARMERS 67<br />

Case Study 1 – Ken Kube 67<br />

Case Study 2 - Pine Lodge Hotel <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Illegal Trade 71<br />

Case Study 3 – Farming Goliath in Gumi Village 74<br />

Case Study 4 – Wau Butterfly Farmers 77<br />

CONCLUSION 83<br />

REFERENCES 87<br />

6


List <strong>of</strong> Figures<br />

Figure 1 The Process <strong>of</strong> Butterfly Farming ..................................................................................................49<br />

Figure 2 The Number <strong>of</strong> Provinces with Individuals Collecting <strong>and</strong> Farming Insects (1995-2002)................61<br />

Figure 3 Total Income for Papua New Guinean Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors, 1995 – 2002 .........................62<br />

Figure 4 The Income <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors by Province, 1995 – 2002 .........................................62<br />

Figure 5 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in National Capital District, 1995-2002 .........................63<br />

Figure 6 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in New Irel<strong>and</strong> Province, 1995-2002 .............................63<br />

Figure 7 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Western Province, 1995-2002 ...................................63<br />

Figure 8 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Central Province, 1995-2002.....................................63<br />

Figure 9 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in S<strong>and</strong>aun Province, 1995-2002...................................64<br />

Figure 10 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Gulf Province, 1995-2002........................................64<br />

Figure 11 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in East New Britain Province, 1995-2002 ....................64<br />

Figure 12 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province 1995-2002.................64<br />

Figure 13 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in West New Britain Province, 1995-2002 ...................64<br />

Figure 14 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Manus Province, 1995-2002 ...................................64<br />

Figure 15 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Madang Province, 1995-2002 .................................64<br />

Figure 16 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Western Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province, 1995-2002 .................64<br />

Figure 17 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Milne Bay Province, 1995-2002 ..............................65<br />

Figure 18 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Province, 1995-2002 ................................65<br />

Figure 19 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in East Sepik Province, 1995-2002 ..............................65<br />

Figure 20 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Eastern Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province, 1995-2002 ..................65<br />

Figure 21 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Simbu Province, 1995-2002 ....................................65<br />

Figure 22 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in North Solomons Province, 1995-2002......................65<br />

Figure 23 Income for Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors in Morobe Province, 1995-2002 ..................................65<br />

Figure 24 The Range <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmer <strong>and</strong> Collector Incomes in 2002 for Papua New Guinea .......................66<br />

Figure 25 The Number <strong>of</strong> Individuals Farming <strong>and</strong> Collecting between 1995 <strong>and</strong> 2002.................................66<br />

Figure 26 The longevity <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors............................................................................66<br />

Figure 27 Ken Kube’s Butterfly Collecting Income, 1996-2002 ...................................................................81<br />

Figure 28 Gumi Village Income from <strong>the</strong> Farming <strong>of</strong> O. goliath ....................................................................81<br />

7


List <strong>of</strong> Tables<br />

Table 1 Average per Annum Income per Province for Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Collecting, 1995-2002..................63<br />

List <strong>of</strong> Maps<br />

Map 1 Papua New Guinea...........................................................................................................................12<br />

Map 2 Areas <strong>of</strong> Known Forestry Potential in Papua New Guinea .................................................................23<br />

Map 3 Sites <strong>of</strong> Mineral Exploitation in Papua New Guinea...........................................................................23<br />

Map 4 Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Collecting Locations, 1995.................................................................................60<br />

Map 5 Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Collecting Locations, 1998.................................................................................60<br />

Map 6 Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Collecting Locations, 2001.................................................................................61<br />

List <strong>of</strong> Photographs<br />

Photograph 1 Typical Papua New Guinean Marketplace..............................................................................22<br />

Photograph 2 Woman <strong>and</strong> Child on way to Market .....................................................................................22<br />

Photograph 3 Village Based C<strong>of</strong>fee Production............................................................................................22<br />

Photograph 4 Male Goliath Birdwing Butterfly (Ornithoptera goliath).........................................................46<br />

Photograph 5 A Woman with her Pet Doria’s Tree-kangaroo (Dendrolagus dorianus)..................................47<br />

Photograph 6 Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Cassowary (Casucrius unappendiculatus) ...............................................................47<br />

Photograph 7 Long-Beaked Echidna (Zaglossus bruijnii) ............................................................................47<br />

Photograph 8 Hercules Moth (Coscinocera Hercules)...................................................................................48<br />

Photograph 9 The Birdwing Butterfly Troides oblongomaculatus ................................................................48<br />

Photograph 10 An Assortment <strong>of</strong> Beetles in <strong>the</strong> Process <strong>of</strong> Being Sorted at IFTA..........................................50<br />

Photograph 11 The World’s Largest Grasshopper, Siliqu<strong>of</strong>era gr<strong>and</strong>is..........................................................50<br />

Photograph 12 Ken Kube............................................................................................................................80<br />

Photograph 13 Ken Kube Collecting in <strong>the</strong> PNG Forest Products Plantation .................................................80<br />

Photograph 14 Ken Kube’s Method for Catching <strong>the</strong> Butterfly Papilio ulysees .............................................80<br />

Photograph 15 Bob Kuri .............................................................................................................................82<br />

Photograph 16 Gumi Butterfly Farmers – Koni Gedisa, Hans Hiob <strong>and</strong> Gedisa Eauko ....................................82<br />

Photograph 17 Wau Butterfly Farmer – <strong>Rob</strong>ert Banabas .............................................................................82<br />

8


Acronyms<br />

CBD – Convention on Biological Diversity<br />

CITES – Convention on <strong>the</strong> International Trade in Endangered Species<br />

DEC – Department <strong>of</strong> Environment <strong>and</strong> Conservation<br />

IFTA – Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency<br />

ICDP – Integrated Conservation <strong>and</strong> Development Project<br />

IUCN – The World Conservation Union<br />

NIF – National Insect Farming<br />

OISCA – Organisation for Industrial, Spiritual <strong>and</strong> Cultural Advancement International<br />

PNG – Papua New Guinea<br />

UN – United Nations<br />

UNDP – United Nations Development Programme<br />

UNEP – United Nations Environment Programme<br />

VSO – Voluntary Services Overseas<br />

WEI – Wau Ecology Institute<br />

WWF – World Wide Fund for Nature<br />

WCS – World Conservation Strategy<br />

9


Introduction<br />

The collection <strong>of</strong> butterflies <strong>and</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s from Papua New Guinea has evolved over <strong>the</strong> past<br />

century. The major collections <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s began when <strong>the</strong> Hon. Walter Rothschild first<br />

commissioned Alfred Stanley Meek to collect for him in what was <strong>the</strong>n a l<strong>and</strong> almost<br />

completely unknown to <strong>the</strong> west. Today Papua New Guineans engage in <strong>insect</strong> collecting<br />

<strong>and</strong> farming in order to provide an income by selling butterflies <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong>s to<br />

organisations such as <strong>the</strong> Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency (IFTA).<br />

This income generating activity has received international acclaim for achieving both a<br />

sustainable income for <strong>the</strong> rural poor <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea, who are severely limited in<br />

opportunities to earn a cash income, <strong>and</strong> an incentive for <strong>the</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong> natural<br />

resources.<br />

The paper will examine <strong>the</strong> broad development context in which Insect Collecting <strong>and</strong><br />

Farming is conducted, <strong>the</strong> history <strong>and</strong> development <strong>of</strong> contemporary conservation thought<br />

(both internationally <strong>and</strong> within Papua New Guinea) <strong>and</strong> in what way <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong><br />

collecting fits into this framework, as well as <strong>the</strong> manner in which <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong><br />

collecting developed in Papua New Guinea. Subsequently, through an analysis <strong>of</strong> IFTA’s<br />

purchasing records (1995 to 2002) <strong>and</strong> four case studies, <strong>the</strong> manner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> uptake,<br />

longevity <strong>and</strong> <strong>success</strong> <strong>of</strong> IFTA as well as <strong>the</strong> process <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> trading shall be<br />

established.<br />

10


Due to <strong>the</strong> time <strong>and</strong> logistical constraints it has only been possible to study one<br />

<strong>insect</strong>-purchasing organisation within Papua New Guinea. IFTA was chosen as it is <strong>the</strong><br />

largest <strong>and</strong> longest running organisation <strong>of</strong> its kind. The paper will focus on providing a<br />

broad contextual introduction to <strong>the</strong> research area, <strong>and</strong> an in depth analysis <strong>of</strong> IFTA’s<br />

position within <strong>the</strong> current development framework in Papua New Guinea, ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />

attempting a complete description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> uptake <strong>and</strong> longevity <strong>of</strong> all collectors <strong>and</strong> farmers<br />

within <strong>the</strong> country.<br />

11


Chapter 1<br />

Post Independent Papua New Guinea<br />

Colonial History<br />

The isl<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> New Guinea is believed to have been populated for <strong>the</strong> past 50000 years with<br />

<strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong>s first settlers coming from South East Asia. The first Europeans to discover this<br />

vast isl<strong>and</strong> were <strong>the</strong> Portuguese. In 1526 it was named Ilhas dos Papuas (Isl<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Fuzzy Haired People) by Jorge de Meneses. Subsequently ano<strong>the</strong>r Portuguese named <strong>the</strong><br />

isl<strong>and</strong> New Guinea in 1545 as he thought that <strong>the</strong> coastline was reminiscent <strong>of</strong> Equatorial<br />

Guinea in West Africa. These dates mark <strong>the</strong> first <strong>of</strong>ficial recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> by <strong>the</strong><br />

West but products originating from New Guinea had been items <strong>of</strong> trade for several<br />

hundred years before <strong>the</strong> Portuguese discovery. The main items <strong>of</strong> trade were plumes from<br />

<strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong>’s remarkable Birds <strong>of</strong> Paradise. Plumes have been found as far as Persia dating<br />

back to <strong>the</strong> 16 th century. The trade in plumes occurred alongside an increasing dem<strong>and</strong> for<br />

spices (mace, cinnamon <strong>and</strong> nutmeg) that originated from <strong>the</strong> Moluccan Isl<strong>and</strong>s to <strong>the</strong> west<br />

<strong>of</strong> mainl<strong>and</strong> New Guinea. The European market for <strong>the</strong>se spices led to <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong><br />

a Dutch colony on <strong>the</strong> Moluccan Isl<strong>and</strong>s. Initial trips to mainl<strong>and</strong> New Guinea from this<br />

colony revealed no evidence <strong>of</strong> spices to be found <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> interest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonial powers<br />

extending <strong>the</strong>ir influence onto <strong>the</strong> mainl<strong>and</strong> subsided. However, although <strong>the</strong> Dutch had no<br />

economic interest in mainl<strong>and</strong> New Guinea at that time <strong>the</strong>y did annex <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> up to <strong>the</strong><br />

140 parallel. This territory was administrated by <strong>the</strong> Sultans from <strong>the</strong> Moluccan Isl<strong>and</strong>s.<br />

During <strong>the</strong> 18 th century several expeditions were made by <strong>the</strong> French <strong>and</strong> British to chart<br />

<strong>the</strong> coast <strong>of</strong> New Guinea <strong>and</strong> to extend colonial influence over this region. Yet it wasn’t<br />

until <strong>the</strong> late 19 th century that <strong>the</strong> Eastern half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> was annexed by colonial<br />

13


powers. On 3 November 1884 <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>ast section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> New Guinea was<br />

declared a German protectorate <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> 6 th November <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>ast section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong><br />

was declared a British protectorate (Moore, 1989). The British interest in <strong>the</strong> south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

isl<strong>and</strong> was mainly strategic; <strong>the</strong>y saw little economic advantage to be gained from <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

colonial possession. The Germans on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> saw <strong>the</strong> colony <strong>of</strong> New Guinea as an<br />

economic venture <strong>and</strong> hoped to establish pr<strong>of</strong>itable trading companies <strong>and</strong> produce cash<br />

crops through <strong>the</strong> exploitation <strong>of</strong> a cheap supply <strong>of</strong> local labour. On <strong>the</strong> outbreak <strong>of</strong> WWI<br />

<strong>the</strong> Australian Army took control <strong>of</strong> German New Guinea <strong>and</strong> from 1921 to 1942 it was<br />

known as <strong>the</strong> M<strong>and</strong>ated Territory <strong>of</strong> New Guinea. It was during this period that <strong>the</strong> first<br />

explorations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interior <strong>of</strong> New Guinea took place. The explorations were driven by<br />

gold prospectors who had crossed <strong>the</strong> Bulolo River in 1922 <strong>and</strong> found gold on <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> eastern highl<strong>and</strong>s (Waiko, 1993). Fur<strong>the</strong>r exploration led, in 1926, to a large find <strong>of</strong><br />

gold at Eddie Creek which lies close to Wau <strong>and</strong> Bulolo in <strong>the</strong> Owen Stanley Ranges.<br />

Dredges that were flown in piece by piece by gold mining companies can still be seen<br />

scattered along <strong>the</strong> roadside from Wau to Bulolo <strong>and</strong> indeed gold prospecting continues<br />

<strong>the</strong>re today. It is now on a much smaller scale than in <strong>the</strong> heyday <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1930s when <strong>the</strong><br />

airstrip at Wau was <strong>the</strong> busiest in <strong>the</strong> world <strong>and</strong> received more airfreight than <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong><br />

Australia. Michael Leahy established himself as a gold prospector in Eddie Creek <strong>and</strong> in<br />

<strong>the</strong> 1930s he went on to mount several prospecting expeditions during which he <strong>and</strong> his<br />

bro<strong>the</strong>rs were some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first westerners to travel to <strong>the</strong> interior <strong>of</strong> New Guinea. New<br />

Guinea’s interior was not, after all, an uninhabited jumble <strong>of</strong> cloud-shrouded mountain<br />

ranges but <strong>the</strong> most thickly populated <strong>and</strong> fertile area in New Guinea <strong>and</strong>, as we now know,<br />

supports in an eternal spring climate <strong>the</strong> most colourful <strong>and</strong> decorative primitives in <strong>the</strong><br />

world (Leahy, 1991).<br />

14


During WWII <strong>the</strong>re was conflict both on mainl<strong>and</strong> New Guinea <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> neighbouring<br />

isl<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> New Britain. The conflict increased <strong>the</strong> awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Australian public to New<br />

Guinea, indeed more Australian troops died <strong>the</strong>re during <strong>the</strong> war than had previously set<br />

foot on <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> (Waiko, 1993). Australia regained control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eastern half<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> in 1945 after partial occupation by Japanese troops. In 1945 <strong>the</strong> Australian<br />

government passed <strong>the</strong> Papua New Guinea provisional act stating that Papua <strong>and</strong> New<br />

Guinea were to be administered as a single territory (Waiko, 1993). During <strong>the</strong> period<br />

following World War II <strong>and</strong> until 1975 Papua New Guinea was once again administered by<br />

Australia. In 1947, following <strong>the</strong> Papua New Guinea act <strong>the</strong>, territories <strong>of</strong> Papua <strong>and</strong> New<br />

Guinea were administered as <strong>the</strong> single territory <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea. During <strong>the</strong> period<br />

1945 to 1960 Australia had attempted to isolate Papua New Guinea from <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

world, owing to fears <strong>of</strong> neighbouring Indonesia’s ambitions for New Guinea <strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong><br />

potential economic benefits that PNG’s mineral wealth might have to <strong>of</strong>fer. From 1960<br />

Australia came under increasing pressure from <strong>the</strong> UN <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank to relinquish<br />

control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> territory from <strong>the</strong> United Nations <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank. Decision-making<br />

power was gradually devolved to Port Moresby [from Canberra], <strong>and</strong> greater emphasis was<br />

given to indigenous participation in <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> policy (Wakai, 1993). The<br />

constitutional development leading towards eventual Self-Governance on 1 December 1973<br />

<strong>and</strong> Independence on 16 September 1975 was a process in which Papua New Guineans<br />

contributed significantly to <strong>the</strong> building <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir young nation (Deklin, 1989). However,<br />

independence for PNG on 16 September 1975 was not <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> national consensus. The<br />

majority <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guineans were ei<strong>the</strong>r not concerned, against, or not committed.<br />

Instead, <strong>the</strong> political change was effected by was <strong>the</strong> doing <strong>of</strong> a small group <strong>of</strong> people led<br />

15


y <strong>the</strong> Pangu Party <strong>and</strong> its sympathisers in <strong>the</strong> House <strong>of</strong> Assembly. Many people were not<br />

sure <strong>of</strong> what independence would bring for <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> country (Pokawin in Kavanamar<br />

et al., 2003).<br />

Economic Development<br />

The economy <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea is dominated by <strong>the</strong> agricultural <strong>and</strong> mining sectors.<br />

With circa 80% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population being rural subsistence farmers <strong>the</strong> informal agricultural<br />

sector is important for a high proportion <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guineans. Rapid monetisation <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> economy has seen <strong>the</strong> transition to semi-subsistence agriculture where rural household<br />

production is not only consumed but surplus marketed (Gumoi, 2003) (see photographs 1, 2<br />

<strong>and</strong> 3. The average earnings for participants in <strong>the</strong> informal sector is K275 (Sowei et al.,<br />

2003). The agriculture sector contributes around a quarter <strong>of</strong> total output in Papua New<br />

Guinea, employs about two-thirds <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work force <strong>and</strong> contributes more than 10% <strong>of</strong><br />

export earnings (Connell, 1997). In 1999 <strong>the</strong> export <strong>of</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee, cocoa, copra <strong>and</strong> palm oil<br />

earned K930.l3 million.<br />

Since <strong>the</strong> inception <strong>of</strong> an independent Papua New Guinea <strong>the</strong> country’s economy has<br />

grown to be dependant on mineral production <strong>and</strong> export. Until 1989 <strong>the</strong> Bougainville<br />

copper mine was <strong>the</strong> single most important component <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy. The mine, which<br />

came into production in <strong>the</strong> same month <strong>of</strong> 1972 that <strong>the</strong> first national government was<br />

formed, generated substantial income for its owners <strong>and</strong>, through taxation, for <strong>the</strong><br />

government (Connell, 1997). The production <strong>of</strong> copper at <strong>the</strong> mine ceased abruptly due to<br />

<strong>the</strong> “Bougainville crisis” which saw a civil uprising occur in <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong>. Civil unrest<br />

16


initially began due to <strong>the</strong> impact that <strong>the</strong> mine was having on local villages, concerning<br />

both <strong>the</strong> environmental damage <strong>and</strong> compensation claims. The largest mines that are still in<br />

production are OK Tedi, Porgera <strong>and</strong> Lihir. In 1999 earnings from oil, gold <strong>and</strong> copper<br />

amounted to K2301.<br />

The large scale mining operations in Papua New Guinea have created localised areas <strong>of</strong><br />

relatively high income for Papua New Guineans (see Maps 2 <strong>and</strong> 3). The mines create<br />

employment opportunities for people within <strong>the</strong> locale <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mine site <strong>and</strong> for those that<br />

are able to migrate to it. As part <strong>of</strong> l<strong>and</strong>owner compensation packages mining companies<br />

such as BHP at Ok Tedi paid for electricity, roads <strong>and</strong> High School fees. This process <strong>of</strong><br />

uneven development, that has occurred throughout PNG over <strong>the</strong> past thirty years,<br />

continues today.<br />

Mining <strong>and</strong> logging operations provide significant localised<br />

improvements to living conditions such as electricity, roads <strong>and</strong> health clinics. However,<br />

<strong>the</strong>se amenities are only maintained for <strong>the</strong> duration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> operation, <strong>and</strong> rapidly fall into<br />

disrepair once it has ceased. This type <strong>of</strong> infrastructure provision, is <strong>the</strong>refore, short-term<br />

<strong>and</strong> unsustainable, yet it still helps to foster a feeling <strong>of</strong> prosperity within communities..<br />

Rural people are willing to accept environmentally damaging practices such as<br />

unmonitored logging due to <strong>the</strong>se benefits <strong>and</strong> a knowledge that <strong>the</strong> government is too<br />

weak to provide <strong>the</strong>m with adequate services.<br />

Papua New Guinea’s immature transport network <strong>and</strong> obstructive topography intensify <strong>the</strong><br />

country’s developing spatial inequalities (Clarke, 1980).While working in <strong>the</strong> relatively<br />

remote North Coast mountain range <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea on an Integrated Conservation<br />

<strong>and</strong> Development project <strong>the</strong> author experienced first h<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> desire for communities to<br />

have <strong>the</strong>ir share <strong>of</strong> ‘development’. Communities in this area were aware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> short-term<br />

17


enefits that could accrue from mining <strong>and</strong> forestry projects. They were keen to see <strong>the</strong><br />

provision <strong>of</strong> roads <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r services regardless <strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> long-term outcome might<br />

do more harm than good.<br />

When compared to South East Asian countries, PNG’s overall economic growth<br />

performance <strong>and</strong> development between 1976 <strong>and</strong> 1999 has been relatively erratic, sluggish<br />

<strong>and</strong> falls short <strong>of</strong> its potential (Gumoi, 2003).<br />

Population Growth <strong>and</strong> Urbanisation<br />

Since independence Papua New Guinea has witnessed a high level <strong>of</strong> population growth,<br />

which now lies roughly at 2.3%, <strong>and</strong> although a large percentage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population remains<br />

in rural areas, urban centres are continuing to exp<strong>and</strong>. The significant movement <strong>of</strong> people<br />

within PNG has occurred since Papua New Guineans first began to work in coastal<br />

plantations. Today workers volunteer, but previously for <strong>the</strong> most part <strong>the</strong>y were pressed<br />

into labour (Sillitoe, 2000).<br />

An example <strong>of</strong> displaced populations is in Bulolo in Morobe province. Workers were<br />

brought to <strong>the</strong> area in <strong>the</strong> 1950s, from <strong>the</strong> Sepik, in order to work on forestry plantations.<br />

Yet now <strong>the</strong> Bulolo forestry sector is in decline <strong>and</strong> many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> immigrants descendents<br />

are unable to find work. The situation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se people in Bulolo contradicts <strong>the</strong> common<br />

held romantic notion that everybody in Papua New Guinea has l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> both <strong>the</strong> means to<br />

grow food <strong>and</strong> hunt for meat (i.e. that even if people aren’t cash rich <strong>the</strong>y are at least l<strong>and</strong><br />

rich). This is increasingly not <strong>the</strong> case. People in rural areas feel that <strong>the</strong>y aren’t receiving<br />

18


<strong>the</strong> ‘development’ that <strong>the</strong>y should be, leading to frustration with <strong>the</strong>ir lot <strong>and</strong> a desire to<br />

leave <strong>the</strong>ir l<strong>and</strong> to seek jobs in urban areas.<br />

There has been a belief within rural communities since <strong>the</strong> 1950s that <strong>the</strong> towns <strong>of</strong> Papua<br />

New Guinea are places where one could earn cash <strong>and</strong>, with that cash, gain <strong>the</strong> desirable<br />

products <strong>of</strong> a modernising economy (Skeldon, 1978). This is opposed to <strong>the</strong> situation that<br />

was <strong>and</strong> still is found in isolated rural areas where both cash <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> trappings <strong>of</strong> modernity<br />

are lacking. However, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> migrants to urban areas have been unable to cash in on<br />

<strong>the</strong> modern economy that is emerging in Papua New Guinea.<br />

With Papua New Guinea in <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> an economic downturn job prospects in <strong>the</strong><br />

country’s urban centres are low. Throughout <strong>the</strong>re is a very low level <strong>of</strong> confidence in <strong>the</strong><br />

integrity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government <strong>and</strong> many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rural population are disheartened with what<br />

<strong>the</strong>y perceive as many years <strong>of</strong> neglect <strong>and</strong> empty promises by a <strong>success</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> weak <strong>and</strong><br />

corrupt governments.<br />

A direct consequence <strong>of</strong> urban immigration, poverty <strong>and</strong> deprivation has been <strong>the</strong><br />

development <strong>of</strong> a high crime rate in urban areas. Crime is a major problem within centres<br />

such as Mt. Hagen, Wewak, Lae <strong>and</strong> Port Moresby. Fear <strong>and</strong> a siege mentality have taken<br />

over many people <strong>and</strong> not only within <strong>the</strong> expatriate community. The 1980s saw <strong>the</strong><br />

beginning <strong>of</strong> high barbed wire fences, guard dogs <strong>and</strong> armed guards - features that are now<br />

widespread throughout Papua New Guinea (Harris, 1988). Rascal is <strong>the</strong> Pidgin English<br />

word for any type <strong>of</strong> criminal within Papua New Guinea <strong>and</strong> is in common usage. The rise<br />

<strong>of</strong> rascalism has been ineffectually tackled by an under trained <strong>and</strong> undermanned police<br />

19


force. Highlighting <strong>the</strong> weaknesses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> police force is <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> private security<br />

firms on almost every street corner, in what is essentially a privatisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> police.<br />

Rascal gangs are exploiting <strong>the</strong> opportunity for criminal activity in this climate. However,<br />

problems with law <strong>and</strong> order situation however can easily be over exaggerated through a<br />

process <strong>of</strong> disseminated rumours <strong>and</strong> irresponsible media, especially within Australia.<br />

Fragmentation <strong>and</strong> tension between l<strong>and</strong>owners <strong>and</strong> migrants in <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> l<strong>and</strong> shortages,<br />

growing urban unemployment, bureaucratic ineptitude <strong>and</strong> political corruption – hastening<br />

privatisation – have all contributed to disarray <strong>and</strong> division (Connell, 1997). Also within<br />

urban centres <strong>the</strong> divide between <strong>the</strong> have <strong>and</strong> have nots is getting wider, “<strong>the</strong> rich,<br />

including politicians, dine in restaurants <strong>and</strong> drive <strong>the</strong> latest model cars with tinted glass<br />

while <strong>the</strong> poor try to make ends meet by selling empty bottles <strong>and</strong> betel nut (NRI, 1992).<br />

Environment <strong>and</strong> Development<br />

Forward thinking during <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution in <strong>the</strong> early 1970s led to <strong>the</strong><br />

fourth goal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Goals <strong>and</strong> Directive Principles that was “for Papua New<br />

Guinea’s natural resources <strong>and</strong> environment to be conserved <strong>and</strong> used for <strong>the</strong> collective<br />

benefit for us all, <strong>and</strong> be replenished for <strong>the</strong> benefit <strong>of</strong> future generations” (Kwa, 2003).<br />

Skilfully interwoven, <strong>the</strong> National Goals <strong>and</strong> Directives Principles…[in 1974] form[ed] a<br />

powerful statement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> type <strong>of</strong> society our country aspires to <strong>and</strong> a fine antecedent<br />

statement on sustainable development…<strong>the</strong> exhilaration <strong>of</strong> those early days passed some<br />

time ago (Hill, 1993).<br />

20


Due to PNG’s dependence on natural resources for its economy it has been somewhat<br />

difficult for <strong>success</strong>ive governments to adhere to <strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> sustainable development. After<br />

twenty years <strong>of</strong> independence, an appraisal was made <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘environmental friendliness’<br />

impact <strong>of</strong> current development practices in Papua New Guinea. The report noted that “In<br />

some areas PNG’s natural resources have been ruthlessly destroyed by largely foreign<br />

companies which have not contributed sufficiently to PNG’s prosperity…They have been<br />

permitted to do so by a corrupt <strong>and</strong> selfish political leadership which has facilitated such<br />

short term plundering <strong>of</strong> PNG’s natural resource heritage (Planning <strong>the</strong> New Century<br />

Committee, 1998).<br />

Conclusion<br />

Papua New Guinea finds itself today with dependence on natural resource exploitation,<br />

inequitable distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth <strong>and</strong> increasing urban populations with associated crime<br />

<strong>and</strong> deprivation. Also its position on <strong>the</strong> UNDP Human Development Index has declined<br />

over <strong>the</strong> past decade from 126 to a current position <strong>of</strong> 133 out <strong>of</strong> 179 countries (UNDP,<br />

1993 & 2003).<br />

This brief review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> development within PNG indicates <strong>the</strong> difficult <strong>and</strong><br />

perhaps impossible situation facing grassroots income generation projects, such as <strong>the</strong><br />

Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency.<br />

21


Chapter 2<br />

International <strong>and</strong> Papua New Guinean Conservation<br />

History <strong>of</strong> Conservation Thought<br />

In <strong>the</strong> hundred <strong>and</strong> twenty year period since <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s first national park<br />

in Yellowstone to <strong>the</strong> present day <strong>the</strong>re has been an enormous upswell in general public<br />

concern for nature. In <strong>the</strong> global north <strong>and</strong> increasingly in <strong>the</strong> global south <strong>the</strong>re has been a<br />

change in conception <strong>of</strong> nature from something that should be dominated by man to a<br />

construct that, increasingly, is to be nurtured.<br />

Poll data shows that <strong>the</strong> environment is an urgent <strong>and</strong> growing issue among global south<br />

mass publics, who are critical <strong>of</strong> government passivity <strong>and</strong> corporate corruption <strong>and</strong> are<br />

mobilising <strong>the</strong>mselves in thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> local movements. Unlike in <strong>the</strong> north, sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />

greens are not effectively organised as national parties but form networks <strong>of</strong> grass roots<br />

environmental groups led by elites <strong>and</strong> thus have direct access to decision makers in<br />

leading sectors. Although sou<strong>the</strong>rn green discourse is not highly developed in terms <strong>of</strong><br />

ideological <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical consistency it has <strong>the</strong> advantage <strong>of</strong> substituting <strong>the</strong> apocalyptic<br />

quasi-religious style <strong>of</strong> its nor<strong>the</strong>rn counterpart for a scientific discourse that is easier for<br />

elites to swallow (Peritore, 1999). Whatever <strong>the</strong> cause behind this general increase in<br />

environmentalist thought, <strong>the</strong> attending shift in public opinion <strong>and</strong> subsequent impacts on<br />

policy formation will be an important contributing factor to conservation practice in <strong>the</strong><br />

future.<br />

24


By <strong>the</strong> 19 th century ideas about nature, whe<strong>the</strong>r as an economic resource that needed<br />

conserving <strong>and</strong> exploiting, or as a precious reservoir <strong>of</strong> unchanged wilderness, were an<br />

important element in colonial ideology, at both home <strong>and</strong> abroad (Adams & Mulligan,<br />

2003). Initially in <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom <strong>and</strong> throughout <strong>the</strong> British Empire <strong>the</strong> conservation<br />

arena was dominated by those <strong>of</strong> an aristocratic background driven to conserve nature due<br />

to <strong>the</strong>ir concerns about <strong>the</strong> over exploitation <strong>of</strong> wildlife <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> animals for<br />

big game hunting. These concerns <strong>and</strong> motivations crystallised in <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Society for <strong>the</strong> Protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fauna <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Empire (SPFE) in 1903. The concerns <strong>of</strong> this<br />

group were not only based on utilitarian principles but were also driven by <strong>the</strong><br />

romanticisation <strong>of</strong> nature. The society had, due to <strong>the</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> its membership, an<br />

ability to lobby government <strong>and</strong> assisted with <strong>the</strong> “protectionist” agenda.<br />

The central strategy that arose from this environmental concern was <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong><br />

reserves, particularly for forests, for example in <strong>the</strong> West Indies (eighteenth century), India<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> South African Cape (nineteenth century) (Adams & Hulme, 2001). The formation<br />

<strong>of</strong> National parks at beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20 th century led on from <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />

reserves, <strong>and</strong> effected a realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> core principles behind <strong>the</strong> conservation<br />

movement during this period. A shift in <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> what nature was meant to be had<br />

occurred, <strong>and</strong> a concept <strong>of</strong> retaining a natural wilderness came to <strong>the</strong> fore. The idea <strong>of</strong><br />

wilderness as somewhere yet to be industrialised or o<strong>the</strong>rwise utilised by man was<br />

beginning to recede. The concept <strong>of</strong> a ‘pristine nature’ to be conserved from <strong>the</strong> ravages <strong>of</strong><br />

man was defined. Motivations were driven by <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> stewardship, with<br />

connotations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> separation <strong>of</strong> “civilised” man from nature.<br />

25


The principles <strong>of</strong> this protectionist conservation continued through <strong>the</strong> twentieth century.<br />

Following <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> World War Two, increasingly formal regimes <strong>of</strong> conservation<br />

administration were established (Adams & Hulme, 2001). People were <strong>of</strong>ficially prohibited<br />

from living inside Serengeti <strong>and</strong> all future park boundaries in 1959, setting <strong>the</strong> template for<br />

conservation programmes to come (Levine, 2002). Policy was <strong>of</strong>ten based on a coercive<br />

form <strong>of</strong> protectionism that ignored <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> local people (Metcalfe, 1995 cited in<br />

Hackel, 1999). Common elements <strong>of</strong> protectionism included hunting restrictions, protected<br />

species designations <strong>and</strong> game reserve establishment (usually excluding people from<br />

protected areas) (Carru<strong>the</strong>rs, 1993 cited in Hackel, 1999).<br />

Integrating Conservation <strong>and</strong> Development<br />

The strategy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> protected areas continues to <strong>the</strong> present day but from <strong>the</strong><br />

1970s onwards <strong>the</strong>re was a growing realisation that protectionism alone would not achieve<br />

<strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong> nature. These sentiments came both from conservation<br />

biology <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> social sciences. In 1980 <strong>the</strong> IUCN, along with <strong>the</strong> UNEP <strong>and</strong> WWF,<br />

produced <strong>the</strong> World Conservation Strategy (WCS). The WCS was intended to show ‘how<br />

conservation can contribute to <strong>the</strong> development objectives <strong>of</strong> governments, industry <strong>and</strong><br />

commerce, organised labour <strong>and</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essions’, as well as being <strong>the</strong> first time that<br />

development was suggested ‘as a major means <strong>of</strong> achieving conservation, instead <strong>of</strong> being<br />

viewed as an obstruction to it’ (Allen, 1980 cited in Adams, 1990). Increased levels <strong>of</strong><br />

poaching <strong>and</strong> encroachment onto protected areas during <strong>the</strong> 1980s exposed weakness in <strong>the</strong><br />

premise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘fences <strong>and</strong> fines’ approach to conservation. In <strong>the</strong> 1980s writers from a<br />

variety <strong>of</strong> social science disciplines began to heavily criticise <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong><br />

26


national park policies for <strong>the</strong>ir disregard <strong>of</strong> local property claims <strong>and</strong> human rights<br />

(Neuman, 1998).<br />

Publications such as Our Common Future (Brundtl<strong>and</strong>, 1987), that presented <strong>the</strong> concept<br />

that conservation <strong>and</strong> development could now work toge<strong>the</strong>r, afforded new perceptions that<br />

were realised in <strong>the</strong> strategy <strong>of</strong> community conservation. It appeared that simply through<br />

linking livelihoods with conservation, previous thoughts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> complete incompatibility<br />

between <strong>the</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong> natural resources <strong>and</strong> human development could be overcome.<br />

Thus, with a general acceptance that a solely protectionist method was a failure, <strong>the</strong>se new<br />

strategies were developed in <strong>the</strong> mid-1980s. The ‘new conservation’ aimed to achieve <strong>the</strong><br />

goal <strong>of</strong> conservation with <strong>the</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> local communities. This was because it was<br />

surmised that without <strong>the</strong> support <strong>of</strong> people within <strong>the</strong> locale <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conservation activity,<br />

<strong>the</strong> activity itself would be doomed to fail. There was a realisation that <strong>the</strong> gap that had<br />

been created between man <strong>and</strong> nature needed to be bridged.<br />

Community conservation projects came under several titles including Integrated<br />

Conservation <strong>and</strong> Development Projects (ICDPs), Community Based Natural Resource<br />

Management (CBNRM) <strong>and</strong> Community Based Conservation. This style <strong>of</strong> strategy,<br />

termed ‘community conservation’ had <strong>the</strong> premise <strong>of</strong> linking a ‘community’ ‘to<br />

biodiversity’. However, ‘although an alluring idea to policy makers, community<br />

conservation is no panacea, <strong>and</strong> can be problematic in implementation’<br />

(Adams & Hulme, 2001). Integrated Conservation <strong>and</strong> Development Projects (ICDPs) had<br />

<strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> creating <strong>the</strong> ability for populations within or near to an area <strong>of</strong> conservation<br />

interest to develop economically <strong>and</strong> socially without impinging on <strong>the</strong> goals <strong>of</strong><br />

27


iodiversity conservation. The key feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> linked incentive strategy involves<br />

developing dependant relationships between <strong>the</strong> biodiversity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> surrounding people<br />

(Salafsky & Wollenberg, 2000). Community conservation was taken up as <strong>the</strong> perfect<br />

solution to <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> biodiversity conservation but in <strong>the</strong> years since <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> first ICDP in 1985 <strong>the</strong> strategy has received a lot <strong>of</strong> criticism from those both in <strong>the</strong><br />

biological <strong>and</strong> social sciences. Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> projects that started with such promise have<br />

been deemed failures, although <strong>the</strong>re have some exceptions to this. Mogelgaard (2003)<br />

gives examples <strong>of</strong> both <strong>success</strong>es <strong>and</strong> failures <strong>of</strong> ICDPs; <strong>the</strong> Annapurna Conservation Area,<br />

Nepal, <strong>the</strong> Amboro National Park, Bolivia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bwindi Impenetrable Forest, Ug<strong>and</strong>a<br />

have all been deemed <strong>success</strong>es whereas <strong>the</strong> Monarch Butterfly Overwintering Reserves,<br />

Mexico <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lak ICDP, Papua New Guinea are all regarded as failures.<br />

The failures that have occurred with ‘new conservation’ do not mean that this framework<br />

for conservation should be ab<strong>and</strong>oned. Ra<strong>the</strong>r than treating past projects as abject failures<br />

planning <strong>and</strong> implementation for future projects needs to absorb lessons that have been<br />

learned. ICDPs need longer time frames, <strong>and</strong> should emphasise adaptive management<br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r than detailed blueprint planning. There is a need to focus on <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> sets<br />

<strong>of</strong> institutions that are effectively linked <strong>and</strong> that can exercise checks <strong>and</strong> balances over<br />

each o<strong>the</strong>r. Finally community-private business partnerships must be streng<strong>the</strong>ned so that<br />

higher value forms <strong>of</strong> wildlife utilisation can be developed <strong>and</strong> benefits shared more<br />

equitably with local residents (Hulme <strong>and</strong> Murphree, 2001).<br />

28


Sustainable Use <strong>of</strong> Wild Populations<br />

Alongside attempts to reconcile <strong>the</strong> goals <strong>of</strong> conservation <strong>and</strong> development in recent years<br />

<strong>the</strong>re has been a growing acceptance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> market in conservation whe<strong>the</strong>r it be<br />

through <strong>the</strong> sustainable production <strong>of</strong> wildlife or <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> eco-tourism in funding<br />

conservation projects. If species <strong>and</strong> habitats are to be conserved <strong>the</strong>y must not be protected<br />

from market forces as that will place <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> an inefficient state causing <strong>the</strong>m<br />

to degrade as rent-seeking public <strong>of</strong>ficials take bribes from poachers <strong>and</strong> timber companies.<br />

Ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y must be fully exposed to a market where <strong>the</strong>ir uniqueness <strong>and</strong> scarcity will lead<br />

to high economic values being placed upon <strong>the</strong>m so that <strong>the</strong> likelihood <strong>of</strong> conservation is<br />

greatly enhanced (Hulme & Murphree, 1999). Levine (2002) cites a statement made by<br />

President Nyerere <strong>of</strong> Tanganyika: “I personally am not interested in animals. I do not want<br />

to spend my holidays watching crocodiles. Never<strong>the</strong>less, I am entirely in favour <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

survival. I believe that after diamonds <strong>and</strong> sisal, wild animals will provide Tanganyika with<br />

its greatest source <strong>of</strong> income. Thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Americans <strong>and</strong> Europeans have <strong>the</strong> strange<br />

urge to see <strong>the</strong>se animals.”<br />

Throughout <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> mankind, harvesting <strong>of</strong> wild species has been a vital part <strong>of</strong><br />

human survival. The direct use <strong>of</strong> wild living resources still remains an imperative choice<br />

for many people (Hutton & Leader-Williams, 2003). Although many industrialised<br />

countries have come to have less dependence on <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> wild animal populations <strong>the</strong>se<br />

countries still have dem<strong>and</strong>s on wildlife. Use <strong>of</strong> wild species remains an important need<br />

<strong>and</strong> choice for many rural livelihoods (S<strong>and</strong>erson & Prendergast, 2002 cited in Hutton &<br />

29


Leader-Williams, 2003). Nearly 40% <strong>of</strong> a sample <strong>of</strong> non-agricultural <strong>and</strong> non-industrialised<br />

societies heavily depend on fishing, c. 33% depend on ga<strong>the</strong>ring, <strong>and</strong> 28% depend on <strong>the</strong><br />

hunting <strong>of</strong> terrestrial resources (Ingold et al., 1988).<br />

It has been recognised that <strong>the</strong> over exploitative use <strong>of</strong> wild species in <strong>the</strong> past has been a<br />

major driver for human caused extinctions. Over hunting was <strong>the</strong> first factor in Diamond’s<br />

(1987) ‘chains <strong>of</strong> extinction’. A famous example is <strong>the</strong> over hunting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Moa to<br />

extinction in New Zeal<strong>and</strong>, ‘It was long argued whe<strong>the</strong>r Moas died out before or after <strong>the</strong><br />

Maori colonisation <strong>of</strong> New Zeal<strong>and</strong> around 1000AD… The argument has now been settled,<br />

because bones <strong>of</strong> almost all Moa species have been found in close association with humans.<br />

Radiocarbon dates show that <strong>the</strong> Moas became extinct within about 500 years <strong>of</strong> human<br />

arrival’ (Diamond, 1987).<br />

Article 2 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CBD (cited in Hutton & Leader-Williams, 2003) defines sustainable use as<br />

“<strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> components <strong>of</strong> biological diversity in a way <strong>and</strong> at a rate that does not lead to<br />

<strong>the</strong> long-term decline <strong>of</strong> biological diversity, <strong>the</strong>reby maintaining its potential to meet <strong>the</strong><br />

needs <strong>and</strong> aspirations <strong>of</strong> present <strong>and</strong> future generations”. Although this definition <strong>of</strong><br />

sustainable use came at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20 th century it can be seen that <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

need for conservation <strong>of</strong> populations <strong>of</strong> species has been apparent for a long period. There<br />

is a need for <strong>the</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong> wild stocks whe<strong>the</strong>r it is purely for economic gain, or<br />

feelings <strong>of</strong> moral obligation. However, harvested wild animal populations continue to<br />

decline even with this underst<strong>and</strong>ing alongside scientific <strong>and</strong> administrative input. The<br />

history <strong>of</strong> management <strong>of</strong> natural resources has shown little evidence <strong>of</strong> sustainability<br />

(Ludwig, 1993 cited in Ludwig, 2001).<br />

30


Conservation in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> exploitation clearly means different things to different<br />

people. Some wish to preserve <strong>the</strong>ir ability to pr<strong>of</strong>it from animal ‘resources’, with little<br />

concern about long term declines in populations or impacts on ecosystems. O<strong>the</strong>rs are more<br />

interested in minimising risks <strong>of</strong> extinctions or targeted species <strong>and</strong> minimising impacts on<br />

ecosystem function (Reynolds et al., 2001).<br />

There is increasing evidence that, particularly where habitat loss is a critical threat to<br />

species, sustainable use may be <strong>the</strong> chief mechanism through which conservation is<br />

achieved (Hutton & Dickson, 2001). Because <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> wild living resources remains an<br />

essential livelihood strategy for many, use that is biologically sustainable, with <strong>the</strong><br />

potential to provide incentives for conservation, seems a clear goal for which to strive<br />

(Hutton & Leader-Williams, 2003).<br />

The logic behind this proposition is that revenues generated by <strong>the</strong> commercial<br />

consumptive use <strong>of</strong> wild species will provide economic incentives for sound management<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> harvested populations (Freese, 1997). This relatively new approach by <strong>the</strong><br />

conservation community has been developed due to <strong>the</strong> realisation that protected areas<br />

cannot be depended on fully in <strong>the</strong> quest for <strong>the</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong> biodiversity. This approach<br />

has been implemented in many countries worldwide e.g. <strong>the</strong> CAMPFIRE project in<br />

Zimbabwe which “returns <strong>the</strong> right <strong>of</strong> rural communities to manage <strong>and</strong> use wildlife to<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir own benefit” (Hutton & Dickson, 2001).<br />

31


Papua New Guinean Conservation<br />

The practice <strong>of</strong> sustainable use has manifested itself in <strong>the</strong> Papua New Guinean Department<br />

<strong>of</strong> Environment <strong>and</strong> Conservation since <strong>the</strong> late 1970s. The government’s implementation<br />

<strong>of</strong> sustainable use projects was one facet <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> suite <strong>of</strong> conservation strategies that were<br />

initiated just after Papua New Guinea’s independence. It was recognised by policy makers<br />

that <strong>the</strong>re was a need for a flexible conservation strategy in a country with a mostly rural<br />

population <strong>and</strong> a subsistent economy dependant on forest resources such as timber <strong>and</strong><br />

animal products, for day-to-day survival. “In Papua New Guinea… at <strong>the</strong> present time <strong>the</strong><br />

protection <strong>of</strong> natural life-support systems such as <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> Wildlife<br />

Management Areas will satisfy <strong>the</strong> present needs for certain areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country, however,<br />

<strong>the</strong>re will be such a time in <strong>the</strong> future that intensive management is particularly important<br />

when we are facing <strong>the</strong> rapid disappearance <strong>of</strong> natural wildlife habitats. At <strong>the</strong> extreme <strong>the</strong><br />

approach to such intensive management is to set up self-sustaining “wildlife breeding<br />

farms” for certain important wildlife species without depending on supplies from wild<br />

populations.” (Liem et al. 1976)<br />

The Department <strong>of</strong> Wildlife policy <strong>and</strong> projects were guided by 8 principles that stemmed<br />

from <strong>the</strong> inception <strong>of</strong> long-term planning <strong>of</strong> wildlife conservation <strong>and</strong> management in<br />

Papua New Guinea in 1968 (Parker, 1978). The principles were as follows:<br />

• Wise <strong>and</strong> controlled utilisation <strong>of</strong> wildlife, aimed at maintaining traditional usage<br />

<strong>and</strong> not depleting wild populations<br />

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• Planning large-scale developments in order to minimise <strong>the</strong>ir impact on wildlife<br />

resources <strong>and</strong> habitat<br />

• Development <strong>and</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> legislation based on sound biological grounds,<br />

enabling <strong>the</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong> wildlife on traditionally owned l<strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong> full<br />

cooperation <strong>of</strong> l<strong>and</strong> owners<br />

• Development <strong>of</strong> management <strong>and</strong> husb<strong>and</strong>ry techniques for wildlife suitable for<br />

village use<br />

• Development <strong>of</strong> overseas <strong>and</strong> internal markets for wildlife <strong>and</strong> wildlife products<br />

• Establishment <strong>of</strong> Wildlife Management Areas in close cooperation with traditional<br />

l<strong>and</strong>owners<br />

• Assessment <strong>of</strong> wildlife resources <strong>and</strong> traditional utilisation, to make sure that any<br />

changes which may occur do not have a bad effect on <strong>the</strong>m<br />

• Maximising <strong>the</strong> benefits from <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> wildlife to <strong>the</strong> Papua New Guineans who<br />

own <strong>the</strong> wildlife<br />

Sustainable Use Projects in Papua New Guinea<br />

The principal <strong>of</strong> sustainable use has thus been a part <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinean conservation<br />

policy for as long as <strong>the</strong> country has existed. A number <strong>of</strong> sustainable use projects were<br />

initiated in <strong>the</strong> late 1970s by <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> L<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> Environment, which was <strong>the</strong><br />

precursor to <strong>the</strong> current Department <strong>of</strong> Environment <strong>and</strong> Conservation. There were three<br />

main farming projects; cassowary farming, crocodile farming <strong>and</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farming. The latter<br />

two are still functioning, albeit in slightly different guises, today.<br />

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The crocodile-farming project was initiated after it was realised that wild populations were<br />

beginning to be significantly impacted upon by hunting. In 1977 <strong>the</strong> United Nations<br />

Development Programme <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Food <strong>and</strong> Agriculture Association funded a large-scale<br />

project to “farm” crocodiles (Cherfas, 1979). Crocodile farming continues today with <strong>the</strong><br />

Mainl<strong>and</strong> Holdings crocodile farm in Lae supplying circa 9000 skins per annum to <strong>the</strong><br />

world market.<br />

The Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency was established began in 1978 in order to assist<br />

local communities in <strong>the</strong> collecting <strong>and</strong> farming <strong>of</strong> butterflies <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong>s. There was<br />

an increasing international dem<strong>and</strong> for Papua New Guinean <strong>insect</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong><br />

Wildlife was concerned over issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sustainability <strong>and</strong> equity <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> collecting.<br />

The history, uptake <strong>and</strong> <strong>success</strong> <strong>of</strong> this initiative shall be investigated in <strong>the</strong> following<br />

chapters.<br />

34


Chapter 3<br />

Butterfly Collection <strong>and</strong> Trade in Papua New Guinea<br />

The Origins <strong>of</strong> Butterfly Collecting<br />

The <strong>insect</strong>s Papua New Guinea are now renowned amongst collectors as being some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

most spectacular in <strong>the</strong> world. PNG is host to six species <strong>of</strong> Birdwing butterflies so called<br />

due to <strong>the</strong>ir wingspans that can reach up to 12 inches. The interest <strong>of</strong> Western collectors in<br />

<strong>the</strong> amazingly diverse fauna <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea can be traced back to <strong>the</strong> beginnings <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> Bird <strong>of</strong> Paradise plume trade 800 years ago as described in Chapter 1. ‘As early as <strong>the</strong><br />

17 th century impressive butterfly specimens had reached Europe from [<strong>the</strong> Moluccas]…The<br />

period marked <strong>the</strong> start <strong>of</strong> more concerted efforts as amassing natural history specimens<br />

from <strong>the</strong> tropics.’ (Parsons, 1999) (see photograph 4)<br />

The Western obsession with <strong>the</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea only truly began with <strong>the</strong><br />

expeditions <strong>of</strong> collectors such as Wallace <strong>and</strong> Meek in <strong>the</strong> late 19 th Century. Alfred<br />

Wallace made <strong>the</strong> first major collections <strong>of</strong> New Guinea’s fauna in <strong>the</strong> mid 1800s, amongst<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r finds he collected butterflies in what is now West Papua. He remarked that, “[t]he<br />

<strong>insect</strong>s <strong>of</strong> New Guinea are less known than <strong>the</strong> birds, but <strong>the</strong>y seem almost equally<br />

remarkable for fine forms <strong>and</strong> brilliant colours” (Wallace, 1869). In honour <strong>of</strong> his<br />

collecting achievements, <strong>the</strong> name wallacei has been used in <strong>the</strong> descriptions <strong>of</strong> New<br />

Guinean butterflies [<strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong>s] (Parsons, 1999). Walter Rothschild employed<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er Meek to collect in Papua New Guinea for his private Tring Museum from 1896.<br />

It was in 1906 that Meek happened upon <strong>the</strong> world’s largest butterfly, Ornithoptera<br />

35


alex<strong>and</strong>rae, in <strong>the</strong> plains <strong>of</strong> what is now Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Province. In <strong>the</strong> account <strong>of</strong> his<br />

adventures, A Naturalist in Cannibal L<strong>and</strong>, he describes his method <strong>of</strong> capture for a male <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> species, “One I shot with a shot-gun, but I lost <strong>the</strong> body because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wild nature <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> country”. Tales such as Meek’s <strong>and</strong> Wallace’s have enriched <strong>and</strong> enlivened <strong>the</strong> almost<br />

mythical status that Papua New Guinea still has today for many Westerners.<br />

Papua New Guinea continues to be an unknown quantity to those living in <strong>the</strong> west. There<br />

are many tales <strong>of</strong> cannibalism, unknown tribes <strong>and</strong> penis gourds that reinforce cultural<br />

stereotypes. In order to highlight Western misunderst<strong>and</strong>ings <strong>of</strong> Melanesia Sillitoe (2000)<br />

cites a newspaper article published in <strong>the</strong> Sunday Telegraph in 1998, “Neighbourhood<br />

disputes do not last long in <strong>the</strong> Highl<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea. If someone irritates you, a<br />

local sanguma, or hired assassin will kill him or her for <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> a stick <strong>of</strong> home-grown<br />

tobacco. For good measure <strong>the</strong> victim can also be eaten…In some cases people are<br />

sacrificing <strong>the</strong>n eating <strong>the</strong>ir own children”. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> comments made within this<br />

newspaper article were completely unfounded.<br />

The propagation <strong>of</strong> ‘urban myths’ <strong>of</strong> contemporary PNG combined with <strong>the</strong> unique nature<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fauna <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea feeds <strong>the</strong> desire <strong>of</strong> Western collectors who search for<br />

<strong>the</strong> exotic. Diversity <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinean fauna not only lies with <strong>the</strong> Birdwing<br />

Butterflies, Jewel Beetles or Birds <strong>of</strong> Paradise but with many o<strong>the</strong>r animals such as Treekangaroos,<br />

Cassowaries <strong>and</strong> Echidnas (see photographs 5 to 7). In 1869 <strong>the</strong>re were only<br />

seventeen known species <strong>of</strong> New Guinean mammals (Wallace, 1869) but by 1994 <strong>the</strong>re<br />

were 442 species known (Flannery, 1995a & Flannery, 1995b). The last large mammal to<br />

be discovered in New Guinea was <strong>the</strong> Tree kangaroo, Dendrolagus dingiso, in 1994<br />

36


(Flannery, 1995b). These facts <strong>and</strong> figures make it clear why Papua New Guinea is<br />

regarded by <strong>the</strong> West as one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most untamed <strong>and</strong> mysterious countries in <strong>the</strong> world<br />

today. This mythical status moves people to want ownership over <strong>the</strong> exotica that it is<br />

thought that Papua New Guinea can provide. An outlet for this desire has crystallised in <strong>the</strong><br />

collection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country’s fauna. At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20 th century <strong>the</strong> logistical<br />

problems associated with travelling to Papua New Guinea, <strong>the</strong> harshness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

environment once in <strong>the</strong> country <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> difficulty <strong>of</strong> collecting <strong>the</strong> high flying Birdwings<br />

meant that <strong>the</strong> numbers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m available to Western collectors was low <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> price that<br />

<strong>the</strong>y attained was high. As noted by Parsons (1983) <strong>the</strong> assumption that many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Ornithoptera are extremely rare has been perpetuated right up until <strong>the</strong> present day <strong>and</strong> has<br />

enhanced <strong>the</strong>ir desirability all <strong>the</strong> more.<br />

The pastime <strong>of</strong> butterfly collecting began in Britain <strong>and</strong> was at its peak in <strong>the</strong> Victorian era.<br />

Collectors such as G.B. Longstaff travelled far <strong>and</strong> wide to fulfil <strong>the</strong>ir obsession. Longstaff<br />

began collecting in 1858 as a boy <strong>and</strong> from 1903 to 1910 travelled to India, China, Japan,<br />

Canada, Algeria, South Africa, <strong>the</strong> West Indies, South America, Ceylon, Egypt, Sudan,<br />

New Zeal<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Australia. On butterfly collecting he commented, ‘The first sight <strong>of</strong> such<br />

a thing as <strong>the</strong> big Hypolimnas bolina, black flashing with violet-blue, excited an emotion<br />

better imagined than described. At all events, <strong>the</strong> creatures took me fairly by storm: collect<br />

I must!’ (Longstaff, 1912).<br />

Although easily regarded as a Victorian obsession, a description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> desire for butterflies<br />

from Angus Hutton who went on to co-found <strong>the</strong> Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency<br />

allows an insight into what drove individuals such as himself to fur<strong>the</strong>r develop <strong>the</strong><br />

37


utterfly market in Papua New Guinea. “Beyond any question, <strong>of</strong> all living things<br />

butterflies <strong>and</strong> moths are amongst <strong>the</strong> loveliest. The enchanting colours <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir wings, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

ballet like progress amongst <strong>the</strong> flowers, <strong>the</strong>ir modest food needs, <strong>the</strong> innocence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

courtships make <strong>the</strong>m seem fairy like creatures from unspoiled paradise. They are a delight<br />

to curious children, <strong>and</strong> adults alike wherever <strong>the</strong>y appear. It is as if <strong>the</strong>y were created<br />

solely to make <strong>the</strong> world more beautiful.” (Hutton, 1974)<br />

Taxonomical collectors are still prevalent worldwide <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> global <strong>insect</strong><br />

trade is remarkably high. Melisch (2000) gives an example <strong>of</strong> a pair <strong>of</strong> birdwings<br />

Ornithoptera meridionalis selling in Germany for $3400 <strong>and</strong> worldwide retail sales <strong>of</strong><br />

butterflies may be as high as $100 million (Parsons, 1992 in Slone et al. 1997). As most<br />

<strong>insect</strong> collectors live in Europe, Japan or <strong>the</strong> USA it is hard for <strong>the</strong>m to collect <strong>insect</strong>s<br />

personally from Papua New Guinea. The dem<strong>and</strong> for <strong>insect</strong>s is not only from museums <strong>and</strong><br />

for scientific study but also from individuals who want a piece <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinean<br />

exotica. The first stages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trade in Papua New Guinean butterflies came with <strong>the</strong><br />

increasing number <strong>of</strong> expatriates that were based in PNG. Collectors based in <strong>the</strong> West<br />

initially made personal requests to expatriates to collect for <strong>the</strong>m. Parsons (1999) gives an<br />

example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> missionary Revd Diamond Jenness who during 1911 <strong>and</strong> 1912, was asked<br />

to collect butterflies <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong>s for Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Edward B. Poulton <strong>of</strong> Oxford<br />

University, Engl<strong>and</strong>.<br />

38


Insect Trade in Papua New Guinea<br />

The dem<strong>and</strong> for <strong>and</strong> availability <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinean <strong>insect</strong>s steadily increased post<br />

World War II. Expatriate entrepreneurs, who were renowned in providing little income to<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir employed collectors, supplied <strong>insect</strong>s to Western collectors. In <strong>the</strong> mid sixties <strong>the</strong><br />

Australian administration became wary <strong>of</strong> this unregulated trade, especially with regard to<br />

<strong>the</strong> collection <strong>and</strong> sale <strong>of</strong> Birdwings. In 1968 <strong>the</strong> Australian government declared seven<br />

species <strong>of</strong> Ornithoptera to be protected under <strong>the</strong> Fauna Protection Ordnance <strong>of</strong> 1966. This<br />

protection status was awarded at a time when very little was known about <strong>the</strong> distribution<br />

<strong>and</strong> population status <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> species <strong>and</strong> this decision appears to have been motivated by <strong>the</strong><br />

mystique that surrounded <strong>the</strong> butterflies. ‘The protected status given to <strong>the</strong> Ornithoptera<br />

was without doubt, based more on an emotional approach…ra<strong>the</strong>r than any rational<br />

knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir distribution <strong>and</strong> status.’ (Parsons, 1983)<br />

This legislation however did not cease <strong>the</strong> trade in butterflies <strong>and</strong> expatriate dealers are<br />

reported to have continued to exporting through <strong>the</strong> 1970s. Perversely <strong>the</strong> legislature had<br />

<strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> increasing <strong>the</strong> dem<strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong> protected butterflies since <strong>the</strong>y were now<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficially ‘rare’ <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> legislature was at a time when <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong><br />

western collectors was increasing. Butterfly companies in <strong>the</strong> USA were openly selling<br />

Ornithoptera alex<strong>and</strong>rae (O. alex<strong>and</strong>rae) in <strong>the</strong> early 1970s. For example <strong>the</strong> Butterfly<br />

Company had O. alex<strong>and</strong>rae listed for $285 a pair in 1971 (Butterfly Company, 1971) <strong>and</strong><br />

Complete Scientific Supplies had O. alex<strong>and</strong>rae listed for $340 a pair in 1975 (Complete<br />

Scientific Supplies, 1975). The 1975 listing is notable as this was after Papua New Guinea<br />

had become a CITES signatory in 1973.<br />

39


It was in <strong>the</strong> 1970s that <strong>the</strong> next step in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Papua New Guinean <strong>insect</strong><br />

trade took place. This decade saw <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial introduction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> systematic farming, or<br />

more accurately <strong>the</strong> ranching <strong>of</strong> butterflies that culminated in <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Insect<br />

Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency in 1978. However, <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rearing <strong>of</strong> captive<br />

butterflies was not a new one; indeed this process was detailed by Meek in 1913.<br />

Butterfly breeding…is quite necessary for <strong>the</strong> collector who wishes to obtain<br />

really good specimens for museums. Having discovered a new butterfly, his<br />

next step is to search <strong>the</strong> district for its larvae <strong>and</strong> pupae. Experience guides<br />

you as to <strong>the</strong> likely places to search. Each different species <strong>of</strong> butterfly has<br />

usually a distinguishable difference in its larvae <strong>and</strong> pupa…The advantage <strong>of</strong><br />

breeding as compared with catching <strong>the</strong> butterflies is, first, that you secure<br />

perfect specimens, <strong>and</strong> second, that you have a chance <strong>of</strong> securing now <strong>and</strong><br />

again a “sport.” (Meek 1913)<br />

In <strong>the</strong> early 1970s it was increasingly evident that <strong>the</strong> <strong>insect</strong> market was rapidly developing<br />

in Papua New Guinea. In <strong>the</strong> main this was due to interested expatriates <strong>and</strong> much<br />

improved communications <strong>and</strong> logistical network. The Australian government <strong>and</strong><br />

individual government <strong>of</strong>ficers feared that <strong>the</strong> collection <strong>of</strong> butterflies <strong>and</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s could<br />

spiral out <strong>of</strong> h<strong>and</strong>. At this point <strong>the</strong> country had been divided up by entrepreneurs who had<br />

a written rule that <strong>the</strong>y ‘wouldn’t tread on each o<strong>the</strong>rs toes’ (pers. comm. Peter Clark,<br />

2004). The pioneers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>insect</strong> trade at this point were Harry Borch in <strong>the</strong> Sepik <strong>and</strong><br />

Rabaul, Raymond Straatman in Morobe <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Highl<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> Richard Carver (pers.<br />

comm. Peter Clark). Both Borch <strong>and</strong> Carver were employed as government agriculture<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficers <strong>and</strong> Straatman worked for <strong>the</strong> Bishop Museum. Peter Clark defined <strong>the</strong>se men as<br />

entrepreneurs but <strong>the</strong>y were also keen amateur entomologists with a passion for ‘bugs’.<br />

40


Borch was employed as an agricultural <strong>of</strong>ficer in <strong>the</strong> Sepik <strong>and</strong> it was here that he trained<br />

three or four locals in butterfly ranching <strong>and</strong> collecting. Peter Clark <strong>the</strong> co-founder <strong>of</strong> IFTA<br />

was also based in <strong>the</strong> Sepik <strong>and</strong> also had an amateur interest in entomology. It was from<br />

Borch that he gained knowledge in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> ranching butterflies. Clark began to assist<br />

people in <strong>the</strong> Sepik region in supply <strong>of</strong> overseas postal orders <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s. Simultaneously<br />

Angus Hutton, a tea plantation manager in Morobe Province, was assisting locals in a<br />

similar business <strong>of</strong> trade with overseas collectors. Hutton <strong>and</strong> Clark were assisting Papua<br />

New Guinean collectors <strong>and</strong> ranchers as ‘major problems with payment, variety <strong>of</strong> species<br />

<strong>and</strong> quality quickly became apparent’ (Mercer & Clark, 1989).<br />

Development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency<br />

In 1974 <strong>the</strong> Australian Administration, following requests from Hutton <strong>and</strong> Clark,<br />

consolidated <strong>the</strong> ranching <strong>and</strong> collecting <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s under <strong>the</strong> Insect Farming <strong>and</strong><br />

Conservation Project which became a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Division <strong>of</strong> Wildlife. This was bolstered<br />

by legislation introduced at <strong>the</strong> time restricting <strong>the</strong> trade to PNG citizens (Hutton, 1985).<br />

This move by <strong>the</strong> administration essentially created a government-controlled monopoly on<br />

<strong>the</strong> butterfly trade. The Department <strong>of</strong> Wildlife commissioned a report which<br />

recommended <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> a sustainable development project to promote <strong>the</strong><br />

conservation <strong>of</strong> wild butterflies while providing villagers with an opportunity to participate<br />

in <strong>the</strong> cash economy (Pyle & Hughes, 1978). Following this report <strong>the</strong> Insect Farming <strong>and</strong><br />

Trading Agency was formed.<br />

41


IFTA was setup in <strong>the</strong> town <strong>of</strong> Bulolo in Morobe province in 1978 <strong>and</strong> has been located<br />

<strong>the</strong>re ever since. It began with <strong>the</strong> remit to act as <strong>the</strong> central <strong>and</strong> sole agency to purchase<br />

<strong>insect</strong>s on behalf <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Papua New Guinean government <strong>and</strong> to act essentially as <strong>the</strong><br />

middleman between farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in rural areas <strong>and</strong> overseas purchasers. The<br />

functions <strong>of</strong> IFTA are to provide a centralised headquarters that facilitates <strong>the</strong> link between<br />

overseas buyers <strong>and</strong> indigenous farmers, to ensure fixed <strong>and</strong> reasonable prices are paid to<br />

farmers, to ensure that payments are made directly <strong>and</strong> expediently, to pool stock in order<br />

to fulfil large orders <strong>and</strong> to serve as an educational centre for prospective farmers to<br />

provide quality control, marketing, field extension, research <strong>and</strong> monitoring <strong>of</strong> Papua New<br />

Guinean <strong>insect</strong>s (Parsons, 1999; Mercer & Clark, 1989). During <strong>the</strong> first ten years <strong>of</strong><br />

IFTA’s establishment training was conducted in <strong>the</strong> following regions; Woodlark Isl<strong>and</strong>,<br />

Bougainville, New Irel<strong>and</strong>, New Britain, Sepik, Madang, Western Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province,<br />

Western Province, Popondetta, Port Moresby, Chimbu, Eastern Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province, Manus<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Duke <strong>of</strong> York Isl<strong>and</strong>s.<br />

The agency initially came under <strong>the</strong> remit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Division <strong>of</strong> Wildlife, <strong>the</strong>n was transferred<br />

to <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Primary Industry <strong>and</strong> finally in 1989 became a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> University<br />

<strong>of</strong> Technology’s (Unitech) commercial arm, <strong>the</strong> University Development Consultancy<br />

(UDC) in 1989 (Mercer & Clark, 1989). This gradual transformation <strong>of</strong> an initially state<br />

run monopoly into essentially a private company within <strong>the</strong> UDC, which has a pr<strong>of</strong>it<br />

making remit, is a very important factor in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> agency. Many<br />

departmental <strong>and</strong> personnel reshuffles within <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Environment <strong>and</strong><br />

Conservation (formerly <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Wildlife) as well as personal conflicts involving<br />

IFTA staff <strong>and</strong> DEC have staff has caused a complete loss <strong>of</strong> support from <strong>the</strong> government<br />

42


that IFTA initially enjoyed. The consequences <strong>of</strong> this have been <strong>the</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> IFTA’s<br />

monopoly <strong>and</strong>, for a certain period <strong>of</strong> time, <strong>the</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> CITES export permits.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> mid 1990s <strong>the</strong> DEC began issuing permits for <strong>the</strong> export <strong>of</strong> CITES II butterflies to<br />

organisations such as IFTA These were issued to; Wau Ecology Institute (Morobe<br />

Province), OISCA (West New Britain Province), WEIMAX (Western Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province)<br />

& NIF (Morobe Province). DEC's reasoning behind this was that IFTA was failing to work<br />

in provinces outside <strong>of</strong> Morobe yet half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new organisations were based in Morobe. It<br />

is reported that <strong>the</strong> NIF gained its permit by bribing DEC <strong>of</strong>ficials with K30000. Within <strong>the</strong><br />

department <strong>the</strong>re has also been a tendency against <strong>the</strong> export <strong>of</strong> fauna from Papua New<br />

Guinea. This resulted in <strong>the</strong> cessation <strong>of</strong> live butterfly exports by IFTA in 1998 (Clark,<br />

1998).<br />

In 1978 <strong>the</strong> ranching <strong>of</strong> two species <strong>of</strong> Birdwing butterfly, Ornithoptera priamus <strong>and</strong><br />

Troides oblongomaclatus, began (see photographs 8 <strong>and</strong> 9). Subsequently through a<br />

process <strong>of</strong> research <strong>and</strong> lobbying in <strong>the</strong> 1980s <strong>and</strong> 1990s IFTA obtained permission from<br />

<strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Wildlife to commercially ranch all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CITES II listed butterflies in<br />

Papua New Guinea.<br />

The butterfly farming system that was refined by IFTA involves <strong>the</strong> planting <strong>of</strong> butterfly<br />

food plants (typically Aristolochia <strong>and</strong> Adenia vines) within village gardens or in<br />

secondary growth forest to enrich <strong>the</strong> habitat. Butterflies will lay eggs on species specific<br />

vines <strong>and</strong> subsequently caterpillars will use <strong>the</strong> vine as a food source until it begins to<br />

pupate. Once a pupa is formed it can be collected by <strong>the</strong> farmer <strong>and</strong> ei<strong>the</strong>r taken to IFTA as<br />

43


a pupa or <strong>the</strong> farmer can wait for it to hatch <strong>and</strong> take <strong>the</strong> dead specimen for sale. The steps<br />

involved in butterfly farming are illustrated in fig. 1. This system <strong>of</strong> butterfly farming<br />

requires a low financial input <strong>and</strong> wild stocks <strong>of</strong> butterflies are not depleted as <strong>the</strong> farmer<br />

should leave half <strong>the</strong> pupa on <strong>the</strong> vine to repopulate <strong>the</strong> “farm”. The informal arrangement<br />

<strong>of</strong> vines that constitutes a PNG butterfly farm however make sit very difficult for a farmer<br />

to know how many pupa are present on his vines <strong>and</strong> thus how many he should collect:<br />

‘this is a very inexact approach to conservation’ (Parson, 1999). Strictly <strong>the</strong> farming <strong>of</strong><br />

butterflies in this manner should be referred to as ranching since <strong>the</strong> pupa that are collected<br />

come from wild <strong>and</strong> not captive butterflies. However, in line with conventional use, <strong>the</strong><br />

term farming shall be adhered to for <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> text.<br />

As well as <strong>the</strong> farming <strong>of</strong> CITES II species IFTA also purchases non-protected wild caught<br />

butterflies <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong>s such as beetles (see photographs 10 <strong>and</strong> 11). It is thought that it<br />

is not <strong>the</strong> collecting <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s that is harmful to wild populations’ number but habitat<br />

destruction. In <strong>the</strong> Kenyan Arabuko-Sokoke Forest <strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> capture on butterfly<br />

species abundance <strong>and</strong> diversity was monitored over a four year period <strong>of</strong> collection. The<br />

results revealed no significant change in <strong>the</strong> abundance <strong>of</strong> ei<strong>the</strong>r collected or uncollected<br />

species, suggesting that butterfly capture was having no pr<strong>of</strong>ound impact on wild<br />

populations’ (Rodgers et al., 2002). Therefore, provided <strong>the</strong> resource is wisely used, <strong>the</strong><br />

distinction between farmed <strong>and</strong> wild-caught butterflies is not important in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong><br />

conservation (Morris, 1986 cited in Parsons, 1999).<br />

Peter Clark set <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se butterflies arbitrarily during this period. At this point<br />

IFTA was in a monopoly position <strong>and</strong> was essentially able to name <strong>the</strong>ir price on <strong>the</strong>se<br />

44


highly sought after butterflies. When <strong>the</strong> ranching <strong>of</strong> Ornithoptera goliath (O. goliath)<br />

began in 1993 IFTA paid <strong>the</strong> ranchers 60 Kina per pair <strong>and</strong> sold <strong>the</strong>m on for on average<br />

200 Kina per pair (Clark, 1993). However when numerous dealers illegally exported<br />

O. goliath <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r birdwings in Irian Jaya <strong>the</strong> prices collapsed, even hurting <strong>the</strong> Papua<br />

New Guinean market in this species (Slone, 1994).<br />

IFTA in its current guise is thus faced with a suite <strong>of</strong> problems including competition from<br />

within Papua New Guinea due to new licensed <strong>insect</strong> traders, competition out-with Papua<br />

New Guinea from exp<strong>and</strong>ing operations in West Papua <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Solomon Isl<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> a<br />

disharmonious relationship with <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Environment <strong>and</strong> Conservation.<br />

Compounding this has been <strong>the</strong> management <strong>of</strong> IFTA which has in <strong>the</strong> past 5 years been<br />

conducted by two <strong>success</strong>ive volunteers from Voluntary Services Overseas. Even though<br />

<strong>the</strong>se individuals have proved excellent managers, <strong>the</strong> discontinuity in staffing <strong>and</strong> an<br />

increasing reliance on <strong>the</strong> goodwill <strong>of</strong> volunteers has no doubt adversely affected <strong>the</strong><br />

organisation. It is in this context that <strong>the</strong> uptake <strong>and</strong> <strong>success</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong><br />

collecting shall be explored in <strong>the</strong> following chapter.<br />

45


Chapter 4<br />

<strong>Uptake</strong> <strong>and</strong> Longevity <strong>of</strong> Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Collection<br />

Investigating <strong>the</strong> Success <strong>of</strong> Insect Farming Projects<br />

The movement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>insect</strong> trade from individual control to state control was essential due<br />

to idiosyncratic nature <strong>of</strong> Clark <strong>and</strong> Hutton. Individuals with drive <strong>and</strong> passion motivated<br />

by <strong>the</strong>ir interest in <strong>the</strong> exotic certainly has been a common <strong>the</strong>me in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Papua New Guinean <strong>insect</strong> industry but this invites <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> how <strong>the</strong>se motivations<br />

are transposed onto <strong>the</strong> rural farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors.<br />

As has been illustrated in <strong>the</strong> previous chapter it was due mainly to <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> idiosyncratic<br />

individuals that <strong>the</strong> Insect Farming Agency developed. Yet it remains unknown as to how<br />

<strong>the</strong> income generation source that IFTA makes available is utilised by people throughout<br />

Papua New Guinea. In <strong>the</strong> past twenty-five years <strong>the</strong> Agency has been highly mooted as a<br />

<strong>success</strong> story. Magazine articles have included comments such as ‘Insect farming has<br />

proven to be a sound, economically viable rural industry in PNG’ (Wambi, 1996), ‘In<br />

Papua New Guinea, butterfly farmers make as much as 60 times that nation’s per capita<br />

income’ (Hanscom, 1993) <strong>and</strong> ‘[IFTA is] a near perfect model <strong>of</strong> a sustainable<br />

development initiative for local people’ (Burrows, 2003).<br />

However, <strong>the</strong>re has been no previous analysis conducted into <strong>the</strong> benefits that IFTA has<br />

provided to <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors let alone <strong>the</strong> rigour <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> link between its work<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>success</strong>ful conservation. This link shall be explored in Chapter 5 through <strong>the</strong><br />

51


presentation <strong>of</strong> a series <strong>of</strong> case studies. This chapter will address, through analysis <strong>of</strong><br />

IFTA’s purchasing records, how Papua New Guinea’s rural population has taken up this<br />

source <strong>of</strong> income.<br />

An analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> earnings through <strong>insect</strong> collecting <strong>and</strong> farming has been<br />

conducted using IFTA’s purchasing records. This is in order to gain an insight into <strong>the</strong><br />

earnings <strong>and</strong> <strong>success</strong> <strong>of</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors throughout Papua New Guinea. The analysis<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> records has been conducted with <strong>the</strong> aim to answer <strong>the</strong> following questions-<br />

1. Where has <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting been conducted in Papua New Guinea?<br />

2. How long have farming <strong>and</strong> collecting projects lasted in particular areas?<br />

3. What have been <strong>the</strong> levels <strong>of</strong> income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors?<br />

4. How long do individuals work as farmers or collectors?<br />

5. Has long-term <strong>success</strong> been determined by location?<br />

Methods<br />

Since <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> IFTA, annual records have been kept <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> Agency’s<br />

purchases <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s from Papua New Guinean collectors <strong>and</strong> farmers. These records detail<br />

<strong>the</strong> farmers name, location, date <strong>and</strong> amount paid. Records from 1995 <strong>and</strong> 2002 were<br />

chosen for <strong>the</strong> ‘<strong>success</strong>’ analysis. This time period was chosen for a number <strong>of</strong> reasons; a<br />

continuous time set was required for thorough analysis, <strong>the</strong> records for 2003 are not<br />

complete as IFTA has not yet fulfilled all its payments for that year <strong>and</strong> due to time<br />

constraints it was not possible to go back fur<strong>the</strong>r than 1995.<br />

52


The payment records for 1995 to 2002 were entered into spreadsheets <strong>and</strong> ArcView GIS<br />

3.2. This data source can be viewed in <strong>the</strong> CD Rom that accompanies this paper.<br />

Results<br />

In <strong>the</strong> 8-year study period individuals in 19 <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea’s 20 Provinces earned an<br />

income from <strong>insect</strong> farming or collecting. In total <strong>the</strong>re were 11688 purchases made to<br />

4691 farmers or collectors. The total expenditure by IFTA was 12,882,581 Kina which at<br />

current exchange rates equates to £2,263,203. The average income per farmer or collector<br />

over this period was 348 Kina per annum.<br />

Location <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors<br />

There has not been a significant decline in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> villages taking part in this income<br />

generation activity. There were 126 villages in 1995, 130 villages in 1998 <strong>and</strong> 123 villages<br />

in 2001. The locations <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors for 1995, 1998 <strong>and</strong> 2001 are shown<br />

in maps 4, 5 <strong>and</strong> 6.<br />

Provincial Longevity <strong>of</strong> Collecting <strong>and</strong> Farming<br />

There has been a decline in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> provinces that have been supplying <strong>insect</strong>s to<br />

IFTA. In 1995 <strong>the</strong>re were 19 provinces yet this figure more than halved to 9 by 2002. This<br />

decline is illustrated in fig. 2.<br />

Total Farmer <strong>and</strong> Collector Income<br />

Figure 3 illustrates that <strong>the</strong>re has been an overall increase in income for farmers <strong>and</strong><br />

collectors, yet <strong>the</strong>re has been a sharp decline in earnings from 2001 to 2002.<br />

53


Annual Provincial Earnings<br />

Fig.4 shows that <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> income through <strong>insect</strong> collection <strong>and</strong> farming have been at<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir highest in Morobe province. However, <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> income in Morobe began to<br />

decline from 2000 to 2002 at which point earnings were at a comparable level to those <strong>of</strong><br />

1997 <strong>and</strong> 1996. Fig.4 also indicates that <strong>the</strong> North Solomons Province has <strong>the</strong> most positive<br />

growth in income from 1995 to 2002.<br />

Average Provincial Income<br />

It can be seen in Table 1 that <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> income between provinces is highly variable.<br />

Twelve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> provinces’ incomes have averaged below 1000 Kina per annum in <strong>the</strong> 8-year<br />

study period. These twelve provinces can be classified as Low Income (yellow shading).<br />

Six <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Provinces have had average earnings between 1000 <strong>and</strong> 10000 Kina per annum<br />

<strong>and</strong> have been classified as Middle Income (orange shading). Only Morobe Province had<br />

per annum income averaging above 10000 kina, at an average <strong>of</strong> 57620. As such this is <strong>the</strong><br />

only province to be classified as High Income (red shading).<br />

Patterns <strong>of</strong> Provincial Income<br />

Figures 5 through to 23 allow a finer representation <strong>of</strong> income within individual provinces.<br />

They illustrate that income can be highly variable <strong>and</strong> in most provinces income has been<br />

declining over <strong>the</strong> eight-year study period. Twelve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> provinces have had very low<br />

earnings from collecting <strong>and</strong> farming (figs. 4 to 15). Only <strong>the</strong> Eastern Highl<strong>and</strong>s province<br />

has shown continual levels <strong>of</strong> growth (fig. 19). As well as <strong>the</strong> Eastern Highl<strong>and</strong>s four more<br />

provinces had a higher level <strong>of</strong> income in 2002 than in 1995, <strong>the</strong>se were Madang (fig.14),<br />

Milne Bay (fig.16), Simbu (fig. 20) <strong>and</strong> North Solomons (fig. 21).<br />

54


Range <strong>of</strong> Individual Income<br />

To show <strong>the</strong> variety <strong>of</strong> incomes that have been achieved through <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong><br />

collecting <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> individual income for 2002 is shown in fig. 24. The range for 2002<br />

was between 0 <strong>and</strong> 2383.9 Kina with a mean income <strong>of</strong> K162.<br />

Number <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors<br />

There has been an almost continual decline <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> individuals working as <strong>insect</strong><br />

farmers or collectors (fig. 25).<br />

Duration <strong>of</strong> Insect Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors<br />

The numbers <strong>of</strong> years that individuals have continued as farmers or collectors is shown in<br />

fig. 26. It can been seen that <strong>the</strong>re is a rapid decline in interest in <strong>insect</strong> farming or<br />

collecting. From <strong>the</strong> total <strong>of</strong> 4691 farmers who sold <strong>insect</strong>s to IFTA from 1999 to 2002<br />

only 14 did so for <strong>the</strong> full eight year period.<br />

Summary <strong>of</strong> results<br />

• From 1995 to 2002 <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> provinces that have <strong>insect</strong> collectors or farmers<br />

supplying IFTA has halved<br />

• The number <strong>of</strong> villages providing <strong>insect</strong>s has remained stable<br />

• The average level <strong>of</strong> income has increased but this trend is beginning to decline<br />

• Only one province has shown continual growth in earnings over 8 years<br />

• Only 5 provinces were earning more in 2002 than <strong>the</strong>y were in 1995<br />

• Provinces with low numbers <strong>of</strong> farmers or collectors have been highly erratic <strong>and</strong><br />

unstable in <strong>the</strong>ir earnings<br />

• The level <strong>of</strong> continuation <strong>of</strong> farming or collecting has been very low<br />

55


Discussion<br />

The results that have been yielded from <strong>the</strong> graphical analysis serve well to answer <strong>the</strong><br />

posed research questions. The overall impression that is gained from <strong>the</strong> results is that<br />

IFTA has not been performing well in its goal to serve as a source <strong>of</strong> a long-term income<br />

for rural Papua New Guineans. This may well be true but a number <strong>of</strong> factors affected <strong>the</strong><br />

decline in locations as well as number <strong>and</strong> longevity <strong>of</strong> farmers. These shall be explored in<br />

<strong>the</strong> discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> research questions that were proposed at <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chapter.<br />

Where has <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting been conducted in Papua New Guinea?<br />

The farming <strong>and</strong> collecting <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s has occurred in all but one <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea’s<br />

Provinces between 1995 <strong>and</strong> 2002. It is also known that farming has occurred in Enga<br />

province in <strong>the</strong> early 1980’s (pers. comm. Ca<strong>the</strong>rine Aisi, 2004). Thus at one point or<br />

ano<strong>the</strong>r income generation through IFTA has occurred throughout all provinces in PNG.<br />

The locations <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors are clustered in most provinces. These<br />

clusters <strong>of</strong> collectors <strong>and</strong> farmers have occurred in <strong>the</strong> locations where training by IFTA<br />

staff has been conducted. The clusters would also suggest that farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors have<br />

an informal support network that allows <strong>the</strong> sharing <strong>of</strong> skills <strong>and</strong> techniques which help to<br />

perpetuate interest in this income generating activity <strong>and</strong> improve <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s<br />

supplied to IFTA. The bulk <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors are situated nearby main roads<br />

as indicated on Maps 4 to 6. This suggests that although it has been stated that collectors<br />

<strong>and</strong> farmers would be able to operate in areas that are only accessible by air, as <strong>insect</strong>s are a<br />

low weight to high value commodity, this has not been <strong>the</strong> case. This could be because<br />

ei<strong>the</strong>r air-freight is in reality prohibitively expensive or IFTA has not been able to visit<br />

remote areas in order to conduct training.<br />

56


How long have farming <strong>and</strong> collecting projects lasted in particular areas?<br />

The farming <strong>and</strong> collecting <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s has tended to last longer in <strong>the</strong> provinces that have<br />

been prescribed in <strong>the</strong> results as having ei<strong>the</strong>r a Middle or High Income. Although all <strong>the</strong><br />

Middle Income provinces did not supply IFTA every year, for <strong>the</strong> study period, <strong>the</strong>y all had<br />

individuals earning in 2002. The Low Income provinces, as prescribed in <strong>the</strong> results<br />

section, have had at <strong>the</strong> most one or two individuals engaged in <strong>insect</strong> farming or<br />

collecting. None <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se individuals underwent a formal IFTA training programme. With a<br />

lack <strong>of</strong> formal support <strong>and</strong> training, collectors <strong>and</strong> farmers can have little underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> high quality <strong>of</strong> specimens that are required by IFTA. Thus, when submitted specimens<br />

are rejected, interest in this income generating activity can quickly die out. The sporadic<br />

nature <strong>of</strong> earnings in <strong>the</strong> Low Income Provinces shows that <strong>the</strong>re is interest in <strong>insect</strong><br />

collecting <strong>and</strong> farming outwith <strong>the</strong> core group <strong>of</strong> provinces supplying IFTA. This once<br />

again emphasises <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> support that <strong>the</strong>se individuals have received from <strong>the</strong> agency<br />

since at least 1995.<br />

What have been <strong>the</strong> levels <strong>of</strong> income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors?<br />

Using purely <strong>the</strong> average per annum income for all <strong>the</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors throughout<br />

Papua New Guinea gives a distorted impression as many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se individuals have dropped<br />

out after only one year <strong>of</strong> farming or collecting. As incomes have varied between<br />

practically nothing <strong>and</strong> several thous<strong>and</strong> Kina per annum <strong>the</strong>re is an indication that this<br />

kind <strong>of</strong> income generating activity can be fitted into a range <strong>of</strong> livelihood strategies. This<br />

range <strong>of</strong> strategies is explored in fur<strong>the</strong>r detail, through <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> case studies, in<br />

Chapter 5.<br />

57


How long do individuals work as farmers or collectors?<br />

The longevity <strong>of</strong> individuals as farmers or collectors has been shown to be low. In addition<br />

to this only one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fourteen people who earned an income every year from 1995 to 2002<br />

lived outside <strong>of</strong> Morobe Province. The low level <strong>of</strong> longevity suggests that <strong>insect</strong> farming<br />

<strong>and</strong> collecting is only suitable to most people for a relatively short period <strong>of</strong> time. The lack<br />

<strong>of</strong> suitability <strong>of</strong> this source <strong>of</strong> income could be due to a host <strong>of</strong> factors; farmers <strong>and</strong><br />

collectors could have begun o<strong>the</strong>r income generating activities, such as Vanilla farming in<br />

<strong>the</strong> Sepik, which prove to be more pr<strong>of</strong>itable than <strong>insect</strong> farming; farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors<br />

aren’t receiving enough advice or support from IFTA; farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors could be<br />

selling to o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong> buying agencies such as Wau Ecology Institute (that began buying<br />

<strong>insect</strong>s in 1994).<br />

Has long-term <strong>success</strong> been determined by location?<br />

The contraction in geographic spread <strong>of</strong> colleting <strong>and</strong> ranching indicates that IFTA is<br />

lacking <strong>the</strong> capacity to maintain regions that lie a long way from its <strong>of</strong>fice in Morobe<br />

Province. The only outlying Province that didn’t see an income decline was <strong>the</strong> North<br />

Solomons. This province actually had <strong>the</strong> greatest overall growth in income during <strong>the</strong><br />

eight year study period. The o<strong>the</strong>r remote regions such as S<strong>and</strong>aun, New Irel<strong>and</strong>, New<br />

Britain, Gulf, Western <strong>and</strong> Manus that have no road link with Morobe had all ceased <strong>insect</strong><br />

collecting or ranching by 2002. Even some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Provinces that are more accessible such<br />

as Central, National Capital District <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highl<strong>and</strong>s had ceased earning<br />

income.<br />

Thus location does indeed seem to be a factor yet <strong>the</strong> <strong>success</strong> <strong>of</strong> North Solomons shows<br />

that this isn’t always <strong>the</strong> case. There are two factors that have placed <strong>the</strong> North Solomons<br />

58


in a better situation than <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r outlying provinces: levels <strong>of</strong> training <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Bougainville crisis. In <strong>the</strong> 1980’s <strong>and</strong> 1990’s several extension trips had been made to <strong>the</strong><br />

North Solomons in order to start farming <strong>the</strong> birdwing butterfly, Ornithoptera priamus<br />

urvillianus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> uptake <strong>of</strong> this project was high. The virtual isolation in which this<br />

province found itself for several years due to <strong>the</strong> Bougainville crisis severely limited <strong>the</strong><br />

income generating opportunities <strong>of</strong> its populace. Once <strong>the</strong> crisis died down in <strong>the</strong> late 90s<br />

after <strong>the</strong> Bougainville crisis <strong>the</strong> well trained butterfly farmers <strong>the</strong>re were keen to resume<br />

earning an income from IFTA.<br />

59


Map 4. Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Collecting Locations, 1995<br />

Map 5. Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Collecting Locations, 1998<br />

60


Map 6. Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Collecting Locations, 2001<br />

20<br />

18<br />

16<br />

14<br />

Number <strong>of</strong> Provinces<br />

12<br />

10<br />

8<br />

6<br />

4<br />

2<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 2. The number <strong>of</strong> provinces with individuals collecting <strong>and</strong> farming <strong>insect</strong>s (1995 to 2002)<br />

61


140000<br />

120000<br />

100000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

80000<br />

60000<br />

40000<br />

20000<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 3. Total income for Papua New Guinean <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors (1995 to 2002)<br />

100000<br />

90000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

80000<br />

70000<br />

60000<br />

50000<br />

40000<br />

30000<br />

20000<br />

Central<br />

Eastern Highl<strong>and</strong>s<br />

East New Britain<br />

East Sepik<br />

Gulf<br />

Madang<br />

Milne Bay<br />

Morobe<br />

National Capital District<br />

New Irel<strong>and</strong><br />

North Solomons<br />

S<strong>and</strong>aun<br />

Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highl<strong>and</strong>s<br />

Simbu<br />

Wesern Highl<strong>and</strong>s<br />

West New Britain<br />

Western<br />

10000<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 4. The income <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors by province (1995 to 2002)<br />

62


Province<br />

Average Per Annum Provincial Earnings<br />

(Kina)<br />

National Capital District 7<br />

New Irel<strong>and</strong> 11<br />

Western 20<br />

Central 22<br />

S<strong>and</strong>aun 26<br />

Gulf 41<br />

East New Britain 73<br />

Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highl<strong>and</strong>s 91<br />

West New Britain 182<br />

Manus 295<br />

Madang 341<br />

Western Highl<strong>and</strong>s 634<br />

Milne Bay 1181<br />

Nor<strong>the</strong>rn 1214<br />

East Sepik 3881<br />

Eastern Highl<strong>and</strong>s 3936<br />

Simbu 7290<br />

North Solomons 8604<br />

Morobe 57620<br />

Table. 1. Average per annum income per province for <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting (1995 to 2002)<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 5. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

National Capital District (1995-2002)<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 7. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Western Province (1995-2002)<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 6. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

New Irel<strong>and</strong> Province (1995-2002)<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 8. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Central Province (1995-2002)<br />

63


Income (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 9. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

S<strong>and</strong>aun Province (1995-2002)<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 11. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

East New Britain Province (1995-2002)<br />

Earnings (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 13. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

West New Britain Province (1995-2002)<br />

Earnings (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 15. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Madang Province (1995-2002)<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 10. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Gulf Province (1995-2002)<br />

Earnings (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 12. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province (1995-2002)<br />

Earnings (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

2<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 14. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Manus Province (1995-2002)<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

1600<br />

1400<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 16. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Western Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province (1995-2002)<br />

64


25000<br />

25000<br />

20000<br />

20000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

15000<br />

10000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

15000<br />

10000<br />

5000<br />

5000<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 17. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Milne Bay Province (1995-2002)<br />

25000<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 18. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Province (1995-2002)<br />

25000<br />

20000<br />

20000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

15000<br />

10000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

15000<br />

10000<br />

5000<br />

5000<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 19. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

East Sepik Province (1995-2002)<br />

25000<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 20. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Eastern Highl<strong>and</strong>s Province (1995-2002)<br />

25000<br />

20000<br />

20000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

15000<br />

10000<br />

Earnings (Kina)<br />

15000<br />

10000<br />

5000<br />

5000<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 21. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Simbu Province (1995-2002)<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 22. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

North Solomon’s Province (1995-2002)<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

100000<br />

90000<br />

80000<br />

70000<br />

60000<br />

50000<br />

40000<br />

30000<br />

20000<br />

10000<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 23. Income for <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors in<br />

Morobe Province (1995-2002)<br />

65


450<br />

400<br />

Number <strong>of</strong> Collecotrs <strong>and</strong> Farmers<br />

350<br />

300<br />

250<br />

200<br />

150<br />

100<br />

50<br />

0<br />

0-200 201-400 401-600 601-800 801-1000 1001-1200 1201-1400 1401-1600 1601-1800 1801-2000 2001-2200 2201-2400<br />

Income Range (Kina)<br />

Fig. 24. The range <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farmer <strong>and</strong> collector incomes in 2002 for <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea<br />

1200<br />

1000<br />

Number <strong>of</strong> Collectors <strong>and</strong> Farmers<br />

800<br />

600<br />

400<br />

200<br />

0<br />

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 25. The number <strong>of</strong> individuals farming <strong>and</strong> collecting between 1995 <strong>and</strong> 2002<br />

4000<br />

3500<br />

Number <strong>of</strong> Farmers <strong>and</strong> Collectors<br />

3000<br />

2500<br />

2000<br />

1500<br />

1000<br />

500<br />

0<br />

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8<br />

Number Years Earning an Income from Insect Farming or Collecting<br />

Fig. 26. The longevity <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors<br />

66


Chapter 5<br />

Case Studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Br<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />

Collectors <strong>and</strong> Farmers<br />

The previous chapter gave an overall picture <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting<br />

throughout Papua New Guinea. The following case studies provide an underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong><br />

how this income source is integrated into a range <strong>of</strong> livelihood strategies. The utilisation <strong>of</strong><br />

a source <strong>of</strong> income from <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting can be divided into a number <strong>of</strong><br />

strategies to suit individual situations. The following four case studies represent four such<br />

methods <strong>of</strong> integration: as a sole urban income (butterfly collecting), as an additional urban<br />

income (butterfly farming), as a rural income (butterfly farming) <strong>and</strong> an additional urban<br />

income (illegal trading).<br />

Interviews for <strong>the</strong> case studies were conducted informally with brief notes being made<br />

during my meetings with <strong>the</strong> various informants; more detailed notes were made after <strong>the</strong><br />

interviews were conducted. No structured questionnaires were used <strong>and</strong> all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> meetings<br />

were conducted in Pidgin English.<br />

Case Study 1 – Ken Kube<br />

The first case study is an example <strong>of</strong> how butterfly collecting can be used as a sole income<br />

in an urban setting.<br />

67


This case is based on Ken Kube (see photograph 12), a resident <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> small town <strong>of</strong> Bulolo<br />

in Morobe Province <strong>and</strong> where IFTA has been based for over twenty-five years. The<br />

number <strong>of</strong> people that utilise <strong>insect</strong> collecting as <strong>the</strong>ir sole source <strong>of</strong> income is very low<br />

<strong>and</strong> Ken is amongst one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hardest working collectors in Morobe Province. In 2002 he<br />

had <strong>the</strong> highest income from IFTA out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea.<br />

Ken Kube is a single man in his early forties; he has no dependants <strong>and</strong> has been living in<br />

<strong>the</strong> town <strong>of</strong> Bulolo for <strong>the</strong> past nine years. He originally came from <strong>the</strong> Highl<strong>and</strong>s province<br />

<strong>of</strong> Simbu <strong>and</strong> as such has no tenure <strong>of</strong> any l<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Bulolo region. He resides in an<br />

immigrant area <strong>of</strong> Bulolo known as New Camp. This area is solely for immigrants to <strong>the</strong><br />

Bulolo area <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong>re are many due to <strong>the</strong> relatively large forestry <strong>and</strong> gold operations<br />

that are, <strong>and</strong> have been, present in <strong>the</strong> town. He moved to Morobe province in <strong>the</strong> early<br />

1990s when he took up employment with one <strong>of</strong> his Wantoks (clansmen) in Wau. His<br />

employment in Wau terminated in 1995 <strong>and</strong> he subsequently moved to New Camp.<br />

On moving to Bulolo in 1995 Ken learned <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency <strong>and</strong><br />

began to collect butterflies. This has been his sole source <strong>of</strong> income since he started selling<br />

butterflies to IFTA in 1996. As he has no ownership <strong>of</strong> l<strong>and</strong> in Bulolo, he doesn’t farm<br />

butterflies, instead he goes to open access areas <strong>and</strong> collects non-protected species. There<br />

are large amounts <strong>of</strong> open access l<strong>and</strong> surrounding Bulolo due to <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> timber<br />

company, PNG Forest Products. They own large areas <strong>of</strong> plantation pine in which several<br />

residents from New Camp, including Ken, go to collect.<br />

68


The collecting areas that Ken uses are at least a 2-hour walk from his home. For collecting<br />

he makes use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> forestry trails (see photograph 13) within <strong>the</strong> plantations as well as<br />

following <strong>the</strong> creeks that flow through <strong>the</strong>m. The only equipment that he requires for this<br />

work is a butterfly net made from mosquito netting <strong>and</strong> folded paper to store butterflies.<br />

Ken estimates that on a good day he will be able to sell about 10% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> butterflies that he<br />

catches. Whilst walking with him on a collecting trip it became evident that he does not<br />

capture all <strong>the</strong> butterflies that he comes across. Some are only worth 20 to 30 toea <strong>and</strong> he<br />

does believe that it is worth trying to capture anything in this price range. He chooses not to<br />

collect o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong>s such as beetles as he would have to go into <strong>the</strong> bush to find <strong>the</strong>m ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />

than follow <strong>the</strong> forest trails <strong>and</strong> does not feel that <strong>the</strong>ir value is worth <strong>the</strong> effort. Also, he<br />

prefers to concentrate on catching Papilio ulysees (P. ulysees) because it attracts a higher<br />

price than most o<strong>the</strong>r specie. He will earn K2.5 for a perfect specimen (equivalent to 50p).<br />

The particular technique that Ken uses to capture P. ulysees can be seen in photograph 14.<br />

This involves catching a female <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> species, killing it <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n attaching it to a stick. The<br />

dead female <strong>the</strong>n attracts males <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> species that Ken is easily able to catch.<br />

As mentioned before, <strong>the</strong> areas in which Ken collects is open access for butterfly <strong>and</strong> <strong>insect</strong><br />

collectors but <strong>the</strong> forestry company that owns <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> doesn’t allow gold panning as this<br />

can destabilise soils <strong>and</strong> cause root damage to trees. Also many people from New Camp<br />

use <strong>the</strong> plantation as a site for collecting butterflies but <strong>the</strong> collectors have informally<br />

divided <strong>the</strong> plantations up so that each person has <strong>the</strong>ir own particular collecting area.<br />

There have been several violent disputes among <strong>the</strong> collectors over <strong>the</strong> prime collecting<br />

locations.<br />

69


Ken’s income from butterfly collecting is shown in fig.27 this data was derived from <strong>the</strong><br />

purchasing records that were used in Chapter 4. His income has been quite varied but he is<br />

content that collecting <strong>of</strong>fers him enough money for his needs. In <strong>the</strong> last couple <strong>of</strong> years<br />

he has however stopped selling to IFTA <strong>and</strong> now sells to <strong>the</strong> Wau Ecology Institute as it<br />

<strong>of</strong>fers 50 toea (10p) more per P. ulysees.<br />

Although a high level <strong>of</strong> collecting effort is required to yield a reasonable income. Butterfly<br />

collecting <strong>of</strong>fers an income to Ken as <strong>and</strong> when he needs it. This suits him well as he is<br />

single with no dependants.<br />

This type <strong>of</strong> income strategy through collecting would be much harder to conduct in any<br />

region <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea because <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> factors. Due to IFTA’s long-term<br />

presence in Bulolo it meant that Ken was able to take up collecting relatively easily, as<br />

many people were already trained in collecting techniques. PNG Forest Products are<br />

familiar with <strong>and</strong> supportive <strong>of</strong> IFTA <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore allow collection to take place on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

l<strong>and</strong>. Ken is able to get guaranteed purchases <strong>of</strong> his butterflies <strong>and</strong> is practically able to get<br />

paid instantly. The lag time between collection <strong>and</strong> payment is much higher for those who<br />

send in butterflies <strong>and</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s by post from o<strong>the</strong>r provinces than for those who are able to<br />

go to Wau Ecology or IFTA personally.<br />

The case <strong>of</strong> Ken Kube <strong>of</strong>fers a good example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> collection <strong>of</strong> butterflies in order to<br />

provide a rural income but <strong>the</strong> link between that income <strong>and</strong> an increased attachment <strong>and</strong><br />

awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> environment is lacking. As he has to collect on l<strong>and</strong> belonging to a<br />

forestry company he has no influence over what happens to that l<strong>and</strong>. While <strong>the</strong> author was<br />

70


on a collecting trip with him he killed practically all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> butterflies that he collected<br />

before inspecting <strong>the</strong> wings for damage. His collecting activity has however spurred him on<br />

to read fur<strong>the</strong>r about butterflies <strong>and</strong> he has bought an entomology text in order to learn<br />

more about breeding cycles <strong>and</strong> food plants. Through talking with him he also appears to<br />

have quite considerable knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> environment including <strong>the</strong> El Nino event that<br />

affected PNG in 1997.<br />

Case Study 2 - Pine Lodge Hotel <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Illegal Trade<br />

The second case study is an example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> burgeoning illegal trade <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s from Papua<br />

New Guinea <strong>and</strong> how local people are using it as a source <strong>of</strong> income.<br />

The presence <strong>of</strong> IFTA in Bulolo for over twenty-five years has meant that for international<br />

collectors <strong>the</strong> town has become synonymous with <strong>insect</strong>s. Some collectors like to make<br />

trips to Papua New Guinea to collect for <strong>the</strong>mselves ra<strong>the</strong>r than purchase <strong>insect</strong>s through<br />

<strong>the</strong> post. Due to <strong>the</strong> notoriety <strong>of</strong> Bulolo many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se ‘<strong>insect</strong> tourists’ make sure that <strong>the</strong>y<br />

visit Bulolo. With decreasing international air fares <strong>and</strong> increasing ease <strong>of</strong> travel several<br />

such collectors visit <strong>the</strong> town each year. In <strong>the</strong> past <strong>the</strong> ‘<strong>insect</strong> tourists’ went on collecting<br />

trips organised by IFTA yet <strong>the</strong> frequency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se organised trips is beginning to decrease<br />

due to <strong>the</strong> tourists’ realisation that it is cheaper to buy <strong>insect</strong>s direct from local farmers <strong>and</strong><br />

collectors. This activity is illegal yet is becoming increasingly prevalent in <strong>the</strong> town.<br />

The nexus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> illegal trade <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s in Bulolo is <strong>the</strong> Pine Lodge Hotel. This is <strong>the</strong> only<br />

hotel in <strong>the</strong> town <strong>and</strong> as such it is <strong>the</strong> only place for visiting tourists to stay. Bulolo has<br />

71


approximately 100 tourists per year <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>se are mostly Japanese with a h<strong>and</strong>ful <strong>of</strong><br />

Americans <strong>and</strong> Europeans.<br />

An employee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hotel, Bob Kuri (see photograph 15), acts as a facilitator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> illegal<br />

trade. Bob is employed by <strong>the</strong> Pine Lodge as a gardener, but prior to this was a tour guide<br />

for <strong>the</strong> hotel. He utilises <strong>the</strong> trade in illegal <strong>insect</strong>s as a supplementary income to <strong>the</strong> wage<br />

that he receives from <strong>the</strong> hotel. He is in his mid thirties, married with several children <strong>and</strong><br />

originally from <strong>the</strong> Eastern Highl<strong>and</strong>s province. He moved to Bulolo in <strong>the</strong> early 1990s to<br />

take up employment with <strong>the</strong> Hotel. He struck me as confident, strong willed <strong>and</strong> was more<br />

than willing to talk about <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>itable nature <strong>of</strong> butterflies <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong>s.<br />

The arrangements for local farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors to come to <strong>the</strong> Hotel to sell butterflies<br />

when tourists visit are made by Bob. People come from throughout Bulolo <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

surrounding area. This includes farmers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CITES II protected species, O. goliath,<br />

Ornithoptera meridionalis (O. meridionalis) <strong>and</strong> Ornithoptera priamus (O. priamus).<br />

Most frequently it is non-protected species such as P. ulysees that are sold to tourists. Bob<br />

overcomes <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> permits for non-protected <strong>insect</strong>s by instructing tourists to go to<br />

IFTA to buy a small number <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s in order to obtain a blanket export permit. It is a<br />

more complex task to obtain CITES II permits which are required for all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Ornithoptera species. This is done through ano<strong>the</strong>r Bulolo resident who has a family<br />

member in <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Environment <strong>and</strong> Conservation, from whom CITES permits<br />

can be obtained. This individual sells CITES II permits to tourists for 800 Kina.<br />

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Farmers sell butterflies to tourists at a higher price than IFTA is willing to pay at 5 Kina for<br />

O. priamus, 150 Kina for O. goliath <strong>and</strong> 250 Kina for O. meridionalis. Theses prices<br />

represent a considerable saving for international collectors with <strong>the</strong> prices from IFTA being<br />

as follows: O. priamus 15 Kina, O. goliath 180 Kina <strong>and</strong> O. meridionalis 750 Kina. The<br />

cheaper prices combined with <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> illegal permits means that buying from<br />

farmers is still more pr<strong>of</strong>itable for <strong>the</strong> tourists than buying from IFTA as long as <strong>the</strong>y<br />

purchase a large enough quantity <strong>of</strong> birdwings.<br />

As well as tourists <strong>the</strong>re are infrequent visits by dealers who buy considerable quantities <strong>of</strong><br />

butterflies. Bob remembers one particular Japanese dealer, named Noboru, who visited in<br />

2002 <strong>and</strong> 2003. He purchased only birdwing butterflies <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> highly priced Jewel beetles,<br />

in two visits he spent a total <strong>of</strong> 63000 Kina.<br />

The work by Bob Kuri as a “tour guide” represents a significant wage to him when <strong>the</strong>re<br />

are international collectors visiting Bulolo. Bob charges 50 Kina a day for his services,<br />

representing five times his normal income. He also receives tips from tourists which he<br />

reported as being as high as 700 Kina. Bob has realised that <strong>the</strong>re is real money to be made<br />

in <strong>the</strong> illicit trade <strong>of</strong> butterflies <strong>and</strong> would like to exp<strong>and</strong> his ability to do so. For example<br />

after several requests from tourists he would be quite willing to sell <strong>the</strong> CITES I listed<br />

Ornithoptera alex<strong>and</strong>rae if he was able to obtain specimens from Nor<strong>the</strong>rn province.<br />

The illegal trade in butterflies undermines <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> IFTA. The investment that <strong>the</strong><br />

agency has made in training <strong>and</strong> support <strong>of</strong> farmers is being eroded by <strong>the</strong> direct sale <strong>of</strong><br />

butterflies <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong> to tourists <strong>and</strong> dealers. This activity will fur<strong>the</strong>r destabilise <strong>the</strong><br />

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delicate world market in Papua New Guinean <strong>insect</strong>s. Yet as long as this is a viable <strong>and</strong><br />

well-paid option for individuals such as Bob Kuri it will continue.<br />

Case Study 3 – Farming Goliath in Gumi Village<br />

The third case study reports on <strong>the</strong> farming <strong>of</strong> a birdwing butterfly in <strong>the</strong> rural village <strong>of</strong><br />

Gumi <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact that global butterfly prices have had on farmers <strong>the</strong>re.<br />

The village <strong>of</strong> Gumi lies 30km to <strong>the</strong> west <strong>of</strong> Bulolo in Morobe province. In 1993 IFTA<br />

was granted permission to begin farming projects for <strong>the</strong> CITES II listed birdwing<br />

Ornithoptera goliath, <strong>the</strong> world’s second largest butterfly. Gumi lies at <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> this<br />

species’ distribution within Morobe province <strong>and</strong> thus it was here that IFTA chose to begin<br />

its Goliath farming project. The uptake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> project was initially high due to <strong>the</strong> price<br />

<strong>of</strong>fered by IFTA for O. goliath at 60 Kina per pair. At this point IFTA had a monopoly<br />

over <strong>the</strong> production <strong>and</strong> export <strong>of</strong> this birdwing yet due to illegal exports from West Papua<br />

<strong>and</strong> new licensed butterfly exporters within Papua New Guinea this is no longer <strong>the</strong> case.<br />

Crashes that occurred to <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> O. goliath in 1995 means that specimens are now only<br />

bought for 10 Kina. The impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> devaluation <strong>of</strong> O. goliath on <strong>the</strong> income <strong>of</strong> Gumi has<br />

been great (fig.28) <strong>and</strong> presently <strong>the</strong>re are only six butterfly farmers remaining in <strong>the</strong><br />

village.<br />

In fig. 28 it can be seen that <strong>the</strong> income generated from <strong>the</strong> farming <strong>of</strong> O. goliath was very<br />

high in 1994 at 27140 Kina, <strong>the</strong>n from 1995 a large proportion <strong>of</strong> farmers stopped due to<br />

<strong>the</strong> sharp decline in <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> O. goliath. In <strong>the</strong> two years that O. goliath was attracting a<br />

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high value <strong>the</strong> villagers got accustomed to this new source <strong>of</strong> high income. Foodplants still<br />

remain in many people’s gardens yet <strong>the</strong>y are unwilling to collect <strong>the</strong> pupa <strong>and</strong> sell <strong>the</strong>m to<br />

IFTA as <strong>the</strong>y now feel that <strong>the</strong>y are not making enough money. There was no realisation by<br />

<strong>the</strong> farmers that <strong>the</strong> price could fluctuate <strong>and</strong> it was expected that <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> O. goliath<br />

would only go up over time <strong>and</strong> not down. Only one man, Yawising Yakamtung, farmed in<br />

Gumi for every year from 1994 to 2002 <strong>and</strong> he has subsequently stopped.<br />

As <strong>the</strong> farmers that are currently working were not doing so when <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> O. goliath<br />

was high <strong>the</strong>y are less disaffected with IFTA. Even though <strong>the</strong> only o<strong>the</strong>r source <strong>of</strong> income<br />

for <strong>the</strong> village is c<strong>of</strong>fee, which requires a high input <strong>of</strong> time <strong>and</strong> labour to yield a relatively<br />

low return, <strong>the</strong> last remaining butterfly farmers (Hiob Wekiko, Hams Hiob, Gedisa Eauko,<br />

Koni Gedisa <strong>and</strong> Dexie Gedisa) (see photograph 16) are considering stopping farming. The<br />

farmers that are still active say that <strong>the</strong> farming <strong>of</strong> O. goliath is carried out by all members<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir household. As with <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Ken Kube <strong>the</strong> link between <strong>the</strong> farmers earning<br />

money from butterflies <strong>and</strong> this causing <strong>the</strong>m to have an increased attachment to <strong>the</strong><br />

environment appears to be lacking. This could well be to do with <strong>the</strong> decrease in <strong>the</strong> value<br />

<strong>of</strong> O. goliath however, <strong>the</strong> farmers report that <strong>the</strong>y never set aside any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir forest to act<br />

as a source for O. goliath. This was because <strong>the</strong>y believed that <strong>the</strong>re, “will always be plenty<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m” (pers. comm. Gedisa Eauko, 2004) regardless <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pressure put on populations<br />

due to farming.<br />

Yateng Kitombing who describes himself as <strong>the</strong> “butterfly spokesman’ for <strong>the</strong> village, has<br />

learned <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> price at which IFTA sells <strong>the</strong> O. goliath to overseas customers (300 Kina)<br />

<strong>and</strong> is <strong>the</strong>refore very unhappy that people in <strong>the</strong> village are only receiving 10 Kina per<br />

75


utterfly. He believes <strong>the</strong> price for O. goliath should be set at half <strong>the</strong> retail price or Gumi<br />

itself should be allowed to sell direct to overseas customers as he sees this as a way to gain<br />

a better income from <strong>the</strong> butterfly.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> eleven years since IFTA first sold O. goliath on <strong>the</strong> world market <strong>the</strong>re has been a<br />

gradual decline in sales as <strong>the</strong> marketplace has become saturated. This process <strong>of</strong> boom <strong>and</strong><br />

bust has occurred with all <strong>the</strong> birdwing butterflies that have been put onto <strong>the</strong> market by<br />

IFTA.<br />

IFTA is not overly concerned with <strong>the</strong> cessation <strong>of</strong> butterfly farming in Gumi (pers. comm.<br />

Ca<strong>the</strong>rine Aisi) as <strong>the</strong>y have a large stock <strong>of</strong> O. goliath. Sales <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> species have been very<br />

slow as <strong>the</strong> world market appears to be saturated <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y are unable to compete with <strong>the</strong><br />

low priced O. goliath specimens that are coming out <strong>of</strong> West Papua.<br />

This case study exemplifies <strong>the</strong> delicate nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> butterfly market <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ound<br />

impact that it can have in rural livelihoods. Overall <strong>the</strong> outlook for butterfly farming in<br />

Gumi is not good <strong>and</strong> due to poor relations between village members it is more than likely<br />

that <strong>the</strong> farming <strong>of</strong> O. goliath will cease all toge<strong>the</strong>r. This case study makes it apparent that<br />

more planning, fore-thought <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> experts o<strong>the</strong>r than biologists <strong>and</strong> entomologists<br />

is required for future initiation <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r farming projects by IFTA.<br />

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Case Study 4 – Wau Butterfly Farmers<br />

The forth <strong>and</strong> final case study is that <strong>of</strong> butterfly farming in an urban centre where this<br />

activity is used as an supplementary income to a fortnightly wage.<br />

The town <strong>of</strong> Wau is situated an hours drive to <strong>the</strong> south <strong>of</strong> Bulolo in Morobe province. On<br />

<strong>the</strong> outskirts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> town is <strong>the</strong> Wau C<strong>of</strong>fee Plantation <strong>and</strong> it is five workers from here who<br />

have taken up <strong>the</strong> faming <strong>of</strong> O. priamus <strong>and</strong> O. goliath in order to earn an additional<br />

income on top <strong>of</strong> what <strong>the</strong>y receive from <strong>the</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee plantation.<br />

The five farmers, Nafau Lucas, Tonny Yamti, Giamalu Wapi, Yeno Ayum & <strong>Rob</strong>ert<br />

Banabas (see photograph 17), began farming after receiving training in butterfly farming<br />

from <strong>the</strong> manager <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Wau Ecology Institute’s <strong>insect</strong> farm, Mike Hudson. The plantation<br />

workers have made use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir private gardens to set up <strong>the</strong>ir butterfly farms. A block <strong>of</strong><br />

protected forest close to <strong>the</strong>ir homes, owned by <strong>the</strong> Wau Ecology Institute, acts as a source<br />

<strong>of</strong> butterflies.<br />

They mostly farm O. priamus for which <strong>the</strong>y receive 5 Kina per specimen. They are also<br />

able to farm a much smaller number <strong>of</strong> O. goliath which is worth 10 Kina per specimen.<br />

The amount that <strong>the</strong>se farmers earn through this enterprise is relatively low, on average<br />

<strong>the</strong>y receive 300 Kina per annum. Yet, as this is only an additional income <strong>the</strong>y believe that<br />

it is more than worth <strong>the</strong>ir while. Butterfly farming is a relatively easy task for <strong>the</strong>m<br />

compared with <strong>the</strong>ir day job at <strong>the</strong> plantation. Only one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> five farmers has assistance<br />

from his family in rearing <strong>the</strong> butterflies.<br />

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The supplementary income represents an extra months wage on top <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir pay from <strong>the</strong><br />

c<strong>of</strong>fee plantation. This income is used to purchase extra household items such as sugar, salt<br />

<strong>and</strong> soap as well a contribution towards school fees.<br />

The example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee plantation workers makes a striking contrast with <strong>the</strong> Gumi<br />

villagers. When <strong>the</strong> workers are able to farm <strong>the</strong> occasional O. Goliath <strong>the</strong>y are very happy<br />

as it returns it earns <strong>the</strong>m 10 Kina. They can’t believe that something which <strong>the</strong>y regard as<br />

worthless has so much value.<br />

The final case study has shown that butterfly farming is well suited as an additional income<br />

source especially when <strong>the</strong> farmers are on a constant fortnightly wage. Individuals are less<br />

concerned with <strong>the</strong> prices that <strong>the</strong> butterflies attract as <strong>the</strong>y aren’t nearly as dependant on<br />

this source <strong>of</strong> income as o<strong>the</strong>rs such as Ken Kube <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gumi Villagers.<br />

All four <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> case studies show that <strong>the</strong> <strong>insect</strong> trade can be implemented in a wide variety<br />

<strong>of</strong> ways in order to fit differing livelihood strategies. The farming <strong>of</strong> butterflies appears to<br />

fit especially well as an additional income source, as exemplified with Case Study 4. The<br />

case studies have also raised some points <strong>of</strong> great concern. There appears to be a thriving<br />

black market in butterfly <strong>and</strong> <strong>insect</strong> sales alongside <strong>the</strong> legal <strong>insect</strong> trade. If allowed to<br />

continue this will only serve to negatively affect <strong>the</strong> future possibility <strong>of</strong> rural incomes<br />

through <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting. Also <strong>of</strong> concern is <strong>the</strong> pricing structure butterflies<br />

that IFTA implemented in <strong>the</strong> early 1990’s. When <strong>the</strong> point prices were set problems such<br />

as <strong>the</strong> illegal trade <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> breaking <strong>of</strong> IFTA’s monopoly weren’t apparent. This lack <strong>of</strong><br />

78


foresight has caused major problems both for IFTA <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rural communities that rely<br />

upon it for an income.<br />

79


7000<br />

6000<br />

5000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

4000<br />

3000<br />

2000<br />

1000<br />

0<br />

1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 27. Ken Kube’s Butterfly Collecting Income (1996 to 2002)<br />

30000<br />

25000<br />

20000<br />

Income (Kina)<br />

15000<br />

10000<br />

5000<br />

0<br />

1994 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002<br />

Year<br />

Fig. 28. Gumi Village income from <strong>the</strong> farming <strong>of</strong> O. goliath (1994 to 2002)<br />

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Conclusion<br />

Taken at face value <strong>the</strong> collection <strong>of</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s in Papua New Guinea seems a<br />

bizarre concept; an activity that harks back to <strong>the</strong> Victorian era. Yet this activity has shown<br />

to provide income to many individuals in both urban <strong>and</strong> rural areas <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea.<br />

It has been twelve years since <strong>the</strong> Canadian International Development Agency concluded<br />

‘that <strong>the</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> IFTA … to rural economics is unknown’ (Prescott-Allen &<br />

Prescott-Allen, 1992). The research that has been presented in this paper has initiated a<br />

rigorous examination <strong>of</strong> this contribution. It has been shown that <strong>insect</strong> collectors <strong>and</strong><br />

farmers have been engaged in this activity in every province <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country at some point.<br />

Incomes vary greatly from a few Kina a year on <strong>the</strong> most part to several thous<strong>and</strong> Kina for<br />

a few individuals. Also, this form <strong>of</strong> income generation can be adapted to suit a variety <strong>of</strong><br />

livelihood strategies <strong>and</strong> is especially useful in supplying a ‘diversification option for<br />

household incomes whose o<strong>the</strong>r sources <strong>of</strong> income are generally unreliable’<br />

(Ashley, 1999). This type <strong>of</strong> income also requires a relatively low investment <strong>of</strong> capital<br />

whe<strong>the</strong>r it be physical, financial or natural.<br />

The implications that <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting has for biodiversity conservation, can<br />

only be loosely known at present. There are two potential areas <strong>of</strong> conservation that <strong>insect</strong><br />

farming <strong>and</strong> collecting can influence: <strong>the</strong> direct conservation <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> indirect<br />

conservation <strong>of</strong> forest resources through environmental awareness.<br />

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Addressing <strong>the</strong> first area <strong>of</strong> influence it appears that <strong>the</strong> IFTA project has allowed <strong>the</strong><br />

sustainable use <strong>of</strong> butterflies <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong> as <strong>the</strong> same species have been provided to <strong>the</strong><br />

organisation from <strong>the</strong> same locale for twenty-five years. However, <strong>the</strong>re is no quantitative<br />

pro<strong>of</strong> that farming <strong>and</strong> collecting has not eroded <strong>the</strong> integrity <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> populations.<br />

Comments made in 1992 still hold true today that <strong>the</strong>re has not been any quantitative work<br />

conducted on <strong>the</strong> effects that butterfly farming has had on wild populations<br />

(Martens, 1992). Until this work has been conducted <strong>the</strong>re can be no conclusive evidence<br />

that <strong>the</strong>re is a direct link between <strong>insect</strong> farming/collecting <strong>and</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong> biological<br />

resources <strong>and</strong> it is unable to have ‘rightly earned its reputation as an exemplary case <strong>of</strong><br />

wildlife utilisation’ (Martens, 1992). However, in addressing <strong>the</strong> second area <strong>of</strong><br />

conservation influence <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting has gone some way to increase<br />

awareness that forests can provide an income source o<strong>the</strong>r than timber. In <strong>the</strong> areas studied<br />

in this paper butterflies <strong>and</strong> <strong>insect</strong>s alone do not have a high enough value to persuade<br />

people to keep part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir forest as a ‘set aside’ conservation area, but <strong>the</strong>re are reports <strong>of</strong><br />

people in <strong>the</strong> Aseki area (a two drive to <strong>the</strong> east <strong>of</strong> Bulolo) setting aside forest to act as a<br />

source <strong>of</strong> O. meridionalis.<br />

The image <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farming being a perfect way <strong>of</strong> providing rural incomes is unfounded<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re are many problems facing those using it as a means <strong>of</strong> income. A reassessment<br />

<strong>and</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>r research into <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting in Papua New Guinea is required.<br />

More work needs to be conducted at a village level, especially in <strong>the</strong> areas that have ceased<br />

farming, in Low Income provinces in order to underst<strong>and</strong> why farming or collecting failed<br />

in those regions, ra<strong>the</strong>r than to rely on conjecture. The <strong>insect</strong> trading agencies that have<br />

fallen outside <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> this paper need to be investigated before a complete<br />

84


underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> uptake <strong>and</strong> <strong>success</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farming <strong>and</strong> collecting can be attained.<br />

This could prove to be problematic, not only is it unknown whe<strong>the</strong>r any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong><br />

trading organisations, apart from Wau Ecology Institute, keep any form <strong>of</strong> records but <strong>the</strong><br />

legality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se groups, especially NIF, is in doubt.<br />

IFTA has been practically stagnant over <strong>the</strong> past decade. The organisation has been under<br />

pressure from <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Environment <strong>and</strong> Conservation, subject to competition in<br />

<strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>insect</strong> agencies both nationally <strong>and</strong> internationally <strong>and</strong> suffered from<br />

being inflexible <strong>and</strong> unadaptable in its current guise. These factors will no doubt have<br />

resulted in <strong>the</strong> organisation underperforming <strong>and</strong> thus having a direct impact on <strong>the</strong> uptake<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>success</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>insect</strong> farming throughout Papua New Guinea. The under performance <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> organisation has manifested itself in its lack <strong>of</strong> capacity to conduct regular training <strong>and</strong><br />

an inability to pay farmers <strong>and</strong> collectors regularly <strong>and</strong> on time.<br />

The Insect Farming <strong>and</strong> Trading Agency needs to be restructured <strong>and</strong> adapt in order to cope<br />

with <strong>the</strong> factors that have impacted its performance as an organisation over <strong>the</strong> past decade.<br />

One positive step has been <strong>the</strong> resumption <strong>of</strong> IFTA training courses earlier this year. This is<br />

through <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> a VSO volunteer, David Whittaker, who has initiated have training<br />

projects. Training workshops began in July <strong>of</strong> this year <strong>and</strong> have been conducted in <strong>the</strong><br />

following provinces; Western Highl<strong>and</strong>s, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Highl<strong>and</strong>s, West New Britain, North<br />

Solomons <strong>and</strong> Morobe.<br />

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Fur<strong>the</strong>r research <strong>and</strong> assistance for IFTA <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r suitable organisations is required in<br />

order to turn what is a fundamentally good approach for income generation <strong>and</strong><br />

conservation to a truly exemplary one.<br />

86


References<br />

Adams, W.M. & Mulligan, M. (2003) Decolonising Nature: Strategies for Conservation<br />

in a Post-colonial Era. Earthscan, London.<br />

Adams, W.M. & Hulme, D. (2001) If Community Conservation is <strong>the</strong> Answer in Africa,<br />

What is <strong>the</strong> Question? Oryx 35:3, 193-200.<br />

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