Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace
Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace
Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace
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In English, the subject cc-comrn<strong>and</strong>s the object, but not vice versa. Thus, while the<br />
English translation of(20a) is acceptable, exarnple (20b) is not. In (20a), the proper name<br />
is embedded <strong>in</strong>side the NP, so it does not c-comm<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>to the VP where the pronoun lies.<br />
The proper name <strong>in</strong> the subject can be CO-referential with the pronoun object without a<br />
violation of Pr<strong>in</strong>cipal C. In (20b) however, the pronoun subject b<strong>in</strong>ds the proper name<br />
conta<strong>in</strong>ed with<strong>in</strong> the object NP. This results <strong>in</strong> a Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple C violation, because the<br />
refemng expression, the proper name, is not fiee. It is bound by the pronoun. In <strong>Cree</strong>,<br />
however, both (20a) <strong>and</strong> (20b) are grammatical. The pronom<strong>in</strong>al arguments are conta<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
with<strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>flected verb form <strong>and</strong> therefore do not c-comm<strong>and</strong> anyth<strong>in</strong>g outside the<br />
<strong>in</strong>flected verb. Hence the grammaticality of (20b).<br />
The PAH has undergone some other modifications <strong>in</strong> recent years. <strong>in</strong>itially, any<br />
language said to be noncontigurational was assumed to have a flat, non-hierarchical<br />
structure. But, as Russell <strong>and</strong> Re<strong>in</strong>holtz (1995) show, the absence of argument positions<br />
for NPs does not necessitate an absence of hierarchical structure. Rather, they have shown<br />
that <strong>Cree</strong>, for exarnple, does have a hierarchically-organized clause structure, organized <strong>in</strong><br />
ternis of the functional categories of Focus <strong>and</strong> Topic. This provides a discoursernotivated<br />
structure <strong>in</strong> <strong>Cree</strong>, follow<strong>in</strong>g the l<strong>in</strong>es of <strong>in</strong>formation distribution typical of<br />
Algonquian languages, where new or focussed <strong>in</strong>formation tends to occur <strong>in</strong> a pre-verbal<br />
position, <strong>and</strong> old or thematic <strong>in</strong>formation typically follows the verb (cf Toml<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
Rhodes 1979). The optional, non-argumental M?s occupy positions <strong>in</strong> FocP or TopP,<br />
either as the specifier of the FocP for focussed nouns, or <strong>in</strong> the complement position of the<br />
TopP. The verbal cornplex, which consists of the verb stem, agreement morphology, <strong>and</strong>