Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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Cree has been described as a pronominal argument language. This classification implies that argument positions in Cree are not available to overt NPs. Instead, argument positions are located within the verbal cornplex, and are filled by non-overt pronominal arguments. Overt NPs are located in non-argument positions. This thesis argues that subordinate clauses are also located in non-argument positions. While this might suggest that pronominal argument languages would lack complement clauses (i.e., no argument position for a clause) there is evidence to show that subordinate clauses can be divided into those with complement-like properties, and those which have adjunct-like properties. Unlike previous treatments of subordinate clauses, where these clauses were differentiated by a difference in structural position (i.e., argument versus adjunct) this analysis does not base the division on structural position. Following a distinction found in overt NPs, I propose that subordinate clauses are differentiated by whether or not they are an argument-doubling expression. Argument-doubling clauses display complement-like properties, while non-argumentdoubling (adverbial) clauses show adjunct-like properties. We will examine differences in distribution, proximate re-assignment and extraction between thex two types of subordinate clause. 1 daim that Argument-doubling expressions are included within the domain of the argument with which they are referentially-linked. This proposai accounts for the restrictions on proximate re-assignment, as well as suggesting a new perspective on the copying-to-object construction in Cree.
Acknowledgemenfs This thesis would not have been undertaken, nor completed without the support and encouragement of many people. Firstly, 1 wish to thank my cornmittee, Dr. R Glendinning, Dr. L.A. MacDonald, Dr. D.H. Pentland, Dr. K. Russell and Dr. H.C. Wolfart for their insight and suggestions, as weli as for making my defence so enjoyable. Very special thanks are owed to my advisor Dr. Charlotte Reinholtz, for her enduring enthusiasm and dedication, even when she moved to Queen's University a year before this thesis was finished. 1 shudder to think of her phone bills. I owe a debt of gratitude to Mrs. Dorothy Settee, my language consultant, for her patience and enthusiasm, and for aiways making me fee! welcome in her home. 1 would like to make special mention of Dr. H.C. Wolfm for his constant support of this work, and of me. Our conversations about Cree, linguistic theory, and canoeing were always stimulating and fun. I would also like to acknowledge Dr. Loma MacDonald, who got me interested in linguistics in the first place, far back in my undergraduate degree. The entire Linguistics department at the University of Manitoba has been extrernely helpful and supportive. Thanks are due to Ms. Debbie Spindler, for being a fountaia of knowledge in administrative matters, and for always having a minute to chat. Fnends and family have also provided encouragement in the writing of this thesis. Special thanks are due to my good fkiend Lisa McLean, for the many houn of discussion and for first teaching me X-bar theory. My family has demonstrated constant suppon, and never let the theoretical jargon deter them from asking questions. 1 especially thank my parents and parents-in-law for their love and guidance. Finaily, 1 wish to extend my deepest thanks to rny husband, JeE Without his love, encouragement and understanding, this thesis would have never been Witten.
Page 1 and 2: Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
Page 3: THE IJNnmuTTYOF MANITOBA FACULTY OF
Page 8 and 9: Notations Abbreviations and Soeciai
Page 10 and 11: Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
Page 12 and 13: This treatment of subordinate claus
Page 14 and 15: (1 ) Proto-Algonquian */nila/ '1' P
Page 16 and 17: (3) a. Italian: Ha parlato. [CP[3*e
Page 18 and 19: two NPs) can be expressed with ody
Page 20 and 21: In Cree, however, there is evidence
Page 22 and 23: imponantly for our purposes, he rec
Page 24 and 25: pronominal arguments whenever NPs w
Page 26 and 27: clauses are in non-argument positio
Page 28 and 29: to the MVC. The CO-indexing relatio
Page 30 and 31: would not be any such role for a CP
Page 32 and 33: However, an examination of the subo
Page 34 and 35: Hale concluded that the difference
Page 36 and 37: pronominal clitics were never bound
Page 38 and 39: Jelinek's analysis did not provide
Page 40 and 41: theory dong the way. For some prono
Page 42 and 43: In English, the subject cc-comrnand
Page 44 and 45: presented above, NPs are situated i
Page 46 and 47: (24) a. Independent: niwâpamâw c
Page 48 and 49: Le-, more prominent in the discours
Page 50 and 51: see.TA-(3-31) buffalo, f ' 'He saw
Page 52 and 53: - Source b. . ., kâ-wâpamât awa
Page 54 and 55:
. pêmohtêyâhk cj. walk-along. AI
Page 56 and 57:
syntactic relationship to the matri
Page 58 and 59:
complement-like interpretation. The
Page 60 and 61:
that A-doubling clauses also occupy
Page 62 and 63:
as dernonstrated in (44). The NP an
Page 64 and 65:
3.3.3.1.2 Declarative Argument-Dou
Page 66 and 67:
to-object does not appear to be fre
Page 68 and 69:
This shows that these wh-clauses ar
Page 70 and 71:
examinhg how they behave with diffe
Page 72 and 73:
semantic relation, namely constnial
Page 74 and 75:
In example (62) below, we see extra
Page 76 and 77:
If an NP is in an adverbial clause,
Page 78 and 79:
-linking relationship between A-dou
Page 80 and 81:
that its value is not inherent in t
Page 82 and 83:
the verbal morphology. In the examp
Page 84 and 85:
younger sister, is proximate. This
Page 86 and 87:
4.3 Proximatt Sbifts Given more tha
Page 88 and 89:
(76) kîwêw mistanask; kostêw wak
Page 90 and 91:
(77) êkosi êkwah sipwêhtêw. so
Page 92 and 93:
Some examples of complex sentences
Page 94 and 95:
cân kiskènimêw tânitê mêrîwa
Page 96 and 97:
Chapter 5 An Analysis of Adverbial
Page 98 and 99:
pronominals within the verbal cornp
Page 100 and 101:
discourse prominence of each partic
Page 102 and 103:
In Example (86) below, even though
Page 104 and 105:
argument in the matrk verbal comple
Page 106 and 107:
Example (90) demonstrates that a Wh
Page 108 and 109:
nominal matenal at al. The NP may c
Page 110 and 111:
(95) prq-nikiskênimâw-proJ Lw aw
Page 112 and 113:
eading even ifit does not contain a
Page 114 and 115:
5.4.4 Chains and Domains The CO-ind
Page 116 and 117:
see. TI-(3-i11an) cj-horse. fmt. AM
Page 118 and 119:
doubling clauses, and therefore, fo
Page 120 and 121:
(107) ( kêtahtawê pr~~kiskêyhtam
Page 122 and 123:
have the same obviation status. An
Page 124 and 125:
Lastly, we can consider an adverbia
Page 126 and 127:
Chapter 6 Conclusion and Further Co
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above, this analysis accounts for t
Page 130 and 131:
includes the matrix clause. Without
Page 132 and 133:
argument r-linked to the containing
Page 134 and 135:
have subordinate clauses which refl
Page 136 and 137:
Ellis, C. Douglas. 1983. Spken Cree
Page 138:
Tomlin, Russ, and Richard Rhodes. 1
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