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THE CONSEQUENCES OF MR KEYNES.pdf - Institute of Economic ...

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The cohesion and functioning <strong>of</strong> the British igth-century<br />

fiscal constitution<br />

Discussions <strong>of</strong> British constitutional history have tended to give<br />

insufficient attention to the interaction <strong>of</strong> the foregoing fiscalconstitutional<br />

conventions. 1 In particular, it has been insufficiently<br />

recognised that, alone, the first six conventions<br />

(above) were a very weak reed against the predictable tendencies<br />

<strong>of</strong> a system <strong>of</strong> party-organised competitive (democratic)<br />

politics towards persistent deficit finance and government<br />

spending growth. The balanced-budget convention (rule<br />

(7)) was absolutely crucial to the complex <strong>of</strong> fiscal conventions in<br />

providing a constitutional check against these tendencies, and<br />

in the task <strong>of</strong> allowing the whole system <strong>of</strong> fiscal-constitutional<br />

rules to function together effectively.<br />

This role needs to be seen against the background <strong>of</strong> a<br />

changed relationship between Crown and Government in the<br />

19th century, and the rise <strong>of</strong> political parties in the 18th and<br />

19th centuries. Parties (in the sense <strong>of</strong> alliances <strong>of</strong> MPs aimed at<br />

securing and retaining the spoils <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice) existed in the early<br />

18th century. These were <strong>of</strong>ten temporary and shifting, however,<br />

and not politically permanent alliances organised into<br />

strict voting blocs in the Commons. However, after being<br />

turned out <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice by the King in 1770, the Whigs began to<br />

organise themselves into a political party in a more contemporary<br />

form. The age <strong>of</strong> party politics had emerged—at<br />

least in embryonic form. 2 Edmund Burke, in his Observations . . .<br />

on the Present State <strong>of</strong>the Nation (1770) noted that 'party divisions<br />

. . . are [now] inseparable from Government'. Furthermore, by<br />

the time <strong>of</strong>the Reform Act <strong>of</strong> 1832, the Crown had to accept<br />

the leadership <strong>of</strong> the majority party in the Commons as the<br />

Government <strong>of</strong> the country.<br />

Thus, in the 19th century, as the result <strong>of</strong> these two developments,<br />

the Government was no longer responsible to the Crown<br />

(except in a symbolic sense) for its conduct, but rather to the<br />

House <strong>of</strong> Commons—theoretically, at least. As the Government<br />

had a working majority in the House organised in a permanent<br />

voting coahtion, it exercised control over the House, rather than<br />

the other way about.<br />

1 For example, Sir Ivor Jennings, op. cit., and K. Lowenstein, op. cit.<br />

a Up to 1867 parties were still loose and shifting coalitions. Modern political<br />

parties are a 20th-century phenomenon (the first was the Labour Party).<br />

[39]

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