Volu m e II - Purdue University Calumet
Volu m e II - Purdue University Calumet
Volu m e II - Purdue University Calumet
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
<strong>Volu</strong>me <strong>II</strong><br />
THE 19 TH ANNUAL CLEMENT S. STACY<br />
UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH CONFERENCE<br />
Proceedings 2011<br />
April 9, 2011<br />
The School of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong>, Hammond, Indiana
19 th Annual Clement S. Stacy Undergraduate Research Conference<br />
Table of Contents<br />
K - Z<br />
Rachel Kalthoff<br />
Hillsdale College ………………………………...………………………………………… 1<br />
Alexis Klosinski<br />
Bethel College …………………………………….……………………………………... 19<br />
Milan Kolundzija<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong> ………………..………………………….……………….…. 26<br />
Lane Michael Lareau<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong> ..……………………………………………………………... 42<br />
Jordan D. Leising<br />
Saint Joseph’s College …………………………………………………………………….. 59<br />
Matthew Lewis<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flint …………………………………………………………...... 68<br />
Aryn Lietzke<br />
Carroll <strong>University</strong> ………………………………………………………….…………….. 73<br />
Danielle Malloy<br />
Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong> ...................................................................................…... 77<br />
Nicole Manter<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong> ……………………………….………………………………..99<br />
Sharneé Maresh<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flint ………………………..…………………………….……. 105<br />
Stephen Matteson<br />
Bethel College ……………………………………………………………………..….… 111<br />
Gloriann McDonald<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong> ……………………………………………………………... 120<br />
Kelsey McMahan<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flint ………………………………………………….………… 140<br />
Jason Melton<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong> ……………………………………………………….………145<br />
I
19 th Annual Clement S. Stacy Undergraduate Research Conference<br />
Maeghan Mier<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong> …………………………………………………………...... 150<br />
Kiley Miller<br />
Indiana <strong>University</strong> – <strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> Fort Wayne …………………………………….… 158<br />
Amelia Moreno<br />
Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong> ………………………………………………………………...... 168<br />
Zachary R. Murphy<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flint ………………………………………………………….... 183<br />
Elyse Nelmark<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong> …………………………………………………………...... 189<br />
Elyse Nelmark<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong> …………………………………………………………...... 196<br />
Rana Nino<br />
Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong> ………………………………………………………………...... 204<br />
James Palmer<br />
Wilmington College …………………………………………………………................ 225<br />
Carolyn Payne<br />
Saginaw Valley State <strong>University</strong> ……………………………….…………………………. 247<br />
Kristen Peters<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong> …………………………………………………………...... 257<br />
Kristine Plocher<br />
Illinois College …………………………………….…….......................................... 262<br />
Angela Pusateri<br />
Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong> ………………………………………………………………...... 283<br />
Stephanie Rentschler<br />
Calvin College …………………………………...................................................... 307<br />
Regan Schaeffer<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong> ……………………………………………………….......... 320<br />
Caitlin Schmitt<br />
Carroll <strong>University</strong> ……………………………………………………………………..... 325<br />
<strong>II</strong>
19 th Annual Clement S. Stacy Undergraduate Research Conference<br />
Ryan Clifford Smith<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong> ………………………………………………………...……. 347<br />
Veronica Smith<br />
Augustana College ……………………………………………………………….……… 352<br />
Courtland Stokes<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong> ……………………………………………………….……... 373<br />
Jessica M. Tabor<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong> ……………………………………………………….……... 381<br />
Erika Trigg<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flin…………………………………………………………...... 391<br />
Elizabeth Wayne<br />
Alma College ………………………………………………………………………….... 396<br />
Yvonne P. Wood<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong> …………………………………………...…………………. 408<br />
Heather Workman<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flint ……………………………….…………………………… 415<br />
<strong>II</strong>I
Rachel Kalthoff<br />
Hillsdale College<br />
A Conservative on the Prairie:<br />
Washington Irving’s Concern for the Loss of American Tradition and Liberty<br />
in his Writings on the American Indians<br />
Among the ranks of Cooper, Hawthorne, and Twain, Washington Irving (1783-1859) seldom<br />
receives praise as one of America’s first great authors. Although mainly the author of short stories and<br />
sketches, Irving’s works helped found the American literary tradition. His works set the stage for the<br />
greater works of his better-know successors. Irving not only created an American literary identity but he<br />
also through brief sketches, helped shape an American identity and sense of tradition. Though often<br />
accused of shallowness and over-sentimentality, Irving’s emotional temperament and romantic style lent his<br />
combination of history and myth a picturesque appeal to the hearts of his countrymen. Though Irving did<br />
not embrace the romantics’ philosophy, he did engage in their literary style, a style where feelings and not<br />
reason provided the ultimate medium of ideas. Rather than making syllogistic arguments Irving sought to<br />
engage the hearts of Americans with snapshots of an America which, he believed, was vanishing under the<br />
tide of Jacksonian expansion and democracy. His short works and gifted style allowed him to communicate<br />
these concerns to an American people whose pursuit of agrarian virtue marginalized serious intellectual<br />
leisure-time. Under Irving’s romanticism and emotional flair lay a conservative concern for the loss of<br />
American tradition and American republicanism. This same concern animated his works on the American<br />
Indians. Irving viewed the Indians as fellow humans and, most importantly, fellow Americans. His writings<br />
on the Indians reflected this understanding. Despite accusations of triviality, these works, especially A Tour<br />
on the Prairies, condemn the Indian removal policy, and associate the loss of the red man’s freedom with the<br />
loss of a crucial part of American freedom and tradition. Far from ephemeral sketches, Irving’s writings on<br />
the American Indians, especially A Tour on the Prairies, mourned the loss of Indian freedom as the destruction<br />
1
of part of American liberty and tradition, and paved the way for the deeper musings of Irving’s literary<br />
successors.<br />
The sentimental nature of Irving’s writings subjected him to accusations of an impoverished<br />
intellect, but at their core, these writings reflect the principles that motivated him. One commentator<br />
writes, “Irving’s faith in God and his love of humanity were very simple. I do not suppose he was much<br />
disturbed by the deep problems.” As this response to Irving indicates, Irving’s emotionalism subjected him<br />
to accusations of simplicity and frivolity, but this critique too quickly shrugs off the importance of Irving’s<br />
faith in God and love of humanity as driving principles. In an essay on Irving, one scholar remarked, “His<br />
chief guides were his tastes and affections, with which his principles of duty and religion, his love of<br />
independence and his patriotism, were inwrought.” As this author indicates, Irving still possessed religion,<br />
principles, a sense of duty, and a deep patriotism, but his thinking upon these subjects began with his feeling<br />
about them. This sentimentality resulted from an innate tendency to respond to feelings over reason<br />
combined with his participation in the Romantic tradition. Irving suffered from accusations of triviality<br />
because his emotions often veiled his principles.<br />
The nature of Irving’s writings resulted from his emotional personality, noted by others even in his<br />
childhood. Characteristically Irving tended to rely on his emotions rather than his reason. For instance,<br />
while in Europe, Irving managed to fill entire letters with sentimental griping about his foul mood and poor<br />
tea. (Pierre Irving, Vol. 3, 46). On his trip west in 1832, Irving’s carelessness shocked fellow travelers<br />
such as Captain Ellsworth: “I was surprised to find Mr. Irving opposed to any restriction and ridicule the<br />
idea of taking thought for tomorrow.” (Ellsworth, 46). Irving’s relationship with his mother probably<br />
influenced, his emotional outlook. Pierre Irving writes that Irving’s mother, to whom he was very close,<br />
thought with her heart and, believed that the old and true America was passing away. (Pierre Irving, Vol. 2,<br />
15). Irving seemed to have inherited these character traits which in turn seeped into his writing. Irving saw<br />
his writing first and foremost as an appeal to the heart. Irving explained that he desired his writings to cheer<br />
2
his readers. He wrote:<br />
If, however, I can by lucky chance, in these days of evil, rub out one wrinkle from the brow of<br />
care, or beguile the heavy heart of one moment of sadness. If I can, now and then, penetrate<br />
the gathering film of misanthropy, prompt a benevolent view of human nature, and make my<br />
reader more in good humor with his fellow beings and himself—surely I shall not have written<br />
entirely in vain. (Curtis, 96).<br />
This motivation reflects Irving’s general care for his fellow men. One commentator called him, “the<br />
patriarchal embodiment of good-will towards men.” (Hellman, 154). This deep care for others animated<br />
his writing and his treatment of humanity in his writings.<br />
Of the emotional forces, that drove Irving, his love of the past and sense of time’s transience,<br />
incited a deep traditionalism in his writings all of which contain a yearning for the past. His childhood<br />
reading of adventure stories and travelogues nourished his lively imagination and begot in him a love of the<br />
past which eventually blossomed into a strong conservatism. His words on his childhood home reflect this<br />
outlook. He wrote,<br />
To me the Hudson is full of storied associations, connected to some of the happiest<br />
portions of my life each striking feature brings to mind some early adventure or enjoyment<br />
some favorite companion who shared it with me; some fair object, perchance of youthful<br />
admiration, who like a star, may have beamed her allotted time and passed away. (Pierre<br />
Irving, 43).<br />
In many ways these words reflect the manner in which Irving saw the world. Behind every event he saw a<br />
rich tradition. In his writing he sought to relive the past — its traditions, myths, and adventures, and to<br />
preserve them in the imagination. Irving said that he longed to “wander over the scenes of renowned<br />
achievement—to read as it were in the footsteps of antiquity—to loiter about the ruined castle—to<br />
meditate in the falling tower.” (Anonymous, 201). He did so in his writing, or at least that was another<br />
proclaimed goal. One author states, “Irving’s picturesque feeling for ruins came close to being a concept,<br />
the one intellectual frame he had to put around his picture of the world.” (Hedges, 42). This affection for<br />
3
the “picturesque” past informed Irving’s writings. Irving stated a “desire to fix these few memorials of a<br />
transient state of things fast passing into oblivion.” (Chittenden, 107). Accordingly, he told stories of a<br />
bygone America. He described the goal of Knickerbocker thus:<br />
to embody the traditions of our city in an amusing form; to illustrate its local humors,<br />
customs, and peculiarities; to clothe home scenes and places and familiar names with those<br />
imaginative and whimsical associations so seldom met with in our new country, but which<br />
live like charms and spells about the cities of the old world, binding the heart of the native<br />
inhabitant to his home. (Washington Irving, Knickerbocker, 13-14).<br />
He did this and did it well because, as a commentator points out, “the figures of history were to him living<br />
men and women.” (Parrington, 160). His treatment of historical characters in his works reflected this view<br />
and so did his treatment of the Indians. His love of the past influenced all his writing, developing its<br />
conservative character.<br />
The combination of an emotional character and a traditional mind suited Irving to the romantic<br />
style. This style sought to reach the reader by appealing to feelings rather than reason, expressed a<br />
picturesque vision of the past and, as some argue, is the definitive American literary style. (Morse, 20).<br />
While Irving did not fully embrace the philosophy of the romantics, his sentimentality, his concern for<br />
history and for his fellow men, and his affection for America led him to engage in the romantic stylistic<br />
tradition. (Brodwin, 14). Like other romantics, Irving placed feelings at the forefront:<br />
In true romantic fashion he let his feelings and impressions dictate the nature of his<br />
response. Nowhere in the Sketch Book are there any profound statements or penetrating<br />
insights about life, setting or character, rather romantic impressionism dominates.<br />
(Brodwin, 2).<br />
Irving used this “romantic impressionism” to convey insights, rather than stating them explicitly. Irving did<br />
not lack insights; he expressed them as emotions rather than arguments. Another biographer wrote, “he did<br />
not rationalize his desires, but he clearly lived and wrote them.” (Canby, 173). This describes the romantic<br />
response to the world. Irving’s attraction to the “picturesque” also drew him to the romantic style “for the<br />
picturesque was a concept (as well as a term) constantly invoked by romantic writers.” (Hedges, 122). The<br />
4
omantic style also appealed to Irving’s love for history. One author writes, “American romantics have<br />
traditionally sought to move out of time altogether and into some sort of space. Time means history, and<br />
history means “traces of men” and society, which is precisely what interested and stimulated Irving.”<br />
(Brodwin, 41). These words illuminate the crucial fact that Irving’s love of his fellow humans motivated his<br />
writing. Since the romantic style possessed this link to society as well as to the emotions it suited Irving’s<br />
character. Sometimes, however, his engagement in the romantic tradition led to a condemnation of his<br />
writings as ephemeral. This was especially the case with A Tour on the Prairies. While it made possible and<br />
partly legitimized the accusations of shallowness, Irving’s romanticism did not negate his ability to think and<br />
articulate.<br />
Despite his romantic style Irving possessed a keen intellect that earned respect for both him and his<br />
writings. A contemporary review stated, “Mr. Irving writes well because he thinks well, because his ideas<br />
are just, clear, and definite. He knows what he wants to say, and expresses it distinctly and intelligibly,<br />
because he so apprehends it.” (Everett, Vol. 4.88). Another scholar concurs, “[Irving] contrived, with<br />
singular skill and effect to intermingle with his burlesque narrative, the most profound reflections…and to<br />
speak out, from behind his mask, not a few harsh and unpalatable truths.” (Hedges, 65). Such views of<br />
Irving are more consistent with a man whose favorite authors were Spenser and Chaucer, who enjoyed the<br />
company of intelligent men such as Andrew Jackson, Thomas Cooper, and Edward Everett, and who<br />
possessed a deep understanding of the importance of tradition to society. (Bryant, 6). The accusations of<br />
shallowness fail to reflect Irving’s abilities and his accomplishments that reveal an intelligent and thoughtful<br />
man, as well as a participant in the romantic style. Irving used both his sentimental style and his intellectual<br />
ability to weave his stories about the frontier into delightful yet deep commentaries on the meaning of<br />
freedom in the American Tradition.<br />
Fellow Humans, Fellow Americans: Irving’s View of the American Indian<br />
5
Irving viewed the Indians first and foremost as fellow humans and fellow Americans and therefore<br />
lamented the white man’s treatment of the Indians and the loss of Indian civilization. Irving first<br />
encountered Indians at the age of twenty, when, in 1803, some friends agreed to take him on a trip up the<br />
Saint Lawrence River. (Pierre Irving, Vol.1, 20). Then, as later, the Indians fascinated him. (Pierre Irving,<br />
Vol. 1, 20). In his writings Irving portrays the Indians as part of a quickly fading America. The Sketch Book,<br />
perhaps his best-known work, includes two short pieces about the Indians, “The Traits of Indian Character”<br />
and “Philip of Pokanoket.” The presence of these two sketches in a work focused on vanishing small town<br />
America and its myths, suggests that Irving considered the Indians part of the American tradition. Both<br />
works reveal his respect for the Indians as well as a deep sorrow at their poor treatment by the whites. In<br />
“Philip of Pokanoket,” he describes the Indian hero:<br />
He was a patriot attached to his native soil—a prince true to his subjects, and indignant of<br />
their wrongs—a soldier, daring in battle, firm in adversity, patient of fatigue, of<br />
hunger…with heroic qualities and bold achievements that would have grace a civilized<br />
warrior and have rendered him the theme of the poet…he lived a wanderer and a fugitive<br />
in his native land and went down like a lonely bark foundering amid darkness and tempest<br />
without a pitying eye to weep his fall, or a friendly hand to record his struggle.<br />
(Washington Irving, History, Tales and Sketches, 1028).<br />
The words “a patriot attached to his native soil” express Irving’s view of the Indians as fellow humans who<br />
loved their native land and as patriots, whose beloved native land was America. This contrasted with the<br />
popular view of the Indian as a hindrance to the growth and expansion of white civilization. (Howe, 280).<br />
Irving’s portrayal of the Indians insisted that they were fellow Americans. One scholar notes,<br />
The reader senses in both essays Irving’s profound regret, not simply regret for the<br />
extinction of a race but for the reflection of that extinction upon American society. His<br />
regret, taken with his insistence that the Indian be considered in terms of his cultural<br />
heritage, makes Irving’s works on the Indians thematically consistent with many of his<br />
other works. (Littlefield, 141).<br />
6
Irving approached the Indians in the same manner in which he approached the small towns of upstate New<br />
York. He wrote about them as a conservative lamenting the loss of a way of life. His writing depicted the<br />
Indians as patriotic republicans and implied that the Indians contributed to American tradition and identity<br />
just as did the quirky characters of small-town New York.<br />
Because Irving saw the Indians as fellow Americans he condemned the Jacksonian removal policies.<br />
In a letter to his sister on the Indians, Irving wrote, “I find it extremely difficult even when so near the seat<br />
of action to get at the right story of these feuds between the white and the red men, and my sympathies go<br />
strongly with the latter.” (Pierre Irving, Vol. 3, 38). The Traits of Indian Character expresses his view in<br />
greater detail:<br />
It has been the lot of the unfortunate aborigines of America, in early periods of colonization<br />
to be doubly wronged by the white men. They have been dispossessed of their hereditary<br />
possessions by mercenary and frequently wanton warfare; and their characters have been<br />
traduced by bigoted and interested writers . . . the rights of the savage have seldom been<br />
appreciated or respected by the white man. (Washington Irving, History, Tales, and Sketches,<br />
1002).<br />
For a man who was known as “the embodiment of goodwill towards men” words such as, “bigoted” and<br />
accusations such as “interested” should strike the reader as strong and almost out of character. This<br />
response, however, reflects Irving’s expressed desire to, “penetrate the gathering film of misanthropy.”<br />
(Curtis, 69-70). The American treatment of the Indians offended his kindly view of them as fellow humans.<br />
His anger at fellow writers demonstrates his disgust that the writer’s profession had been turned to so<br />
uncharitable a use. For a man deeply devoted to the traditions of the past, “dispossessing” someone of their<br />
“hereditary possessions” meant destroying what Irving would have seen as one of the dearest possessions of a<br />
human being. For Irving the American treatment of the Indians ran in the face of the three things that<br />
animated his life — love of his fellow humans, writing, and tradition.<br />
In the face of such a condemnation of the Indian policy Irving’s agreement to accompany Captain<br />
Ellsworth on a government tour for the express purpose of removing the Indians poses a problem. Andrew<br />
7
Jackson’s Indian policy, especially the Removal Act of 1830, an act that, according to another scholar,<br />
resulted from an overextension or abuse of federal power, treated the Indians terribly. (Cave, 416-419).<br />
Rather than continuing to condemn Indian policy, Irving who had set out with companions Charles Joseph<br />
Latrobe and Count de Pourtales on a trip west, joined a government expedition. At Fort Gibson in<br />
Arkansas the three met up with Captain Henry Levitt Ellsworth, who had been appointed to carry out<br />
peaceful removal negotiations with the Indians. Ellsworth offered Irving the position of secretary for the<br />
expedition. Irving wrote to his sister,<br />
I shall accompany the commissioners on their expedition into the territories west<br />
of the Mississippi, to visit and hold conference with the emigrating Indian tribes.<br />
The commissioner, Mr. Ellsworth...invited me. (Pierre Irving, Vol. 3, 34).<br />
Irving never mentioned the removal act in his letters or his book, except for the description of Ellsworth as<br />
“pacificator.” (Pourtales, 46). He and his companions traveled the rest of the way with Ellsworth. Irving’s<br />
participation in the journey would seem out of character for one so strongly opposed to such treatment of<br />
the Indians if he did not already view the situation as a lost cause.<br />
Irving participated in this government expedition because he believed that Indian races were<br />
already doomed, and he wanted to see them before it was too late, not because he lacked principle or<br />
desired to produce a great literary work about them. In his letters, Irving expressed almost boyish<br />
excitement about seeing the western Indians. He wrote to his sister, “[I am] completely launched in savage<br />
life & extremely excited and interested by this wild country and the wild scenes and people.” (Pierre Irving,<br />
3, 23). Not only curiosity drove Irving, but also his belief that the Indians were part of a fast-disappearing<br />
America. In another letter, one to his brother Peter, Irving wrote about his participation in Ellsworth’s<br />
expedition:<br />
The offer was too tempting to be resisted. I should have an opportunity of seeing the<br />
remnants of those great Indian tribes, which are now about to disappear as independent<br />
nations, or to be amalgamated under some new form of government. I should see those<br />
fine countries of the far west while still in a state of pristine wildness, and behold herds of<br />
8
uffaloes scouring their native prairies, before they are driven beyond the reach of a<br />
civilized tourist. (Washington Irving, A Century of Commentary, 277).<br />
Irving’s letter reveals his motives for his participation in the expedition. Irving acted upon human curiosity<br />
combined with a sense of sorrow that the Indians and their culture were fast vanishing. As one author<br />
points out, “Those works dealing with the Indians can be viewed as a more detailed illustration of his belief<br />
that the Indian was doomed.” (Littlefield, 142). Irving’s apology for the Tour, reflected his motivation in<br />
traveling. He wrote,<br />
It is a simple narrative…I have no wonders to describe, nor any moving accidents by flood<br />
or field to narrate; and as to those who look for a marvelous or adventurous story at my<br />
hands, I can only reply in the words of the weary knife grinder: “Story! God bless you I<br />
have not to tell sir.” (Washington Irving, Three Western Narratives, 12).<br />
Curiosity and conservative sorrow motivated his participation in the expedition. Accordingly, he<br />
discourages the reader from expecting a grand narrative. Irving’s statement that he has no story did not<br />
mean that he had no motives in writing the Tour. In his account of the journey the Count de Portales wrote<br />
that Irving had an intention of writing a book. (Pourtales, 35). Irving kept a journal of his time there from<br />
which he drew A Tour on The Prairies, a fact that suggests that Portales reported correctly. Rather than a<br />
grand adventure, Irving’s little book contains continued musings on the loss of American freedom as he saw<br />
it manifested in the loss of Indian freedom. Irving may also have intended the book as an example of his<br />
Americanism. Upon his return he faced accusations of being a literary traitor. Though not the entire<br />
reason for his trip and the subsequent book, this concern probably contributed to his motivation. (Pierre<br />
Irving, Vol. 2, 488-489). The Tour on the Prairies, therefore, offers not a western adventure story but a<br />
reflection on American tradition and patriotism.<br />
Since the ideas expressed in A Tour on the Prairies voice the same concerns as his earlier works, so<br />
too does his style. He wrote the Tour in the style of the romantics as he had his other works. The Tour may<br />
have had an even stronger romantic tone to it because, as one biographer wrote, “As the author grew older<br />
9
. . . romantic attitudes began more and more to dominate his writing and his literary material.” (Aderman,<br />
14-15). Yet, as with his earlier works, Irving’s use of the romantic style in the Tour did not undermine the<br />
moral and intellectual themes of the book. Another author writes,<br />
There is a moral form and human vitality underlying all of Irving’s excursions into<br />
romantic elevation. He will attempt to understand Indian motives and actions exactly as he<br />
would try to understand the motives and actions of anyone else. (Rans, 108).<br />
In the Tour Irving believed that he was writing about fellow Americans and humans just as he had in “Philip<br />
of Pokanoket” and “The Traits of Indian Character.” In a manner unusual for his time, he believed that the<br />
Indians offered a way to understand Americans and their tradition. He did not consider race a fundamental<br />
barrier to his pursuit of American tradition. He conveyed his view of the Indians by appealing with imagery<br />
and emotion to the American heart.<br />
This style of portraying the Indians and the West subjected A Tour on the Prairies to criticism for<br />
being shallow, sentimental, and stylistically ill suited to the subject matter. Most authors agree that<br />
Washington Irving’s literary gifts stopped at the frontier boundary. While Irving possessed skill at<br />
portraying small-town America, and even at relating tales about Europeans, he seemed to lack the literary<br />
tools to describe the west. Irving had just returned from seventeen years abroad and had developed a<br />
European style that may have contributed to his difficulty creating a great work of frontier literature. A<br />
contemporary review of the Tour complained “he is in the character of …an epicurean herdsman… in his<br />
Tour of the Prairies there is little more of adventure, of actual romance, than the Iter ab Roma …<br />
Nevertheless, he has contrived to eke out a very pleasing and a very pretty volume.” (Anonymous,<br />
“Washington Irving’s Miscellanies,” 409). This was the common perception of a Tour, that lacking a plot it<br />
is “pretty” and artistic, but not much else. Another author wrote, “he was directed to them more by<br />
patriotism and popular demand than by any real interest. The Tour on the Prairies [is] of the grade of good<br />
magazine work, to be read, enjoyed, and forgotten.” (Cairns, 115). Because Irving was more concerned<br />
with American tradition and the West as it related to America than the frontier and its adventures, his<br />
10
western stories mimicked his Eastern ones and the setting seemed inconsistent with the content. Another<br />
author explains, “To Schoolcraft and Catlin he left the frontier’s ethnology; to Cooper its adventure; to<br />
Crockett its tall tale.” (Ellsworth, viii). While Irving did not concern himself with creating a “frontier<br />
work,” he laid the foundations for the frontier as a literary topic. Irving’s concern for the loss of American<br />
republicanism and tradition led him to see the frontier as but another means of expressing these concerns,<br />
but, in the end, his treatment of the prairie seemed out of place.<br />
Despite these accusations of shallowness, the Tour on the Prairies contains deep reflections on human<br />
nature, racism, the loss of freedom, the loss of republicanism, and the meaning of the American identity. In<br />
the Tour Irving reshaped the themes lamenting the old America into a lament for the loss of the unrestrained<br />
freedom of the Indians and thereby relates the loss of that freedom to the loss of American republican<br />
freedom. Irving portrayed the Indians as human and also as symbolic of American freedom. This double<br />
portrayal indicates that in marginalizing the Indians the Americans were in a way loosing their own free<br />
character. Although Irving did not in any way diminish the wild freedom of the Indian races in his book, he<br />
did portray them as uniquely human, expressing joy and sorrow. His description details characteristics to<br />
which any human might relate:<br />
In fact the Indians that I have had an opportunity of seeing in real life are quite different<br />
from those described in poetry. They are by no means the stoics that they are<br />
represented…taciturn they are it is true, when in company with white men, whose good<br />
will they distrust…the white man is equally taciturn under like circumstance. When the<br />
Indians are among themselves, however, there cannot be greater gossips. Half their time is<br />
taken up in talking over their adventures…they are great mimics and buffoons, also, and<br />
entertain themselves excessively at the expense of the whites…they are curious<br />
observers…they give full scope to criticism, satire, mimicry and mirth… as to tears, they<br />
have them in abundance both real and affected; for at times they make a merit of them.<br />
(Washington Irving, Three Western Narratives, 35-36).<br />
Irving described real humans and their emotions vivid ways that they undermined the racist arguments for<br />
Indian removal. Irving’s words reveal that he saw the portrayal of the Indians in the American imagination<br />
as a primary cause of the Indians’ mistreatment and sought to correct it. (Littlefield, 138). Irving concluded<br />
11
this passage, “As far as I can judge, the Indian of poetical fiction is like the shepherd of pastoral romance, a<br />
mere personification of imaginary attributes.” (Washington Irving, Three Western Narratives, 36). For Irving,<br />
the imaginary Indian was a dehumanized one. He believed that the misrepresentation of the Indians in<br />
literature resulted in the justification of the Indian freedom which he believed, in turn, harmed American<br />
freedom.<br />
Irving’s portrayal of the Indians as fellow Americans turns his lament at the loss of the red man’s<br />
freedom into a response to the loss of American freedom and republicanism. Irving writes,<br />
Such is the glorious independence of man in a savage state…in the absence of artificial<br />
wants, [possessing] the great secret of personal freedom. We of society are slaves not so<br />
much to others as to ourselves; our superfluities are the chains that bind us. (Washington<br />
Irving, Three Western Narratives, 28).<br />
In comparing the “personal freedom” of the Indians (and implicitly the loss of it through Jacksonian Indian<br />
policy), to the “slavery” of the white man, Irving seemed to be arguing that as America grew increasing<br />
industrialized and nationalized during the Jacksonian period, the Americans, like the Indians, were losing<br />
their “personal freedom.” Irving wrote,<br />
We send our youth abroad to grow luxurious and effeminate in Europe; it appears to me<br />
that a previous tour on the prairies would be more likely to produce that manliness<br />
simplicity and self-dependence most in unison with our political institutions.” (Washington<br />
Irving, Three Western Narratives, 44).<br />
These words do not reflect a thoughtless sentimentalism but a concern for the well being of his country. As<br />
one commentator said, “A Tour on the Prairies is a nationalist text, in the sense that the journey provides an<br />
opportunity for Irving to reflect on and define the emergent nation… the text as a whole presents a more<br />
complex, layered, and even ambiguous image of what America stands for.” (Reynolds, 94). Irving seemed<br />
to be recalling the old republican image, which the founders had embraced as the American ideal. Irving’s<br />
reflection calls to mind a Jeffersonian concept of American freedom in the West uncorrupted by city life as<br />
it also reveals a man who has thought hard about the republican roots of his country. This suggests that<br />
12
Irving’s conservatism went deeper than his attempt to preserve the small town traditionalism and<br />
Americanism of upstate New York, that it resulted from a treasuring of the republican principles that<br />
enabled the self-governing existence of those small American towns.<br />
If seen as a participation in a greater lament for the loss of American freedom, Irving’s more<br />
indirect treatment of Indian freedom in the Tour can be seen as an attempt to critique not only Indian policy<br />
but also a changing American political system. Several of Irving’s anecdotes concern his horse and<br />
reflections on the difference between wild and domesticated horses. Irving wrote about the capture of a<br />
wild horse:<br />
I could not but look with compassion upon this fine young animal whose whole course of<br />
existence had been so suddenly reversed. From being a denizen of these vast pastures,<br />
ranging at will from plain to plain … he was suddenly reduced to perpetual and painful<br />
servitude… The transition in his lot was such as sometimes takes place in human affairs,<br />
and in the fortunes of towering individuals—one day a prince of the prairies—the next day<br />
a pack horse. (Washington Irving, Three Western Narratives, 94).<br />
This passage connects the loss of the horse’s freedom to the loss of human freedom. In doing so the passage<br />
reflects Irving’s goal of investigating American freedom through an investigation of the west in The Tour.<br />
Because Irving had recently returned from a long sojourn in the cities of Europe, he probably had a<br />
heightened concern for American freedom. His concern for the loss of Indian freedom reflects his<br />
perception of the diminishing liberty in America. He wrote,<br />
Nothing surprised me more, however, than to witness how soon these poor animals, thus<br />
taken from the unbounded freedom of the prairie, yielded to the dominion of man. In the<br />
course of two or three days the mare and the colt went with the lead horses and became<br />
quite docile. (Washington Irving, Three Western Narratives, 115).<br />
Irving’s astonishment at the swift taming of the horses illuminates his shock at the complicity of Americans<br />
in the loss of freedom as Americans themselves became “tamed” to city life, industry, and foreign custom.<br />
The similarities that Irving saw between the loss of Indian freedom and the loss of traditional republican<br />
America also appeared in his retelling of Indian myths.<br />
13
A storyteller by nature, Irving included in his sketch of the prairie several Indian myths that contain<br />
a similar lament for the loss of freedom. One especially, the story of two Indian lovers, expresses Irving’s<br />
view of Indian removal as a symptom of the loss of American freedom. In the story an Indian hunter goes to<br />
get gifts for his bride. When he returns, the whole village except his beloved has left for a new settlement<br />
farther west. He and his beloved set out to the new village but he goes on ahead because to arrive together<br />
would destroy her reputation. As soon as he arrives at the camp he sends his sister to fetch his bride, but his<br />
sister says that she had died three days before. In disbelief the Indian runs to the place were he left her and<br />
finds only his pack. Realizing that he had seen only her spirit, he dies of a broken heart. This tragic story,<br />
which resounds with Irving’s stories of New Amsterdam, reveals Irving’s view of the loss of Indian<br />
freedom. The sorrow of the story is the loss of a loved one. By telling it in concert with the Indians’ move<br />
west, Irving suggests that their uprooting is more than just a relocation. It is a loss of something<br />
irreplaceably dear to the Indian people. The grief in this short myth reflects a deeply human sentiment that<br />
reflects Irving’s approach to his writing, but it also makes it applicable to the loss of beloved freedom that<br />
Irving saw with the expansion of industry and democracy in the Jacksonian period.<br />
The Tour on the Prairies, however, does not take the ideas to their full depth in contrast to his<br />
successors; he enthralled the imagination in his accessible and emotional narratives, but he left the reader to<br />
discern the meaning. One commentator put it thus,<br />
[Washington Irving] is our storyteller, preserving for us the ambience of an earlier<br />
way of life in America, one we cherish more dearly the more remote and<br />
irreclaimable that past simplicity becomes. (Washington Irving, The Legend of Sleepy<br />
Hollow and Other Tales, 254).<br />
This corresponded to Irving’s expressed desire to “fix these few memorials of a transient state of things fast<br />
passing into oblivion.” (Chittenden , 107). Irving did not claim to have worked out a systematic critique.<br />
He used the imagery of the past, which he loved, to impart to his readers the sense of loss that he felt in<br />
14
watching the America of the founders pass away. He did not care, however, to work out these thoughts to<br />
the extent that his successors did. Another commentator wrote:<br />
A tour of the prairies, a work that deserves more reputation was conceived as another<br />
Sketch Book, with a single romantic theme—the march of the rangers through the Indian<br />
country. But here Irving was too close to his subject. The Indian stories were not in his<br />
vein. The companions of his voyage did not project their shadows against historic<br />
backgrounds…the material that Cooper found so rich was for him too thin. (Canby, 181).<br />
As with his earlier works, Irving’s participation in the romantic style, combined with his emotional<br />
character, caused him to write shorter and less thoughtful narratives. Although, as in the above examples<br />
from the Tour, Irving sometimes sought to direct his reader’s reasoning, the “ambiance” which his works<br />
created generally left to the reader the responsibility of thinking on his own.<br />
Irving’s writings established the foundations for writers such as Cooper, Hawthorne, and<br />
Longfellow, who built upon Irving’s treatment of the Indians in his creation of a much deeper critique of<br />
American republicanism. One author wrote, “We must with emphasis recur to the thought … that it was<br />
Irving who through his legends and his descriptions developed in his countrymen local sentiment and pride<br />
in the natural grandeur of their country.” (Hellman, 154). Many regard Irving as the first American author.<br />
As such he set the stage for the greater works of his successors. Irving inspired both Hawthorne and<br />
Longfellow. (Baym, 952). He read and enjoyed the works of both Hawthorne and Cooper and took a sort<br />
patron’s role in their careers. (Pierre Irving, Vol. 4, 133). He greatly respected Cooper. (Pierre Irving,<br />
Vol. 4, 313). Irving possessed a special fondness for the works of his contemporary, poet William Cullen<br />
Bryant, whose poems he published and whose works he reviewed. (Everett, 88). While Irving may not have<br />
troubled himself with the deeper concerns of his successors, he actively and dutifully worked to create an<br />
American literary identity. If his works did not themselves pose great intellectual problems, they did create<br />
a precedent for later authors to do so.<br />
In establishing the foundations for the tradition of the American Indian and the American West in<br />
15
literature, Irving’s Tour on the Prairies, played an important role in American literary tradition. In linking<br />
the loss of Indian freedom and the loss of republican freedom, Irving made a masterful plea on behalf of the<br />
traditional past. While Irving’s own participation in the style of the Romantics may undermine the deeper<br />
intellectual themes of this work, his use of this style also allowed his work to appeal to the everyday<br />
American on a deeper emotional level. As he himself admitted, his gift was not the structural and rational<br />
soundness that his successors could claim. Rather it was the gift of reminding his fellow Americans of their<br />
shared past and bequeathing to them a sense of their own heritage.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Aderman, Ralph M., “Washington Irving as a Purveyor of Old and New World Romanticism.” From the<br />
“Literary Supplement” of The Times of London. (1936). In Andrew B. Meyers, Editor. A Century of<br />
Commentary on the Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York: Sleepy Hollow Restorations,<br />
Inc., 1976.<br />
Anonymous, “Washington Irving’s Miscellanies.” Fraser’s Magazine for Town and Country 45. (1835): 409-<br />
4115.<br />
________, “A Master of the Obsolete: Washington Irving in the Shadows.” From the “Literary<br />
Supplement” of The Times of London. (1936). In Andrew B. Meyers, Editor. A Century of Commentary<br />
on the Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York: Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
Baym, Nina. Editor. The Norton Anthology of American Literature (1820-1865), Vol. B. New York: W.W.<br />
Norton & Company, 2007.<br />
Brodwin, Stanley. Editor. The Old and New World Romanticism of Washington Irving. New York: Greenwood<br />
Press, 1986.<br />
Bryant, William Cullan. “A Discourse” (1860) in Andrew B. Meyers, Editor. A Century of Commentary on the<br />
Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York: Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
Cairns, William B. “Washington Irving,” from A History of American Lierature. (1912). In Andrew B. Meyers,<br />
Editor. A Century of Commentary on the Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York: Sleepy<br />
Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
Canby, Henry Seidel. “Washington Irving,” from Classic Americans. (1931). In Andrew B. Meyers, Editor. A<br />
Century of Commentary on the Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York: Sleepy Hollow<br />
Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
16
Chittenden, Hiram M. “Astoria” in A History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West. (1954). In Andrew B.<br />
Meyers, Editor. A Century of Commentary on the Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York:<br />
Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
Curtis, George W. “Editor’s Easy Chair,” from Haper’s New Monthly Magazine, Vol. 65. In Andrew B.<br />
Meyers, Editor. A Century of Commentary on the Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York:<br />
Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
Cave, Alfred A. “Abuse of Power: Andrew Jackson and the Indian Removal Act of 1830.” The Historian 65.<br />
no. 6 (2003): 1330-53.<br />
Duyckink, Evert A. “Memoranda of the Literary Career of Washington Irving.” From Irvingiana: A Memeorial<br />
of Washington Irving. (1860). In Andrew B. Meyers, Editor. A Century of Commentary on the Works of<br />
Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York: Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
Ellsworth, Henry Leavitt. Washington Irving on the Prairie or A Narrative of a Tour of the Southwest In the Year<br />
1832. Edited by Stanley T. Williams and Barbara D. Simson. New York: American Book<br />
Company, 1937.<br />
Everett, Edward, “Review: A Tour on the Prairies.” North American Review 41. no. 88 (1835) 1-28.<br />
Littlefield, Daniel F. Jr. “Washington Irving and the American Indian.” American Indian Quarterly 5. no. 2<br />
(1979): 135-154.<br />
Irving, Pierre. The Life and Letters of Washington Irving. 4 vols. New York: G. P. Putnam, 1863<br />
Irving, Washington. History, Tales, and Sketches. New York: Library of America, 1983.<br />
Irving, Washington. The Legend of Sleepy Hollow and Other Tales. New York: Reader’s Digest Association,<br />
Inc. 1987<br />
Irving, Washington. Three Western Narratives: A Tour on the Prairies, Astoria, The Adventures of Captain Bonneville.<br />
New York: Library of America, 1979.<br />
Jefferson, Thomas. Notes on the State of Virginia, Query XIX, (1787), 291.<br />
http://etext.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccernew2?id=JefVirg.sgm&images=images/modeng&data=/texts/english/modeng/parsed&tag=publ<br />
ic&part=19&division=div1. Accessed November 30, 2010.<br />
McDerrmott, John Francis. “ Introductory Essay to A Tour on the Prairies.” From Washington Irving. A Tour<br />
on the Prairies. (1956 ed.). in Andrew B. Meyers, Editor. A Century of Commentary on the Works of<br />
Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York: Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
Meyers, Andrew B. Editor. A Century of Commentary on the Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York:<br />
Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
17
Morse, David. American Romaticism, Vol.1: From Cooper to Hawthorn, Excessive America. Totowa, New Jersey:<br />
Barnes & Noble Books, 1987.<br />
Parrington, Vernon Louis. “Washington Irving.” From Two Knickerbocker Romantics. (1927). In Andrew B.<br />
Meyers, Editor. A Century of Commentary on the Works of Washington Irving 1860-1974. New York:<br />
Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Inc., 1976.<br />
de Pourtales, Albert-Alexandre, On the Western Tour With Washington Irving: The Journal and Letters of Count de<br />
Pourtales. Edited by George F. Spaulding. Translated by Seymour Feiler. Oklahoma: <strong>University</strong> of<br />
Oklahoma Press, 1968.<br />
Rans, Geoffrey. “Inaudible Man: The Indian in the Theory and Practice of White Fiction.” The Canadian<br />
Review of American Studies 8, no. 2 (1977):103-115.<br />
Reynolds, Guy. “The Winning of the West: Washing ton Irving‟s „A Tour on the Prairies.‟” The Yearbook of<br />
English Studies 34 (2004): 88-99.<br />
Works Consulted<br />
Andrews, William L. Ed. Literary Romanticism in America. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State <strong>University</strong> Press,<br />
1981.<br />
Berkhofer, Robert F., Jr. The White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present.<br />
New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978.<br />
Guttmann, Allen. “Washington Irving and the Conservative Imagination.” American Literature 36. No. 2<br />
(1964): 165-173.<br />
Hedges, William L. Washington Irving: An American Study, 1802-1832. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press,<br />
1965.<br />
Latrobe, Charles Joseph. The Rambler In North America. Vol. 1. London. R. Seeley and W. Burnside, 1836.<br />
Reprinted New York: Johnson Reprint Company, 1970.<br />
Sunshine, Kathleen. Early American Literature and the Cal of the Wild: Nature, the Indian and the Woodsman in<br />
Fiction. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1987.<br />
Wood, James Playsted. “Preface” in A Tour on the Prairies. Washington Irving. New York: Pantheon Books,<br />
1865.<br />
18
Alexis Klosinski<br />
Bethel College<br />
The Diagnosis of Antisocial Personality Disorder in<br />
“The Most Dangerous Game”<br />
Abstract<br />
General Zaroff is a very controversial character in Richard Connell’s “The Most Dangerous Game.”<br />
He is a phenomenal hunter with a strong Russian bloodline. Hunting is his life’s passion and has placed him<br />
among the extremely wealthy. His overwhelming skill causes him to grow bored of the sport, however. In<br />
order to surpass this ennui, the general devises a ghastly plot. He waits for sailors to crash on his hidden<br />
island and then throws them into his jungle to hunt them for pure pleasure. This grisly behavior and apathy<br />
towards human life can easily be explained by a psychological condition known as antisocial personality<br />
disorder. By comparing Zaroff to the symptoms associated with this disorder and to the traits of a serial<br />
killer who had this disorder, it can be reasonably concluded that the character can be diagnosed with the<br />
same condition. The symptoms discussed are derived from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental<br />
Disorders IV-TR. They include nonconformity, arrogance, false charm, manipulation, disregard of other’s<br />
rights and feelings, avoidance of being bullied, superficial rationalizations, acts of violence, and a lack of<br />
empathy. The serial killer traits are compared to that of Ted Bundy. They include charm, deceit,<br />
rationalization, and lack of empathy. With knowledge about the character, the disorder, and a comparison<br />
to a real life example, Zaroff can be diagnosed with antisocial personality disorder.<br />
The Diagnosis of Antisocial Personality Disorder in “The Most Dangerous Game”<br />
Richard Connell’s (1924) “The Most Dangerous Game” is a tale of suspense. It opens with an eerie<br />
1924 setting on the Caribbean Sea as two sailors discuss their future hunt. Rainsford, a skilled hunter, falls<br />
off the ship and heads toward the sound of gunshots. After a long swim, he reaches shore and stumbles<br />
upon a hidden mansion. Rainsford is greeted by Russian aristocrat Zaroff and his burly guard Ivan. A tour<br />
19
of the palace reveals that General Zaroff is quite the host and hunter. He describes his various adventures to<br />
Rainsford and then lets his guest in on his island’s treasure. After having hunted and prevailed over every<br />
beast he could find, Zaroff had gotten bored with the game. He had since “invented a new animal” to hunt:<br />
man. He “stocks” the island with shipwrecked sailors and puts them in his jungle to hunt. Rainsford is<br />
taken aback but is still forced into the game. After three days of being hunted, he barely eludes Zaroff and<br />
traps the general in his own kingly bedroom. Rainsford sleeps as a hero that night (pp. 477-492).<br />
In “The Most Dangerous Game,” by Connell (1924), General Zaroff displays several symptoms of a<br />
person with antisocial personality disorder. These symptoms are prevalent enough to diagnose him with<br />
this disorder.<br />
Back in the eighteenth century, the only known mental illnesses were depression, psychoses, and<br />
delusions (Vaknin, 2009, para. 1). A century later, French psychiatrist Pinel coined the phrase “manie sans<br />
dilire,” which translates into “insanity without delusions” (Vaknin, 2009, para. 1). He noticed that there<br />
were some people that were a little different than the usual lot of asylum dwellers. These people were<br />
clearly mad but did not experience hallucinations. In 1835, J. C. Prichard, a senior physician at the Bristol<br />
Infirmary, suggested the term “moral insanity” (Vaknin, 2009, para. 2). In his work “The Treatise on<br />
Insanity and Other Disorders Affecting the Mind,” he describes:<br />
Moral Insanity, or madness consisting in a morbid perversion of the natural feelings, affections,<br />
inclinations, temper, habits, moral dispositions, and natural impulses, without any remarkable<br />
disorder or defect of the intellect or knowing and reasoning faculties, and particularly without any<br />
insane illusion or hallucination. (Prichard, 1835, p. 6)<br />
Since the discovery of such individuals, expressions and names have been thrown around and<br />
revised due to advances in research. The previous and well-known term “psychopath” is now obsolete<br />
because its literal meaning of “mind illness” is inaccurate. These people do not actually have any major<br />
mental disorder (Simons, 2001). Today the correct term is antisocial personality disorder. A whole<br />
20
chapter is dedicated to this group in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. No lab or blood<br />
tests can diagnose antisocial personality disorder. Also, most people with this disorder do not seek<br />
treatment because they find nothing wrong with their behavior (American Psychiatric Association, 2000).<br />
A mental health professional can make a diagnosis by comparing a person’s life history and character traits<br />
with the symptoms of the disorder.<br />
There are several symptoms of antisocial personality disorder, including failure to conform to<br />
societal norms, arrogance, false charm, deceitfulness or manipulation, disregard for the rights and feelings<br />
of others, avoidance of being pushed around, superficial rationalizations, acts of violence, and a lack of<br />
empathy (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). In “The Most Dangerous Game,” General Zaroff<br />
displays all of these symptoms in one form or another.<br />
As an advocate of nonconformity, Zaroff lives in complete isolation (Connell, 1924). Some people<br />
like to have their home set away from the road, but Zaroff takes this to the extreme. Societal norms do not<br />
include building a mansion in the middle of the uncharted Caribbean. He does not conform because he has<br />
no one to conform to. Furthermore, he rejects society by choosing to segregate himself.<br />
The symptom of arrogance is obvious in Zaroff as well. He takes great pride in his abilities as a<br />
hunter and sings his own praises continuously. While reminiscing about his achievements, Zaroff boasts<br />
that jaguars “were no match at all for a hunter with his wits about him” (Connell, 1924, p. 483). He seems<br />
bitterly upset at the lack of a challenge from any animal as he exclaims, “Hunting was beginning to bore<br />
me!” (Connell, 1924, p. 483). The general likes to brag about himself. He views himself as above all other<br />
hunters. There is a clear streak of arrogance within him.<br />
Antisocial personality subjects also have a false charm about them. This implies that they produce<br />
the appearance of a high-class citizen while their thoughts and actions depict otherwise. Zaroff throws<br />
money around, has expensive taste, and gives off a sophisticated demeanor. While being welcomed,<br />
Rainsford finds “the general a most thoughtful and affable host, a true cosmopolite” (Connell, 1924, p.<br />
21
481). This thought of the general does not last long, however. The façade melts as Zaroff’s true identity as<br />
a serial killer emerges. Rainsford detects that something is not right with the general as he notices the red<br />
lips and pointed teeth beneath that sadistic smile (Connell, 1924). When Rainsford realizes who Zaroff<br />
actually is, he calls him a “cold-blooded murder” (Connell, 1924, p. 484). This is quite a contrast from his<br />
earlier view of the host. Rainsford was deceived by Zaroff’s false charm.<br />
Zaroff’s blatant use of manipulation also matches with the symptoms of antisocial personality<br />
disorder. He lures ships into crashing on his island in order to force them into playing his game. He<br />
explains to Rainsford how he obtains his prey by saying, “[Lights] indicate a channel where there’s none:<br />
giant rocks with razor edges crouch like a sea monster with wide open jaws. They can crush a ship as easily<br />
as I crush this nut” (Connell, 1924, p. 484). These people do not come willingly to his island of terror.<br />
They are misled by the general’s trap and must inevitably meet their fate.<br />
Another symptom that Zaroff displays is the disregard of the rights and feelings of others. When a<br />
crew shipwrecks on his island, he does not give them the option of leaving. They do have one choice,<br />
however. Victims may either hide in the jungle or take on Ivan. When Rainsford inquires about the refusal<br />
of a player, Zaroff replies, “I give him his option, of course. He need not play that game if he doesn’t wish<br />
to. If he does not wish to hunt, I turn him over to Ivan. . . He has his own ideas of sport” (Connell, 1924,<br />
p. 485). Prisoners have to choose between being hunted or physically torn apart by their limbs. None of<br />
his captives were set free or given the option to be. Zaroff completely ignores a person’s right to life.<br />
In accordance with the symptoms, Zaroff also avoids being pushed around. He allows himself a gun<br />
to hunt with while his prey only gets a knife. He makes this ammunition seem equal, but common sense<br />
says otherwise. “I give him a supply of food and an excellent hunting knife. I give him three hours’ start. I<br />
am to follow, armed with only a pistol of the smallest caliber and range” (Connell, 1924, p. 485). Even<br />
though he deceives himself into thinking he is at a disadvantage, the general still has the upper hand. His<br />
weapon can be used repeatedly at long range. A knife is only good for hand-to-hand combat or one<br />
22
carefully aimed throw. Zaroff can also obtain adequate rest and medical aid if need be, whereas the victim<br />
cannot. When Rainsford rigs a tree to fall on the general, Zaroff is hit and calls out, “I am going now to<br />
have my wound dressed; it’s only a slight one. But I shall be back. I shall be back” (Connell, 1924, p. 489).<br />
He clearly avoids being bullied by putting himself at the advantage.<br />
Zaroff also makes superficial rationalizations. He believes it is his duty to use his skills in the fashion<br />
that he does when he says, “Life is for the strong, to be lived by the strong, and, if need be, taken by the<br />
strong” (Connell, 1924, p. 484). He believes what he is doing is not only ethical, but expected of him. He<br />
justifies his actions with his twisted view of morality.<br />
People with antisocial personality disorder are known to commit acts of violence. Zaroff’s actions<br />
are the epitome of violence. He hunts men and in a brutal fashion. This sickly truth is revealed to<br />
Rainsford when Zaroff describes the ideal quarry, “It must have courage, cunning, and above all, it must be<br />
able to reason” (Connell, 1924, p. 484). Rainsford quickly guesses the only creature on this earth that has<br />
those attributes. Zaroff is very vicious in his hunting methods as well. As Rainsford reaches the island, he<br />
hears “a high-screaming sound, the sound of an animal in an extremity of anguish and terror” (Connell,<br />
1924, p. 479). The game Zaroff plays is murder, and it is a violent one.<br />
One more symptom that matches Zaroff’s character with antisocial personality disorder is the lack<br />
of empathy. He tracks down human beings in his jungle and kills them. The thought of this does not at all<br />
disturb him. He laughs at Rainsford: “I refuse to believe that so modern and civilized a young man as you<br />
seem to be harbors romantic ideas about the value of human life” (Connell, 1924, p. 484). Zaroff appears<br />
to have no conscience. No ethics or sense of morality makes him pause before killing each of his victims.<br />
He does not lay awake at night troubled by his actions. No empathy exists within this man.<br />
Not only does General Zaroff exhibit many symptoms by which antisocial personality disorder is<br />
diagnosed, he also has much in common with a man of the same condition. Ted Bundy is a well-known<br />
serial killer. Someone blind to his biography, however, would not be stricken with fear at the sight of his<br />
23
face. According to Nietzal, Speltz, McCauley, and Bernstein (1998), “he was a polished, intelligent, and<br />
attractive young man” (p. 407). This misleading outward appearance was what enticed his victims. Nietzal<br />
et al. (1998) recorded that Bundy hunted down, raped, and murdered over 36 women in a four-year<br />
period. He was also diagnosed with antisocial personality disorder.<br />
Ted Bundy and General Zaroff shared some similar qualities. According to previous evidence, they<br />
were both appealing men who were held with respect at first impression. They shared highly deceitful<br />
character traits. The two each made superficial rationalizations. Also, there seemed to be a lack of<br />
empathy in both of them.<br />
As previously stated, Zaroff is a “true cosmopolite.” He is wealthy, well-educated, and courteous.<br />
Bundy was a ladies’ man. He was debonair and attractive. His charming smile could lure in any<br />
unsuspecting woman (Nietzal et al., 1998). Despite their pastimes, these men were not threatening. They<br />
were appealing to other people, which only added to their false charm.<br />
Zaroff and Bundy were both deceitful creatures as well. Zaroff lures ships to crash on his island<br />
then manipulates the passengers to play his deadly game. Bundy used his outward appearance to lure in his<br />
victims. He would even go as far as wearing a fake cast on his arm to increase his trustworthiness (Nietzal<br />
et al., 1998). Once deceived, the poor women he trapped were horrifically murdered.<br />
These two men also had a severe lack of empathy. Zaroff finds it his responsibility to kill the men<br />
who were unfortunate enough to be stranded on his island. Bundy was no different. He thought the<br />
women he raped and killed were deserving of this punishment (Nietzal et al., 1998). He “seemed<br />
incapable of feeling guilt” (Nietzal et al., 1998, p. 408). What these men did held no consequences in their<br />
minds.<br />
A close look into the origins of antisocial personality disorder, the symptoms of the disorder, the<br />
character traits of General Zaroff, and a historic example of the disorder reveals a base for diagnosis. It can<br />
be concluded that if Zaroff were a non-fictional person, he could be formally diagnosed with antisocial<br />
24
personality disorder under the declarations made in today’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental<br />
Disorders.<br />
References<br />
American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Antisocial personality disorder. In DSM V-TR (pp. 701-708).<br />
Washington, D.C: Author.<br />
Connell, R. (1924). The Most Dangerous Game. In J. Beaty, A. Booth, J. P. Hunter, & K. J. Mays (Eds.),<br />
The Norton Introduction to Literature (10 th ed.) (pp. 477-492). New York: W. W. Norton &<br />
Company, Inc.<br />
Nietzal, M., Speltz, M., McCauley, E., & Bernstein, D. (1998). Personality Disorders. In Abnormal<br />
Psychology (pp. 406-419). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.<br />
Prichard, J. (1835). A treatise of insanity and other disorders affecting the mind. London: Sherwood, Gilbert, and<br />
Piper.<br />
Simons, C. (2001). Antisocial personality disorder in serial killers: The thrill of the kill. Criminal Justice<br />
Studies: A Critical Journal of Crime, Law, and Society, 14(4), 345-356.<br />
Vaknin, S. (2009). The history of personality disorders. Retrieved from http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/7-<br />
10-2006-101746.asp<br />
25
Milan Kolundzija<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong><br />
Political Tolerance:<br />
Examining the Relationship between Education and Political Tolerance<br />
INTRODUCTION:<br />
Why are some people tolerant while other people are not? This research question sets the<br />
foundation for the basic principles of this paper. In today’s progressive society, we recognize fundamental<br />
societal changes that force us to evaluate certain groups or actions in specific ways, and develop perceptions<br />
on certain matters. Measuring our capability to accept or reject enlightened perceptions on matters that we<br />
view negatively, is exceptionally important to investigate. It is important to explore this question, because<br />
it will facilitate the exposition of the level of distinctions among certain groups, and help us recognize the<br />
biases presented in society, by analyzing the actual information that can be generalized to the overall<br />
population. This investigation is extremely pertinent for our democracy, because of the principles that<br />
define our constitution. The constitution confers the right to speech, which is an essential element to our<br />
democratic foundation; the freedom to hold and express one’s political beliefs is seen as a precondition for a<br />
stable and effective democratic system. Political tolerance focuses on the extent to which certain groups are<br />
prepared to extend these civil liberties and procedural rights to groups they may perceive negatively.<br />
This research paper will investigate political tolerance, and its relationship with education. These<br />
two principles will be the two main variables for our research paper. Our main independent variable is the<br />
“Highest Year of School Completed” and the dependent variable is the “political tolerance index”. The<br />
hypothesis for this research proposes that, higher levels of education lead to higher levels of political<br />
tolerance; this indicates a positive relationship, because an increase in one is reflected in gains in the other.<br />
It is also important to note that we will also examine other factors that might influence the dependent<br />
26
variable, by including three additional control variables. These three variables are the respondent’s sex,<br />
religiosity as measured by how often a respondent attends religious services, and a respondent’s religious<br />
denomination.<br />
The two main variables for our research are both interval/ratio variables. This means that both<br />
variables have values that are based on a scale. The independent variable is based on a scale of educational<br />
attainment; the range varies from zero to twenty years of educational attainment. The dependent variable is<br />
based on a scale of tolerance level; the scale ranges from a low (0) to a high (15) tolerance level. This<br />
tolerance index is based on a combination of fifteen questions that were posed to five groups, including<br />
communists, homosexuals, anarchists, and atheists (see Appendix A). The responses to these questions<br />
were combined into a tolerance index, and our dependent variable index is based on those responses.<br />
The dependent variable has been applied in a way that is both reliable, and valid. The index for our<br />
dependent variable was constructed in a manner that recognizes groups from both sides of the political<br />
spectrum. Early research on political tolerance, focused on only one side of the political spectrum (leftist<br />
groups). In order to ensure that our data was valid, we had to ensure that the index was conceptualized<br />
from questions pertaining to both ideological spectrums. The dependent variable in this research paper<br />
focuses on questions posed about homosexuals, communisms and atheists. This ensures that all political<br />
spectrums have the capability to be recognized equally, and is not prejudiced towards one ideological<br />
spectrum; this ensures that our variable is measuring what it is supposed to. Our measurements are also<br />
reliable, because they do not include missing values, and are used consistently through all the analysis.<br />
The two main variables establish a casual mechanism that can be logically explained. This rests on<br />
the notion of associating higher education levels with higher information. I conceive that, the higher a<br />
person’s educational attainment, the higher their level of knowledge. This higher level of knowledge,<br />
allows them to distinguish new viewpoints and adapt enlightened perceptions on new information that is<br />
27
entering their thought process. They recognize the distinctions among certain groups, and learn to accept<br />
enlightened perceptions on certain groups, because they possess a higher level of recognition of those<br />
groups and their ideologies. As they acquire new information, they can shift their predisposed perceptions,<br />
and eliminate biases that may have hindered their viewpoints. By adapting this change, they are more<br />
tolerant of certain actions, because they are more knowledgeable.<br />
As mentioned earlier, this paper will investigate other possible alternative explanations to the main<br />
relationship. This will be performed through the use of three additional control variables. The reason for<br />
this inclusion is to investigate alternative explanations, in order to determine if other variables influence the<br />
dependent variable, and the magnitude of that influence in relation to the independent variable. One<br />
fundamental alternative explanation is the relationship between religiosity (as measured by how often a<br />
respondent attends religious services), and political tolerance. The mechanism behind this alternative<br />
explanation can be explained logically. I conceive that there is a legitimate casual mechanism between a<br />
respondent’s attendance of religious services and their tolerance level. I believe that religion forces<br />
individuals to grasp certain religious principles and compels them to develop a behavior that resists<br />
contradicting viewpoints. This forces those with higher levels of religiosity to become intolerant of other<br />
groups that don’t adhere to the principles being expressed by that particular religion. The more frequently<br />
one attends these religious services, the more solidified their viewpoints become against other diverging<br />
viewpoints.<br />
In order to establish credibility for this research process, we must recognize the research performed<br />
by prominent political scientists in the subject of political tolerance and its relationship to education, and<br />
consider the research performed on our control variables as well. There have been several credible and<br />
authoritative research assessments performed on the relationship, and those will be presented in the next<br />
section.<br />
28
LITERATURE REVIEW:<br />
The relationship between education and political tolerance has had an extensive history in research.<br />
Various studies have been conducted on the relationship, and numerous distinct factors have shown to have<br />
an impact on the relationship. These factors include nonconformist groups, cognitive sophistication, and<br />
conceptualization of political tolerance.<br />
One of the first research assessments performed on political tolerance was by Samuel Stouffer, and<br />
it focused on nonconformist groups (Davis, 1975). Samuel Stouffer “studied tolerance of Communists,<br />
atheists, and socialists in a 4,933-case national sample” (Davis, 1975) Stouffer investigated the “extent to<br />
which Americans were prepared to extend procedural rights to communists and suspected communists”<br />
(Sullivan, Pierson, & Marcus, 1979). Stouffer concluded from his data that “within each group the less<br />
educated were less tolerant than the better educated” (Davis, 1975).<br />
Another important factor to the relationship between education and political tolerance is cognitive<br />
sophistication. Cognitive sophistication is defined, as sophistication of one’s reasoning process (Bobo &<br />
Licari, 1989). A study was conducted by Lawrence Bobo and Fredrick Licari, on the influence of education<br />
on political tolerance while emphasizing the effect of “cognitive sophistication” (1989). They developed a<br />
measure for cognitive sophistication, by administrating a vocabulary test; they performed a regression that<br />
included various civil liberties, and cognitive sophistication along with control variables such as age, gender,<br />
income and political ideology (Bobo & Licari, 1989).<br />
In their results they concluded that “the highly educated are more tolerant than the less well<br />
educated… when the analysis is restricted to respondents who are likely to have negative attitudes toward<br />
the target group” (Bobo & Licari, 1989). They also recognized in their results that, “sophistication accounts<br />
for a substantial fraction of the effect of education on tolerance” (Bobo & Licari, 1989).<br />
29
The conceptualization of political tolerance, in terms of determining whether a consensus subsists<br />
on democratic principles, both in terms of abstract concepts or specific derivatives of those concepts, has<br />
had a tremendous influence on the relationship between education and political tolerance (Prothro & Grigg,<br />
1960; McClosky, 1964).<br />
In a study conducted by James W. Prothro and Charles Grigg on the relationship and the<br />
application of tolerance as an abstract concept, they examined whether a “consensus on democratic<br />
principles” exists when they are conveyed in abstract and specific terms (Prothro & Grigg, 1960). Their<br />
data consisted of a sample of registered voters from two American cities; Ann Arbor, Michigan and<br />
Tallahassee, Florida (Prothro & Grigg, 1960). These two sample groups, were randomly selected, and<br />
were given a questionnaire designed by the experimenters, that employed questions pertaining to the two<br />
basic abstract principles of democracy (Prothro & Grigg, 1960). The sample consisted of a high proportion<br />
of highly educated respondents (Prothro & Grigg, 1960). These respondents were administered a<br />
questionnaire that envisioned the principles of “majority rule and minority rights” (Prothro & Grigg, 1960).<br />
They administered a questionnaire that asked these two abstract concepts, and then derived “specific<br />
embodiments of the principles of democracy” from those abstract concepts (Prothro & Grigg, 1960).<br />
Their results showed that from the two communities a range from “94.7 to 98.0% percent of<br />
respondents supported the abstract principles established above (Prothro & Grigg, 1960). Agreement on<br />
specific derivatives of the particular abstract terms mentioned above were significantly lower, and most of<br />
the questions could not yield a high consensus (Prothro & Grigg, 1960). This basically means that, that<br />
respondents were more willing to support abstract terms than specific questions that define that term.<br />
They recognized that the variable with “the greatest effect on attitudes toward basic principles of<br />
democracy” was education (Prothro & Grigg, 1960). Prothro and Grigg point out that under every<br />
question, the “greatest difference on every statement was between the high-education group and the low-<br />
30
education group, and the high- education group gave the most democratic response to every question,<br />
whether compared with other educational, community or in- come grouping” (1960). The two<br />
researchers also concluded that, more correct answers “came from those with high education than from<br />
those with less education” (Prothro & Grigg, 1960). In order to determine whether this effect was<br />
spurious in terms of the disproportional amount of highly educated respondents in the sample, they tested<br />
the other control variables and determined that education still had the same influence (Prothro & Grigg,<br />
1960). They concluded that, “people with high education accept democratic principles more than any<br />
other grouping” (Prothro & Grigg, 1960).<br />
A similar empirical study was performed by Herbert McClosky (1964). He investigated the level of<br />
support for democratic principles between the “political elite” (individuals educated in political matters) and<br />
the general population (McClosky, 1964). He predicted that the political elite will “exhibit a more<br />
meaningful and far reaching consensus on democratic and constitutional values than will the general<br />
population” (McClosky, 1964). He developed a research process that included “two separate samples”, one<br />
of 3,000 respondents “drawn from the delegates and altern- ates who had attended the Democratic and<br />
Republican conventions of 1956” (McClosky, 1964). The second sample consisted of a representative<br />
sample of 1,500 US adults from a Gallup Poll (McClosky, 1964). Respondents from both samples<br />
“received the same questionnaire” that consisted of questions in terms of two categories: “Rules of the game<br />
and democratic values” (McClosky, 1964). Rules of the game questions consist of those pertaining to<br />
specific values of democratic rights, especially those with “particular emphasis upon fair play, respect for<br />
legal procedures, and consideration for the rights of others” (McClosky, 1964). The democratic values are<br />
the basic democratic principles such as those that “express belief in freedom of speech and opinion” in an<br />
abstract way, and don’t emphasize a specific action (McClosky, 1964).<br />
31
The results indicate that the “political elite” were significantly higher in support of “rules of the<br />
game” than the general population (McClosky, 1964). However, he also noted that both the general<br />
population and the “political elite” had extremely high percentage of support for “items expressing support<br />
for general statements of free speech and opinion” (McClosky, 1964). The “political elite” had a higher<br />
percentage of support for these abstract statements than the general population (McClosky, 1964).<br />
It is also important to recognize the fundamental research performed between religiosity (as<br />
measured by how often a respondent attends religious services) and political tolerance. One of the first<br />
assessments performed on this relationship was conducted by Samuel Stouffer (Eisenstein, 2006). He<br />
investigated “religious commitment and intolerance” and determined that “those who attended church<br />
regularly were less tolerant than those individuals who attended irregularly or not at all” (Eisenstein, 2006).<br />
He noted that “twenty- eight percent of individuals who indicated that they had attended church in the last<br />
month fell into the "more tolerant" category… in contrast, 36% of individuals who indicated that they<br />
were non-attenders fell into this category” (Eisenstein, 2006).<br />
Now that we have analyzed the prominent works presented by other political scientists, we will<br />
initiate the third portion of this paper. The next section of this paper will focus on the empirical research<br />
performed for this paper, and will analyze the data in order to determine if the results are consistent with<br />
the hypothesis that we established in the beginning of the paper.<br />
DISCUSSION:<br />
The data that was utilized for the empirical portion of this paper was constructed from a dataset<br />
that is configured to be interpreted by the program entitled “SPSS”. This data set was constructed by the<br />
National Opinion Research Center, who conducts a regular survey entitled the “General Social Survey”<br />
which asks various topics to a representative sample in the United States (Babbie, Halley, & Zaino, 2007).<br />
The survey is conducted biennially, and the data utilized here was collected in 2008 (Babbie, Halley, &<br />
32
Zaino, 2007). The sample consisted of 2,023 U.S adults. The responses for these individuals were collected<br />
by “face-to-face household interviews” and the GSS survey was conducted in a manner that would be<br />
representative of the population of the United States (Babbie, Halley, & Zaino, 2007).<br />
METHOD:<br />
Now that we have established the data source for our empirical research, we will describe the<br />
specific methods used to test our hypothesis. As we mentioned earlier, the goal was to test the relationship<br />
between the independent variable “Highest years of school completed” and the dependent variable “political<br />
tolerance index”. The first action that was performed was creating a frequency distribution of the<br />
dependent variable. The frequency table and the results are shown below (See Table A).<br />
TABLE A<br />
Cumulative<br />
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent<br />
Valid Low Tolerance 3 .1 .3 .3<br />
1.00 27 1.3 2.4 2.6<br />
2.00 27 1.3 2.4 5.0<br />
3.00 21 1.0 1.8 6.8<br />
4.00 60 3.0 5.2 12.0<br />
5.00 58 2.9 5.1 17.1<br />
6.00 54 2.7 4.7 21.8<br />
7.00 58 2.9 5.1 26.9<br />
8.00 58 2.9 5.1 31.9<br />
9.00 70 3.5 6.1 38.0<br />
10.00 70 3.5 6.1 44.2<br />
11.00 93 4.6 8.1 52.3<br />
12.00 126 6.2 11.0 63.3<br />
13.00 128 6.3 11.2 74.4<br />
14.00 279 13.8 24.3 98.8<br />
15.00 High Tolerance 14 .7 1.2 100.0<br />
Total 1146 56.6 100.0<br />
Missing System 877 43.4<br />
Total 2023 100.0<br />
33
As we can see the highest frequency dispersion is centered between the tolerance levels of 11 and<br />
15, which means that a significant majority (55.8 percent) of respondent’s have a high tolerance level. It is<br />
important to recognize this disparity first, because we need to determine whether this could be at potential<br />
influence when compared against another variable. In order to determine if there was a relationship among<br />
the results above, and our main independent variable, a cross tabulation was performed.<br />
A cross tabulation is performed in order to determine the level of influence between the two<br />
variables. We are trying to determine the influence that the independent variable has on the dependent<br />
variable, by analyzing how the dependent changes with a change in the independent variable. In order to<br />
perform a cross tabulation, the two interval/ratio variables had to be recoded into ordinal variables. The<br />
dependent variable was recoded in a manner that is appropriate to an ordinal structure. By ordinal we<br />
mean, one that will combine the individual values into separate categories, representing a ranking order of<br />
more or less tolerance. The dependent variable political tolerance index was disseminated from the 0-15<br />
scale, to three categories (Low, Moderate, High). The scale was recoded in the following manner: 0-4<br />
range was coded into a category entitled “Low Tolerance”; responses falling in the 5-9 range were coded<br />
into “Moderate Tolerance”; and responses falling in the 10-15 range were recoded into “High Tolerance”.<br />
The independent variable “Highest Year of School Completed” (Educ) was also recoded into an<br />
ordinal format. It was also recoded into three categories: 0-11 years of educational attainment into a<br />
category entitled “Less than High School”, 12 years of educational attainment, into “Graduate”, and 13-20<br />
years into a “Some College” category. The results of the cross tabulation are displayed in the table below<br />
(see Table B).<br />
Political Tolerance Recoded * Education Recoded<br />
Crosstabulation<br />
TABLE B<br />
Less than High<br />
School<br />
Education Recoded<br />
Graduate<br />
Some<br />
College<br />
Total<br />
34
Political Tolerance<br />
Recoded<br />
Low Tolerance Count 56 49 33 138<br />
% within 31.8% 15.6% 5.1% 12.1%<br />
Moderate<br />
Tolerance<br />
Count 62 113 122 297<br />
% within 35.2% 35.9% 18.7% 26.0%<br />
High Tolerance Count 58 153 498 709<br />
% within<br />
33.0% 48.6% 76.3% 62.0%<br />
Education<br />
Recoded<br />
Total Count 176 315 653 1144<br />
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%<br />
As we can see the table output shows the column percentages change depending on one’s level of<br />
education. As we move from “Less than High School” to “Graduate” to “Some College”, the “Low<br />
Tolerance” level decreases from 31.8% to 15.6% and then ends at 5.1%. This change shows that as we<br />
progressively shift our focus on a higher education level, the percentage rate of those in the low tolerance<br />
category is significantly smaller for those with a higher education level. This means that among those that<br />
are better educated, there is a miniscule number who have a low tolerance level in contrast to the other two<br />
educational attainment categories. Also as we navigate across the column under “High Tolerance” we can<br />
see that the dependent variable shows a positive relationship. As we progress from “Less than High School”<br />
to “High School” to “College”, the percentage of respondents with “High Tolerance” increases from 33.0%<br />
to 48.6% to 76.03%. These results show that there is as strong, positive and consistent relationship. The<br />
categories show a consistent positive relationship; as education level increases, tolerance increases among<br />
the respondents, and tolerance is higher among the better educated.<br />
In order to confirm the strength/magnitude and direction of the relationship between the two main<br />
variables, a test to determine the strength of association was included in this analysis in order to verify that<br />
our observations in the previous paragraph correspond with actual statistical information. Since the new<br />
35
ecoded variables are ordinal variables, we will employ the Gamma strength of association test. The Gamma<br />
test of association and the results are shown below (see Table C).<br />
TABLE C<br />
Value<br />
Asymp. Std.<br />
Approx.<br />
Error a Approx. T b Sig.<br />
Ordinal by Ordinal Gamma .522 .034 12.790 .000<br />
N of Valid Cases 1144<br />
The output shows that the real value of the relationship is .522. This magnitude shows that there is<br />
evidence of a strong and extremely interesting association between the two variables. The value also<br />
indicates that the direction of the relationship; the positive value in front of .522 indicates that the<br />
relationship is positive. This value confirms our previous observations, and shows us that our hypothesis<br />
was correct because, the relationship is consistent with the hypothesis. However, it still remains to be seen<br />
whether this relationship exists in the population or is the result of sampling error.<br />
In order to determine if the results obtained are statistically significant, the Chi- Square test of<br />
significance was used (see Table D). In order for a relationship to be statistically significant, it must be<br />
under a value of 0.05, which was established by social scientists to conclude that similar relationships in the<br />
population can be concluded without there being a sampling error (Babbie, Halley, & Zaino, 2007). The<br />
lower the value is under the set level of 0.05 the more significant the relationship.<br />
TABLE D Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)<br />
Pearson Chi-Square 172.346 a 4 .000<br />
Likelihood Ratio 165.560 4 .000<br />
Linear-by-Linear Association 163.282 1 .000<br />
N of Valid Cases 1144<br />
36
As we can see, this relationship is statistically significant at the .000 level. As we know if a value is<br />
less than 0.05 we can be confident that the results reflect a similar relationship in the population than those<br />
arising from sampling error. Since our value .000 we can be extremely confident that such results did not<br />
occur only by chance. Since our relationship is statistically significant, and the strength of the relationship is<br />
strong (.522), we can be confident that such a relationship can be generalized from our sample to the<br />
general population. However, since no controls were included in the analysis, the relationship might be<br />
spurious, unless the true cause and effect relation between the two variables holds, once other variables that<br />
are known to influence political tolerance are introduced. In order to test whether this condition exists, a<br />
regression analysis was performed on the relationship between education and tolerance.<br />
A regression analysis determines if the control variables in our model influence the dependent<br />
variable, and the magnitude and direction of that influence in respect to the independent variable,<br />
education. The three control variables that had three values or more in that variable were coded into<br />
dummy variables; one value in the variable was excluded from the regression, in order to facilitate the<br />
comparison of that value to the to the original baseline variable. So, for example the “Catholic” variable is<br />
coded so that it represents individuals expressing a religious preference for Catholicism and this is compared<br />
to the original baseline variable which contains representations of other faiths. The sex of the respondent<br />
only had two values, and therefore it was not recoded. (See Table E).<br />
TABLE E<br />
Model<br />
Unstandardized<br />
Coefficients<br />
37<br />
Standardized<br />
Coefficients<br />
B Std. Error Beta<br />
t Sig.<br />
1 (Constant) 4.259 .541 7.877 .000<br />
educ HIGHEST YEAR OF .515 .034 .403 15.069 .000<br />
SCHOOL COMPLETED<br />
Cathol Catholic -.103 .317 -.011 -.326 .745
protest Protestant -1.041 .272 -.135 -3.830 .000<br />
Attend Church Regularly -1.046 .247 -.132 -4.240 .000<br />
Attend Sometimes -.609 .296 -.061 -2.060 .040<br />
sexrec Respondents Gender -.254 .206 -.033 -1.233 .218<br />
The column “B” in the results, illustrates the direction and magnitude of the relationship between<br />
the variables and the dependent variable “Political Tolerance Index”. In the beginning, we proposed a<br />
direct positive relationship in the hypothesis; I proposed that higher education levels, lead to higher levels of<br />
political tolerance. The results show a value of .515 for the variable “Highest Year of School Completed”.<br />
This indicates a positive direction in the relationship between the two variables. This is consistent with the<br />
hypothesis proposed in the beginning, because it is showing us that political tolerance is higher among the<br />
better educated. The value of .000 under the“Sig” column indicates that the number is statistically<br />
significant, and that the results reflect a similar relationship in the population than those arising from<br />
sampling error. The result show that higher levels of education, lead to higher levels of political tolerance<br />
by about a ½ point on the 15-point tolerance index.<br />
It is also important to recognize that some of the other control variables have also shown to be<br />
statistically significant, and to influence the dependent variable. It is important to assess the magnitude of<br />
the variables by the size of the coefficient in comparison to the main variable. As we analyze the table, we<br />
can conclude that the control variable, specifically the dummy “Attend Church Regularly”, shows the<br />
highest magnitude (-1.046) followed by Protestant (-1.041) and “Attend Sometimes” (-.609). These<br />
dummy variables are also statistically significant, as indicated by the values of .000 and .040 in the “Sig”<br />
column. As we can see, the results show us that the other control variables also play a key role in<br />
influencing the dependent variable besides the respondents educational attainment and that some of them<br />
have a more significant role in influencing the dependent variable besides the main variable.<br />
38
There are also few other observations that are important to recognize. In the beginning of our<br />
research, we recognized the potential influence of religiosity as measured by church attendance and<br />
religious preference on political tolerance. Our results show that, one's denomination affects tolerance so<br />
that Protestants and Catholics (although in the case of Catholics the difference is not statistically significant)<br />
are much less likely to be tolerant as compared to the baseline group (no affiliation). The dummy variable<br />
“Attend Church Regularly” and its magnitude (-1.046) show that those who attend church regularly are<br />
notably less tolerant than those that never attend church. Finally, it’s important to recognize that the<br />
dummy variable “Attend Sometimes” (- .609) shows that those who attend church fairly often are still less<br />
tolerant than the baseline value of not participating in church activities at all.<br />
In conclusion, the hypothesis that was proposed in the beginning of this paper was confirmed,<br />
because the results showed us that higher levels of education, lead to higher levels of political tolerance.<br />
The second observation that we attained from our research process, is that the relationship is statistically<br />
significant at the .000 level, and it could be generalized from the sample to the overall population.<br />
Furthermore, it is appropriate to recall that our prediction that those who are more religious - as represented by<br />
one's religious preference and church attendance - are more intolerant than those without a religious<br />
denomination or who never attend religious services. The results showed us that those who attend church<br />
sometimes and regularly are both more intolerant than those that do not attend at all. This paper focused on<br />
general tolerance and the effect of education on the extension of procedural rights and civil liberties to<br />
certain groups. We did not perform individual analysis on each question contained in the tolerance index,<br />
and therefore our results do not examine the education-tolerance relationship to specific actions or groups.<br />
However, this research provides a further insight into the effect knowledge has on tolerance and should<br />
facilitate future studies into political tolerance.<br />
39
Works Cited<br />
Press.<br />
307.<br />
Babbie, E., Halley, F., & Zaino, J. (2007). Adventures in Social Research. Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge<br />
Bobo, L., & Licari, F. C. (1989). Education and Political Tolerance. Public Opinion Quarterly , 285-<br />
Davis, J. A. (1975). Communism,conformity,cohorts,and categories : American tolerance in 1954<br />
and 1972-73. American Journal of Sociology , 491-513.<br />
Eisenstein, M. A. (2006). Rethinking the Relationship between Religion and Political Tolerance in<br />
the US. Political Behavior, , 327-348.<br />
McClosky, H. (1964). Consensus and ideology in American Politics. American Political Science Review<br />
, 361-382.<br />
Prothro, J. W., & Grigg, C. M. (1960). Fundamental Principles of Democracy: Bases of<br />
Agreement and Disagreement. The Journal of Politics , 276-294.<br />
Sullivan, J., Pierson, J., & Marcus, G. E. (1979). An alternative conceptualization of political<br />
tolerance: Illusory increases, 1950s-1970s. American Political Science Review , 781-794.<br />
Appendix A<br />
Index coded 0-15 based on combining the following 15 questions:<br />
Q1. There are always some people whose ideas are considered bad or dangerous by other people. For<br />
instance, somebody who is against all churches and religion . . .<br />
A. If such a person wanted to make a speech in your (city/town/community) against churches and religion,<br />
should he be allowed to speak, or not?<br />
1. Yes, allowed to speak 2. Not allowed 8. Don't know 9. No answer<br />
B. Should such a person be allowed to teach in a college or university, or not?<br />
C. If some people in your community suggested that a book he wrote against churches and religion should<br />
be taken out of your public library, would you favor removing this book, or not?<br />
Q2. Now, I should like to ask you some questions about a man who admits he is a Communist.<br />
A. Suppose this admitted Communist wanted to make a speech in your community. Should he be<br />
40
allowed to speak, or not?<br />
B. Suppose he is teaching in a college. Should he be fired, or not?<br />
C. Suppose he wrote a book which is in your public library. Somebody in your community suggests that the<br />
book should be removed from the library. Would you favor removing it, or not?<br />
Q3. Consider a person who advocates doing away with elections and letting the military run the country.<br />
A. If such a person wanted to make a speech in your community, should he be allowed to speak, or not?<br />
B. Should such a person be allowed to teach in a college or university, or not?<br />
C. Suppose he wrote a book advocating doing away with elections and letting the military run the country.<br />
Somebody in your community suggests that the book be removed from the public library.<br />
Would you favor removing it, or not?<br />
Q4. And what about a man who admits that he is a homosexual?<br />
A. Suppose this admitted homosexual wanted to make a speech in your community. Should he be allowed<br />
to speak, or not?<br />
B. Should such a person be allowed to teach in a college or university, or not?<br />
C. If some people in your community suggested that a book he wrote in favor of homosexuality should be<br />
taken out of your public library, would you favor removing this book, or not?<br />
Q5. Or consider a person who believes that Blacks are genetically inferior.<br />
A. If such a person wanted to make a speech in your community claiming that Blacks are inferior, should he<br />
be allowed to speak, or not?<br />
B. Should such a person be allowed to teach in a college or university, or not?<br />
C. If some people in your community suggested that a book he wrote which said Blacks are inferior should<br />
be taken out of your public library, would you favor removing this book, or not?<br />
41
Lane Michael Lareau<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong><br />
The Slavery of Religion: A Look at Reason and Religion in America<br />
with A Rhetorical Analysis of the Secular Billboard Campaigns<br />
Good without God? Apparently millions are not. In this essay, I argue that the billboard campaigns<br />
funded by secular organizations, including United Coalition of Reason and Freedom From Religion<br />
Foundation, fail to create convergence with the U.S. public by presenting a rhetorical vision that says “unity<br />
is found in the personal choice to abandon religion” through fantasy themes of heroic reason, villainous God<br />
and the hindrance of religion to a society that rejects this interpretation of reality.<br />
In light of 9/11, we find ourselves in a country with an ever-polarizing society. The political right<br />
and the political left. Conservatives and liberals. Religious toleration and religious extremists. Yet, it is<br />
within this reality that secularist organizations throughout the United States have chosen to post billboards,<br />
specifically in the “Bible-belt” South, seeking to bolster their secular community while further increasing the<br />
divide between the religious and the non-religious.<br />
These campaigns are designed “to reach out to the millions of humanists, atheists and agnostics<br />
living in the United States” (“Atheist Billboard”). The billboards have sprung up in major cities throughout<br />
the U.S., including Chicago, Dallas, Portland, Phoenix, Newark, New York City, and Boston (“What’s<br />
New” 2009). The objective for these organizations, specifically by UnitedCoR, is to provide “an<br />
organizational structure wherein local groups in the community of reason come together cooperatively to<br />
raise their public profiles, grow their organizations, and help generate national dialogue on the legitimacy of<br />
religious skepticism” (“Frequently Asked Questions”).<br />
For this critical analysis essay, I want to evaluate the intended persuasive messages created for the<br />
billboards by secular organizations and their effects upon both the secularist and religious communities. For<br />
42
this analysis, I will: 1) discuss the background on the secular organizations and their billboard campaigns; 2)<br />
describe Bormann’s fantasy theme and rhetorical vision; 3) analyze the secularist billboard messages; and 4)<br />
offer a summary and conclusion.<br />
I will first discuss the historical background related to the rise of the secular billboard campaigns<br />
across the United States. This discussion will analyze a set of billboards created by UnitedCor, the Freedom<br />
From Religion Foundation and the North Carolina Secular Association along with a response billboard<br />
created by a church coalition in North Carolina.<br />
Background on Secular Organizations and Billboards<br />
The production and distribution of billboards by regional and national secular alliances is not a new<br />
or recent phenomenon. National organizations like UnitedCoR and the Freedom From Religion<br />
Foundation have funded campaigns since 2007 (“FFRF”).<br />
UnitedCoR is a national organization that promotes and highlights coalitions of secular groups<br />
spread across the country in order to raise awareness of communities of reason (“United Coalition of<br />
Reason”). UnitedCoR funded, on average, $5,000 towards each billboard that local coalitions erected near<br />
U.S. major cities (“Godless Groups”). The earliest news report of such billboards posted by UnitedCoR<br />
that I could find dated back to November 2008 when the Colorado Coalition of Reason created and placed<br />
eleven billboards throughout the Denver metro area and Colorado Springs region of Colorado (Haythorn).<br />
This was not an isolated incident. In 2009, UnitedCoR launched a nationwide campaign, utilizing<br />
these billboards in 20 cities including Boston; Charleston; Chicago; Dallas; Fort Worth; Des Moines;<br />
Morgantown, West Virginia; Newark, New Jersey; New Orleans; New York; Philadelphia; Phoenix; and<br />
Portland (“What’s New” 2009). This campaign has continued into 2010 with other major cities including<br />
Austin; Des Moines; Detroit; Fayetteville, Arkansas; Louisville; New Orleans; Oklahoma City;<br />
Jacksonville; St. Augustine; St. Petersburg; Tampa; Tucson; Sacramento; and Seattle (“What’s New”<br />
2010).<br />
43
The overriding message of the billboards by the UnitedCoR was to bolster the secular community<br />
in knowing they are not alone. Messages included the following: “Are you good without God? Millions<br />
are”; “Don’t believe in God? You are not alone”; and “Don’t believe in God? Join the club” (McPherson).<br />
Emily Volcheck, a member of the Baltimore Coalition of Reason, said that secularists “might feel they're in<br />
a minority and this billboard is a way of saying if you're good without God, then you're not alone. There<br />
are a lot of people like you, and we're trying to reach out to them” (qtd. in McPherson). Such communities<br />
would include Camp Quest Texas, a camp in Dallas designed specifically for children of atheists, agnostics,<br />
and freethinkers (Selk).<br />
Not all would agree though. The billboards faced much scrutiny by local churches with the news<br />
focusing more on the religious community’s outrage towards the billboards rather than the bolstering of the<br />
secular community – the original intent of the billboards. Dr. Hugh Bair, senior pastor of Christian Life<br />
Church near Baltimore, said he doesn’t “think anybody can really be good without having a part of the God<br />
component inside of them…A church is basically a visible presence that says we need God and what they<br />
are saying is they're undermining what church is really all about" (qtd. in McPherson). Other billboards<br />
had to be removed or relocated due to nearby businesses receiving threats and fewer patrons in response to<br />
the erected messages (“Secular billboard”).<br />
UnitedCoR was not the only national secular organization to fund and promote billboard campaigns<br />
nationwide. The Freedom From Religion Foundation funded the distribution of 50 billboards, denouncing<br />
religion in the Atlanta metro area in September 2010 (Poole). In September 2010 alone, the foundation<br />
erected over 70 billboards in Louisville, Kentucky; Atlanta, Georgia; and Tulsa, Oklahoma (“Atheism<br />
shines”). The foundation has funded a national billboard campaign, covering every state in the U.S. and 50<br />
cities since its start in October 2007 (“FFRF”). The foundation’s purpose is to separate church and state<br />
through education and promotion of non-theistic ideals (“About the Foundation”). This is the same<br />
44
organization that was behind the federal lawsuit that challenged the constitutionality of the National Day of<br />
Prayer (Poole).<br />
The foundation, with its focus on freeing government from religion, specifically targets the<br />
religious community with its billboard messages, unlike the conversation-starter messages funded by the<br />
UnitedCoR. The foundation’s messages include “Praise Darwin: Evolve Beyond Belief”; “Imagine No<br />
Religion”; and “Sleep In On Sundays” (“Anti-religion”). The religious community had much to say in<br />
response to this campaign. In response to a billboard posted in Atlanta, Christian musician and Georgia<br />
resident Craig Gleason said the billboards did “what many who are non-religious accuse Christians and<br />
others of doing – proselytizing” (qtd. in Poole). Rabbi Joshua Lesser of Congregation Bet Haverim in<br />
Atlanta felt the FFRF missed an opportunity to develop allies with the religious community through its<br />
“antagonistic tag lines” (qtd. in Poole). And Don Kemp, a Christian business owner in Georgia, felt the<br />
notion of freedom from religion is merely a “dream” (qtd. in Poole).<br />
The promotion of billboards throughout the nation was not segmented solely within national<br />
organizations. The North Carolina Secular Association funded a $15,000 billboard campaign seeking to<br />
remove “under God” from the Pledge of Allegiance (Mesmer). This campaign created billboards that read,<br />
“One Nation, Indivisible,” purposely removing “under God” that is found in the Pledge of Allegiance and<br />
strategically placing them in the Bible-belt South (Harris). The purposes of the billboard, according to the<br />
association, were “to show that even Americans who don't believe in God can be patriotic and to promote a<br />
sense of unity” (qtd. in Harris).<br />
It appears that residents of North Carolina didn’t find the appeal very unifying as one church in<br />
Asheville created their own billboard with the words, “One nation, under God” (Harris). The billboard was<br />
funded by a church coalition, We Still Pray, promoting the notion that America is founded upon God and<br />
finding the opposite as “disingenuous” (qtd. in Harris). Other forms of disapproval of the billboards came in<br />
45
the form of graffiti with the words “under God” spray painted between “One Nation” and “Indivisible”<br />
(Funk).<br />
Having a proper foundational background regarding these campaigns, I will now describe the<br />
rhetorical theory through which I will analyze these secular messages.<br />
Fantasy Theme and Rhetorical Vision<br />
Fantasy theme and rhetorical vision is a rhetorical theory created and applied by Ernest G.<br />
Bormann, designed to “provide insights into the shared worldview of groups” (Foss 109). Within this<br />
theory, Bormann combines the study of small groups with the study of rhetoric to see how persuasive<br />
messages are received and embraced. This acceptance, or symbolic convergence, occurs when the audience<br />
acknowledges, accepts and acts upon the message conveyed (Foss). Convergence is consensus by the<br />
audience regarding subjective meanings found within a message (Foss). This shared reality creates a<br />
rhetorical community that must agree with the reality conveyed.<br />
In order to understand the nature of this theory, one must first also understand two assumptions<br />
regarding the process of communication. The first assumption is that reality is created through<br />
communication (Foss). Depending on the context and symbols used within a communicative setting, the<br />
reality in which we perceive the world around us is affected. The second assumption is that “symbols not<br />
only create reality for individuals but that individuals’ meanings for symbols can converge to create a shared<br />
reality or community consciousness” (Foss 110). In other words, it is within the audience’s interpretation<br />
of the presented symbols that affects the acceptance or rejection of the reality created in communication. If<br />
the audience embraces a meaning contrary to the reality construed by the communicative message,<br />
convergence will not result.<br />
An example of a rhetorical community can be seen in the promotional campaign by Bungie Studios<br />
in 2010 for the release of Halo: Reach. Reach is the latest installment in Bungie’s Halo video game<br />
franchise; a franchise that has sold 34 million copies of Halo games and accumulated approximately $2<br />
46
illion in sales (“Millions”). The campaign presented a message that symbolized the events of Halo: Reach<br />
as those reminiscent of the Alamo or Pearl Harbor or the attacks on 9/11, calling for players to “Remember<br />
Reach” (Halo: Reach). Fans of the franchise and video game consumers identified and interpreted the<br />
symbols presented in the advertisement. Halo: Reach received $200 million in sales on its first day of<br />
release, validating the audience’s acceptance of the symbols conveyed in the promotional campaign<br />
(Slodkowski).<br />
Convergence occurs with the acceptance of fantasy themes, which are interpretations of real events<br />
that “consist of characters, real or fictitious, playing out a dramatic situation in a setting removed in time<br />
and space from the here-and-now transactions of the group” (Bormann, “Fantasy and Rhetorical” 397).<br />
These themes often present themselves as a mirror to the group’s situation, presenting their struggle with “a<br />
role collision or ambiguity, a leadership conflict, or a problem related to the task-dimension of the group”<br />
(Bormann, “Fantasy and Rhetorical” 397). These fantasies, however, are not defined as “something<br />
imaginary and grounded in reality” (Bormann, “Fantasy and Rhetorical” 397). These fantasies can be<br />
identified as “creative and imaginative interpretations of events” (Bormann, “Fantasy and Rhetorical” 397).<br />
The themes draw the audience of the rhetorical community to participate and commit to the presented<br />
attitude, spurring motivation (Bormann, “Fantasy and Rhetorical”).<br />
There are three “types” of fantasy themes that can be identified within a communicative message:<br />
setting, character, and action. Not all types must be present in a given message. Setting types depict the<br />
location and scene where the actions of characters take place (Foss 112). Character types describe the<br />
“agents or actors” in the drama, ascribing characteristics and qualities to the individuals and assigning<br />
motives behind their actions (Foss 112). Finally, action types are the “plotlines” of the drama that deal with<br />
the performance of the characters engaged within the drama (Foss 112).<br />
Within the promotional campaign by Bungie for Halo: Reach, several fantasy themes can be<br />
identified. First, a setting theme of patriotism and honor in war can be identified as the campaign<br />
47
encourages viewers to always remember Noble team; a group of soldiers that sacrificed their lives to<br />
protect humankind against an alien invasion (Halo: Reach). A second fantasy theme can be seen between<br />
the characters portrayed: the soldiers of Noble team and the alien race they fought. These character types<br />
portray the soldiers as heroes that gave humankind the freedom to live and the aliens as enemies who<br />
threatened humankind’s right to life. Finally, an action type fantasy theme is seen in the campaign’s call to<br />
remember (Halo: Reach). It is a call for the viewers and consumers to partake in the video game and<br />
remember the sacrifice these soldiers gave so that humankind could continue to live.<br />
Collectively, these fantasy themes form a rhetorical vision. A rhetorical vision is “constructed from<br />
fantasy themes that chain out in face-to-face interacting groups, in speaker-audience transactions, in viewers<br />
of television broadcasts, in listeners to radio programs, and in all the diverse settings for public and intimate<br />
communication in a given society” (Bormann, “Fantasy and Rhetorical” 398). These visions spark an<br />
emotional response similar to the original emotional chain construed by the various fantasy types found<br />
within the drama of the communicative message (Bormann, “Fantasy and Rhetorical”).<br />
This can be seen in the promotional campaign by Bungie. With the fantasy themes previously<br />
mentioned, tied with the audience that was presented with the message, a rhetorical vision of remembrance<br />
is created (Halo: Reach). This vision calls consumers to partake in remembering Reach and the heroism and<br />
honor these soldiers earned through their sacrifice in the same way that Americans remember Texans giving<br />
their lives for independence at the Alamo along with the firefighters and police officers who sacrificed their<br />
lives for those caught in the flames and smoke of terrorism within the World Trade Centers. It is within<br />
this vision that the emotional appeal of remembrance within the fantasy themes now calls for consumers to<br />
purchase the video game in order to pursue the same heroism and honor these historical events call us to<br />
bring to mind.<br />
Building upon the historical background and theoretical approach to these secular messages, I will<br />
now analyze the billboard campaigns and their effects upon American society.<br />
48
Analysis of Secular Billboard Campaigns<br />
In this essay, I argue that the billboard campaigns funded by secular organizations, including<br />
UnitedCoR and Freedom From Religion Foundation, fail to create convergence with the U.S. public by<br />
presenting a rhetorical vision that says “unity is found in the personal choice to abandon religion” through<br />
fantasy themes of heroic reason, villainous God and the hindrance of religion to a society that rejects this<br />
interpretation of reality.<br />
Looking at this piece of persuasion, several dominant fantasy themes appear within its intended<br />
message. These include presenting reason and the reasonable as heroic, God as villainous and religion as a<br />
hindrance to the advancement of society. Each of these themes portray themselves both as character themes<br />
as well as setting themes, presenting the actions of the reasonable as to the good of society with those that<br />
pursue God as the enemy to the unity and benefit of a society thereby including any actions done by the<br />
religious as outdated and inferior to humanistic thought. The remainder of this essay will expound on how<br />
these themes portray themselves within the various billboard messages and the effect they have upon<br />
American society.<br />
The most prevalent fantasy theme in these campaigns is one characterizing reason as heroic. The<br />
answer to life’s problems and the means by which we will overcome societal and moral issues are not<br />
through religion; they are through reason. This is clearly seen in the billboard by the Freedom From<br />
Religion Foundation that says, “Praise Darwin: Evolve Beyond Belief” (“Anti-religion”). The billboard<br />
utilizes a textual style similar to that of the Bible and sets reason and evolution as the pinnacle of worship<br />
and praise, not God. Unlike the God of the Bible that Christians find to be the hero, the foundation uses a<br />
play on words to prop reason to the elevation of a hero worthy of praise. The ultimate goal by UnitedCoR<br />
echoes this theme, bolstering the religious community, encouraging the reasonable to take a stand in a<br />
predominantly religious community and reaching out to the “millions of humanists, atheists and agnostics”<br />
49
(“Atheist Billboard”). Their effort to encourage the humanists marginalizes the religious community in an<br />
inferior light, highlighting their belief in God (McPherson).<br />
At first glance, this may seem innocent, but the underlying message presents an “us-them”<br />
mentality. If goodness is found apart from God, then the undertones of this billboard campaign suggests<br />
that a belief in God doesn’t provide goodness for any individual. Additionally, to say one is good without<br />
God is to say that the choice in rejecting God is good for you. Reason is the hero of society. Reason is the<br />
means through which society will advance, not the inferior ways and ideologies of religion. The religious<br />
community perceives this implied message, mentioning the fact that it’s a “slap in the face” to their group<br />
and what they’re doing in their surrounding communities (“Non Religious”).<br />
The converse to this reveals that God is the enemy, the villain, to the good and joy of a society. If<br />
reason is the means by which a society will advance, then religion – the absence of reason – is the enemy to<br />
fulfilling these goals. This character theme is most dominant in the messages provided through the Freedom<br />
From Religion Foundation. Their intent behind the billboards is not to merely bolster up the humanistic<br />
community but to shun and discourage participation within the religious community. As foundation copresident<br />
Annie Laurie Gaylor notes, the group’s purpose is to increase the visibility of the secularists and<br />
denounce belief in God, believing “religion causes more harm than good” (“Anti religion”). This is evident<br />
in some of their messages that include encouraging citizens to “Imagine No Religion” and to “Sleep In On<br />
Sundays” (“Anti religion”). One billboard connects religion with slavery through a quote by Thelma<br />
McQueen. McQueen, an atheist, said, “As my ancestors are free from slavery, I am free from the slavery of<br />
religion” (qtd. in Poole). Just as slavery was an enemy to the freedom of African Americans in the early<br />
history of America, so in today’s society, religion has become the enemy to the freedoms and advancements<br />
of our pluralistic society. This quote further intensifies the character theme of God and religion as a villain,<br />
stirring in the audience reminders of slavery as a means to create resentment towards God.<br />
50
Both of these character themes present themselves behind the dominant setting theme that suggests<br />
religion is a hindrance to society. Pulling on the character themes present in the campaign, this setting<br />
theme becomes apparent. If reason advances society, and religion is viewed as the enemy, then reason must<br />
overcome religion if we are to advance as a society. With UnitedCoR’s campaign seeking to unite the<br />
secular communities and the Freedom From Religion Foundation’s intent on shunning religion, this theme<br />
becomes transparent. This is most evident in the Freedom From Religion Foundation’s call for U.S. society<br />
to “Evolve Beyond Belief,” strategically presenting the message in regions where courts had rulings<br />
regarding the teaching of evolution and intelligent design (“Secularist group”). This is an evident attempt by<br />
the foundation to advocate reason as the alternative, seeking to remove the hindrance religion has in our<br />
society’s education. In other words, stop believing in God so we as a society can move on in this world.<br />
Religion, and specifically belief in God, is the hindrance to what we can be. Stop praising God and praise<br />
evolution. Praise reason. “In Reason We Trust” (“Atheism shines”).<br />
These fantasy themes chain together to create a rhetorical vision that says “unity is found in the<br />
personal choice to abandon religion.” The secularists consider the religious to be ostracizing the community<br />
of reason (McPherson), highlighting that the Founding Fathers “feared” religion (Zucchino). One group<br />
even suggests that the secular are discriminated against by the religious (“Residents”). The rhetorical vision<br />
spurs the American people to abandon the villainous religion through heroic reason in order to attain unity<br />
and freedom from the fear of religion just as we overcame slavery and discrimination. Just as Americans<br />
united against common enemies in the past, these billboards attempt to persuade Americans to find unity in<br />
the personal abandonment of religion.<br />
Despite the attempts by the secular organizations, the U.S. society disagrees with such an<br />
interpretation of reality. As one resident in Florida notes, “Muslim, Jew, Hindu, Christian, whoever you<br />
are, we all believe in a spiritual higher being” (qtd. in “Residents”). To criticize the religious community is<br />
to criticize the American people. Deputy National Security Adviser Denis McDonough said at an interfaith<br />
51
forum in 2011, “Being religious is never un-American. Being religious is quintessentially<br />
American…We’re all American” (Sullivan). In other words, religion is part of the very fabric that defines<br />
being American. Although the secularist message did not intend to denigrate Christians, U.S. society<br />
perceived the message as such, moving beyond Christians to include Muslims, Hindus, and all religions<br />
(Haythorn).<br />
Bob Enyart, spokesman for American Right to Life, said, “America had tremendous Christian<br />
influence in our founding. And we have been an example to the world of religious tolerance” (qtd. in<br />
Haythorn). Americans perceive themselves to be the pinnacle of religious tolerance, finding unity and<br />
acceptance in their citizenship as Americans despite their religious differences. The rhetorical vision of the<br />
secular organizations that suggests unity is found in the personal abandonment of religion undermines the<br />
very unity that Americans perceive through religion. This fact is evident in President Barack Obama’s<br />
statements in his Call to Renewal address:<br />
[W]e first need to understand that Americans are a religious people; 90 percent of us<br />
believe in God, 70 percent affiliate themselves with an organized religion, 38 percent call<br />
themselves committed Christians, and substantially more people in America believe in<br />
angels than they do in evolution. This religious tendency is not simply the result of<br />
successful marketing by skilled preachers or the draw of popular mega-churches. In fact, it<br />
speaks to a hunger that’s deeper than that – a hunger that goes beyond any particular issue<br />
or cause…I came to realize that something was missing as well – that without a vessel for<br />
my beliefs, without a commitment to a particular community of faith, at some level I<br />
would always remain apart, and alone. (Obama)<br />
To remove religion is to remove the unity Americans find in such a pursuit. Additionally, the very<br />
rhetorical vision directly contradicts their message for unity because the abandonment of religion disunites<br />
the religious community found in America. Therefore, the very message of unity by the secular<br />
52
organizations counters everything Americans perceive to be true. The very message by the secular<br />
organizations to find unity in reason creates dissonance among the religious, undermining the secularist’s<br />
message. This is the case because the organizations distance themselves from part of American society; a<br />
survey by the Pew Research Center in 2008 revealed that 83 percent of Americans adhere to religious<br />
beliefs (U.S. Religious).<br />
Religion does not hinder society because America has become what it is through its religious<br />
tolerance and discourse. God is not the villain for there is a common bond by Americans in their belief in<br />
God as foundational to the nation and the basis of their morality. Because of this societal interpretation,<br />
American society perceives reason as the enemy through the secular organizations’ attempts to remove the<br />
pursuit of religion, their uniting commonality, creating an interpretation of reality that goes directly against<br />
the society’s perception. President Barack Obama in his Call to Renewal address made this point clear<br />
when he said:<br />
[W]hen we discuss religion only in the negative sense of where or how it should not be<br />
practiced, rather than in the positive sense of what it tells us about our obligations towards<br />
one another; when we shy away from religious venues and religious broadcasts because we<br />
assume that we will be unwelcome – others will fill the vacuum, those with the most<br />
insular views of faith, or those who cynically use religion to justify partisan ends…[W]hat I<br />
am suggesting is this – secularists are wrong when they ask believers to leave their religion<br />
at the door before entering into the public square. Frederick Douglas, Abraham Lincoln,<br />
Williams Jennings Bryant, Dorothy Day, Martin Luther King – indeed, the majority of<br />
great reformers in American history – were not only motivated by faith, but repeatedly<br />
used religious language to argue for their cause. So to say that men and women should not<br />
inject their “personal morality” into public policy debates is a practical absurdity. Our law<br />
53
is by definition a codification of morality, much of it grounded in the Judeo-Christian<br />
tradition. (Obama)<br />
Their message of tolerance and unity fails because of their rhetorical vision that is the complete<br />
opposite of their intended message and American perception of reality. American society perceives and<br />
rejects the reality the secular organizations design that stirs resentment toward the religious and creates<br />
polarization between the secular and religious communities for it is in religion that they find commonality<br />
and morality and reform despite a polarizing society. To spur action against such is to bring society’s<br />
actions upon itself.<br />
With this analytical argument complete, I will offer a summary of the material presented along with<br />
a conclusion on what this means for us as a society.<br />
Summary and Conclusion<br />
In this essay, I argued that the billboard campaigns funded by secular organizations, including<br />
UnitedCoR and Freedom From Religion Foundation, failed to create convergence with the U.S. public by<br />
presenting a rhetorical vision that says “unity is found in the personal choice to abandon religion” through<br />
fantasy themes of heroic reason, villainous God and the hindrance of religion to a society that rejected this<br />
interpretation of reality.<br />
For this analysis, I discussed the background related to the secular organizations’ billboard<br />
campaigns and the response to their intended message, described Bormann’s fantasy theme and rhetorical<br />
vision, and analyzed the persuasive message of the secular organizations by utilizing Bormann’s rhetorical<br />
approach. With the analysis complete, what does this reveal about American society?<br />
Despite the notion that we as a society are growing more non-religious with millions good without<br />
God, American society resisted and denounced this attempt by the secular community to expand its<br />
presence and impact on society. Even with the realities of 9/11 fresh on the minds of Americans, our<br />
society held to religion and a belief in God over imagining a world without religion. In the presentation of a<br />
54
common enemy, Americans found a common tie in their belief in God, superseding their differences and<br />
thereby countering the claims by the secularists that religion brings more harm than good. For it is in the<br />
secular organizations’ attempts at removing the pursuit of religion that the good of religion revealed itself in<br />
U.S. society, solidifying America’s perceptions as such.<br />
Imagine a world without religion? Maybe Americans have no desire to try. Maybe Americans see<br />
that religion forms the nation we have grown to love and cherish: a land of unity and possibilities, finding<br />
freedom in the acceptance of others – something they perceived the secular organizations lacked.<br />
Works Cited<br />
“About the Foundation FAQ.” Freedom From Religion Foundation. 7 Oct. 2010<br />
<br />
“Anti-religion billboards for Atlanta.” The Augusta Chronicle 9 Sept. 2010. 11 Oct. 2010<br />
<br />
“Atheism shines bright in Kentucky.” FFRF News Release 7 Sept. 2010. 14 Nov. 2010<br />
< http://www.ffrf.org/news/releases/making-freethought-respectable-in-kentucky/><br />
“Atheist Billboard Turns Heads Along I-10.” WDSU.com 29 May 2009. 14 Nov. 2010<br />
< http://www.wdsu.com/r/19601414/detail.html><br />
Bormann, Ernest G. “Fantasy and Rhetorical Vision: The Rhetorical Criticism of Social Reality.”<br />
The Quarterly Journal of Speech 58 (1972): 396-407.<br />
Bormann, Ernest G. “A Fantasy Theme Analysis of the Television Coverage of the Hostage<br />
Release and the Reagan Inaugural.” The Quarterly Journal of Speech 68 (1982): 133-<br />
145.<br />
“FFRF posts 10 irreverent billboards in Flint. Mich.” FFRF News Release 7 Oct. 2010. 7 Oct.<br />
55
2010 <br />
Foss, Sonja K. Rhetorical Criticism: Exploration and Practice. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press,<br />
2004.<br />
“Frequently Asked Questions.” United Coalition of Reason 14 Nov. 2010 <br />
Funk, Tim. “Atheists buy sign on Billy Graham Parkway.” CharlotteObserver.com 24 June<br />
2010. 7 Oct. 2010 <br />
“Godless Groups in Silicon Valley Organize.” United Coalition of Reason 16 Nov. 2009. 13 Oct.<br />
2010 <br />
Halo: Reach. 2010. Microsoft Game Studios. 13 Mar. 2011 <br />
Harris, Dan, and Enjoli Francis. “Billboard Battle in Bible Belt: One Nation „Under God‟ or Not?”<br />
ABC News 19 July 2010: 1-2. 7 Oct. 2010 <br />
Haythorn, Russell. “Atheist Billboards Now Up In Denver.” The Denver Channel 18 Nov. 2008.<br />
7 Oct. 2010 <br />
McPherson, Kelly. “„Good Without God‟ Billboards Spark Controversy.” CBS Local 2 Dec. 2009.<br />
11 Oct. 2010 <br />
Mesmer, Aaron. “„Under God‟ spray painted onto secular Pledge billboard.” News 14 Carolina<br />
28 June 2010. 7 Oct. 2010 <br />
“Millions Reaching for Most Ambitious Halo Game Yet.” Microsoft News Center 14 Sept. 2010.<br />
13 Mar. 2011 <br />
56
“Non Religious Billboard Brings Controversy To Nashville.” NewsChannel5.com 2 Nov. 2009. 14<br />
Nov. 2010 < http://www.newschannel5.com/global/story.asp?s=11431023><br />
Obama, Barack. “Call to Renewal Keynote Address.” Organizing for America. Washington, D.C.<br />
28 June 2006. 14 Mar. 2011 < http://www.barackobama.com/2006/06/28/<br />
call_to_renewal_keynote_address.php><br />
Poole, Shelia M. “Billboards shun religion, promote separation of church and state.” The<br />
Atlanta Journal-Constitution 10 Sept. 2010. 7 Oct. 2010 <br />
“Residents want sign promoting atheism removed.” WSVN.com 2 July 2009. 14 Nov. 2010<br />
<br />
“Secular billboard aimed at Kentucky fair goers.” Herald-Dispatch.com 8 Aug. 2010. 13 Oct.<br />
2010 <br />
“Secularist group posts „Praise Darwin‟ billboards.” USA TODAY 10 Feb. 2009. 14 Nov. 2010<br />
<br />
Selk, Avi. “Secular kids‟ camp in Collin County aims to provide questions, not answers.” The<br />
Dallas Morning News 31 Aug. 2009. 11 Oct. 2010 <br />
Slodkowski, Antoni, and Sachi Izumi. “Microsoft „Halo: Reach‟ sales hit $200 million on 1 st day.”<br />
Reuters 16 Sept. 2010. 13 Mar. 2011 <br />
Sullivan, Eileen. “White House promotes Muslim help against terrorism.” MSNBC.com 7 Mar.<br />
2011. 14 Mar. 2011 <br />
57
“United Coalition of Reason.” United Coalition of Reason. 7 Oct. 2010 <br />
U.S. Religious Landscape Survey. 2010. The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life. 14 Mar. 2011<br />
<br />
“What’s New at UnitedCoR.” United Coalition of Reason 7 Dec. 2009. 7 Oct. 2010<br />
<br />
“What’s New at UnitedCoR.” United Coalition of Reason 14 Sept. 2010. 7 Oct. 2010<br />
<br />
Zucchino, David. “An atheism debate writ large, on billboards.” Los Angeles Times 1 Aug. 2010.<br />
14 Nov. 2010 < http://articles.latimes.com/2010/aug/01/nation/<br />
la-na-hometown-asheville-20100801><br />
58
Jordan D. Leising<br />
Saint Joseph’s College<br />
To Change a Constitution:<br />
The Dilemma of Alvaro Uribe and the People of Colombia<br />
Within the American democracy, there is a special reverence towards the constitution, which is the<br />
basis for law in America. The phrase “We the people” evokes a certain awe-inspiring feeling in the hearts of<br />
those who honor its long heritage by calling themselves Americans. However, in the Constitution’s long<br />
history, amending this document has been used to change the law to the benefit of the few. After the death<br />
of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was elected to an unprecedented for terms to the presidency, President<br />
Harry S Truman sought to put a check on the number of terms a person could serve in that office. This<br />
resulted in the passage of the Twenty-second Amendment, which limits any person elected to the<br />
presidency to serving two four-year terms.<br />
However, because of this limit, former presidents have argued it weakens their power and clout<br />
during that second term. According to Ken Rudin of National Public Radio, because of this weakened<br />
power, several measures to repeal the Amendment have been introduced into Congress, but have never<br />
made it out of committee. Why has this measure died each time it is brought up? The reason for the<br />
creation of the Twenty-second Amendment was to put a check on the person occupying the Oval Office,<br />
reminding him that he is a citizen, not a dictator or monarch.<br />
The discussion of term limits and the powers of the nation’s executive are not just limited to the<br />
United States. Currently, in South America, Colombia is asking itself: should we allow Álvaro Uribe to<br />
run for a third term? Currently, the Colombian constitution allows for two terms of office, but the<br />
question still stands: should Colombia allow Uribe to serve another term? This paper shall look at both<br />
sides of the issue: first, looking at the president himself and his current record in office, second, the<br />
59
positives of allowing Uribe to run again, then the negatives of changing the Colombian constitution, and<br />
finally, putting this information together for a final answer on the matter.<br />
Álvaro Uribe: a president’s record<br />
Álvaro Uribe began his public career as a bureaucrat in the 1970’s, then being elected to the<br />
Colombian Senate for two consecutive terms from 1986-1994, and was then elected as governor in 1995.<br />
In 2002 he was elected president, and began working on making his country a safer place. During his<br />
tenure, he has worked to eliminate rebel groups and force them out of towns and cities back into the<br />
country, which has brought the level of violence down dramatically. Rebel groups since Uribe took office<br />
have seen senior rebel commanders have been killed, deserted, or captured.<br />
However, despite his successes in securing peace within his country, Uribe’s administration has also<br />
had its share of scandals. After changing the constitution so he could run for a second term, the Colombian<br />
Supreme Court called for an investigation into that election, after a legislator was convicted of accepting a<br />
bribe to secure his support for the constitutional reform to allow Uribe to run again. Also, human rights<br />
groups have criticized Uribe’s government for being too lenient with paramilitary officers who agreed to<br />
disband their outfits. Many former allies of Uribe in the legislature have also been alleged to have ties to<br />
some paramilitary groups. Uribe’s record, both the good and bad in it, should be taken into consideration<br />
when asking whether he should be allowed to run.<br />
Time for change: should Colombia allow reform?<br />
Allowing Uribe to run again is not necessarily a question of Constitutional ethics or philosophy of<br />
law, but more a matter of urgency and reason. Arguably, the current conditions in Colombia call for Uribe<br />
to stay in office. One reason for Uribe staying in office is his crusade against paramilitary groups and terror<br />
organizations such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). In 1962, after years of unrest<br />
due to disapproval of Conservative Party regimes, left-wing, Marxist enclaves formed an alliance to bring<br />
radical change to Colombia in the form of Communism. Responsible for most violence not related to drug<br />
60
trafficking, FARC is known for using violence for the mere purpose of making local inhabitants fear them.<br />
In one case cited by The Economist, Wilson Vega, a farmer from a small village in rural Colombia, tells how<br />
FARC called a town meeting, just to shoot five people they claimed to have “collaborated” with the army<br />
and government-supporting paramilitaries.<br />
In Colombia’s war against its rebels, Uribe has made great strides to eradicate all non-army militia<br />
groups. Since coming into office, using American aid and a new tax on wealth, he has made Colombia less<br />
violent by increasing security forces by half. With the decrease in violence, economic growth has<br />
flourished. In the same article by The Economist, charts show that since 2002 (the year Uribe was elected) as<br />
murders per one hundred thousand dropped from around sixty-five to below forty in 2007, Colombian<br />
Gross Domestic Product has increased significantly each year during that same period.<br />
While this is good news, the fact remains that FARC, despite its numbers dwindling comparably, is<br />
still in Colombia and still using violence against the state and those that support it. Urban violence and the<br />
murder rate in Colombia’s second largest city went up in 2009, possibly caused by FARC, and also claims<br />
that FARC has regrouped and using snipers and landmines against the military. The FARC issue, despite<br />
their “love” of violence, is not only being looked at with a perspective that military is the only option.<br />
Uribe, whose father was murdered by FARC operatives during the 1970’s, continually states that he would<br />
offer FARC peace talks, if they would lay down their weapons first.<br />
When it comes to the task of disarming militia groups in Colombia paramilitary groups must also be<br />
considered. These groups, a relic of the proxy conflicts of the Cold War, have since the fall of the Soviet<br />
Union been fighting FARC and anything that would threaten the current Colombian system. However,<br />
their activities in battling FARC go outside the bounds of Colombian law, as they use violence and murder<br />
to achieve their aims. Also, there are claims that some of these paramilitaries have committed human rights<br />
violations, massacres, the forced displacement of people, and causing the disappearances of many.<br />
61
However, Uribe has been successful in disbanding these paramilitaries, with 31,000 men being demobilized<br />
and the commanders accepting and confessing their crimes.<br />
The final part of reducing violence in Colombia is the eradication of coca growing and cocaine<br />
processing. Colombia is currently the world’s largest producer of cocaine, a title not to be celebrated. In<br />
order to throw off this title, Uribe’s government, with the help of the United States, has begun to use<br />
security forces to eradicate cocaine production. Since 2001 cocaine production has fallen to around half of<br />
what it was at the start of the new millennium. However, there is still money flowing from drug sales into<br />
the hands of rebels and guerilla groups involved in the production of cocaine.<br />
Another area that gives Uribe an edge in his battle with the Constitution is his attempt at social<br />
change. At the same time that the United States is driving for reformed healthcare, so too are the<br />
Colombians, especially President Uribe. However, unlike the reform called on by American president<br />
Barack Obama, which is based on public debate of the implementation and funding options, Uribe is<br />
pushing it through the Colombian legislature, without time for public debate. While his idea for reform is<br />
good, there must be public debate on his ideas and also other ideas must be considered. For instance, an<br />
option for funding a new health care system in Colombia presented by Uribe was a higher tax on luxuries<br />
like alcohol, tobacco, and gambling, and also cutting losses in governmental revenue through corruption<br />
and bureaucracy. While at the same time, Uribe calls for a set list of prescription drugs that must be used,<br />
and fines for doctors who do not prescribe from that list.<br />
The main argument for allowing Uribe run a third time would be to give him time. Uribe needs<br />
more time to get the country on the right foot. In the article by The Economist, Uribe is cited saying that the<br />
security improvements are not irreversible, and for that same reason he seeks constitutional change. Uribe<br />
needs time to make sure that: first, groups like FARC and the paramilitaries are surely on their way to<br />
demobilizing; second, to get the amount of cocaine production in Colombia down drastically enough to no<br />
longer be the world’s top cocaine producer; and thirdly, make the country better and safer than when he<br />
62
was first elected. But the question remains and one that will be examined next: does time needed for<br />
change override the principles and laws that a country is built on?<br />
The principle of a thing such as a Constitution<br />
Now that the positive aspects of allowing Uribe to run a third time have been examined, a look at<br />
the opposite end of the spectrum is necessary. The question here is simply: Why should he not run again?<br />
This section will look at a philosophical view and a practical view of the debate and answer unfavorably on<br />
the proposal to allow Uribe a third election.<br />
To begin, Wall Street Journal journalist Mary Anastasia O’Grady writes in her article on Uribe’s<br />
constitutional battle,<br />
“In a republic, institutional order is bound by a rule of law designed to protect the<br />
rights of individuals against each other and against the power of the state. Property rights,<br />
civil liberties, and human progress all fare better when state actors, even those who are<br />
wildly popular, are constrained by institutional checks and balances.”<br />
While it is good that Uribe has reestablished the rule of law and personal security in<br />
Colombia, it does not make sense for him to only use the rule of law when it benefits him and tuck<br />
it away when it becomes a nuisance. It can also be argued that it seems Uribe does not want to let<br />
go of the presidency as he has become accustomed to the power. This can be a bad mentality in<br />
Latin America especially. The preverbal authoritarian ruler on horseback, which has become the<br />
stereotype of presidents and heads of state in Latin America for years, is never far away in their<br />
train of thought. For this exact reason Colombia and many other Latin American countries put a<br />
cap on one term so that Colombians would not be stifled by an authoritative dictator as they did in<br />
the past.<br />
While on that subject, analogies have been made to other notable Latin American heads of<br />
state that have changed the law to their liking. In an article for the Wall Street Journal by David<br />
Luhnow, a United States official is quoted saying, “A third term doesn’t set a good precedent,<br />
63
particularly when you have neighbors like Chavez trying to do the same thing.” While their policies<br />
are very different in ideology and implementation, there is a striking resemblance to Uribe’s<br />
challenge and the constitutional reform of Hugo Chavez of Venezuela. Here in the United States<br />
and elsewhere, one sees the constitutional change brought on by Chavez to keep power and<br />
believes it to be wrong. However, because Colombia is an Ally in the war on drugs, is one<br />
expected to see the same action by Uribe and believe it is okay?<br />
Earlier discussion brought up Uribe’s call for healthcare reform. While this can be seen as<br />
a plus, it is also a red flag to show that his grasp of power is getting far too tight. While more<br />
affordable health care is a laudable cause, pushing it through without public debate is nonsensical.<br />
Other options, possibly better than those proposed, need to be heard, and compromises must be<br />
made so that everyone can look at the bill and appreciate it. Although having a set list of proper<br />
drug treatments leaves out the possibility of bad drugs or those with terrible side effects, making<br />
them choose only from this list instead of possible traditional, herbal treatments and then fining<br />
doctors who choose treatment off the list does not allow doctors to fully practice medicine but<br />
rather makes them settle for mediocre treatment of patients.<br />
Also, logically his call for constitutional change does not make sense. In an article for the<br />
New York Times, Juan Forero cites Uribe saying “We cannot fight patronage if we practice<br />
patronage.” This comment, especially since he fought for changing the law to benefit himself,<br />
commits the fallacy of inconsistency. If he were to truly believe in not supporting patronage, then<br />
he would not practice it. Andres Pastrana, the former Colombian President, in an interview with<br />
Colombian newspaper El Espectador after the introduction of the first constitutional reform says<br />
“What I do not like is for the president to amend the constitution for his own benefit.” While<br />
patronage generally takes form in one helping their friends, it is still patronage when one helps<br />
themselves by changing the law.<br />
64
All together for the answer<br />
Should Colombia change its constitution to allow Uribe a third run? No, it should not.<br />
Uribe, while he has been a great president in the fact that his country is now safer than it has been<br />
in decades, produces only half the cocaine it did in 2001, and is becoming a safe haven for true<br />
democracy, all that progress would be lost to the idea that a president could change the constitution<br />
just so he could stay in office. Uribe’s own words sum up the lesson that lies at the heart of this<br />
issue. In an interview with Charlie Rose on his PBS program, Uribe says that the important thing is<br />
to re-elect the policies, not necessarily the person. The change that Uribe has started cannot end<br />
with him should Colombia decide not to allow him to run, as it should. Someone needs to take up<br />
the torch in order that Colombia might progress further toward being on the level that the United<br />
States or any other advanced democracy is.<br />
Uribe’s effect on Colombia is profound. To take a country that saw civil war and rampant<br />
drug creation with very little in terms of stable traditional economy and turn it into a country with<br />
continual economic growth is extraordinary. However, to use constitutional amendments to one’s<br />
own personal benefit undermines those achievements and brings a country back towards the<br />
instability it suffered in years past. Yet, Colombia can take satisfaction in the fact that they, under<br />
the leadership of Alvaro Uribe, have pulled themselves from near total civil war, and that they have<br />
become a model for Latin American countries for years to come.<br />
65
References<br />
Anastasia O'Grady, Mary. "Uribe's Constitutional challenge." Wall Street Journal (New York City),<br />
December 7, 2009, Eastern edition.<br />
BBC News. "BBC NEWS | Americas | Profile: Alvaro Uribe Velez." BBC NEWS | News Front Page.<br />
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3214685.stm (accessed February 21, 2010).<br />
Biography of Ãlvaro Uribe VÃlez. (n.d.). The Wharton Global Alumni Forum 2009 - Bogota. Retrieved<br />
February 21, 2010, from http://www.whartonbogota09.com/bio-uribe.html<br />
Charlie Rose. Alvaro Uribe. Sept 22, 2008. http://www.charlierose.com/view/interview/9269.<br />
The Economist. "Álvaro Uribe's Colombia: Not yet the promised land | The Economist." Economist.com.<br />
http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=15176507 (accessed<br />
February 21, 2010).<br />
The Economist. "Colombia's health reforms: Shock treatment | The Economist." Economist.com.<br />
http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=15469812 (accessed<br />
February 21, 2010).<br />
El Espectador (Bogota), "Colombia: Ex-President Pastrana on re-election, his administration, peace moves,"<br />
July 18, 2004, sec. Latin America.<br />
Forero, Juan. "A 2nd Term? Colombians Deeply Split." The New York Times (New York City), April 26, 2004,<br />
Late edition.<br />
Forero, Juan. "Colombian President Scrambling in Fight to Run Again." New York Times (New York City ),<br />
October 8, 2005, Late edition.<br />
Luhnow, David. "Colombia's Leader Digs in -- After U.S.-Backed Successes, Uribe Weighs Extended<br />
Reign." Wall Street Journal (New York City), December 31, 2008, Eastern edition.<br />
Luhnow, David. "World News: Colombia's Uribe Clears Election Hurdle -- Congressional Vote Allows<br />
President to Seek a Third Consecutive Term; Court Must Rule on Legislation." Wall Street Journal<br />
(New York City), September 3, 2009, Eastern edition.<br />
66
Rudin, Ken. "Ronald Reagan And The 22nd Amendment - Political Junkie Blog : NPR." NPR : National<br />
Public Radio : News & Analysis, World, US, Music & Arts : NPR.<br />
http://www.npr.org/blogs/politicaljunkie/2009/06/ronald_reagan_and_the_22nd_ame.html<br />
(accessed February 21, 2010).<br />
67
Matthew Lewis<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flint<br />
Michael Hoffman’s Transformation of Helena in A Midsummer Night’s Dream<br />
In Shakespeare’s play, A Midsummer Night’s Dream, Helena is portrayed as a very intelligent woman<br />
who not only analyzes her relationships with others in great depth but can also uncover the weaknesses in<br />
others through her analysis. She appears as a strong character with firm beliefs and feelings. In his 1999 film<br />
of A Midsummer Night’s Dream Michael Hoffman recreates and reduces Helena as powerful character. Rather<br />
than portraying her as an intelligent, relatively mature character, he depicts her as a childish being without<br />
intelligence. Hoffman envisions her as irrational in her thoughts and actions and as much less defiant than in<br />
Shakespeare’s text. Through his use of camera angles and other film tactics as well as through her actions<br />
and tone of voice, Hoffman transforms Helena into a silly, immature and childish character.<br />
The first thing that is noticed about Hoffman’s vision of Helena in his film, A Midsummer Night’s Dream, is<br />
how he uses her actions to portray her childish, unintelligent character. When Helena is first introduced in the film,<br />
it is when she is calling for Demetrius while outside of the house. She sees him on the balcony of the house<br />
and begins to yell for him. In this part, she ignores the fact that she is in a place full of people and is<br />
directing much attention towards herself. These actions show her childish side, because she does not care<br />
about the people around her or the fact that she is drawing much attention. This is very similar to what a<br />
child would do, for they often cause scenes out in public without a realization of the people around and<br />
what a fool they are making of themselves. After Demetrius simply shuts the door behind himself as he goes<br />
back inside, Helena throws a temper tantrum and storms away. She looks as if she is about to weep over<br />
him ignoring her and stomps away angrily. She begins to walk down some stairs with her bicycle at her side<br />
wheeling it down the steps with not much care or respect for her possession. This reaction to Demetrius<br />
ignoring her is very immature and Hoffman enhances it through these actions. Rather than being more of an<br />
68
adult figure, when things didn’t go her way she stormed off pouting. These are very childish actions and it<br />
continues to grow even more immature through the way she is handling her bicycle. Bicycles were a rather<br />
new invention in the time this film is set and to have one was a privilege. To be tossing it around with not<br />
much respect for showed that Helena was acting very childish and expressed the director’s vision of her<br />
childish, immature character even more. This part also shows her lack of intelligence because the way she is<br />
acting makes her seem to be an uneducated person that does not know right from wrong. This<br />
unintelligence and childish character is enhanced even more through Hoffman making her hair very<br />
disheveled in this scene. She appears that she does not care much for her appearance and does not properly<br />
uphold her image as a woman. When Helena is next seen in the film, she is continuing to pout about her<br />
situation with Demetrius and jealousy of Hermia. She is trudging through a heavy downpour of rain in nice<br />
clothes and a hat, bicycle at her side, yet no umbrella. As she is storming down the street, it can be noticed<br />
that every single person around her has an umbrella. This lack of care in her actions to be trudging through<br />
heavy rain in nice clothes without protection from the elements further enhances Hoffman’s vision of her<br />
immature and unintelligent character. It is childish of her to be getting soaking wet in her elegant clothing<br />
and showing no care of this occurring to her. By not using an umbrella it also goes to show her lack of<br />
intelligence compared to others by not protecting herself from the elements. Everybody else is using an<br />
umbrella except for her which shows her displacement from the adult life and individualism by being a very<br />
childish and unintelligent being. She shows her immature side even more in this scene while stomping down<br />
the street when she aggressively bumps an old lady walking by causing her to drop her things. She doesn’t<br />
even react to nearly knocking over the old lady and doesn’t even acknowledge her after she is scolded for it.<br />
Helena instead acts very immature and continues to trudge down the street pouting about her misfortunes.<br />
Through Helena’s actions Hoffman clearly portrays his childish, immature, and unintelligent vision of her.<br />
Hoffman continues to portray his envisioning of Helena to be childish, immature, and unintelligent through his<br />
directing of her tone of voice throughout the film. In Helena’s first appearance in the film, she has a very<br />
69
annoying, screechy voice as she is hollering for Demetrius. Her voice resembles very much so that of a<br />
whining child that will continue to repeat themselves until they get what they want. She hollers his name<br />
over and over again, with each time her voice getting more and more shrill. This repetition and annoying<br />
tone very closely portrays a young child who wants something and will cry until they get it. This immature<br />
tone of voice also plays a part in showing her lack of intelligence because she is seen as a whiny person that<br />
instead of addressing her situation and approaching it through different means, she simply repeats herself<br />
with a more annoying pitch every time in plans that she will eventually get what she wants. After giving up<br />
on the situation and beginning to walk down the steps, she is speaking to herself while thinking about the<br />
situation. In this monologue, she changes her tone of voice while speaking her two opinions as to whether<br />
she is worthy of him or not. When she reaches the conclusion that Demetrius does not view her as fair as<br />
Hermia, her tone slowly begins to get depressing and angry. She begins to degrade herself and enhances it<br />
through this tone in her voice. This is a very childish way of coping with things, as her tone of voice<br />
expresses her lack of self-esteem in the situation and shows her immatureness in dealing with inner<br />
conflicts. Rather than thinking of a better explanation or giving herself a chance, she simply degrades herself<br />
and it is expressed through her tone of voice how immature she is about the situation. In Helena’s next<br />
scene, Hoffman continues to portray her childish and immature ways through her whiny tone of voice. As<br />
Helena is trudging down the street, she is mumbling to herself about her situation with Demetrius. Her<br />
tone of voice is very whiny and it sounds as if she is holding back tears in this part. Through this tone of<br />
voice and mumbling, it portrays how Helena is acting very childish and immature about her situation and<br />
instead of coming up with a course of action, she is simply whining and feeling sorry for herself. She<br />
continuously degrades herself and it is seen through this whiny and frustrated tone of voice which is very<br />
childish of a grown woman to do. Hoffman indeed portrays Helena to be childish, immature, and<br />
unintelligent through her tone of voice throughout the film.<br />
70
Another thing that Hoffman uses to portray Helena’s childish and unintelligent demeanor is through the use of<br />
the camera position in the scenes that she is in. In the first scene that she makes an appearance, he uses the<br />
technique of both a high angle and low angle shot. When Demetrius appears out on the balcony, the camera<br />
is positioned up where he is and looking down on Helena. The camera position shows how she is looked<br />
down upon in the film as a lesser character. This outlook on her expresses Hoffman’s vision of her being<br />
somewhat excluded from society and lacking in intelligence and maturity. Hoffman then switches to the<br />
low angle shot, with the camera down by Helena looking up at Demetrius. This position of the camera<br />
shows how Demetrius is looked upon as superior and more important than Helena in the eyes of the<br />
director. She is a much more unintelligent being and acts very childish throughout the film. The use of this<br />
camera angle puts more emphasis on her being an unintelligent and childish being that does not fit in well<br />
with the society around her. In the next scene that Helena takes part in, the director also uses different<br />
camera positions to express his vision of Helena. The scene opens up with her walking with her bike down<br />
the street through the pouring rain and the camera shot is that of an extreme long shot. This use of the<br />
camera captures the whole street around her and all the people on screen with her. It enhances her<br />
disassociation with society and how different she is because it is able to capture how everybody has an<br />
umbrella except for her. This use of the camera better portrays the director’s viewing of her as a childish<br />
and unintelligent being because it is able to capture how she is disregarding the weather and everybody else<br />
is not doing so. This shot makes it easy to see that she is much more childish and immature than the society<br />
around her. Through the use of the camera position it is easy to see Hoffman’s vision of Helena.<br />
Hoffman clearly shows his vision of Helena being an immature and unintelligent character through<br />
his direction of her actions, tone of voice, and use of the camera position. Helena clearly is seen as an<br />
unintelligent being and acts very immature throughout the entire film. This vision by Hoffman is shown<br />
throughout the whole film every time that Helena appears on the screen. It is a unique way of viewing<br />
71
Helena as opposed to the traditional intelligent character as she is portrayed in the play by Shakespeare.<br />
Through all of his tactics of directing, the director clearly got his vision across to the audience.<br />
Works Cited<br />
A Midsummer Night’s Dream. By William Shakespeare. Dir. Michael Hoffman. Perf.<br />
Christian Bale, Rupert Everett, Calista Flockhart, Kevin Kline, Sophie Marceau,<br />
Michelle Pfeiffer, David Srathairn, Stanley Rucci. Twentieth Century Fox, 1999.<br />
72
Aryn Lietzke<br />
Carroll <strong>University</strong><br />
Conflicting Commands: A Deconstructionist Analysis of John Donne’s<br />
“Batter My Heart”<br />
John Donne’s “Batter My Heart” is not a typical religious poem. It is filled with violent, and<br />
sometimes even sexual, imagery as well as contradictions. The speaker is addressing God and so the poem is<br />
a type of prayer. But the request that drives it is unclear. It is impossible to determine not only what the<br />
speaker wants, but also what the speaker really values. There are many ambiguities and ultimately<br />
unresolved paradoxes in the poem that create tension. The tension is never resolved. Ultimately, it remains<br />
unclear what values are privileged in the poem. Therefore, the meaning is undecideable.<br />
In “Batter My Heart”, the speaker is directly addressing God and asking Him to do certain things.<br />
He wants God to crash into his heart like a battering ram instead of softly tapping at the entrance (lines 1-<br />
2). This is an unusual request, asking God to batter, or “beat continuously and violently so as to bruise or<br />
shatter” (“batter”) his heart. He continues his painful petitions by saying, “that I may rise and stand,<br />
o’erthrow me” (line 3). This is an example of an aporia, or paradox that is ultimately unresolved. One<br />
cannot be lifted up by being overthrown; it is impossible to ascend by being knocked down or defeated.<br />
Another example of contradiction through ambiguous language in the poem is in the last few lines, when<br />
the speaker asks God to “imprison me, for I / Except You enthrall me, never shall be free / Nor ever<br />
chaste, except You ravish me” (lines 12-14). In these lines, the speaker is telling God to either make him a<br />
slave or “to captivate” him (“enthrall”) in order to make him free. Essentially, he is telling God that he will<br />
never posses liberty unless God removes his free will through force. Then he says that unless God violates<br />
or steals something from him, he will not be pure. Not only is this statement an aporia, but it is asking God<br />
to commit a sin. To rape or forcefully deprive someone of his or her virginity is clearly against God’s laws.<br />
Even if the word “ravish” in this line means simply to steal, that would also be breaking a commandment,<br />
73
and even then the speaker never reveals what he is asking God to take from him if not his chastity or<br />
virginity. No matter what definition of the word is used, the meaning is contradictory.<br />
Because of these conflicting commands, it is never clear what the speaker wants from God. And as<br />
Jacques Derrida stated, there are opposing value systems at work in all of Western thought (Bressler 121).<br />
These binary oppositions are formed by the belief that “one concept is superior and defines itself by its<br />
opposite or inferior center” (Bressler 121). Consequently, “one element will always be privileged (be in a<br />
superior position) and the other unprivileged” (Bressler 121). The main binary opposition at work in his<br />
petitions is free/enslaved. He asks God to incarcerate him, to take away his choices in order to be free. He<br />
seems to request that God make Him free to love Him by removing his free will, or choice. But real love is<br />
always a voluntary action. It cannot be forced. Therefore, it makes sense to say that the speaker is really<br />
asking God to make him His slave because he feels he can never really love God. So the binary opposition is<br />
reversed to enslaved/free. Because of this, it is uncertain whether the speaker is actually asking God to give<br />
him the ability to love Him and whether he thinks it possible to love the Lord.<br />
The other obvious contradiction in the poem occurs when the speaker tells God, “Yet dearly I love<br />
You, and would be loved fain. / But am betrothed unto Your enemy” (lines 9-10). This statement presents<br />
a conflicting portrait of the speaker’s character. With it, he claims to be both a Christian believer and a<br />
lover of Satan, or the Devil, God’s enemy. In fact, the Biblical name Satan literally means “adversary”<br />
(“Satan”). He says that he loves God and the Devil. That cannot be true. If the speaker is a Christian allied to<br />
God, then he cannot claim to be devoted to the Devil. The Bible makes it clear that Christians cannot<br />
follow Satan and still be saved. Jesus said, “He who is not with me is against me, and he who does not gather<br />
with me scatters” (NIV Matt. 12:30) as well as “I am the way and the truth and the life. No one comes to<br />
the Father except through me” (NIV John 14:6). When a person is controlled by the Devil he or she is<br />
clearly against God and cannot claim fellowship with the Lord. It makes no sense that a speaker who<br />
describes himself as so closely allied with Satan would still pray to God. Therefore the speaker’s true<br />
74
allegiance or religious state is uncertain. When the speaker claims that he is engaged to the Devil, he is at<br />
the very least saying that he is closely connected to and under his power. This makes it impossible to<br />
determine the speaker’s character.<br />
The ambiguity of the speaker’s character or religious loyalty demonstrates a conflict between belief<br />
and disbelief. Therefore, the binary opposition clouding the character of the speaker is faith/doubt. Since he<br />
is addressing God, it seems that he must believe in His existence and feel a need for prayer. On the surface,<br />
the speaker seems to be asking God to redeem him and change his life and heart so that they please Him.<br />
But the despairing tone and ambiguous diction suggest disbelief or the impossibility of an answer to his<br />
prayer, inverting the opposition to doubt/faith. This is most strongly shown by his contradictory,<br />
impossible requests, that God enslave him to free him and “ravish” him to make him pure (lines 12-14).<br />
Also, the majority of the poem is dedicated to describing the speaker in sinful, doubting terms. He calls<br />
himself “a usurped town, to another due” that wants to let God rule his life but struggles “to no end” (lines<br />
5-6) and the Devil’s lover (line 10). He states that his reason, or the part of him that is God’s representative<br />
“proves weak or untrue” (lines 7-8), which is equivalent to saying his faith is faltering. Only once does he<br />
describe himself as a believing Christian when he says to God, “Yet dearly I love You, and would be loved<br />
fain” (line 9). But he negates that claim by saying directly afterward, “But I am betrothed unto Your enemy”<br />
(line 10). Because the speaker spends much more time portraying himself as a sinner controlled by doubt,<br />
he privileges doubt over faith.<br />
The reversal of this and other binary oppositions in the poem shows what Derrida termed “the<br />
impossibility of ever choosing a correct interpretation because meaning is an ongoing activity that is always<br />
in progress, always based upon différance” (Bressler 127). This means that because “meaning is derived from<br />
differences” (Bressler 126) between concepts, and every person possesses his or her own unique worldview,<br />
there is an infinite number of possible interpretations for any given text. There is no single source of<br />
absolute truth because the significance of everything is based on the differences between concepts. For<br />
75
every single concept that is valued, there is an opposite concept that is unprivileged. Although Western<br />
thinking is constrained by logocentrism and so privileges certain values or explanations over others, “no<br />
hierarchy or binary operation is right and no other is wrong” (Bressler 127). When the binary oppositions<br />
or operations in a text can be reversed, the text is opened up to more possible meanings.<br />
In conclusion, the poem “Batter My Heart” is full of ambiguous diction, aporias, and tensions that<br />
are never resolved. The speaker’s true religious identity and the nature of his prayer are never clearly<br />
revealed. The struggle between faith and doubt is never settled. The binary oppositions in the poem can all<br />
be inverted and generate alternate interpretations of the text. Since “Batter My Heart “has many meanings<br />
and, therefore, no definitive interpretation,” it is by definition undecideable (Bressler 116-117). There is no<br />
single, definitive meaning for this text just as there is no one true meaning for any written work.<br />
Works Cited<br />
“Batter.” v. 1 Def. 1. Oxford English Dictionary Online. 2 nd ed. Oxford UP, 2010. Web. 21. Nov.<br />
2010.<br />
Bressler, Charles E. Literary Criticism: An Introduction to Theory and Practice. 4 th ed. New<br />
Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2007.<br />
Donne, John. “Batter My Heart.” Poetry, An Introduction. Ed. Michael Meyer. 6 th ed. Boston:<br />
Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2010. 365-366. Print.<br />
“Enthral/Entrall” v. Def. 1 and 2. Oxford English Dictionary Online. 2 nd ed. Oxford UP, 2010. Web. 2 Dec.<br />
2010.<br />
Holy Bible, New International Version. Colorado Springs: International Bible Society, 1984.<br />
“Ravish” v. Def. 1b. and 5b. Oxford English Dictionary Online. 2 nd ed. Oxford UP, 2010. Web.<br />
21 Nov. 2010.<br />
“Satan.” Def. 2a. Oxford English Dictionary Online. 2 nd ed. Oxford UP, 2010. Web. 2<br />
Dec. 2010.<br />
76
Danielle Malloy<br />
Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong><br />
Echoes of the Master:<br />
Boethius’ Influence on Medieval Voices from King Alfred to Chaucer<br />
Introduction<br />
Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, commonly referred to as Boethius, was born in the fifth<br />
century and wrote the majority of his philosophical texts in the sixth century. Boethius had an eventful life<br />
in Rome; he married the daughter of Symmachus, a powerful consul and devoted Christian who, like<br />
Boethius, was quite concerned with traditional literary culture. Boethius’ adoption into Symmachus’ family<br />
granted Boethius aristocratic status, and he was eventually made Master of Offices, a position in which he<br />
acted as the intermediary between King Theoderic of Rome and all those who sought access to him. But he<br />
eventually made enemies when he strongly and vocally opposed corruption in the Roman court. This<br />
vociferous intolerance of corruption eventually resulted in his unjust arrest on false accusations of treason<br />
and sacrilege, and it is during his imprisonment when he wrote his most famous treatise, The Consolation of<br />
Philosophy.<br />
The Consolation centers around a fictitious “Boethius” and his weighty philosophical discussions with<br />
Lady Philosophy, who acts as a kind of mentor to the protagonist throughout the text, holding forth to him<br />
at length the transience of life, predestination, free will, the futility of earthly goods or wealth, and the<br />
search for the true good through God’s guidance. While Boethius was a Christian, his text does not serve as<br />
an explicitly Christian treatise but rather a more secular philosophical guide to its readers. While Boethius<br />
is considered the last of the classical scholars, it was, in fact, the medieval era when Boethius’ authority was<br />
most respected and revered.<br />
77
The influence that the Consolation had on medieval English writers is especially evident in texts<br />
ranging from the Anglo-Saxon epoch to the fourteenth century, which include: King Alfred’s translation of<br />
the Consolation and Geoffrey Chaucer’s epic poem Troilus and Criseyde. Each text was influenced by the<br />
Boethian source in its own unique way, and there exists a clear and distinct evolution of the effects of that<br />
influence from one epoch to the next. King Alfred provided a more utilitarian translation of the Consolation,<br />
adding more Christian elements in order to appeal to his own political agenda by encouraging the<br />
educational and literary reform in the Anglo-Saxon people. Chaucer, on the other hand, took a more acute<br />
literary approach to Boethius’ text by employing Boethian concepts in order to challenge the genre and<br />
social ethos of chivalric love that existed in the fourteenth century by inverting these concepts in his<br />
protagonists to demonstrate the irrationality of the genre. In Boethian philosophy, these medieval authors<br />
found a vehicle to present their own ideals; Boethius proved to be particularly accessible to these authors<br />
because of the practicality with which he presents his own ideologies.<br />
King Alfred<br />
Alfred the Great reigned over the Anglo-Saxon kingdom during a time of unmitigated hardship.<br />
Almost immediately after his succession to the throne in 871, Alfred was forced to deal with Viking<br />
invaders and their increased forays into, and occupation of, the English nation. But with a victory over the<br />
Vikings in 878 at Edington, Alfred was able finally to pursue what he considered to be the highest priority<br />
for his now united Anglo-Saxon kingdom: religious and educational reform. In Alfred the Great: Assers Life of<br />
King Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources, Simon Keynes and Michael Lapidge address the state of religion<br />
and learning in England in this period, arguing that: “The Church had fallen into serious decay during the<br />
ninth century, and although some laid the blame on the Viking invasions, others attributed the decline to<br />
general failings on the part of the English themselves” (26). Alfred, therefore, seeing the general lack that<br />
pervaded his kingdom, believed that the revival of religious practice and educational discipline would<br />
78
encourage the Anglo-Saxon people on the road to enlightenment and cultural civilization, which would<br />
ultimately allow for the political and social stability that he so longed for in his newly unified kingdom.<br />
Alfred was keenly aware that in order for a kingdom to survive and ultimately prosper, it first had<br />
to possess a stable and competent ruler that could be trusted and relied upon. In King Alfred and Boethius, F.<br />
Anne Payne discusses the daunting tasks that faced Alfred in the early days of his reign, saying: “[Alfred]<br />
alone had to halt the intellectual and religious decay, spelled out in the loss of libraries and monasteries and<br />
teachers, in the lack of interest in the religious life, in the waning of morale in a people who had every<br />
reason to expect the murder or desertion of their kings” (4). Though Payne states that Alfred “alone” had to<br />
undertake the task of reform, it is clear from the historical sources that the extensive scope of Alfred’s<br />
agenda necessitated a great deal of help from those close to the king, particularly from those that would aid<br />
him in his goal for a revival of religious practice and educational discipline. Alfred took steps to ensure that<br />
the ecclesiastical community, those most responsible for distributing religious and classical learning to the<br />
masses, would be a trained and educated group. By educating those in leadership positions in the church,<br />
Alfred fostered the survival and growth of Christianity in his kingdom and initiated a close bond between<br />
religion and statehood during his reign. Alfred ultimately decided to produce vernacular translations of the<br />
Latin texts he was studying, because he felt that classical scholarship was “necessary for all men to know,” if<br />
they would be considered truly educated (Keynes and Lapidge 30). Of these classical texts that Alfred<br />
and/or his scholars translated for circulation among the ecclesiastics, Alfred’s rendering of Boethius’<br />
Consolation of Philosophy was the most influential.<br />
Alfred saw Boethius as a highly respected classical authority, and the content of the Consolation<br />
proved to resonate with the king since the treatise details the struggle of a man dealing with the injustice<br />
that necessarily results from the reign of a corrupt ruler, a theme prevalent in Alfred’s historical reality.<br />
The Consolation is full of politically-charged language, including a great deal of discussion regarding the<br />
necessity of a good ruler, as well as the heinousness of treachery, and Alfred takes the opportunity to<br />
79
expand on these political themes in his own translation. Alfred deploys these themes to demonstrate the<br />
stability that can be found through justice, and the purpose of his text, seems to be to acknowledge and<br />
recreate, for an Anglo-Saxon audience, the philosophical guidance that Boethius’ Consolation offered to its<br />
original readership. Still, Alfred provided more than just a secular, philosophical translation; indeed, he<br />
recognized that he could employ the Consolation as both a secular and Christian tool for teaching. Because<br />
Christianity is not directly referred to in Boethius’ text, Alfred made additions in order to elicit an “overtly<br />
Christian message” from his translation (Keynes and Lapidge 28). With these additions, Alfred provided his<br />
audience, the clergy, with a reinforcement of the omnipotence of God, as well as the comfort, or<br />
consolation, that God gives to his followers. In her book, King Alfred and Boethius, F. Anne Payne comments<br />
on the reasoning behind Alfred’s additions and changes to the text, stating that, “The changes Alfred made<br />
to the Consolation define his world, not that of Boethius, through the eyes of Old English” (14). The changes<br />
and additions that Alfred made to the text are not meant to undermine Boethius’ version; rather, Alfred<br />
used the Consolation as a means to present the classical ideals of Boethius in the vernacular to the secular and<br />
ecclesiastical communities to offer a model of learning and a philosophical guide that would strengthen the<br />
members of both the church and state and enable political and social cohesion. Alfred translated the<br />
Consolation with his own reality in mind, which means that the foremost themes of Alfred’s text include the<br />
stability that a sound ruler can bring, the comfort that God gives his people, and the dangers of kingship.<br />
Thus, through additions to Boethius’ text, Alfred uses the Consolation as a pedagogical tool and platform to<br />
forward his political agenda in Anglo-Saxon England.<br />
The most straightforward parallel between Boethius and Alfred’s texts is the existence of a primary<br />
counselor for the protagonist. In Boethius’ Consolation, Lady Philosophy serves as the protagonist’s guide<br />
through his difficult journey to find happiness in a fickle world, and, as her moniker emphasizes, the advice<br />
and teachings she imparts to Boethius derive from philosophical tenets. While her philosophy is often<br />
colored with discussion and reference to God, she discusses God less in terms of divinity and more in terms<br />
80
of a divine good that man should strive to attain. In Book Two, Chapter 10, Philosophy states, “We have<br />
already conceded that the highest good is happiness… And so, we must acknowledge that God is happiness<br />
itself… so the highest divinity must itself be the highest happiness” (Boethius 59). While Philosophy<br />
describes God in these divine terms, she ultimately goes on to argue that man himself can share in this<br />
divinity and paramount happiness with God.<br />
On the other hand, Alfred‟s protagonist also has a counselor to guide him, but Alfred replaces<br />
Boethius‟ Lady Philosophy with the abstract Wisdom and Reason. Alfred presents Wisdom and Reason as<br />
counselors who attempt to steer Boethius toward the path of good through reverence and worship of a very<br />
Christian God. In their book, A Companion to Anglo-Saxon Literature, Philip Pulsiano and Elaine M. Treharne<br />
make the connection between Wisdom and Christianity in Alfred‟s translation, saying that “Boethius‟ Lady<br />
Philosophy is frequently designated as „se Wisdom‟ in Alfred‟s rendering, and ultimately wisdom equates<br />
with God” (144). By personifying wisdom as God, Alfred injects the philosophical purpose of Boethius‟<br />
counselor with Christian ideology. Alfred, thus, creates a marriage between the classical philosophy of<br />
Boethius‟ Consolation and his own Christian purpose in the kingdom, reinforcing the unification of church<br />
and state that Alfred champions.<br />
Another parallel that exists in the text is the discussion of achieving divinity. In Book Three of<br />
Boethius‟ Consolation, Lady Philosophy has established that in order for people to achieve happiness, they<br />
must attain the highest good, and God is the highest good. She then provides this “corollary” to describe the<br />
process by which men can achieve divinity. Lady Philosophy states,<br />
Since men become happy by achieving happiness, and happiness itself is divinity,<br />
clearly they<br />
become happy by attaining divinity. Now just as men become just by<br />
acquiring justice… by the same<br />
argument they must become gods once they have acquired divinity… God is by nature one only, but<br />
nothing prevents the greatest possible number from sharing in that divinity (Boethius 59).<br />
81
Because Boethius is presenting the Consolation as a philosophical, rather than religious, text, he allows for<br />
men, through philosophical reflection, to “be gods,” or in other words, to attain a transcendent form of<br />
divinity. On the other hand, Alfred’s interpretation of this passage centers around God as the source of all<br />
goods, rather than man’s ability to achieve a god-like divinity. Alfred writes, “Yet there is only one God; he<br />
is the stem and base of all forms of good; from Him these forms all come, and to Him they return, and He<br />
ruleth all. Though He is the beginning and foundation of all good men and all good things, yet the forms of<br />
good that issue from him are many” (Alfred 73). Alfred is more concerned with the concept of humility and<br />
obedience, for both God and secular leaders such as himself. Because Alfred wants to maintain God as the<br />
ultimate and all-powerful ruler over Christendom, he must necessarily alter Boethius’ more liberal and<br />
philosophical statement that men can achieve divinity. For Alfred, God is not only the “stem” and “base” of<br />
all goods but also the omnipotent governor over the Christian world. In order for God’s subjects to achieve<br />
happiness, they must practice obedience and self-restraint rather than attempt to achieve personal divinity,<br />
and this is the same obedience and self-restraint that Alfred knows is necessary in order for his own Anglo-<br />
Saxon kingdom to achieve and maintain political stability.<br />
In the final chapter of Alfred’s Consolation, he takes perhaps the greatest license in his translation of<br />
the Boethian work. In Boethius’ version, Lady Philosophy finishes the discourse with an explanation of how<br />
God observes the world through his foreknowledge and she also presents a short, if abrupt, summary of her<br />
previous commentary. Lady Philosophy asserts, “God continually observes with foreknowledge all things<br />
from on high, and his eternal<br />
vision, which is ever in the present… dispenses rewards to the good and<br />
punishments to the wicked… So avoid vices, cultivate virtues, raise your minds to righteous hopes, pour<br />
out your humble prayers to heaven” (Boethius 114). Lady Philosophy discusses God much as she did<br />
throughout the text, namely as the observer from on high and the divine power that can lead men to good.<br />
In this text, it is crucial that God is an entity that “observes” rather than rules from on high because it is<br />
Boethius’ aim to employ the concept of God primarily as a force of divine good. He makes this concept<br />
82
clear in the language that he utilizes through Lady Philosophy, who encourages her audience not to call out<br />
explicitly for the mercy of God’s will, but to “raise [their] minds to righteous hopes,” or, in other words, to<br />
go forth on the quest for divine good, rather than to engage solely in the praise of God.<br />
On the other hand, Alfred uses the last few passages in the text as a means to reflect upon the<br />
nature of God and to demonstrate the necessity for an ultimate reverence for and obedience to Him. Alfred<br />
describes God in the following passage: “Nor doth He dread aught, for there is none more mighty, nor even<br />
like unto Him. He is ever giving, yet He never waneth in aught. He is ever almighty, for He willeth good<br />
and never evil. He needeth nothing. He is ever watching, never sleeping. He is ever equally kind. He is ever<br />
eternal, for the time never was when He was not, nor ever shall be” (Alfred 129). Alfred catalogues the<br />
capabilities and powers of omniscient God in order to reinforce the importance of man’s worship of Him,<br />
who is the only figure that can truly lead humanity down the path of good. Rather than being an “observer,”<br />
as is the God in Boethius’ text, Alfred’s God is an active participant in the lives of his worshippers. This<br />
active nature is significant for Alfred to delineate because it implies that God will provide constant<br />
protection for his worshippers. Furthermore, while this passage explicitly addresses God’s omnipotence<br />
through language such as, “there is none more mighty,” in order to incite religious obedience, it also serves<br />
as an example to which an earthly leader, such as Alfred, can aspire. Alfred seems to hope that this passage<br />
will inspire both religious and political obedience because he ascribes secular language to God, positing the<br />
notion that the sacred and the religious are one; in essence, God and the king are one in the qualities that<br />
they possess.<br />
One addition that is particularly relevant to both Alfred’s Christian message and political concerns<br />
is a passage in which Alfred describes God as the “light” that Boethius sees, leading him towards good. God<br />
is described in Alfred’s translation with language that makes direct reference to His stability and identity as<br />
the ultimate and sole leader of His people: “Through goodness God created all things, for of Himself He<br />
ruleth all the before said was good; and He is alone the steady Ruler, and Steersman, and Rudder, and<br />
83
Helm, for He guideth and governeth all creatures, even as a good steersman does a ship” (Alfred 83). This<br />
passage illustrates that God is a “steady ruler,” language that alludes to the social stability and Christian<br />
worship that Alfred champions. The term “[He] governeth” is also referential to Alfred’s position as a<br />
secular leader, or governor, of his people. While God rules “all creatures” in the world, Alfred is<br />
responsible for “all creatures” of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom. Alfred wants to reassure his audience that<br />
stability and unity can be attained through a sharing of responsibilities by God and secular leaders.<br />
Alfred also personalizes his translation when he discusses the necessities and limitations of royal<br />
power in Chapter XV<strong>II</strong> of his Consolation. In his translation, Alfred writes:<br />
I desired instruments and materials to carry out the work I was set to do, which was<br />
that I<br />
should virtuously and fittingly administer the authority committed unto me.<br />
Now no man, as thou<br />
knowest, can get full play for his natural gifts, nor conduct and<br />
administer government, unless he hath fit<br />
tools, and the raw material to work upon. By material I mean that which is necessary to the exercise of<br />
natural powers; thus a<br />
king’s raw material and instruments of rule are a well-peopled land, and he must<br />
have men of prayer, men of war, and men of work. As thou knowest, without these<br />
tools no<br />
king may display his special talent (Alfred 34).<br />
This passage in Alfred’s translation marks a clear addition to the text of the original; here, Alfred<br />
details the need for man to possess the tools and materials necessary to “conduct and administer<br />
government,” which is an obvious concern for a king attempting to reform his kingdom. He unabashedly<br />
makes reference to the “king’s raw material and instruments of rule,” and discusses the three classes of men<br />
(prayer men, military men, and work men) that must exist, according to Alfred, in order for a kingdom to<br />
run properly. These three classes of men fall into the category of what Alfred believed made up an<br />
honorable, fit, and stable kingdom. With the statement that a king must have his land “well-peopled,”<br />
Alfred addresses the significance of the presence of capable and learned subjects in order for a kingdom to<br />
be successful. Alfred’s reference to the importance of “prayer men,” or ecclesiastical figures, and his<br />
84
placement of these bead men at the beginning of his list, demonstrates Alfred’s emphasis on the importance<br />
of proper, honorable Christian worship in a well-ordered kingdom. In this moment, Alfred’s addition<br />
makes sense to the function of Boethius’ Consolation, by supplanting the philosophy, which Boethius offers as<br />
comfort, for an entity that would resonate more with Alfred’s Anglo-Saxon subjects: worship that leads to a<br />
stable kingdom.<br />
Furthermore, Alfred’s concern with treachery and false friends is evident in Chapter XXIV of his<br />
translation of the Consolation of Philosophy. Keynes and Lapidge discuss Alfred’s concern with treachery,<br />
saying, “[Alfred] lays great stress on the keeping of oaths; he announces severe punishment for treachery to<br />
a lord, and especially for treachery to a king” (39). Both Boethius and Alfred, in their respective texts,<br />
discuss the importance of true friendship in achieving virtue in one’s life. In Boethius’ Consolation,<br />
Philosophy discusses friendship in regards to its capability to aid men in achieving good. She states, “The<br />
most sacred category of good, that of friendship, lies in the province of virtue rather than Fortune”<br />
(Boethius 42). Philosophy sheds only a positive light on the good that true friendship can bring. On the<br />
other hand, Alfred makes clear his reservations about the ability to find truly good and trustworthy friends.<br />
Alfred’s Boethius states, “Nature joins friends together and unites them with a very inseparable love; but by<br />
means of these worldly goods and the wealth of this life we oftener make foes than friends” (46). This<br />
addition marks a clear departure from the discussion of seemingly benign friendship that Philosophy offers<br />
in Boethius’ text. Alfred directly references the current situation in England with the phrase, “with these<br />
worldly goods and the wealth of this life.” In a kingdom recently freed from political conflict, Alfred was<br />
quite troubled by the thought of internal threats and treason. While Alfred may not have personally dealt<br />
with any realized attacks on his position, his preoccupation with the ideological and philosophical threat of<br />
treason in a well-ordered kingdom, a worry that would have existed for the leader of any powerful<br />
kingdom, is evident through this particular addition to the original Boethian text.<br />
85
Through his translation of Boethius‟ Consolation of Philosophy, King Alfred demonstrated the<br />
personal and political concerns that he was dealing with during his reign. The Consolation served as an<br />
integral part of his program of educational and religious reform, because Boethius‟ philosophical treatise,<br />
while colored by Alfred with a great deal of Christian language, was contextualized in a way that made it, an<br />
antiquated classical text, socially and politically relevant. In fact, Alfred enabled the very survival of the<br />
Consolation of Philosophy in Anglo-Saxon England. His work was disseminated and shared in monasteries<br />
throughout England, and act that would eventually this text to be made available to the Anglo-Saxon<br />
kingdom, a new audience for classical works. His concepts of kingship and law-giving helped to inform<br />
subsequent social, historical, and religious, and literary developments in Anglo-Saxon England, and other<br />
writers would continue to utilize Boethian philosophy in their works throughout the middle and later<br />
periods of the Medieval ages. Geoffrey Chaucer‟s work echoes Boethian concepts, but he expands on<br />
Boethian philosophies in Troilus and Criseyde in order to expose the flawed social ethos of fourteenth<br />
century England.<br />
Chaucer<br />
Geoffrey Chaucer is best known for his narrative collection, the Canterbury Tales, but it is the writings<br />
in which Chaucer utilizes Boethius‟ works that are among his most compelling texts, namely Troilus and<br />
Criseyde. In Troilus and Criseyde, Chaucer revisits concepts and ideals first presented by Boethius in the<br />
Consolation of Philosophy, including: the intervention of Fortune in man‟s life, the importance of selfknowledge,<br />
the fickleness of desire for worldly goods and false felicity, and the fact that one‟s entrance into<br />
the afterlife will bring joy. In addition to Chaucer‟s own translation of the Consolation of Philosophy, the<br />
presence of such a multitude of Boethian themes in Troilus and Criseyde speaks to the effects of Boethian<br />
philosophy on Chaucer‟s work, as Theodore Stroud acknowledges in his article, “Boethius‟ Influence on<br />
Chaucer‟s „Troilus,‟” saying that, “Boethius was a basic stimulant to Chaucer‟s creative imagination…<br />
although Boethius had already cast his work in narrative form, Chaucer might consider a further attempt to<br />
86
meet the human demand for philosophy „concealed within the poetic veil‟” (2). The conclusion to draw<br />
then, is that Chaucer intends to present Boethius‟ philosophical concepts to the masses in a more accessible<br />
way; here, by virtue of poetry. Through his employment of key concepts from the Consolation, Chaucer<br />
creates a marriage between the philosophical and chivalric genres. By doing so, he is able to create an<br />
antidote to the problematic genre of chivalric romance, which is predominantly concerned with unrealistic<br />
and irrational portrayals of love, nobility, and gender roles. With a Boethian treatment, Troilus and Criseyde<br />
ultimately serves as Chaucer‟s own “consolation” to his Medieval audience.<br />
But it is not Chaucer‟s primary aim merely to translate concepts from a philosophical text into poetry<br />
nor to parrot themes from the Consolation in his protagonists. On the contrary, Chaucer‟s agenda seems to<br />
be to demonstrate the personal inconsistencies and moral failures of the protagonists to invert, rather than<br />
parallel, Boethian ideals and themes from the Consolation, a program that ultimately illustrates the chivalric<br />
ethos as a fundamentally flawed paradigm. The way in which Chaucer deploys these inversions<br />
demonstrates the problematic nature of the autonomous male figures involved in courtly love as well as the<br />
hopeless female figures subjected to the expectations of romance. Troilus, the flawed hero, is unable to<br />
overcome his earthly woes but is ultimately redeemed through his death and, subsequently, his<br />
comprehension of the errors of his worldly ways. Pandarus, the puppeteer, has only one goal throughout<br />
the majority of the poem, which is to aid Troilus in achieving the conquest of Criseyde. He does not fulfill<br />
his position as physician to Troilus, and Chaucer‟s depiction of Pandarus emphasizes the lack of<br />
responsibility that male figures possess, a limited self-perception meant to forward the male cause at the<br />
cost of the female subject‟s dignity.<br />
Criseyde, however, achieves a certain kind of redemption through the Boethian model because she<br />
attempts to adhere to the principles of pragmatism laid out in the Consolation; indeed, she is the only<br />
character who possesses any semblance of a moral core, which helps to establish and lend credibility to her<br />
pragmatic voice in the narrative. Regardless of her moral aspirations, however, Criseyde is ultimately<br />
87
forced to betray Troilus because as a woman in the courtly milieu, she inherently lacks the power and<br />
agency to challenge her male oppressors in a any other real way. But by portraying Criseyde as a rational<br />
and pragmatic Boethian voice through her early speeches, primarily her responses to Pandarus in Books One<br />
and Three, Chaucer presents Troilus and Criseyde as a text that can be read as sympathetic towards the<br />
forlorn female plight in the institution of courtly love. Ultimately, through his characterizations of Troilus,<br />
Pandarus, and Criseyde, Chaucer attempts to challenge the genre of the chivalric romance, primarily its<br />
gender expectations, its amorality, and its amorous unreality.<br />
The first and most compelling Boethian ideal in the text of Troilus and Criseyde is the intervention of<br />
Fortune in the life of man, a concept that exists in both the Consolation and in Troilus and Criseyde, and in both<br />
texts, Fortune is cast in a negative light because of the pain that she seemingly brings to her recipients. In<br />
Book One of the Consolation, Boethius laments his imprisonment, and he accuses Fortune of importuning<br />
him with woe, saying “… did Fortune feel no shame, if not at the indictment of an innocent man, at least at<br />
the worthlessness of my accusers?” (Boethius 10). At this point in the text, Lady Philosophy has yet to<br />
illuminate for Boethius the true, just nature of Fortune; thus, while Boethius does not yet recognize that<br />
every adversity is a blessing in disguise, his complaint in regards to his unwarranted imprisonment is<br />
forgivable because it is grounded in Boethius’ concern for the precarious nature of existence. Troilus, on<br />
the other hand, curses Fortune for a different reason: he is afflicted with the pain of being in love. In<br />
Chaucer and Menippean Satire, F. Anne Payne discusses the implications of Troilus’ “allusions of Fortune,”<br />
which, according to her, “indicate his necessity to believe in an outside force controlling his destiny, and his<br />
unwillingness to act as if he is free…[they indicate] an inability to distinguish between body and spirit,<br />
between the ephemeral and the eternal” (115). Payne illuminates Troilus’ need to blame his misfortune on<br />
anyone other than himself; in essence, Troilus is unable to take responsibility for his own fortune, blaming<br />
the entity of Fortune for all of his woes. In regards to his despair over his lust for Criseyde, Troilus asserts,<br />
“Fortune is my fo;… May of hire cruel whiel the harm withstonde” (Chaucer I. 837-839). Like Boethius,<br />
88
Troilus is woeful, but it is his banal reason for despair, his common lust for Criseyde, that renders him a<br />
problematic philosopher and a flawed chivalric lover. While Boethius is portrayed as a willing and able<br />
pupil in the Consolation, Troilus fails in his attempts to better understand the divine order that decides his<br />
situation. Moreover, the triviality of Troilus’ complaint becomes even more evident when framed against<br />
Boethius’ valid complaint, and Chaucer’s intent seems to be to delineate not only the superficiality of<br />
Troilus’ woe but also the lack of responsibility and agency that Troilus exhibits in his actions. Troilus’ lack<br />
of agency and understanding seems to reinforce, therefore, the ultimate irrationality of courtly love and<br />
inverts the virtues present in the Consolation.<br />
In the Consolation, the second most compelling philosophical tenet is found when Lady Philosophy<br />
advocates the attainment of self-knowledge to Boethius in his search for enlightenment. Lady Philosophy<br />
wants her pupil to overcome his initial bitterness towards Fortune in order to come to know himself and to<br />
obtain divinity. Because men have the ability to achieve the true good, Philosophy argues that man must<br />
consciously and constantly fight the urge to fall into a nature that is below him (i.e. a nature in which<br />
avarice rules). She states, “The status of man’s nature is this: it excels all other things only when aware of<br />
itself, but if it ceases to know itself, it falls below the level of the beasts” (Boethius 31). As Philosophy<br />
addresses the “moral blemish” that is a lack of self-knowledge, Boethius obediently listens, absorbs, and<br />
appears to accept this particular teaching.<br />
Like Boethius, Troilus is also cynical at the outset of Troilus and Criseyde, but the similarities between<br />
the male protagonists end there. While Boethius is bitter because of his unjust imprisonment, Troilus’<br />
bitterness and cynicism is directed merely towards women because he believes that women are a needless<br />
enterprise; in essence, Troilus loses the chance to attain self-knowledge because his stubbornness debilitates<br />
his ability to discern his own ideological failings. Troilus’ misogynistic demeanor quickly changes when<br />
Cupid strikes Troilus with his arrow; indeed, he is transformed from naysayer to love-stricken fool in a<br />
matter of seconds. His sudden change is addressed by the narrator thus: “With a look his heart wex a-fere,<br />
89
That he that now was moost in pride above, / Wax sodeynly moost subgit into love” (Chaucer I. 229-<br />
231). This rapid (and undesired) alteration is problematic for Troilus throughout the span of the poem.<br />
Because of Cupid’s intervention, Troilus is ultimately incapable of possessing any self-knowledge because<br />
the “self” he deals with following the arrow strike is no longer a self that he can control, or examine, with<br />
any precision. Thus, through the fortune that befell him through his own faults, Troilus’ only capability is<br />
to fulfill the role of a flawed lover because he no longer possesses the ability to control his own emotions or<br />
to look inward and reflect on his reality. Through the attainment of self-knowledge, therefore, Boethius is<br />
able to overcome these initial feelings, whereas any chance of attaining self-knowledge is lost for Troilus<br />
very early in the poem’s trajectory. Rather than actively pursuing Criseyde, Troilus passively and pitifully<br />
worships her from afar because he has lost the ability to think for himself, at least in regards to love, and<br />
Troilus’ inadequacy as a man is made evident by this passivity. In essence, Chaucer uses the Boethian moral<br />
of self-knowledge to demonstrate what Troilus and the chivalric narrative lacks; in this case, it is the<br />
assertiveness and integrity necessary for a true, pure love to “succeed.”<br />
In both the Consolation and Troilus and Criseyde, it is also evident that the acquisition of worldly<br />
commodities such as wealth, ambition, or, in Troilus’ case, Criseyde, can only bring misery to those who<br />
seek them. Philosophy consistently discusses the worthlessness of possessions in order to reinforce the<br />
importance of achieving virtue through oneself and through God. Philosophy names such possessions (e.g.<br />
jewels, riches, and physical pleasure) so that Boethius will understand the temptations that he must deal<br />
with in order to overcome his desire for transient things. Furthermore, Philosophy asserts that it is only<br />
through friendship that one can achieve virtue. She states, “The most sacred category of good, that of<br />
friendship, lies in the province of virtue” (Boethius 42). Boethius recognizes that in order to be truly<br />
virtuous, he must shun worldly possessions and focus instead on achieving the true good through such<br />
channels as honorable friendship.<br />
On the contrary, Troilus and Criseyde is a narrative that is fueled by obsessive desire and open betrayal.<br />
90
Troilus’ mind is continuously occupied with the possession of Criseyde, and his worldly lovesickness has<br />
rendered him practically incapable of functioning as a rational being. His obsession is described in Book<br />
One by Chaucer in this way: “So much, day by day, his owene thought, / For lust to hire gan quicken and<br />
encresse, / That every other charge he set at nought” (Chaucer I. 442-444). Through his lust for her,<br />
Troilus transforms Criseyde into an object, a mere possession whose existence is only necessary because she<br />
is the object of Troilus’ desire; as a result, he has also let his burning desire to acquire this possession<br />
overcome his very sanity and existence. Whereas Boethius understands that he must eschew his worldly<br />
possessions if he wishes to achieve the true good, Troilus lacks the ability to achieve any real, true<br />
relationship with Criseyde, or anyone else, because he is blinded by his lust. In his dissertation, Boethian<br />
Philosophy as the Informing Principle in Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde, Robert Newland Shorter discusses<br />
Troilus’ choice to pursue Criseyde, a decision that ultimately leads to his great misfortune. Shorter states,<br />
“Troilus does have freedom, but chooses to pursue false bliss and thus condemns himself to earthly sorrow”<br />
(202). As Shorter asserts, Troilus is in control of his own destiny; he has the freedom to avoid “false bliss”<br />
with Criseyde, but ultimately Troilus’ obsession with the acquisition of Criseyde overcomes any rational<br />
thoughts he might have about pursuing true happiness. Whereas Boethius accepts Philosophy’s teachings<br />
that one must forego worldly possessions, and, in regards to relationships, focus only on friendship, Troilus<br />
uses his freedom for his own fleeting self-interest, rather than considering the implications for his future.<br />
The next significant shared tenet of Boethian philosophy shared in Troilus and Criseyde is the idea that<br />
man’s entrance into the afterlife will bring him eternal joy. Philosophy addresses the transcendence of man<br />
into heaven, asserting that at the point at which a man dies, his mind will eschew all worldly ideals in order<br />
to achieve true happiness in heaven if he has lived a life of virtue. Lady Philosophy explains to Boethius, “…<br />
If the mind is happily self-aware, is loosed from its earthly prison, and in freedom makes for heaven, it<br />
surely scorns all earthly business” (Boethius 36). For a mind that has surrendered itself to God’s will and<br />
has surpassed the want for worldly goods, the transference to heaven will be elementary.<br />
91
Troilus, on the other hand, appears to champion only worldly ideals throughout the poem, yet<br />
directly following his death, he is transmitted to the Eighth Sphere where he is allowed to survey the<br />
commonality of the human world. Chaucer describes the scene in this way: “And down from thennes faste<br />
he gan avyse /… / this wrecched world, and held al vanite / To respect of the pleyn felicite / That is in<br />
hevene above / … / in himself he louch right at the wo / Of hem that wepten for his deth so faste”<br />
(Chaucer V. 1814, 1817-1819, 1821-1822). In this moment, Troilus suddenly realizes the failings of the<br />
transitory human world. Unlike Boethius, who gains transcendent knowledge while still on the earthly<br />
sphere because he heeds to teachings of Philosophy, Troilus’ experience was not one of progressive<br />
learning; rather, Troilus reaches “enlightenment” only through an out-of-body experience that is a direct<br />
result of his physical death. Here, Chaucer seems to satirize Troilus’ enlightenment; indeed, Troilus’<br />
ascension and subsequent realization prove so ultimately contradictory to his actions during the course of<br />
poem that it is impossible to take his newly-acquired enlightenment seriously. Chaucer seems to be arguing<br />
that while the male chivalric figure has the potential to gain wisdom from his experiences, this potential is<br />
not realized because of the inherent flaws that he exhibits throughout the course of the chivalric narrative.<br />
In fact, it seems that death is the only way that Troilus can gain wisdom or learn any moral lessons. Here,<br />
Chaucer demonstrates a deliberate inversion of the way in which Troilus and Boethius achieve their<br />
respective “enlightenment.” Boethius is validated through his obedience and ultimate understanding of the<br />
concepts that Philosophy teaches him, whereas Troilus, lacking any such self-awareness and discipline,<br />
learns nothing throughout the poem while he is alive.<br />
While both Lady Philosophy and Pandarus attempt to fulfill the role of physician to their respective<br />
patients, it is only Philosophy who prevails in the task. Philosophy’s tactic to assuage Boethius is to<br />
approach his complaints with a “calm demeanour of indifference” (Boethius 10). She consistently provides<br />
Boethius with firm, yet concerned dialogue in order to help him understand the divine forces that govern<br />
the world. Boethius trusts Philosophy because she refuses to simply pacify him; rather, she, at times<br />
92
fiercely and relentlessly, discusses with Boethius the importance of his recognition that God’s will is<br />
omniscient. At the outset of their discourse, Philosophy remarks, “You have forgotten your own identity…<br />
Forgetting who you are has made you confused… You believe that the changes of fortune which have<br />
befallen you are random and unguided” (Boethius 17). It is Philosophy’s aim to aid Boethius, and her<br />
straightforward means of addressing his symptoms reinforces her credibility with her pupil.<br />
Pandarus, on the other hand, coddles Troilus throughout the poem’s entirety with his foul<br />
ministrations, a deliberate inversion of the person and personage of Lady Philosophy. His affiliation with<br />
Troilus is based in a plethora of immoralities, the greatest of which is his willingness to compromise his<br />
niece’s honor in order to provide Troilus with sexual satisfaction. For Pandarus, his role as “physician” to<br />
Troilus’ “patient” revolves solely around Troilus’ attainment of Criseyde; indeed, he provides no<br />
philosophical insights on life, unlike Philosophy, who does so repeatedly with Boethius. According to F.<br />
Anne Payne in her book, Chaucer and Menippean Satire, Pandarus lacks the moral core necessary to provide<br />
insight to his “patient.” She writes, “The speeches that Chaucer gives to Pandarus… ignore the whole<br />
universe of moral structures, all the implications and complexities that surround these passages in the<br />
Consolation…” (Payne 98). While Pandarus may believe that he is helping Troilus, Payne makes it evident<br />
that Chaucer deliberately gives Pandarus speeches that are, in fact, totally meaningless or morally<br />
detrimental. Pandarus’ lack of morals essentially renders him an unreliable and incapable physician.<br />
Moreover, Pandarus fails in all aspects as an advisor to Troilus when he fails to sympathize with Troilus’<br />
distress at his loss of Criseyde. Instead of consoling him as a logical friend might, Pandarus rants about all of<br />
the other women that Troilus could possess. Pandarus is both amoral and obtuse, and as Payne points out<br />
above, he is unable, because of these flaws, to provide Troilus with any complex, rational, or even<br />
thoughtful insights. In Book Four, Pandarus exclaims, “This town is ful of ladys al aboute; / And, to my<br />
doom, fairer than swiche twelve / As ere she was” (Chaucer IV. 401-403). This blatant disregard for<br />
Troilus’ sorrow reinforces Pandarus’ unsuitability as a mentor; moreover, Troilus’ ignorance and gullibility<br />
93
are made ultimately manifest because this is the result of his following the advice of this pseudo-counselor<br />
throughout the majority of the poem. The relationship between the two men is a deliberate inversion of<br />
the counselor/counseled binary and the model of virtuous friendship framed in the Consolation. In his<br />
depiction of Pandarus and his accompanying relationship with Troilus, Chaucer also lambasts the lofty<br />
expectations of the chivalric romance, asserting that the two male protagonists are unable to reach their<br />
ultimate, singular goal of bringing Troilus “bliss” through his possession of Criseyde. Pandarus is, in<br />
essence, pimping for Troilus, the deviant, and this act inverts the honorable, idealized expectations of the<br />
romantic genre. Their depraved aims – and their subsequent failures – can be nothing more than a flawed<br />
performance for the audience to wonder at.<br />
Unlike Troilus and Pandarus, Criseyde is not an inversion of any specific character in the Consolation,<br />
which only features discourse between Boethius and Lady Philosophy. Chaucer, somewhat paradoxically,<br />
creates Criseyde as both an embodiment of Boethian pragmatism and the unfortunate object of Troilus‟<br />
affection. For despite Criseyde‟s ultimate loss of honor and lack of agency in the poem, she proves to be<br />
the only character with rationality and any semblance of a moral compass. In the narrative, she represents<br />
the virtuous qualities that the character of Boethius eventually embodies in the Consolation, including<br />
practicality and wisdom. From the outset, Criseyde does not hesitate to tell Pandarus her feelings in<br />
regards to his intimations to “do wey your barbe” and “lat us daunce.” (Chaucer <strong>II</strong>. 110, 111). As a young<br />
widow, Criseyde reasonably wants to retain her honorable reputation. In reply to Pandarus, she exclaims,<br />
“„I! God forbade! Be ye mad? / Is that a widewes life? / … / It satte me wel bet ay in a cave /To bidde and<br />
rede on holy seyntes lives‟” (Chaucer <strong>II</strong>. 113-114, 116-117). Rather than submitting to Pandarus‟ request,<br />
Criseyde asserts herself through her principles, which, as a widow with an absentee father and a conniving<br />
uncle, are truly her only possessions.<br />
Her most assertive moments in the text, such as the exchange with Pandarus alluded to above, come<br />
when Criseyde‟s loyalty to her faith, as a pious widow, is put to the test. Indeed, Criseyde‟s faithful<br />
94
evocation of God also proves to be a common thread to the framework and content of the Consolation, if not<br />
a nearly omnipresent theme. In Philosophy‟s discussion with Boethius about the attainment of happiness,<br />
she states, “We must allow that the highest God is totally full of the highest and perfect good… so true<br />
happiness must reside in God” (Boethius 58). Boethius acknowledges and agrees with this statement, and it<br />
can be assumed that Criseyde would, as well. She proves to be the only character in Troilus and Criseyde who<br />
considers her relationship with God and her devotion to her faith to be of the utmost importance, a theme<br />
that is implicit in the Consolation.<br />
Furthermore, Criseyde also echoes the Boethian concept that worldly joy is transitory in her response<br />
to Pandarus‟ claims that she is causing Troilus much distress. She laments, “„O God, so worldly<br />
selynesse,Which clerkes callen fals felicitee, Imedled is with many a bitternesse! /… / O brotel wele of<br />
mannes joie unstable! / With what wight so thow be, or how thow pleye, / Either he woot that thow, joie,<br />
art mutable, or woot it nought; / it mot ben oot of tweye‟” (Chaucer <strong>II</strong>I. 813-815, 820-823). In this<br />
moment, Criseyde demonstrates her recognition of the difficulties and fleeting nature of worldly joy, or<br />
“fals felicitee.” She also identifies that earthly sexual love, the kind that Troilus possesses for her, is too false<br />
and therefore cannot last. In this speech, with its myriad implications that the world of chivalric romance is<br />
replete with falsities and transience, Criseyde serves as Chaucer‟s voice. He wants to make clear, through<br />
Criseyde, his unfavorable opinion of courtly romance and its shallow conventions.<br />
In the W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. edition of Troilus and Criseyde, Stephen A. Barney writes,<br />
“Many of Criseyde‟s thoughts about the limitations of worldly happiness, „false felicitee,‟ replicate those of<br />
Boethius in the Consolation of Philosophy, which Chaucer may have translated shortly before writing Troilus<br />
and Criseyde” (178). Her speech here, indeed colored with Boethian ideology as Barney claims, is a rebuttal<br />
to Pandarus‟ pleas for her submission to Troilus‟ lust. In Book Two, Lady Philosophy explains the woes<br />
that befall men who attempt to achieve worldly happiness. She asserts, “The man who embarks on this<br />
transitory happiness either knows or does not know, how can he be happy in his state of blind ignorance? If<br />
95
he does not know, he must inevitably fear the loss of what he is in doubt can be lost, and therefore his<br />
enduring anxiety does not permit him to be happy” (Boethius 27). Criseyde‟s language in her own speech is<br />
reminiscent of the language Lady Philosophy employs, and these two parallel instances in both Troilus and<br />
Criseyde and the Consolation pertain to one of the most omnipresent Boethian themes: worldly happiness and<br />
romantic love are fleeting.<br />
However, Criseyde‟s moments of practicality-driven clarity amongst the mentally clouded likes of<br />
Troilus and Pandarus prove to be brief. Her attempt to remain honorable and righteous is ultimately<br />
thwarted by the irrationalities of the world of “passion” that she is subject to by Pandarus and Troilus. In<br />
“„O brotel wele of mannes joie unstable!‟: Gender and Philosophy in Troilus and Criseyde,” Sashi Nair<br />
discusses Criseyde‟s ultimate downfall in the poem despite her principles. Nair asserts that “Criseyde‟s last<br />
spoken line demonstrates that her pragmatic reasoning makes reference to Boethian principles, but rules out<br />
any possibility that she may take these principles far enough to transcend her earthly pain” (54). While<br />
Chaucer utilizes Criseyde to project the Boethian ideals of reason and wisdom that the other protagonists<br />
fail to attain, Criseyde is ultimately subject to the limitations of the genre of a flawed courtly romance, and<br />
her failure essentially explicates the failures of the genre. This failure of her reason and wisdom reinforces<br />
Chaucer‟s characterization of Criseyde as a paradox: though she espouses the integrity and understanding<br />
that the male protagonists should strive for, she is rendered an agent-less woman subject to the demands of<br />
male desire and courtly love through her interactions with the other protagonists of Troilus and Criseyde.<br />
With Troilus and Criseyde, Chaucer manages, successfully, to bring the insights of Boethius into the<br />
14 th century while effectively undermining the genre of chivalric love. Through a Boethian lens, the<br />
characters are no longer merely players in a flawed chivalric romance; rather, they represent an inversion of<br />
Boethian ideals and themes. The chivalric narrative is presented in the vernacular, so it would be accessible<br />
to its 14 th century audience, but Chaucer takes the genre even further by top-loading the tale with<br />
philosophical complexity that was not common to stories of courtly love in the medieval era. He answers<br />
96
the 14 th century preoccupation with the genre by challenging its virtues, and, essentially, supplanting<br />
romance with philosophy, in this case, Boethian philosophy. Through Troilus and Criseyde, Chaucer<br />
eloquently calls into question the social ethos of 14 th century England, including nobility, gender<br />
expectations, and class distinctions, employing the classical teachings of Boethius to fully support his<br />
argument.<br />
Conclusion<br />
Through Boethius, primarily the Consolation of Philosophy, these medieval authors were able to reach<br />
their respective audiences in ways that would not have been possible without the practical, classical<br />
philosophies and ideologies of Boethius to use as a vehicle. He provided his readers with the capacity to<br />
cope with the harsh realities of life, such as its transience, through his thoughtful yet accessible teachings.<br />
What is perhaps so astonishing about Boethius is the scope of his influence; as evidenced by the previous<br />
discussion of King Alfred and Chaucer, it is clear that he had a definitive impact on political, literary, and<br />
social movements spanning throughout nearly the entire medieval era. By examining the extent of<br />
Boethius’ influence in this period, it became clear the evolution in the way that each author utilized his<br />
teachings. Alfred’s utilitarian translation of the Consolation not only aided him in his quest for political<br />
stability, it also paved the way for a revolution of educational discipline in ninth- and tenth-century<br />
England. Centuries later, nearing the end of the medieval period, lauded literary figure Geoffrey Chaucer<br />
would employ the very same Boethian concepts, only he would use these concepts in his articulate poetry to<br />
illustrate the flaws of the genre of courtly romance, and subsequently to question the social ethos, including<br />
nobility and gender expectations, of fourteenth-century England.<br />
The evolution in the manner which these authors utilize the philosophies of Boethius ranges from<br />
political appropriation to a benchmark for cultural and literary change. After investigating, through close<br />
reading and comparison, the ways in which King Alfred and Chaucer molded Boethian ideals to their own<br />
97
unique aims, it is clear that the medieval period would have been a great deal less philosophically,<br />
culturally, socially, politically, and literarily informed had it not been for Boethius.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Boethius. Consolation of Philosophy. Trans. P.G. Walsh. Oxford: Oxford <strong>University</strong> Press,<br />
1999. Print.<br />
Boethius. The Consolation of Philosophy: King Alfred’s Version, Rendered into Modern<br />
John Sedgefield. West Valley City, UT: Walking Lion Press, 2008. Print.<br />
English. Trans. Walter<br />
Chaucer, Geoffrey. Troilus and Criseyde. Ed. Stephen A. Barney. W.W. Norton & Company,<br />
New York, 2006.<br />
DeGregorio, Scott. “Affective Spirituality: Theory and Practice in Bede and Alfred the Great.”<br />
Medieval Studies 22 (2005): 129-139. Web. 20 Jan. 2011.<br />
Inc.:<br />
Essays in<br />
Keynes, Simon, and Michael Lapidge. Alfred the Great: Assers Life of King Alfred and other<br />
Sources. London: Penguin Books Ltd, 1983. Print.<br />
Contemporary<br />
Nair, Sashi. “„O brotel wele of mannes joie unstable!‟: Gender and Philosophy in Troilus and<br />
Criseyde.” Parergon 23. 2 (2006): 35-56. Web. 10 Oct. 2010.<br />
Payne, F. Anne. Chaucer and Menippean Satire. Madison: <strong>University</strong> of Wisconsin Press,<br />
1981. Print.<br />
Payne, F. Anne. King Alfred and Boethius: An Analysis of the Old English Version of the Consolation of<br />
Philosophy. Madison: <strong>University</strong> of Wisconsin Press, 1968. Print.<br />
Pulsiano, Philip, and Elaine M. Treharne, eds. A Companion to Anglo-Saxon Literature.<br />
Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 2001. Print.<br />
Shorter, Robert Newland. Boethian Philosophy as the Informing Principle in Chaucer’s Troilus<br />
Diss. Duke <strong>University</strong>, 1964. Ann Arbor: UMI, 1965. Print.<br />
Oxford:<br />
and Criseyde.<br />
Stroud, Theodore. “Boethius‟ Influence on Chaucer‟s Troilus.” Modern Philology 49.1 (1951): 1-9.<br />
Web. 7 Oct. 2010.<br />
98
Nicole Manter<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong><br />
A Man Beyond His Years:<br />
Shakespeare and the Issue of Inequality in The Merchant of Venice<br />
Because we are the fortunate residents of contemporary United States, we are familiar with the<br />
seemingly inalienable rights and privileges of freedom, respect, and equality. As a result, it is easy for us to<br />
forget the myriad of hurdles and horrific struggles faced by the individuals lining our history books who<br />
often suffered for the luxuries they never experienced and the extravagances we mistakenly take for<br />
granted. Born of flesh, blood, and with the ability to critically think, we, as humans, are intrinsically equal<br />
in every measure. This message, at the heart of Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice, resonates loudly<br />
throughout the subtext of the timeless “comedy.”<br />
Why are Shakespeare and The Merchant of Venice important to study? Arguably, the most crucial of<br />
reasons is to gain an historical understanding of freedom, so that we may appreciate the liberties we relish<br />
today. Can you imagine a life without the separation of church and state or a time in which you were<br />
prohibited autonomies because of the genetic predetermination of skin color or sex? Can you envision being<br />
considered less than human? In examining The Merchant of Venice, we must place ourselves in the positions of<br />
Shylock, the play’s stereotypically Jewish antagonist, and Portia, a wealthy noble cursed with the affliction<br />
of being born female.<br />
During the Elizabethan Era, when Shakespeare penned The Merchant of Venice (1596-1598), Jews<br />
were considered a deplorable “alien” race. They were considered less than human and had no rights<br />
including the ownership of property, the freedom to practice their own religion, or the ability to work in<br />
any trade with the exception of money lending upon interest, a practice which was looked down upon by<br />
the Christian majority. Jews were burned at the stake and accused of spreading the Bubonic Plague, for<br />
99
participating in blood libels, and for worshiping the devil. Eventually, they were ostracized from their<br />
homes in England when they refused to denounce their faith and convert to Christianity. This brewing anti-<br />
Semitism continued to grow over the next centuries until 1933 with the Nazi rise to power in Germany.<br />
The Nuremberg Laws of 1935 were backed by Hitler and ordered the separation of Aryans and non-Aryans<br />
which legalized a racist hierarchy. In 1938, the destruction of Jewish businesses and synagogues served as<br />
the transition to “an era of destruction, in which genocide would become the singular focus of Nazi anti-<br />
Semitism,” (ushmm.org). This horrible explosion of Jewish hate, the Holocaust, would dominate the next<br />
twelve years in Europe.<br />
In Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice, Shylock is referred to as a devil, berated throughout the<br />
course of the drama, and cast as the play’s ill-fated villain. Protagonist Antonio employs the English<br />
Christian valued ideals of mercy in thwarting Shylocks money-lending business at every opportunity. He<br />
belittles Shylock, comparing him to a dog, and agrees to forfeit a pound of flesh if his own altruistic act of<br />
aiding his friend, Bassanio, rebounds. Wearied by the injustices of his providence, Shylock attempts to<br />
illuminate similarities between himself and Antonio consequently attempting to establish his worth as a<br />
fellow human. “Hath not a Jew eyes? Hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions?<br />
Fed the same food, hurt with the same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means,<br />
warmed and cooled by the same winter and summer, as a Christian is? If you prick us, do we not bleed? If<br />
you tickle us, do we not laugh? If you poison us, do we not die? And if you wrong us, shall we not revenge?<br />
If we are like you in the rest, we will resemble you in that,” (3:1:49-57). As Jews, embodied by the<br />
character of Shylock, nearly achieve redemption and recompense through the forfeit of Antonio’s bond,<br />
Shakespeare thrusts Shylock to the dogs much to his audience’s presumed pleasure. Not only is Shylock<br />
stripped of every tangible and intangible asset at the end of the play, his demise occurs at the hand of a<br />
woman, the epitome of all disgrace. Portia, whose true identity is revealed solely to the audience, disguises<br />
herself as a “lawyer,” or State’s Attorney that eventually brings the ax down upon Shylock.<br />
100
Though Shakespeare’s comedy was written essentially to appease his Anti-Semitic Christian<br />
audience through the spiritual, financial, and mental battering of the Jew, in Shylock’s monologue,<br />
Shakespeare gives voice to the Jewish community and provides a window into revolutionary thinking—that<br />
we are essentially and innately equal. It is only through empathy that Shakespeare is able to imagine himself<br />
a Jew and give dignity and value to Shylock. It is only through a true recognition of the injustices committed<br />
against Jews that Shakespeare crafts such a heart-wrenching and poignant speech delivered by the tongue of<br />
the oppressed.<br />
Another group robbed of equality until the 20 th century was women. Prior to the 1900’s a woman’s<br />
profession was typically within the home as wife and mother. In the common law of England, married<br />
women were required to give up their names and property to their husbands upon marriage. Similarly in<br />
the colonial United States, a man owned his wife, children, and slaves, who were likened to material<br />
possessions, and women and slaves were legally defenseless without their husbands’ or masters’<br />
permissions. When granted the ability to work, Equity Laws used in England and the United States<br />
prohibited women from working at night or lifting more than 15 pounds, which barred women from many<br />
jobs and supervisory positions. In 1920, women were finally permitted the right to vote, and finally, in the<br />
1960’s and with the onset of the Civil Rights Act, women gained greater educational and occupational<br />
opportunities. The Equal Pay Act was passed that required equal wages for men and women performing<br />
equal work and women were protected from discrimination by employers.<br />
Like Shylock, Portia, who is Bassanio’s wife-to-be, was considered a less-than-equal member of<br />
Venetian society, despite her aristocratic lineage and wealth, having been born a woman. In Western<br />
Europe, women were subjected to laws and social norms that served as a constant reminder of their “place”<br />
in society including whom they belonged to and how they were expected to speak or act. These notions,<br />
concreted into the fiber of women’s beings, were of little consequence to Portia as is particularly evident in<br />
the court scene of The Merchant of Venice.<br />
101
In an attempt to liberate Antonio from his barbaric bond with Shylock, Portia disguises herself as a<br />
male lawyer and eloquently gains Antonio’s freedom through impressive knowledge of the law and<br />
extremely persuasive linguistic expression. Though women during the time of Shakespeare’s writing were<br />
the minority and vastly uneducated, it is Portia’s rhetoric and shrewdness that inevitably lead to Antonio’s<br />
life being spared. Her extreme wisdom and cunning allow her to devise a plan that will dupe not only<br />
Shylock but all of the men in the hearing including her fiancé. Portia establishes not only her legal<br />
credibility, but also encourages Shylock to trust her. “The quality of mercy is not strained. It droppeth as<br />
the gentle rain from upon the place beneath. It is twice blest: it blesseth him that gives and him that<br />
takes…Mercy is above the sceptered sway; it is enthroned in the hearts of kings; it is an attribute to God<br />
himself; And earthly power doth then show likest God’s when mercy seasons justice. Therefore, Jew,<br />
though justice be thy plea, consider this, that in the course of justice, none of us should see salvation,”<br />
(4.1.192-195). She gives Shylock the option to engage in Christian mercy equating it to a quality of the<br />
Christian God. Upon realizing Shylock will not relent with his bond, “I have an oath in heaven. Shall I lay<br />
perjury upon my soul?” (4:1:225) Portia cleverly presents the folly of his plan through profound<br />
understanding and knowledge of the law. “Have by some surgeon, Shylock, to stop his wounds lest he do<br />
bleed to death. This bond doth give thee here no jot of blood; The words expressly are “a pound of flesh.”<br />
But in the cutting it if thou dost shed one drop of Christian blood, thy lands and goods are confiscate unto<br />
the state of Venice. For, as thou urgest justice, be assured thou shalt have justice, more than thou desir’st.”<br />
(4:1:322) Though she could have been imprisoned or worse, if caught, Portia risks everything and<br />
illuminates the cleverness, intelligence, and intuition of women by devising the plan to free Antonio and<br />
anticipating the questions, reactions, and proceedings of court despite an utter lack of experience or even<br />
exposure to the court system or judicial affairs of Venice. Through Portia, Shakespeare’s reveals his<br />
empathy, not only to the plight of women, but also his respect for their intuition and scarcely-recognized<br />
courage and wit.<br />
102
Why are Shakespeare and The Merchant of Venice important to study? Similar to the atrocities<br />
committed against Jews during the Elizabethan Era and the Holocaust and the discrimination acted against<br />
women, African Americans in the United States suffered blatant prejudice as well. Prior to the Civil Rights<br />
Movement of 1964, Black Americans were treated as second-class citizens in comparison to their White<br />
counterparts. They experienced disenfranchisement, segregation and oppression that included raciallymotivated<br />
violence and oftentimes, murder. The Jim Crow Laws that were enacted between 1876 and<br />
1965 excluded African Americans from classrooms, restrooms, theaters, transportation, juries, and<br />
legislatures in the Southern states. It wasn’t until 1954, with the aid of Thurgood Marshall, the first African<br />
American Supreme Court Justice, the Supreme Court ended the notion of the “separate but equal”<br />
segregation of races via the case of Brown vs. the Board of Education ruling. This monumental ruling was a<br />
precursor to the Civil Rights Movement of 1964 that finally prohibited acts of discrimination of all kinds<br />
based on race, color, religion, and national origin. With its passing, millions of Americans were endowed<br />
with the freedoms granted by the Constitution.<br />
Each of these historical accounts of inequality represents the struggles our ancestors endured to<br />
insure impartiality and tolerance for each of us. Like the Jews during the times of anti-Semitism, as well as<br />
African Americans and women pre-Civil Rights Movement, Shylock and Portia struggled against their<br />
inherent characteristics to obtain egalitarianism. In the end, though Portia’s intelligence is revealed only to<br />
her husband and his companion and though Shylock loses everything he holds dear, Shakespeare illustrates a<br />
respect and understanding for each of the minority groups these two characters represent. Written long<br />
before the Civil Rights Movement or the acceptance of Jews after the Holocaust, The Merchant of Venice is<br />
a touching drama of the universality of humans. Shakespeare clearly recognized today’s prized ideals of<br />
freedom, respect, and equality. In his subtle portrayals of Shylock and Portia, he insinuates the inherent<br />
worth of each individual and rejects the notions of fabricated standards of worth including religion, race,<br />
and gender. The similarities Shakespeare exhibits between Jews and Christians via Shylock’s monologue and<br />
103
the proficient intelligence and bravery Portia exhibits as a woman during the trial highlight the fundamental<br />
equality of all humans despite trivial classifications. While the culmination of this story may have been the<br />
anticipated and desired ending for Shakespeare’s audiences, Shakespeare’s attempt at introducing the<br />
revolutionary notion of equality through his characters makes Shakespeare’s play relevant today.<br />
104
Sharneé Maresh<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan-Flint<br />
“History and What we Do With It”:<br />
Sam Deeds’ Changing Perspectives in Lone Star<br />
In the 1996 screenplay, Lone Star, a fascinating view of history and perspective is developed in the<br />
main character, Sam Deeds. In the film, Sam Deeds’ father, Buddy Deeds, was a previous sheriff of Rio<br />
County, Texas. Sam Deeds struggles with the belief that his father was such a legendary man and sees him<br />
in a very different light than the rest of the small community. As the film progresses, it is possible to see a<br />
change in Sam’s understanding of his father and of the history of Rio County as he delves into the<br />
disappearance of his father’s rival, Sheriff Charley Wade. From his transformation, it is possible for the<br />
viewer to see how perspective of history can dramatically affect a person’s outlook. In an interview with<br />
John Sayles, the director of Lone Star, he tells the interviewer that a large portion of Lone Star deals with<br />
“history and what we do with it” (West). It can be seen throughout the film that this applies to Sam Deeds,<br />
the current Rio County Sheriff, as he makes his journey of discovery of his father Buddy Deeds’ past. By<br />
gathering different perspectives, new light is shed on past events that cause Sam Deeds’ view of his<br />
father to undergo radical changes. These changes occur over key scenes in the film, first, in the<br />
restaurant where he speaks with Hollis, later in his discussion with Ben Wetzle, and further with<br />
encounters with other Rio County citizens. Sam’s final change occurs when the true story of Buddy<br />
Deeds and Charley Wade is revealed through Hollis and Otis. From all of these scenes, it possible to<br />
see Sam Deeds’ journey through the past and how it affects his current view.<br />
When Sam speaks to Hollis in the restaurant, he hears the story about his father and<br />
Charley Wade, but he is unsure with this information if his father was really the noble man<br />
everyone thought him to be. At the beginning of Lonestar, the sheriff of Rio county, Sam Deeds, is led out<br />
to the scrub flats outside of Rio County because an old human skull was found. In addition to the skull a<br />
105
Mason’s ring and a Rio County sheriff badge were discovered leading Sam to believe that this might be the<br />
body of the infamous Charley Wade. Charley Wade was the Sheriff of Rio County in the time before Sam’s<br />
father, Buddy Deeds, was the sheriff. However, there had always been mystery surrounding his suspicious<br />
and sudden disappearance before Buddy Deeds became Sheriff. After investigating the crime scene, Sam<br />
headed back to town to a Mexican style restaurant where he found Hollis, the town mayor, and a few of his<br />
friends eating dinner and talking about the legendary Buddy Deeds. Sam approached their table and asked<br />
them what they were talking about. Fenton, one of the men at the table, then told Hollis to tell how Buddy<br />
came to be sheriff. Hollis replied, “Hell, everybody heard that story a million times” (Screenplay). At this<br />
point in the film, Sam’s uneasiness about his father’s history can be seen when he persists that Hollis should<br />
tell his story. He challenged, “I’d like to hear it, your version of it” (Screenplay). It is evident that Sam has<br />
heard about his father’s greatness all of his life and he has come to doubt Buddy Deeds really was such a<br />
fantastic man. Hollis continued on to tell his story. He, Charley Wade, and Buddy Deeds were all law<br />
enforcers of Rio County in 1956 and on the night of Charley Wade’s disappearance they were all sitting in a<br />
restaurant. Charley Wade, wearing a Masonic ring, pulled money out of a tortilla basket. Charley said that<br />
Jimmy Herrera, the owner of the restaurant, has a kitchen full of illegal Mexican immigrants and that he<br />
was giving Wade a bribe to stay in business and keep Herrera from going to jail. After taking the money,<br />
Sheriff Wade told Buddy that he had to go and pick up more money from somewhere else, but Buddy<br />
refused. Buddy simply stated that “It’s your deal. You sweat it out of him, you pick it up (Screenplay).” At<br />
this, Sheriff Wade became very angry and Buddy continued to say that Wade should remove himself from<br />
the sheriff’s department and vanish, saying “There's not a soul in this county isn't sick to death of your<br />
bullshit, Charley. You made yourself scarce, you could make a lot of people happy” (Screenplay). Charley<br />
told Buddy that he was fired and that he was a dead man, then left with Hollis to go do another pick up.<br />
From this scene, it is possible to see the differences in Sam Deed’s view of his father, and the popular “noble<br />
lawmaker” that everyone else in town remembered him as. Despite these stories of peacekeeping and<br />
106
excellence as a Sheriff, Sam Deeds still has trouble being convinced that his father was as good as everyone<br />
else in Rio County believed him to be.<br />
Later, Buddy Deeds’ interpretation of the past changes when he is called out to a scene in<br />
the scrub flats of Rio County were an old human skull had been found and later when he meet with<br />
Ben Wetzle to discuss the find. Ben Wetzle, the forensics detective, tells Sam that the body was that of a<br />
male Caucasian that was forty to sixty years old at the time of death, five foot nine to five foot eleven, and<br />
chewed tobacco. Also at the scene there had been a Rio County Sherriff’s badge found. From these clues,<br />
Sam concluded that the body must have belonged to the infamous Charley Wade. Because there was not<br />
much to go on and there was no trauma to the skull, Sam jokingly suggested that Charley “Could have gone<br />
out to the base, hopped the fence, dug down into the dirt on the old rifle range and had a heart attack”<br />
(Screenplay). Ben then asked Sam if he remembered what his father carried as a firearm. Sam replied that<br />
it was a Colt Peacemaker, a .45 that he swore by. Confused by Ben’s question, Sam realized that Buddy<br />
was on Ben’s “short list” and became uncomfortable at the thought that his father may have been involved in<br />
the murder of Charley Wade. Ben assured him that names were going to be left out of the investigation<br />
until they solve it. However, it is clear by Sam’s reaction that he never thought about his father being the<br />
murderer of Charley Wade. He simply thought that Charley left town after Buddy threatened him, until<br />
Ben presented him with new information that changed his interpretation of history and what type of person<br />
his father was.<br />
With new information gathered from more people who came in contact with Buddy Deeds<br />
and Charley Wade, Sam draws a new conclusion about his father. Throughout the film Sam spoke to<br />
different characters about his father. He learned from Pete the Mexican janitor that Buddy never busted<br />
him for marijuana but put him in jail for other reasons. Also, Pete told him that while he was serving time<br />
in jail, Buddy let him build a porch for the Deeds while Mrs. Deeds made him homemade meals. When<br />
Sam spoke to Chucho Montoya, he discovered that Charley Wade had murdered Eladio Cruz for bringing<br />
107
illegal immigrants across the border. These two situations shows that neither deputy were perfect sheriffs.<br />
When Sam Deeds once again meets with Hollis later in a café, he sits across the table from him with new<br />
concerns. When Hollis greets him with small talk, Sam asks “you thought anymore about our murderer?”<br />
(Screenplay). Hollis acted confused and that he could not remember anything new about the case. Sam<br />
told him that he had an idea about what happened to Charley Wade. He explained, “I think somewhere<br />
between Roderick Bledsoe’s club and his house, Wade ran into Buddy Deeds. I think Buddy put a bullet in<br />
him, waited for him to die, threw him in the trunk of the Sheriff’s car and drove him out by the Army post,<br />
I think he buried him under four feet to sand and never looked back” (Screenplay). Sam took the<br />
information that Hollis gave him earlier in the film where Buddy and Charley argued in the Mexican<br />
restaurant and all the information that he gathered from about town and drew together a conclusion about<br />
his father based on history and different perspectives of it. From this, Sam now viewed his father in an even<br />
different light than before, as a killer who had no regard for the law and no regret for what he had done.<br />
Just when Sam thinks he solved the murder, he is enlightened with new information that<br />
caused him to radically change the way he thought about his father again. Near the end of the film,<br />
Sam finds Hollis and Otis Payne sitting in Big O’s club talking to each other. Sam walked in and after little<br />
talk asked Hollis and Otis, “You two saw it didn’t you? You two saw it when Buddy killed him”<br />
(Screenplay). Sam warned the two that he was going to find out one way or another and when Hollis tried<br />
telling him that his father had a fine sense of judgment, Sam impatiently interrupted him with, “Yeah, and<br />
my mother was a saint. For fifteen years the whole damn town knew he had another woman on the side”<br />
(Screenplay). He continued by saying, “Stole ten thousand dollars to set her up in business. But hell,<br />
what’s that? You got a problem? Buddy’ll fix it. Facing some time in jail? Buddy’ll knock half or it off if<br />
you do what he says, when he says. You got some business that’s not exactly legal? Talk to Buddy...”<br />
(Screenplay). In this scene, Sayles’ shows the deeply negative feelings Sam had for his father. Sam harshly<br />
stated that Buddy Deeds was a murderer and started interrogating the two men and asking where they were<br />
108
that night. At this, Otis finally confessed to Sam that he had been there and that he was running illegal<br />
gambling at Big O’s on the side. Otis reflects back on the night and started revealing the events. At this<br />
point, the film flashes back to a scene where young Otis and other young men are in the stock room at<br />
Roderick’s place playing poker in an empty, dimly lit club. Charley Wade came into the club unannounced<br />
and appeared in the doorway of the stockroom when Otis was passing out the cards for a new game. All the<br />
other men at the table saw Charley and left quickly and Charley went over to where Otis was sitting down<br />
close to the floor. He spoke a few words to him with a grim smile on his face and kicked young Otis to the<br />
floor and started stomping on his face repeatedly. Then, he threw Otis into the main parlor. By gunpoint,<br />
he forced young Otis to give him money and when Otis had his back turned, Charley looked at Hollis,<br />
winked, and raised his gun to Otis’ back. Hollis was watching in horror and just before Charley could<br />
shoot, Buddy Deeds stormed through the door and screamed, “Charley Wade!” (Screenplay) and a gun<br />
went off with Charley falling to the floor dead. Director John Sayles uses this scene to show Sam’s false<br />
belief that his father was the murderer. The scene makes the viewer believe that it was Buddy who shot<br />
Charley, but the next frame shows Hollis holding the gun. The film then returns to present day and Hollis<br />
and Otis continued to tell what happened to Charley. When Sam asked about the missing ten thousand<br />
dollars, Hollis explained that it was “widow’s benefits” and that Buddy gave it to that Mexican girl who was<br />
desperate for money after her husband’s murder. It is clear at this point in film that Sam had just acquired<br />
an entirely different view of his father. At the beginning of John Sayles’ film, Sam thought lowly of his<br />
father Buddy. However, as more information was collected about his father, Sam’s negative view changed<br />
and began to view his father in a different way.<br />
John Sayles states that “There is a preoccupation with history in the film...it’s Sam Deeds wanting<br />
to find out the personal history of his father” (West). Throughout the film Lone Star, Sam travels through his<br />
father’s past that uncovers the mystery of Charley Wade’s disappearance by analyzing different perspectives<br />
of history. Through investigating and considering different perspectives, Sam develops a new<br />
109
outlook on past events which causes his view of his father to radically change. These changes occur<br />
first in the restaurant where he speaks with Hollis, then, in his discussion with Ben Wetzle, and<br />
further with encounters with other members of Rio County. Sam’s final change in perspective occurs<br />
when the true story of Buddy Deeds and Charley Wade is revealed through conversation with Hollis<br />
and Otis. From all of these scenes, John Sayles is able to present Sam Deeds’ journey through the<br />
past and how it affects his current perspective. This creates a fascinating story to watch and an<br />
interesting study of how perspectives radically affect history.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Lone Star. Dir. John Sayles. Producer John Sloss. Screenplay by John Sayles. Perf. Chris Cooper, Kris<br />
Kristofferson, Elizabeth Pena. Castle rock, 1996.<br />
Lone Star. Screenplay. Written by John Sayles.<br />
West, Dennis, and Joan M. West. “BNorders and Boundaries: An Interview with John Sayles.” Cineaste<br />
22.3 (Summer, 1996):14-16 http://lib.berkeley.edu/MRC/sayles.html.<br />
110
Stephen Matteson<br />
Bethel College<br />
Freudian Concepts in Lord of the Flies<br />
A Study of the Ego, Superego, and Id<br />
Abstract<br />
Freud’s concepts of ego, superego, and id are apparent in Lord of the Flies through Ralph, Piggy,<br />
and Jack. Ralph and the ego control the discharge of excitations (on the island and in one’s mind), bring the<br />
influence of the world to their adversary (Jack and the id), and struggle between logic and instinct. Piggy<br />
and the superego represent the development of a civilization, impose precepts and prohibitions on their<br />
leaders (Ralph and the ego), and oppose their rival (Jack and the id). Jack and the id act on instincts,<br />
oppose leadership (Ralph and the ego), and act without influence from the external world. Though Freud’s<br />
concepts are not psychologically accurate, they parallel the characters in Lord of the Flies.<br />
Freudian Concepts in Lord of the Flies<br />
A Study of the Ego, Superego, and Id<br />
William Golding’s novel Lord of the Flies tells the tale of a group of boys stranded on a coral island.<br />
Uninhibited by civilization and adults, the boys find that what once promised to be an enjoyable experience<br />
is, in reality, a horrific expression of the capabilities of human nature left unchecked. Through their<br />
experiences on the island and interactions with each other, three Freudian archetypes emerge. Ralph, the<br />
original leader of the boys, can be viewed as the ego. Like the ego, Ralph uses both reason and instinct in<br />
an attempt to make sense of the multitude of external stimuli (from both the island and the boys) in order<br />
to lead the group effectively. Piggy, the lone voice of reason and intelligence on the island, reminds the<br />
boys of the “real world” and assumes the role of the superego (or the ego-ideal). Just as “the ego-ideal<br />
answers in every way to what is expected of the higher nature of man” (Freud, 1952, p. 707), so Piggy<br />
111
ases thoughtful insights on the advancements of humankind. The antagonist of the novel, Jack, is then left<br />
to play the part of the id, constantly acting on instincts without the influence of the external world (Freud,<br />
1952). These evidences prove that Lord of the Flies is not merely a fictional account of the struggles of boys<br />
trapped on an island but also a Freudian allegory illustrating the differences and relationships of the ego,<br />
superego, and id.<br />
According to Freud (1952), “in every individual there is a coherent organization of mental<br />
processes, which we call his ego” (p. 699). Though the ego is said to have many purposes, three main<br />
duties of the ego include the discharge of excitations, bringing influence of the world to the id, and<br />
weighing both instinct and reason while making decisions. Ralph is first introduced as being around twelve<br />
years of age with “a mildness about his mouth and eyes that proclaimed no devil” (Golding, 2003, p. 6).<br />
Because of his height, strength, and beauty, Ralph becomes the natural leader of the island (Rosenfield,<br />
1999). Like the ego, Ralph, from the beginning of the novel, controls the output of excitations on the<br />
island (Freud, 1952). This is first evident with the discovery of a conch shell that washes up into a pool by<br />
the beach. Piggy, Ralph’s unlikely sidekick, tells Ralph that he should use the conch to call the other boys<br />
from the crash. While this is Piggy’s plan, Ralph uses the information provided by Piggy to carry out the<br />
action and call the first meeting on the island. In this instance, Ralph is regulating the discharge of an<br />
external excitation (that of Piggy). After the boys have assembled and Ralph is elected chief of the island,<br />
he quiets everyone so that he can think about the next course of action. Ralph explains: “I’ve got to have<br />
time to think things out. I can’t decide what to do straight off” (Golding, 2003 p. 24). After contemplating<br />
their situation, Ralph decides to take a small group of boys to survey the island. This is an example of Ralph<br />
converting internal excitations into an action relative to the group. After this group returns, the boys are<br />
thrown into fits of delight at the thought of their very own island. Ralph, though equally excited, realizes<br />
that order simply cannot survive among such chaos. At this point, Ralph establishes a pivotal rule on the<br />
island: only the boy holding the conch may speak at meetings. In this way, Ralph calms physical excitation<br />
112
and produces a rule, based on said excitations, for society to function more smoothly. If the group of boys<br />
is compared to a mind, with Ralph as the ego, one can clearly see that, like the ego in a mind, Ralph uses<br />
various types of excitation (internal, external, and cooperative) to bring about positive results.<br />
A second function of the ego according to Freud (1952) is “the task of bringing the influence of the<br />
external world to bear upon the id and its tendencies” (p. 702). Assuming that the character of Jack<br />
represents the concept of the id, it is Ralph’s responsibility, as the symbolic ego, to remind Jack of the<br />
external world. On the island, this external world is clearly viewed as the world of adults (everyone who is<br />
not on the island). By reminding Jack of what the boys had learned in the external world, Ralph helps to<br />
bring balance to the island. After winning the election for chief of the island over Jack, Ralph assures Jack<br />
that the choir will still belong to Jack, as it did before. Immediately, Jack suggests that the choir be the army<br />
of the island. Ralph sees that this suggestion is illogical in that there is no war on the island (as of yet).<br />
Instead, Ralph uses what he has learned in the external world to suggest that the choir be hunters. This<br />
more practical suggestion helps Jack to lead the choir in hunting and gathering food for the group of boys on<br />
the island. Later, while exploring the island, Ralph makes an observation: “There’s no village smoke, and<br />
no boats . . . I think it’s uninhabited” (Golding, 2003 p. 33). While Jack saw the same view, he made no<br />
such observation. In this, “It is easy to see that the ego is that part of the id which has been modified by the<br />
direct influence of the external world” (Freud, 1952, p. 702). Both Jack and Ralph went on the same hike<br />
up the mountain and came to the same vantage point, but Ralph, affected by the “direct influence of the<br />
external world” noted the lack of inhabitants on the island. Through his use of common sense of the<br />
external world in comparison to Jack, the id, Ralph clearly exhibits further characteristics of the ego.<br />
While on the island, Ralph is often faced with a question of logic versus passion. Rosenfield (1999)<br />
explains that “Ralph is every man—or child—and his body becomes the battleground where reason and<br />
instinct struggle, each to assert itself” (p. 4). This power struggle is most evident in confrontations between<br />
Jack, the embodiment of instinct, and Piggy, who thinks about everything logically. All too often, Ralph is<br />
113
caught in the middle of this power struggle and is forced to make a decision in favor of one and against the<br />
other. The first confrontation occurs on the first expedition of the island by the few boys Ralph has chosen.<br />
While Jack was included in this group, Piggy was not. As Piggy objects, Jack exclaims, “We don’t want<br />
you . . . three’s enough” (Golding, 2003, p. 25). Ralph, being more sensitive, returns to Piggy without<br />
Jack and tries to encourage Piggy while carrying on with his initial decision. In this particular battle of<br />
instinct and reason, instinct (especially among the group) is more powerful than reason. Piggy, however,<br />
has a notable amount of influence over Ralph’s decisions. Rosenfield (1999) notes that “Ralph alone<br />
recognizes [Piggy’s] superior intelligence but wavers between what he knows to be wise and the group<br />
acceptance his egocentricity demands” (p. 5). Without a group of boys to impress, however, Ralph<br />
embraces the wisdom that Piggy has to offer. When the conch is found, for example, it is Piggy who<br />
instructs Ralph on how to effectively blow the conch. If the id were to take a leave of absence, the ego<br />
would similarly be heavily influenced by the superego. This battle of reason and instinct later occurs within<br />
Ralph, when he describes the “most important thing” (Golding, 2003, p. 44), which is simply to have fun<br />
and to be rescued. These two suggestions perfectly illustrate the constant battle of passion and logic in a<br />
twelve year old boy. Just as the id and superego battle for responsiveness from the ego, Ralph’s attention<br />
also seems to be sought for by influences externally (through Piggy and Jack) and internally.<br />
With Ralph firmly established as an archetypal ego, Piggy may be placed in the role of the superego<br />
on the island. Drew (1963) writes that, like the superego, “Piggy typifies thoughtfulness and intelligence,<br />
the advanced side of man’s mind which has made for human survival and material development” (p. 12).<br />
Three main functions of the superego, according to Freud (1952), include representing the development of<br />
an individual and a race, placing precepts and prohibitions on the ego, and directly opposing the id. With<br />
the island and its new inhabitants representing a mind, Piggy, as the superego, successfully carries out all of<br />
these responsibilities.<br />
114
While the vast majority of the boys forget about the ways and wisdom of the outside world, Piggy<br />
holds fast to what he has learned in the hopes that such knowledge will eventually lead to the rescue of the<br />
group. Like the superego, he represents the knowledge of advances in technology and civilization an<br />
individual learns from the external world. Piggy repeatedly brings the group of ecstatic boys back to reality<br />
in the beginning of the novel, informing them that their pilot had mentioned an atom bomb and that the<br />
pilot is now dead. Later, Piggy reminds the boys that “Nobody knows where we are . . . Perhaps they knew<br />
where we was going to; and perhaps not. But they don‟t know where we are „cos we never got there”<br />
(Golding, 2003, p. 40) Logic similar to this forces the group of boys to stop romanticizing the island and<br />
view their situation for what it is: desperate. Later, while attempting to start a signal fire on the island, it is<br />
Piggy‟s glasses that make the first flame possible. While fire symbolizes the birth of civilization, Piggy‟s<br />
glasses symbolize the possibility for such development. This shows that Piggy represents the development<br />
of the group of boys, who symbolize an individual mind. Piggy also has several suggestions concerning the<br />
technological advances made in the external world. He suggests that the group build sundials so that they<br />
will know what time it is on the island. Piggy also uses technology as a way of making sense in matters of<br />
ghosts and beasts on the island. When asked his opinion on such monsters, Piggy replies that, if such<br />
creatures did exist, then “things wouldn‟t make sense. Houses an‟—TV—they wouldn‟t work” (p. 124).<br />
Piggy displays rationality, represents civilization, and has knowledge of technology. He clearly represents<br />
the advancements of an individual and a race. This shows that Piggy plays the role of the superego on the<br />
island.<br />
The second main function of the superego according to Freud (1952) involves placing precepts and<br />
prohibitions on the ego. Since Ralph represents the ego, this would translate to Piggy telling Ralph what<br />
the boys should and should not do. This first occurs before the rest of the boys are discovered, when Piggy<br />
suggests to Ralph that “We ought to have a meeting” (Golding, 2003, p. 7). This illustrates the first precept<br />
Piggy encourages on the island. Once rules are established, Piggy takes it upon himself not to enforce, but<br />
115
to remind the boys of the rules. Concerning the conch, for example, any boy not holding it is not to speak.<br />
When Jack and Simon forget this rule, “Piggy . . . point[s] to the conch . . . and Jack and Simon [fall] silent”<br />
(Golding, 2003, p. 41). This shows that Piggy also imposes prohibitions on the group. When a similar<br />
situation occurs later in the novel, this prohibition is directed at Ralph: “[T]hey ought to shut up, oughtn‟t<br />
they?” (Golding, 2003, p. 112). As civilization disintegrates on the island, Piggy once again attempts to<br />
prod Ralph to take action. He tells Ralph to blow the conch, bringing the boys back to order. When Ralph<br />
questions this precept, Piggy tells Ralph, “You got to be tough now. Make „em do what you want”<br />
(Golding, 2003, p. 124). Because Piggy tries to guide Ralph in what Ralph should and should not do as the<br />
leader of the island, Piggy is similar to the superego that guides the ego in such matters in one‟s mind.<br />
The final trait of the superego, according to Grotstein (2004), is that of a “personal agency . . . that<br />
overs[ees] the intrusions of instinctual forces and mediate[s] a countercathectic stance against them” (p.<br />
258). The “instinctual forces” mentioned refer to the id. Assuming that the character of Jack represents the<br />
id, this means that Piggy must have several confrontations with Jack in order to symbolize the superego.<br />
Examples of such opposition are abundant throughout the novel. When they first meet each other, “Piggy .<br />
. . was intimidated by . . . the offhand authority in [Jack‟s] voice” (Golding, 2003, p. 20). On Jack‟s part,<br />
he simply tells Piggy “You‟re talking too much . . . Shut up, Fatty” (Golding, 2003, p. 21). Thus begins a<br />
dynamic relationship filled with turmoil and confrontations. When Jack gets frustrated later in the novel,<br />
he takes his anger out on Piggy by slugging the boy and breaking his glasses (Golding, 2003, p. 94). Such a<br />
fight happens again while Piggy is trying to explain to the group why he does not believe in ghosts (p. 121).<br />
The feelings between Jack and Piggy are mutual. While confiding in Ralph and Simon, Piggy admits that,<br />
“[Jack] hates me. I dunno why. If he could do what he wanted . . . I‟m scared of him . . .If you‟re scared of<br />
someone you hate him” (Golding, 2003, p. 125). This friction reveals a pivotal relationship in the novel.<br />
This important relationship, Freud claims, is also evident in the opposition between the superego and the id<br />
in the mind of an individual. Because of the symbolic relationship between Piggy and the progress of<br />
116
civilization, his tendencies to guide Ralph in Ralph’s leadership of the island, and the obvious hostility<br />
between Piggy and Jack (who will be shown to represent the id), Piggy is a wonderful archetype of the<br />
superego.<br />
Rosenfield (1999) writes, “If Ralph is a projection of man’s good impulses . . . then Jack becomes<br />
an externalization of the evil instinctual forces of the unconscious” (p. 4). These instinctual forces refer not<br />
only to Jack, but also to the id. According to Freud (1952), the id is based largely on instincts, resists the<br />
guiding forces of the ego, and is not influenced by the external world. Jack also relies on his instincts and<br />
emotions, resists Ralph (who has already been proven to represent the ego) in his leadership on the island,<br />
and is unencumbered by influence of the external world.<br />
The most prevalent characteristic of the id is its reliance on instinct. In fact, Freud (1952) notes<br />
that “perceptions may be said to have the same significance for the ego as instincts have for the id” (p. 14).<br />
The emergence of instinct in Jack first occurs when Jack succumbs to his animal instinct to hunt instead of<br />
looking after the signal fire as Ralph had ordered. Because the signal fire is not lit, a potential rescue<br />
opportunity is lost when a ship passes the island in the middle of Jack’s hunt. Jack’s actions show that<br />
instinct has more priority than logic and common sense in his mind. As Jack progresses through the novel,<br />
Golding (2003) describes him as “dog-like” (p. 61) and “ape-like” (p. 62). He is said to be “Driven by fear,<br />
superstition and an obsession with hunting” (Drew, 1963, p. 10). These animal descriptions coupled with<br />
base human emotions show that Jack is, indeed, a creature of instinct. A physical symbol of this instinct<br />
comes in the form of a tribal mask Jack dons when he is ready to hunt. After the first application of this<br />
mask, Jack “began to dance around and his laughter became bloodthirsty snarling . . . the mask was a thing<br />
on its own, behind which Jack hid, liberated from shame and self-consciousness” (Golding, 2003, p. 83).<br />
Clearly, emotions, passion, and instinct come together in the psyche of Jack, creating a character that<br />
exhibits traits not unlike those of the id.<br />
117
As Freud (1952) wrote of the characteristics of the id, “these trends which have been shut out stand<br />
in opposition to the ego” (p. 699). Similarly, “Jack and Ralph . . . [are] opposed impulses or humours in<br />
one person” (Drew, 1963, p. 13). Throughout the novel, it is evident that Jack and Ralph are connected, in<br />
some way, by their opposition. While quarreling about the importance of hunting and building shelters,<br />
Jack and Ralph “walked along, two continents of experience and feeling, unable to communicate. . . . They<br />
looked at each other, baffled, in love and hate” (Golding, 2003, p. 71). As the opposition between Ralph<br />
and Jack grows more intense, Golding writes that “There was the brilliant world of hunting, tactics, fierce<br />
exhilaration, skill; and there was the world of longing and baffled commonsense” (Golding, 2003, p. 93).<br />
Because of their different values and mindsets, Jack and Ralph find themselves in a constant state of<br />
opposition. Jack also comes to resent Ralph because of the authority Ralph holds over Jack. In response to<br />
a careless mistake made by Jack, Ralph enforces his authority:<br />
So Ralph asserted his chieftainship and could not have chosen a better way. . . . Against his weapon<br />
. . . Jack was powerless and raged without knowing why. By the time the pile was built, they were<br />
on different sides of a high barrier. (Golding, 2003, p. 96)<br />
As the id opposes the ego, so Jack opposes Ralph.<br />
Finally, the id is said to exist without the influence of the external world. In a dramatic passage of<br />
the novel, Jack breaks his ties with civilization by refusing the rules that were previously established on the<br />
island.<br />
“The rules!” shouted Ralph. “You’re breaking the rules!”<br />
“Who cares?”<br />
Ralph summoned his wits.<br />
“Because the rules are the only thing we’ve got!”<br />
“Bollocks to the rules!” (Golding, 2003, p. 123)<br />
118
In this pivotal scene, Jack breaks the only remnant of civilized society brought with the boys to the island:<br />
rules. As Bowen (1963) writes, “when the civilized restraints which we impose upon ourselves are<br />
abandoned, the passions of anger, lust, and fear wash across the mind, obliterating common-sense and care”<br />
(p. 54). Like the id, Jack makes the choice to exist without an influence from the external world.<br />
Many interpretations for Golding’s Lord of the Flies have been explored, but none so accurately<br />
parallels the novel as that of a human psyche according to Freud. The concepts of the ego, superego, and id<br />
are evident in the characters of Ralph, Piggy, and Jack. These similarities are apparent both through the<br />
relationships of the characters and the duties each character places upon themselves. While Freud’s<br />
concepts may not be psychologically reliable, they certainly provide a revealing lens through which one may<br />
study Lord of the Flies.<br />
References<br />
Bowen, J. (1963). One man’s meat, the idea of individual responsibility. In W. Nelson (Ed.), William<br />
Golding’s Lord of the Flies: A source book (pp. 54-55). New York: The Odyssey Press.<br />
Drew, P. (1963). Second reading. In W. Nelson (Ed.), William Golding’s Lord of the Flies: A source book<br />
(pp. 9-17). New York: The Odyssey Press.<br />
Freud, S. (1952). The major works of Sigmund Freud. (R.M. Hutchins, Ed.) Chicago: William Benton.<br />
Golding, W. (2003). Lord of the Flies (6 th ed.). New York: Perigee.<br />
Grotstein, J. S. (2004). Notes on the superego. Psychoanalytic Inquiry 24, 257-270.<br />
Rosenfield, C. (1999). Men of a smaller growth: A psychological analysis of William Golding’s Lord of the<br />
Flies. In H. Bloom (Ed.), Modern critical interpretations: Lord of the Flies (pp. 3-13). Philadelphia:<br />
Chelsea House Publishers.<br />
119
Gloriann McDonald<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong><br />
An Emerging Story:<br />
How the Emergent Church Movement is Building a Bridge between Modern<br />
Abstract:<br />
and Postmodern Christianity<br />
This paper addresses the Emergent Church Movement (ECM) and the effects of modern and<br />
postmodern readings of scripture. To illustrate my understanding of the ECM, I characterize the ECM as a<br />
“bridge” between modern and postmodern Christian thought. This bridge analogy is not to say that<br />
Emergents are building a bridge to get modern Christians to the side of postmodern Christians, rather, its<br />
purpose is to create a means for the flow of information between the two ways of thinking. To frame my<br />
investigation, modernism and postmodernism are briefly addressed to contextualize the content of the<br />
paper. Because the Emergent Church Movement is not a denomination but a “dialogue,” I use two authors<br />
who fall under what I coin as the “Emergent blanket of endorsement.” While neither author would<br />
necessarily label themselves “Emergent” leaders, both are endorsed by leaders of the Emergent Movement<br />
and used in the Emergent dialogue. Using the works of Pastor Rob Bell of Mars Hill Church in Grand<br />
Rapids and layperson and author Donald Miller, I analyze how each author views scripture and how it lends<br />
itself to the Emergent dialogue. Using narrative theology and emphasis on the necessity for Christians to<br />
become part of the “Christian story,” both authors offer an invitation to participate in re-framing scripture<br />
for an increasingly postmodern audience. Through the analysis of Bell and Miller, this paper studies how<br />
the Emergent Church Movement is changing the way that Western Christians view scripture (as well as<br />
how its view is staying the same,) and how both authors are contributing to building a bridge between<br />
modern and postmodern Christian thought.<br />
Emerging Ideas: Introduction and thesis:<br />
Times are changing for Christianity in the 21 st century. Information is more readily available,<br />
technology is faster and more affordable and the world is “getting smaller” as travel is easier and people of<br />
all religions and ethnicities are in closer contact than ever. How does an “unchanging” faith stand in a world<br />
that is changing so quickly? According to The Right Reverend Mark Dyer, as quoted in Phyllis Tickle's<br />
book The Great Emergence, the church is forced to hold a "rummage sale” (Tickle 20). In fact, according to<br />
Tickle, the church has held a rummage sale for every 500 years of its existence, in which it examines what<br />
should be kept and what should be thrown away in the area belief and doctrine. The most recent of these<br />
rummage sales, according to Tickle, was the Protestant Reformation in the 1500s, where commonly held<br />
120
doctrine of the dominant Catholic Church was called into question. It is the opinion of scholars like Tickle<br />
and Dyer that the Church is in another such period of rethinking.<br />
Though some Christians and denominations are happy to stay as they are, many scholars cannot<br />
deny that a shift is happening in the Church, and much of this is a response to the postmodern time period<br />
we find ourselves in. Enter the Emergent Church Movement, not necessarily a new denomination but<br />
rather a broad banner under which a dialogue about reconciling modernity and postmodernity in the<br />
Church is happening. In his recent book, The Emerging Church, Dan Kimball states: “There is no „one-sizefits-all<br />
way of doing things, because you can‟t box-in the emerging church” (Kimball 14). One will not find<br />
an “Emergent doctrine” or fixed belief system. Much like (to borrow Tickle‟s argument,) spring cleaners<br />
facing a rummage sale, Emergents are evaluating what views can be preserved and what needs to be reevaluated<br />
in the face of postmodernism. And no re-evaluation of the Christian faith could be complete<br />
without examining the scriptures on which the religion is based. This postmodern re-evaluation is affecting<br />
how Emergents interpret scripture and ultimately how they view the purpose of Jesus‟ message contained<br />
in scripture. To explore this shift thoroughly, I have chosen two authors to analyze, a pastor and a<br />
layperson. This examination will use the narrative theology perspective of pastor and author, Rob Bell and<br />
the personal (laity) practice narratives of Donald Miller. This paper will evaluate the Emergent Church<br />
Movement‟s view of Jesus and scripture in a postmodern context and how Christianity is being “done<br />
differently” in this shift and how this interpretation is “bridging the gap” between modern and postmodern<br />
readings of scripture.<br />
Emerging Story: What is Postmodernism? How is it affecting the Church?<br />
Many books on the Emergent Church Movement (ECM) will start with an attempt to define<br />
postmodernism and I found it fitting that I try to do the same. I want to establish the context for some<br />
words and concepts that I will be using. Because various books on the ECM lay out postmodernism in<br />
varying ways, I will attempt to “clean up” the understanding.<br />
121
The first thing to understand is that postmodernism is not a universal trait of human society. When<br />
one speaks of postmodernism, it is generally understood that one is mainly talking about Western culture.<br />
In his book “The Emerging Church,” Dan Kimball points out that many cultures that would be considered<br />
“primitive” (such as those of rural Africa or other third world societies) are still living in a “premodern”<br />
context (Kimball 43). So when I write about “postmodern” or Emerging Churches, I am generally speaking<br />
of Churches located in the United States and Europe (most prominently in England, where some of the<br />
scholarship lending itself to the Emergent dialogue is coming from Anglican clergy and laity.)<br />
It is hard to place a definitive date upon postmodernism. For example, “literary postmodernism”<br />
can be dated back to the early 20 th century, while “philosophical postmodernism” can be dated much earlier<br />
than that. When it comes to the Christian discussion of postmodernism, the authors I read did not pose a<br />
distinction between the two types of postmodernism. It is also hard to date postmodernism because unlike<br />
a “time period,” which is marked by concrete events like the rise and fall of kingdoms, to try to pinpoint<br />
postmodernism on a calendar is to try to pinpoint a way of thinking. Because of this, scholars do not always<br />
agree as to when postmodernism got its start. For example, Dan Kimball argues that the start of<br />
postmodernism was around 1969, the summer of Woodstock and the touchstone year for the hippie<br />
generation (Kimball 43). Biblical scholar Marcus Borg, in his book, Jesus, posits that the “emerging”<br />
paradigm in Christianity, though not apparent until now, has been around since the 1600s and has been<br />
growing up alongside modernism, but became more prominent in the 19 th century because of new ideas<br />
being discussed in seminaries and divinity schools (Borg 23). No matter how far back scholars want to date<br />
postmodernism, according to Kimball the modern/postmodern dialogue didn’t “take off” in the context of<br />
Christianity until around the year 2000 with the influx of technology which increased ease of sharing<br />
postmodern ideas. Finding a date for postmodernism aside, for the sake of this paper, I will agree with<br />
Kimball’s identification of the year 2000 as a pivotal point for the modern/postmodern dialogue in<br />
122
Christianity, mainly because most of the scholarship I’ve found on the topic was published between the<br />
dates of 2000-present, with an influx of scholarship being published around 2005.<br />
Now that we can relatively locate postmodernism in time and space, it’s time to discuss<br />
postmodernism itself. First, to have a “postmodern” we must have a “modern.” Like postmodernism, it is<br />
hard to pinpoint a year in which modernism began, but many like to parallel it with the age of<br />
Enlightenment. In his book Truth & The New Kind of Christian, R. Scott Smith asserts that the Age of<br />
Enlightenment (or the modern era) began in the mid 16 th century with the work of Descartes and with later<br />
with thinkers like Hume, Hobbes and Kant (Smith 26-30). According to Smith, modernism can be<br />
characterized by the rise of the concept of rationalism, which “emphasized the adequacy of human reason to<br />
know objective, rational truths” (Smith 27). “Objectivity” is the key phrase to remember for a simplified<br />
explanation of the modern way of thought. “Truth” was thought to be an objective reality, which could be<br />
found through science. “Empiricism,” or the idea that we can only know what we can hear, see and touch<br />
made belief in God irrational and irreverent for those influenced by Enlightenment thinking (Smith 27).<br />
But rather than defeat the Church and discredit the idea of God, Christianity adapted to this new way of<br />
thinking. Instead of succumbing to the Enlightenment’s definition of truth, Christianity asserted more than<br />
ever the truth of their faith. One can see this kind of thinking in “conservative” Christianity, which clings<br />
tightly to its truth, with its “scientific” basis in scriptures, which are dissected and taught literally.<br />
If objectivity is the word for modernism, “relativity” is the word for postmodernism.<br />
Postmodernists hold that there is no universal truth that is true for every person in the world at the same<br />
time, thus making everyone’s worldview valid for their situation (Smith 30). According to Smith, faith in<br />
human’s ability to progress and better itself was shattered in the 20 th century, with the two world wars and<br />
subsequent confidence-shattering events (Smith 12). Postmodernism got its start (or gained prominence)<br />
in the generation living in the aftermath of those wars (and enduring a new set of wars, like Korea and<br />
Vietnam.) As people questioned humanity’s progress, people also began to question truth and modernism’s<br />
123
claim that truth can be found through science. Their view of the world was forced to expand, leaving<br />
people with the new problem of “whose truth is right?”<br />
Ethical, religious and moral relativity would have been a foreign concept to a modern, because it<br />
was commonly held that “truth” was not “relative to individuals and cultures, but instead is universally true<br />
and applicable to all people” (Smith 23). Postmodernists, on the other hand, are more accepting of “ethical<br />
relativism” and pluralism and generally do not affirm one truth as universal. As a result, it is becoming<br />
harder for Christians to reconcile the objective truth expected in Christianity with the postmodern context<br />
in which they live (Smith 13).<br />
In postmodernism, focus is shifted away from science and is placed upon language. According to<br />
Smith, postmodernists think that “a real world exists, but all we can know about it is what we know by our<br />
talking about it” (Smith 30). Because everything that humans can hold as truth has to be constructed with<br />
language, we therefore construct our own truth. Because language is different (and used differently) across<br />
cultures, truth cannot be the same in every culture. For example, a Hindu may have no concept of why a<br />
god would “die for our sins” when it is supposed to be up to us to improve our karma for a better rebirth.<br />
Judeo-Christian scripture comes from a very specific culture which many in the West only understand<br />
through tradition and study, not personal experience. Therefore, we must construct meaning for ourselves<br />
through the use of scripture. In a scriptural context, a Postmodern Christian would view scripture as a<br />
product of its time; a time when people were uneducated about things like medicine or genetic diseases and<br />
more prone to believe in something if it seemed miraculous. How does one reconcile this in an age where<br />
doctors can perform the same healing that Jesus did through modern medicine? Thus, less emphasis is<br />
placed on Jesus’ divinity and more emphasis is placed on his moral teachings and how they apply today.<br />
A good way to voice the postmodern mindset is to say “even if objective truths exist… we cannot<br />
know them as such” (Scott 15). Though some like to label the Emergent Church Movement as a<br />
“postmodern” movement, this would be a wrong assessment. Rather, the ECM is a discussion that is trying<br />
124
to open a dialogue between modern and postmodern Christians, as well as between the Church and a<br />
postmodern society. Because a majority of the current Western population has grown up in the shadow of<br />
postmodernism, Emergents see the need to not only converse with the ideas of postmodernism, but<br />
perhaps adapt to it as well. To go back to Tickle’s illustration of a “rummage sale,” opponents of the ECM<br />
are apt to accuse Emergents of throwing everything away and making their own interpretation of scripture.<br />
It is my opinion that what Emergents are saying is not really along the lines of “changing” scripture, but<br />
rathe “responding” to it in a way that is relevant to the postmodern world in which we live. This is why,<br />
from here on out, I will refer to the Emergent Church Movement as a “bridge” between the modern and<br />
postmodern view of scripture. This bridge is constructed not to get modern Christians to cross over into<br />
postmodernity, but rather it is created in order to receive ideas from either side. But, just as one cannot<br />
build a city on a bridge, the ECM does not hope to create its denomination of Christianity. Rather, through<br />
the exchange of ideas it hopes to create a new view of Christianity that engages scripture in a way that a<br />
both a modern and postmodern believer can understand.<br />
Emerging Story: Rob Bell’s Use of Scripture for Pastoral Authorship<br />
One of the more prominent voices in the Emergent Church Movement is that of Rob Bell, Pastor<br />
of Mars Hill Church in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Like the other author that will be examined in this report,<br />
Rob Bell wouldn’t call his church an “Emergent Church,” but he falls under the blanket of Emergent<br />
endorsement (“blanket of endorsement” is a term I will use for authors who do not label themselves as<br />
Emergent, but are supported and praised by Emergent leaders like Brian McLaren and are thus aligned with<br />
their way of thinking.) In his book, Velvet Elvis: Repainting the Christian Faith, Bell writes about the Church’s<br />
need to continue examining and reinterpreting scripture. Like an old “velvet Elvis” painting of years past,<br />
what could be considered popular art of one time period, may not be appreciated or relevant in another<br />
(like a modern view of scripture in a postmodern world.) Thus, Bell argues that doctrine and scripture<br />
125
should be as flexible as a trampoline (to use his analogy,) so as to be a springboard for the faith, rather than<br />
an inflexible breaking point.<br />
Rather than saying that his ideas are new, Bell asserts that he is part of a long tradition, dating back<br />
to The Protestant Reformation, (a touchstone that many Emergents would identify with,) of people who try<br />
to look at scripture afresh. Going even further back into history, Bell notes that the Bible is something that<br />
has traditionally been open to interpretation. According to Bell, it was the rabbi’s job in ancient times (as<br />
well as today) to interpret scripture and make it relevant to those to whom he (or more recently, she)<br />
taught (Bell 12; 47). To Bell, the Bible is an “open ended” document and it is the job of the Church<br />
community as well as the individual to continue “wrestling” with scripture and not cement its meaning or<br />
think that humans can settle on a single meaning for each passage (as many modern Christian thinkers do.)<br />
To further this idea of open-endedness, Bell acknowledges that humans have the ability to “make<br />
up” God. Essentially, humans, being uneducated or using misguided intentions, can interpret scripture for<br />
their own purposes (Bell 25). On his church’s website (MarsHill.com,) Bell includes an article under a<br />
section labeled “Theology” written by the Bishop N.T. Wright (who also falls under the Emergent blanket<br />
of endorsement,) entitled “How Can the Bible be Authoritative?” (To a “modern” Christian, even the title<br />
of this document may inspire thoughts of heracy.) According to Wright, there is an “evangelical” tendency<br />
for churches to believe that they are reading the Bible “for what it says,” with no interpretation or bias. In<br />
this same vein, he charges these “biblical literalists” of saying that any other way of reading scripture that<br />
does not match their own is a product of using incorrect filters or presupposition (Wright 3). (In other<br />
words “we are interpreting this correctly, and they are not because they do not have the correct<br />
understanding of scripture.”)<br />
Instead of seeing the scriptures as “authoritative,” Wright proposes that Christians should shift their<br />
perspective and view God as ultimately authoritative and the Bible should be viewed as one views an<br />
unfolding story or play. In this “play” analogy, it is not God who is the playwright, but it is humanity that is<br />
126
acting within God’s story and doing the writing; the Bible is the opening and body of the play, and we are<br />
living in and writing the final act (Wright 11). Instead of seeing the Bible as an unchanging guide to truth, it<br />
can be seen as an open-ended document, open to interpretation. This is not to say that Emergents throw<br />
away the idea of the truth of scripture. Rather, they assert that the Bible must be re-envisioned for every<br />
generation. For example, the imagery of kingship may have worked for Christians up to the 18 th century,<br />
but now it is an archaic historical term that is not practiced in the same way today as it was in the past (with<br />
a few exceptions.) How can a person living today relate to such imagery if it does not command the same<br />
level of awe as it did when the scriptures were written? This is where Emergents re-examine scripture and<br />
try to reconcile its meaning to be relevant in this day and age.<br />
If Wright and Bell can accuse modern Christians of interpreting scripture wrongly, what is keeping<br />
Emergent Christians from doing the same? One may notice that Bell’s logic leaves him open for scrutiny.<br />
In his own reasoning, Bell is also subject to the pitfall of twisting scripture to his own devices and there are<br />
many who are critical of what he preaches, (one needs only to do a YouTube.com search to find a myriad of<br />
anti-Bell web videos.) One thing that Bell is accused of over and over again is preaching universalism, a<br />
concept that leaves some Christians questioning Bell’s use of scripture. On pages 145-146 of Velvet Elvis,<br />
Bell writes:<br />
“And when Jesus died on the cross, he died for everybody. Everybody. Everywhere.<br />
Every tribe, every nation, every tongue, every people group. Jesus said that when he was<br />
lifted up, he would draw all people to himself. All people. Everywhere. Everybody’s sins<br />
on the cross with Jesus. So this reality, this forgiveness, this reconciliation, is true for<br />
everybody”<br />
In Bell’s interpretation, Jesus came to die for the entire world. Now, many people would agree with this<br />
statement; indeed one of the oft-quoted passages of the Bible is John 3:16, “For God so loved the world…”<br />
However, a key point in the conclusion of that verse for traditional Christians is “that whosoever believes in him<br />
127
should not perish, but have eternal life.” In postmodern thought, no truth is accepted as higher than<br />
another, thus the way that one person chooses to live or the way of life that one is born into (religion<br />
included,) is seen as a valid way to operate. This is where the “bridge” idea comes back into play. Bell<br />
responds to scripture in an anti-exclusive way, asserting that Jesus died for the sins of all people, no matter<br />
their nationality or religion. However, he does not give up the idea of truth found in scripture. In this way<br />
he is not wholly modern or wholly postmodern, but adopts a position that adopts and speaks to both sides.<br />
To use N.T. Wright’s “play” illustration again, Bell invokes humanity’s role in choosing the reality<br />
in which we live. According to Bell, Jesus died for the entire world, but it is up to the individual to choose<br />
which reality he or she chooses to accept. On page 146 of Velvet Elvis, he writes:<br />
“Heaven is full of people God loves, whom Jesus died for. Hell is full of forgiven people<br />
God loved, whom Jesus died for. The difference is how we choose to live, which story we<br />
choose to live in, which version of reality we trust.”<br />
In his article “An Emerging Critique of the Postmodern, Evangelical Church,” John Bolt critiques Bell’s<br />
stance and labels his way of thinking “postmodern constructivist theory.” This is a theory in which<br />
postmodernists detach human destiny from the will of the divine and place the “construction” of the story of<br />
humanity solely in the hands of the humans who live it. This is a radical position for many Christians who<br />
recognize a divine presence in the human story. Essentially what Bell is positing is that God has set up the<br />
rules of the game, but in no way does God force his creation to comply with the rules (much like the ideas<br />
of Jacobus Arminius, though Bell does not cite Arminius’ counter-Calvinist ideas in his work.) According to<br />
Bell, Jesus died for the sins of the world (a fact that most Christians would not deny,) but humanity exists<br />
with a will apart from God’s that make is possible (if not necessary) to make “our own story.”<br />
Rob Bell: Narrative Theology<br />
This is where Bell’s work adopts the postmodern bent toward the use and criticism of language as a<br />
means to express truth. Remember from the section on postmodernism that postmodern thinkers believe<br />
128
that if truth exists, it exists only because of the language people use to talk about it. This is a concept that is<br />
taken to heart in the Emergent Church Movement. Frustrated with the lack of contextual emphasis in the<br />
modernist way of interpreting scripture, Emergents are using a “new” way of viewing scripture that<br />
emphasizes not only a holistic reading of it, but also creates an invitation for the church to participate in its<br />
application as part of the Christian “story” (or “play,” to use a previous analogy.) One way that Emergents<br />
are doing this is through the use of “narrative theology.” Mars Hill’s mission statement (a staple of church<br />
websites) is written in this narrative theology style. Here is an excerpt from Mars Hill’s “Narrative<br />
Theology” mission statement (found on their website:)<br />
“We believe God inspired the authors of Scripture by his Spirit to speak to all<br />
generations of believers, including us today. God calls us to immerse ourselves in<br />
this authoritative narrative communally and individually to faithfully interpret and<br />
live out that story today as we are led by the Spirit of God.”<br />
This framing paragraph of Mars Hill’s narrative theology isn’t saying anything new to Christians. However,<br />
what may be new is the language of the document. The way that this document is written gives more<br />
power to humanity than is sometimes granted (to “communally and individually interpret and live out” a<br />
narrative may hearken images of hippies and liberalism for older generations of Christian conservatives.)<br />
The document continues to outline the Bible within the context of a narrative, restating that humanity was<br />
created in God’s image and God’s redemptive power through the Israelites, affirming the virgin birth, and<br />
affirming Christ’s purpose as the Messiah as well as his death, burial, resurrection and expected coming<br />
again. When one gets used to the Narrative Theology style, there is nothing new about Mar’s Hill’s mission<br />
as a church. Rather, Bell is helping to build a bridge that both a postmodern reader and a modern reader<br />
can understand.<br />
Mar’s Hill’s mission statement is not the only place where Bell uses narrative theology in his<br />
pastoral work. In his 2008 book, Jesus Wants to Save Christians: A Manifesto for the Church in Exile Bell<br />
129
uses this narrative style to retell the story of the scriptures and draw connections between the Old and New<br />
Testaments. Bell views scripture as a story that continues to build upon itself as it progresses, and that<br />
“ultimate truths about the universe are revealed through the stories of particular people living in particular<br />
places” (Jesus Wants 8). Bell does not hide the fact that his is touting a new kind of way to read the bible,<br />
which he calls the “New Exodus perspective,” in which he takes scripture (in narrative form) and relates the<br />
Christian story back to that of the exodus in the Old Testament. The central idea of Bell’s book is that God<br />
needs a “body" to live out his story in his creation (Jesus Wants 36; 43), be it a physical body (like Adam,<br />
Moses or the prophets) or a metaphorical body (like Israel.) These embodiment ideas are expressed in the<br />
new covenant as Jesus and the Church. In narrative theology, a greater emphasis is placed on the people<br />
living the story, and this in turn places a greater emphasis on the people reading the story (Christians in the<br />
here and now,) and how they are to interact and live out “God’s story.”<br />
Bell makes a point in his book that humanity “screwed up” its first shot at a relationship with God,<br />
in that it did not keep the covenant rules set out after the exodus from Egypt. In the context of a narrative<br />
story, Bell asks “What if we had it all back? What if we could do it all again? What would we do<br />
differently? What if a child was born and a son was given? What if David had another son?” (Jesus Wants<br />
72). Jesus is essentially God’s new attempt to engage people in his story and lead his people out of another<br />
Egypt and invite them into a story that cares about the poor and oppressed and creates a counter culture to<br />
the world of the Romans (Rome can stand for any overarching culture which stands in contrast to Jesus’<br />
teachings, including the United States.)<br />
Rob Bell: The New Humanity<br />
To Bell, the message of scripture becomes much more than Jesus dying for the sins of mankind.<br />
“Jesus wants to save us from shrinking the gospel down to a transaction about the removal of sin and not<br />
about every single particle of creation being reconciled to its maker” (Jesus Wants 179). Notice the<br />
“bridge” that Bell is building between the modern and postmodern views of Christianity here, moving from<br />
130
a “transaction” to “interaction.” Bell furthers this concept with what he calls “the new humanity” (Jesus<br />
Wants 154). Because Jesus preached a radical message that included both Jews and gentiles, Bell believes<br />
that Jesus’ mission was to reconcile the whole world (not just an elect few) to the new covenant. Bell<br />
writes that this concept opens the Church up to an expanded worldview and a more inclusive nature. Bell<br />
poetically outlines what this means for the church on page 155:<br />
“You used to have a rigid stance on a particular issue, but now you’ve heard the other side<br />
and it’s impossible anymore to categorize them all as stupid… In the new humanity our<br />
world gets bigger, our perspective goes from black-and-white to color… A church is the<br />
new humanity on display.”<br />
To Bell, the “new humanity” means a church that involves all ages, genders and nationalities. His vision<br />
almost takes on a language that sounds more like an Eastern religion than a Western one: “In the new<br />
humanity, them becomes us, they becomes we, and those become ours” (Jesus Wants 156). To Bell, the<br />
story of Jesus is a story of inclusion. However, Bell does not use language like being “saved” or “accepting<br />
Jesus.” Rather, it is about becoming part of the Christian story, whether one is “believer” or not. In his<br />
highly idealized view of the world, the church would become a place that welcomes non-believers and<br />
believers alike, solely because they are human and part of God’s creation.<br />
Rob Bell: Anticipated Criticism<br />
It appears that Bell is conscious of the criticism that his books could generate, and asks his readers<br />
to scrutinize what he writes through the lens that he advocates. One needs only read the back cover of<br />
Velvet Elvis to understand Bell’s “opinion of his opinion:”<br />
“We have to test everything. I thank God for anybody anywhere who is pointing people<br />
to the mysteries of God. But those people would all tell you to think long and hard about<br />
what they are saying and doing and creating. Test it. Probe it. Do that to this book.<br />
Don’t swallow it uncritically. Think about it. Wrestle with it. Just because I’m a<br />
131
Christian and I’m trying to articulate a Christian worldview doesn’t mean I’ve got it<br />
nailed. I’m contributing to the discussion. God has spoken, and the rest is commentary,<br />
right?<br />
This is where Bell becomes the “poster pastor” for the modernism/postmodernism dialogue. In the true<br />
spirit of inquisition and a consideration for opposing worldviews, Bell asks the reader not to “take his word<br />
for it.” For some, a Christian leader admitting that his interpretation of scripture may be wrong is<br />
revolutionary, especially in a world where biblical literalists claim to “only preach the Bible.” He calls for<br />
people to think critically about scripture interpretation, and he asks his readers to do the same of his work.<br />
Emerging Story: Donald Miller’s Use of Scripture in Narrative Authorship<br />
Another proponent of the Christian use of narrative is author Donald Miller, yet an additional voice<br />
that falls under the Emergent blanket of endorsement. Miller has published several books including (but<br />
not limited to) Blue Like Jazz, Searching for God Knows what, Through Painted Deserts and most recently A<br />
Thousand Miles in a Million Years. In each of these books, readers will not find theological assessment of<br />
scriptures nor would the bulk of what Miller writes stereotypically fall into the “Christian inspiration”<br />
category that one finds at a bookstore. Rather, Miller uses the story of his own life and the lives of others<br />
to make spiritually relevant points, artfully tying points of scripture into the context of the story. Like<br />
Bell, a lot of what Miller has to say is not necessarily saying anything new about scripture, but rather<br />
reframing it in the context of the “Christian narrative.”<br />
On top of being a best-selling Christian author, Donald Miller is also popular on the public<br />
speaking circuit. Patton Dodd, in his Christianity Today article “A Better Story Teller,” says of one of<br />
Donald Miller’s speaking engagements that the “ascending” Christianity of today is not rooted in rational<br />
systems, but in story (Patton 1). Indeed, Miller will rarely take on the “truths” of the Bible in his writing.<br />
Rather, he incorporates his knowledge of the Bible in a recognizable way for his Christian readers, and at<br />
the same time in an approachable way for those unfamiliar with Christianity. Because of this kind of writing<br />
132
style, Patton identifies Miller as a “bridge” between conservative Evangelicalism and “bohemian liberal<br />
Christianity” (Patton 3). This is a direct link to our “bridge” illustration. As we saw with Bell’s teaching,<br />
there really isn’t anything “new” or even blasphemous to what Emergent voices are saying, rather, they can<br />
be seen as taking part in a conversation that is striving to find middle ground between modern and<br />
postmodern Christianity.<br />
According to Miller, Christianity needs to move away from lists of rules and engage Christians in a<br />
relevant way (much like Bell writes about moving from “transaction” to “interaction”) (Patton 4). In fact,<br />
the bulk of what Miller has to write in Searching for God Knows What deals with this point. He begins the<br />
book with a chapter about a writing seminar that he attended in which two ways of writing Christian<br />
literature are presented in laughable contrast. The first is a recognizable formula of a character overcoming<br />
crisis, and the second is a formula for a self-help book, where the author makes the reader feel incomplete,<br />
tells the reader why the author is now complete and gives the reader a “three to four step plan for getting<br />
from misery and lack of control to the joy and control you currently have” (Searching 7). He goes on to<br />
make the point that some people have turned the Bible into a self help book, ultimately changing the view<br />
of Jesus’ purpose on earth. A few pages later, Miller ponders:<br />
… if such a complex existence as the one you and I are living can really be broken down<br />
into a few steps. It seems if there were a formula to fix life, Jesus would have told us<br />
what it was” (Searching 10).<br />
Here we see an Emergent author taking the reader away from the “rulebook” format of scripture and urging<br />
his readers that scripture is something to be wrestled with and lived out, not scientifically (modernly)<br />
condensed into three-step maxims.<br />
Donald Miller: Writing a Better Story<br />
Rather than focusing on laws and doctrine in scripture, Miller says that “The chief role of a<br />
Christian…is to tell a better story,” (Patton). This may be a radical stance for those who would say that the<br />
133
chief role of a Christian is to turn the world to Jesus for their salvation from sin. But, as we’ve seen with<br />
Rob Bell, one needs to look closely at what Miller is saying to see that he really isn’t saying anything radical<br />
at all. Miller’s most recent book, A Thousand Miles in a Million Years, published in 2009, takes the Christian<br />
narrative idea to the next level when he was asked to turn his bestselling book, Blue Like Jazz, into a movie.<br />
Miller finds himself editing his own life for the big screen and in doing so, finds that the story in which he is<br />
living is not interesting enough for people to want to watch. What may intrigue some readers is the overt<br />
lack of scripture usage in this “Christian” book. In an interview with Christianity Today, Miller unfolds his<br />
(very postmodern) opinion about his work. Interviewer Sarah Pulliam Bailey asks Miller if “writing better<br />
stories for ourselves” is a Christian idea (Bailey 1). Miller replies no, that his book is about how living a<br />
better story can affect the lives of people universally, not just Christians, and goes on to emphasize that it is<br />
“okay” for Christians to read books that don’t have an overt Christian message to them (Bailey 1). In saying<br />
this, Miller is harkening to the postmodern idea that truth can be found in many places, not just scripture,<br />
and perhaps goes further to say that sometimes we aren’t looking for truth, sometimes we are just looking<br />
to make our lives better. To illustrate this point, Miller uses the example in Bailey’s interview that<br />
sometimes a person just needs to read a television repair manual, and adding scripture to it would be<br />
irrelevant if not frustrating. This flies in the face of Christian authors who, in Miller’s view, try to overspiritualize<br />
the mundane.<br />
In A Million Miles in a Thousand Years, Miller takes part in several non-religious activities that add<br />
meaning to his life, like hiking the Inca trail (A Million 135-144) and riding his bike across the country for<br />
safe drinking water in Africa. Though both stories are told in light of his idea of living in a Christian<br />
narrative, he would not go so far as to say that living a good story is unique to Christians. Later in Bailey’s<br />
interview, Miller defensively states:<br />
Christians might say that you can't live a more meaningful life without Jesus. Well, that's<br />
absolutely not true. You can. You can enjoy a sunrise whether you know Jesus or not. It's<br />
134
not wrong for us to take something to somebody who doesn't know the Lord and show<br />
them the sunrise and say, "Isn't this beautiful?" (Bailey 1).<br />
Here we have two worlds, Christian and non-Christian, being defined by the shared experience of the awe<br />
of nature (I would point out that the mere recognition that there could be two truths side by side like this is<br />
postmodern.) Miller recognizes that forcing scripture into a moment like that would be untruthful and an<br />
abuse of scripture (Bailey 1). At this, Bailey asks “Where does Jesus fit into better storytelling?” Just as a<br />
Christian reader may be thinking that Miller is getting too “out there” in what is marketed as a Christian<br />
book, Miller answers:<br />
Well, I think in the grand epic Jesus is the hero of our stories. And our stories, as they<br />
were, are subplots in a grand epic and our job is not to be the hero of any story. Our job is<br />
to be a saint in a story that he is telling. And that's a book that I'll write in the future. But<br />
this book was really much more of a practical idea, an introductory idea, if you will (Bailey<br />
1).<br />
This statement may leave readers wondering if Miller thinks that non-Christians can live a meaningful story<br />
without acknowledging Jesus as their hero. Putting these two statements (one quite postmodern and one<br />
slightly more modern) we can see the bridge being built once more.<br />
Donald Miller: Not a Doctrine<br />
To frame Miller’s ideas in the context of Rob Bell’s reasoning, Jesus died for everyone (including<br />
non-Christians) and it is the choice of the individual to choose to live in that story or not. So, following<br />
similar logic, is Miller saying that all people are living in a story in which Jesus is the hero and non-<br />
Christians just don’t know it (or accept it?) This is where the Christian narrative idea becomes fuzzy, and<br />
Miller side steps the issue. Miller says of this matter, “I think that because I'm a Christian they're looking<br />
for doctrinal statements, and I don't give doctrinal statements” (Bailey 1). This seems to be a marker of<br />
Emergents or those who fall under the Emergent blanked of endorsement; very rarely (if at all) will an<br />
135
author endeavor to create doctrine, rules or interpretations of scripture without asking the reader to<br />
investigate for themselves. To reiterate a past point, the Emergent Church Movement is not aiming to<br />
create a denomination, but rather engage in a dialogue and one may argue whether taking a firm stance on<br />
this issue is relevant to the conversation. These authors do not try to fit into the “modern” box of objective<br />
truth, but rather present their case in a way that suggests that they do not promote their opinion over<br />
another. In this ideal, it is up to the individual to weigh what truth they find in scriptures and incorporate it<br />
into the story of their life.<br />
Emerging Conclusion<br />
As of late, the Emergent Church Movement has undergone shifts of its own, with some initial<br />
supporters removing themselves from the Emergent label. Early voices of the ECM like Pastor Mark<br />
Driscoll of Mars Hill Church in Seattle (which is not affiliated with Mars Hill Grand Rapids) see the<br />
“dialogue” becoming far too one-sided in favor of postmodernism. Though one may see this as a failure on<br />
the part of the ECM, I would argue that it is a triumph. If the ECM is truly a bridge between postmodern<br />
and modern thought (and not creating its own territory,) it is good to see that pastors are weighing the<br />
influence of postmodernity and if can apply within the context of Christianity.<br />
It is clear that a shift is happening in the Christian church, whether it is indeed a rummage sale or<br />
a simple theological fad. Either way, the scholarship of Rob Bell and Donald Miller clearly show that the<br />
Emergent Church Movement is affecting the Church on the pastoral and personal level. In a recent Relevant<br />
Magazine article, Emergent Church leader Brian McLaren states:<br />
The litmus test for the continued health of the emergent conversation… is not that its<br />
ideas become rigidly defined and institutionalized, but rather that they become part of the<br />
collective unconscious—ideas that seemed so radical in this generation would become<br />
mere second nature to future generations. In doing so, emergent would have the opposite<br />
fate of so many movements that became unshakable status quo behemoths.<br />
136
It is impossible to tell if decades from now scholars will look back and recognize “The Great Emergence” at<br />
all. Rather, one must acknowledge that this blanket of opinions, scholarship and teachings are changing the<br />
way that Christians view scripture. It is the effort of the Emergent Church Movement to create a bridge<br />
between the modern and postmodern Church, and it is their hope that this bridge is and will allow ideas<br />
from both sides to be shared. To achieve its goal, this bridge must allow ideas flow equally. In conclusion,<br />
I believe that the ECM is and will be a positive factor in the world of Christianity. If the ECM stays true to<br />
its original purpose, it will help facilitate understanding between two different ways of thought and in turn<br />
create a stronger fellowship among Christian believers.<br />
Amendment (4/8/2011)<br />
As with any good “movement,” there have been a few events and changes that have happened to the<br />
ECM in the past year. For one, many churches and leaders have moved away from the label “emergent,”<br />
and have assumed the label “emerging,” instead. The term “emergent” is now reserved for the churches<br />
and pastors who align themselves with the “Emergent Village,” an organization that is supported by the<br />
likes of Brian McLaren, Tony Jones and Doug Pagitt. The label “emerging,” however, has been used to<br />
describe any number of offshoots of the ECM. Many of these offshoots pick and choose what parts of<br />
“emergent” they hold true and have disposed of other parts (many, for example, have shied away from<br />
some of the more “out there” postmodern interpretations of scripture.) It is encouraging to see that<br />
emerging churches have evaluated the ECM, and I also find it encouraging that may of the ideas contained<br />
in the ECM are becoming more mainstream. Many people whom I have talked to, or churchs that I have<br />
attended, have adopted some of the language of the ECM without even knowing that the discussion has a<br />
label. Still more have heard “evil” claims about the ECM, and therefore would never align themselves with<br />
the title. These things said, Emergent/emerging have endured into 2011.<br />
137
Another development since I wrote this paper is Rob Bell’s new book, Love Wins (2011.)<br />
Surrounded by controversy, this book highlights Bell’s view on Heaven and Hell. To quickly summarize<br />
the book, Bell’s view of Christianity is very inclusive. He affirms Jesus’ divinity and God’s redemptive<br />
work through his death and resurrection. But, he affirms that Christ’s purpose goes beyond those who<br />
“believe” in him. After death, people continue to have the choice to serve God, or turn. Heaven and Hell<br />
are real (73), in his opinion, but he is focused on the “heavens” and “hells” here on Earth (46). According to<br />
Bell, Jesus came to establish a kingdom that is not only present now, but present in the world to come. We<br />
should focus on the heaven and hell here on earth, before worrying about what is to come in the afterlife.<br />
138
Works Cited<br />
Bailey, Sarah Pulliam. "Donald Miller: Make a Better Narrative." Christianity Today (2009). Christianity<br />
Today. 29 Sept. 2009. Web. 24 Mar. 2010.<br />
.<br />
Bell, Rob. Jesus Wants to Save Christians. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2008. Print.<br />
Bell, Rob. Love Wins. New York: Harper Collins. 2011. Print.<br />
Bell, Rob. Velvet Elvis. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2005. Print.<br />
Carson, D.A. Becoming Conversant with the Emerging Church. Grand Rapids: Zondervan,<br />
2005. Print.<br />
Dodd, Patton. "A Better Storyteller." ChristianityToday.com. 1 June 2007. Web. 24 Mar. 2010.<br />
.<br />
Kimball, Dan. The Emerging Church. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2003. Print.<br />
Miller, Donald. A Million Miles in a Thousand Years: What I Learned While Editing My Life.<br />
Nashville, Tenn.: Thomas Nelson, 2009. Print.<br />
Miller, Donald. Searching for God Knows What. Nashville: Nelson, 2004. Print.<br />
Moll, Rob. "The New Monasticism." Christianity Today (2005). Christianity Today. 2 Sept. 2010. Web. 20<br />
Mar. 2010. .<br />
Smith, R. Scott. Truth and the New Kind of Christian: The Emerging Effects of Postmodernism in<br />
the Church. Wheaton: Crossway, 2005. Print.<br />
Streett, Andrew D. "A selective bibliography of the Emergent Church movement." First Search.<br />
ATLA Religion, Spring 2006. Web. 10 Feb. 2010.<br />
"The End of Emergent?" RELEVANT Magazine. 2010. Web. 13 Apr. 2010.<br />
.<br />
Tickle, Phyllis. The Great Emergence : how Christianity is changing and why. Baker Books:<br />
2008.<br />
Wright, N.T. "How Can the Bible be Authoritative?” <br />
139
Kelsey McMahan<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flint<br />
“I Will Obey My Lord”:<br />
Adrian Noble’s Vision of Ophelia in Shakespeare’s Hamlet<br />
Previous critics and directors have frequently viewed Ophelia as a young woman who focuses<br />
primarily on her love for Hamlet. However, in the 2008 Stratford Canada production of Shakespeare’s<br />
Hamlet, director Adrian Noble sees Ophelia as a child who has never outgrown her dependence on her<br />
father, Polonius. For Noble, Ophelia’s love for Polonius far outstrips her feelings for Hamlet. Noble uses<br />
costuming, blocking, and stage business in order to present Ophelia initially as a dependent, loving, and<br />
submissive child. Ophelia’s costumes are childish and immature throughout much of the play. During the<br />
mad scene, her identification with her father is stressed when she puts on her father’s jacket and literally<br />
wears his clothing. She remains close to Polonius on stage, often hugging and caressing him, as well as<br />
listening intently to his words. Even when she disagrees with him, she does so in a loving and submissive<br />
way. Noble presents a portrait of Ophelia as a child who has never been able to separate from her father,<br />
and whose love for Hamlet is immature and unformed (Noble).<br />
Noble gives Ophelia a childlike appearance in the beginning of the play during Act One, Scene<br />
Two. This idea is portrayed through her costume and actions. In the opening scene, Ophelia wears a<br />
flowery pinafore. It is designed with light, pastel colors, revealing her innocence. The flowers at this point<br />
in the play are charming on Ophelia. Underneath the pinafore, she wears a tight, button-up shirt which<br />
keeps her body completely covered. She also wears a flowery crown around her head. The head-piece is<br />
similar to one that a child might dress up in today. Noble gives her the appearance of a princess with no<br />
stress in her life whatsoever. The actions she takes are also consistent with a childlike portrayal. When the<br />
scene begins, everyone dances onto the stage celebrating King Claudius, who is new to the throne. As they<br />
140
do, it is as if Ophelia cannot leave Polonius’ side. She clings to him tightly. After Claudius gives a speech,<br />
Laertes asks permission to leave for France. Polonius’ opinion on the situation is then requested. At that<br />
point, Polonius must leave Ophelia for a moment. When he does, Gertrude quickly walks over to her.<br />
The characters seem to assume that Ophelia cannot be left alone on stage. Someone must always be with<br />
her. This shows that the director sees Ophelia as an immature child. Other directors give Ophelia more<br />
independence in the opening of the play. For example, Franco Zeffirelli allows Ophelia to move about<br />
without anyone by her side in his version of the play (Hamlet). Later on in the scene, Ophelia attempts to<br />
move toward Hamlet. Her action here shows that she does have some kind of a relationship with him.<br />
However, before she can reach him, Laertes thwarts her attempt and pulls her away. If Ophelia had a truly<br />
meaningful relationship with Hamlet, she would not allow Laertes to interrupt her action. Instead, Ophelia<br />
joins her father and brother in enjoying the celebration. She dances around, giggling as the party proceeds.<br />
In other presentations of the play, Ophelia has a much stronger relationship with Hamlet. Zeffirelli features<br />
an Ophelia character who thinks for herself (Hamlet). She listens to Polonius and Laertes but does not<br />
agree with their opinions of Hamlet’s true feelings. During Noble’s opening scene, a serious expression<br />
does not appear on the young girl’s face. This makes Ophelia appear immature and inexperienced in regard<br />
to the world (Noble).<br />
In Act One, Scene Three, Ophelia’s costume and surroundings remain childlike while Noble<br />
reveals a strong bond between Polonius and Ophelia. This scene opens into Ophelia’s room. She sits at the<br />
piano and plays a cheerful song. As she does so, Ophelia wears a white dress with black boots. The dress is<br />
not form-fitting, but rather loose and flowing. With her “pure” colored costume and her long hair, Ophelia<br />
appears to be much younger than she is in reality. Innocence radiates from the stage where Ophelia sits. If<br />
she never spoke, this character could easily fit the description of an angel. In the middle of the stage, there<br />
is a small bed covered in a decorative blanket. The sheer size of the bed indicates that Ophelia is young.<br />
She sleeps on a mattress smaller than a twin size. In comparison, Gertrude’s bed is more than twice the size<br />
141
of Ophelia’s. Underneath the mattress, drawers provide storage for mementos. At this time in the play,<br />
the mementos are for Ophelia’s eyes only and therefore they must remain hidden. When Laertes enters the<br />
room, he gives Ophelia a word of advice. Then the siblings begin chasing each other around, acting much<br />
like children. Ophelia sits down on her bed and Laertes is nearby. She tells him to follow his own advice<br />
by saying, “Do not, as some ungracious pastors do, / Show me the steep and thorny way to heaven /<br />
Whiles…/ Himself the primrose path of dalliance treads / And recks not his own rede” (Hamlet 1.3.46-<br />
50). This statement requires a great deal of thought and demands a certain degree of respect from Laertes.<br />
A stereotypical woman of the time would not give such a request to an older male. However, Ophelia is<br />
not stereotypical and does not see a need to follow society’s standards. After hugging Laertes, Ophelia<br />
quickly attempts to hide a book which appears to have something to do with Hamlet’s affection. When<br />
Polonius enters, Ophelia playfully pushes Laertes and runs to hug her father. She then sits back down next<br />
to her brother. Polonius gives his son advice about handling himself in France with a hug to follow. While<br />
father and son are embracing one another, Ophelia runs over and throws her arms around them, much like<br />
a young child would do. Laertes is then ready to leave. He reminds Ophelia not to fall for Hamlet’s love<br />
just before exiting the stage. With him gone, Ophelia and Polonius are left as the only two on stage. They<br />
go over to the piano where they play a duet. This duet suggests that they have a very close relationship.<br />
Neither one has music of any kind, but both know exactly what to play. When they finally stand, Polonius<br />
begins questioning Ophelia on how Hamlet is treating her. She answers him in a loving tone of voice and<br />
continues to move toward him. They clasp each other’s hands and are not afraid to be near each other.<br />
After Polonius tells Ophelia to stay away from Hamlet, she calmly says, “I shall obey my lord” (Hamlet<br />
1.3.143). In doing so, her tone for her father is respectful. This tone, given to Ophelia by Noble, is unlike<br />
that of many other versions of the character. For example, Zeffirelli’s Ophelia spoke the same words with a<br />
hint of resistance (Hamlet). At the end of this scene, father and daughter walk off stage, hand-in-hand<br />
(Noble).<br />
142
Ophelia’s mad scene, in Act Four, Scene Five, shows the favor she has for Polonius over Hamlet.<br />
Her costume in this scene is a drastic change from the other outfits she has worn. As the lights gradually<br />
come on, the audience finds Gertrude sitting on a shroud. While she sits and thinks, Ophelia begins<br />
stomping her feet outside of the entrance on the audience left. A woman runs in and tells Gertrude that<br />
Ophelia wants to see her. Wishing to remain ignorant of the happenings in the castle, Gertrude tries to<br />
keep Ophelia out. However, Ophelia pushes her way in to visit the queen. In her mad state, Ophelia has<br />
put on her father’s shirt and suit jacket. This displays the close relationship Noble has given her and<br />
Polonius. Most other directors costume Ophelia in Hamlet’s clothing when she is mad, showing that she is<br />
more distraught over Hamlet’s behavior than Polonius’ death. Instead, this play portrays the opposite. She<br />
still wears her boots but they are dirty and untied. Ophelia’s knees are scratched up and her hair is<br />
unkempt. When she walks in, she carries with her the box of mementos from her bedroom. Inside, a doll<br />
has been added to represent her father. Claudius enters and Ophelia hugs him. She proceeds to speak<br />
toward the side of his face, rather than look at him as a normal person would. Ophelia drags Claudius over<br />
to the piano where she forces him to sit and play with her. After banging on the keys, she kisses Claudius<br />
on the cheek and leans on him. The way she acts toward Claudius at this point is meant to show her<br />
separation from reality. Ophelia treats Claudius as if he were her father. On the piano bench, where<br />
Polonius once sat, Ophelia now wants the king to join her. This is something she would only do if she were<br />
unable to grasp what was happening. As Claudius stands, Ophelia jumps up on him and wraps her legs<br />
around his waist. Noble gives her hymns to sing that make little sense, but the words are clearly<br />
recognizable. This is different from other directors who often have Ophelia sing songs with<br />
indistinguishable words. Continuing to sing, Ophelia dances around the floor and finally falls to the ground<br />
weeping. She then walks out and says, “Good night, sweet ladies” (Hamlet 4.5.71). In doing so, she<br />
manages to kiss the men on stage and hit the women. Not long after, a man tries to warn Claudius about<br />
Laertes, but he quickly rushes in anyway, wanting revenge for his father’s murder. Gertrude holds him<br />
143
ack until Claudius tells her to let him go. Soon after, Ophelia returns, still carrying the box. She hands<br />
pieces of paper to everyone without saying a word. Then she sits down with the box in front of her and<br />
sings. When Ophelia asks Laertes to sing with her, he does so. The two sit close to each other, showing<br />
that they have a secure family bond. Ophelia begins pulling things out of the box (such as gloves and string)<br />
and calling them flowers. Before handing each person on stage a “flower”, she states its meaning. These<br />
symbols, which are really her mementos, are not needed anymore since she plans to commit suicide. Also,<br />
she does not care who sees or receives them because she has lost all sense of reality. After everyone on<br />
stage has been given a “flower”, she continues singing and tending to the doll. At this point, Ophelia<br />
reenacts the burial of Polonius by putting the figure in the box and piling dirt on top of it. The importance<br />
of the doll to Ophelia is another sign of her childishness and her close relationship with her father.<br />
Following these mad actions, she runs off stage, leaving Laertes to weep for his sister (Noble).<br />
Throughout Noble’s production of Hamlet, Ophelia is seen as an immature young lady with little<br />
life experience. She obeys her father and brother without question, feeling that they have her best interest<br />
in mind. When it comes to Hamlet, Ophelia acts as though all is well regardless of whether or not he is in<br />
the picture. Her relationship with Polonius reigns far above all others. This is a stark contrast to the ideas<br />
that other directors have had about how Ophelia should be portrayed.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Hamlet. Dir. Zeffirelli, Franco. Prod. Davey Bruce, and Dyson Lovell. Perf. Gibson, Mel, Glenn Close,<br />
Helena Bonham Carter, et al. Icon Productions, 1990.<br />
Noble, Adrian. Director, Hamlet by William Shakespeare. Perf: Ben Carlson, Geraint Wyn Davi, Maria<br />
Ricossa, Scott Wentworth, Bruce Godfree, Adrienne Gould, Tom Rooney. Stratford Festival Theater.<br />
Stratford, Canada. October 16, 2008.<br />
Shakespeare, William. Hamlet. Ed. John Crowther. New York: Spark Publishing, 2003.<br />
144
Jason Melton<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong><br />
Against Intuitional Freedom:<br />
An Analysis of Causation and Free Will<br />
In “The Mystery of Metaphysical Freedom,” Peter van Inwagen concludes that whether our choices<br />
are determined or indetermined, freed will appears to be inconsistent (Kane). That is, whether or not each<br />
cause has a certain effect, or it does not, there is no true expression of metaphysical liberty. Despite the<br />
uncertain analysis in his contribution to the debate over free will, van Inwagen writes:<br />
It seems clear to me that when I am trying to decide between two things to do, I commit myself, by<br />
the very act of attempting to decide between the two, to the thesis that I am able to do each of<br />
them…. [W]hethor we are free or not, we believe that we are - and I think we believe, too, that<br />
we know this. (193-94)<br />
Thus freedom is mysterious, as his title explains. Yet, in his closing remarks, van Inwagen gives his<br />
“opinion” that he has made a mistake in his analysis of indeterministic causation (Kane 194). He modestly<br />
admits he does not know where he makes this mistake, but by doing so, he assumes two things: first that<br />
determinism and freedom are incompatible—a point to which I agree—and second that free will is a brute<br />
fact, something intuitively true. This latter point, I will argue, is not the case. By giving a deep analysis of<br />
causation and citing some experiments, I argue that human will does not have metaphysical freedom.<br />
Before I proceed with my arguments, I want add a disclaimer. This essay will neglect the issue of<br />
compatiblism. Compatabilists use a different definition of freedom than the one I plan to handle here.<br />
Freedom, for the purposes of this essay, is exercised when a choice is made and the agent has a real<br />
opportunity of doing otherwise. The agent cannot simply believe they are free. That is, the agent is not<br />
constrained in any way from going down their choice of one of at least two possible paths.<br />
From the definition of freedom above, it follows that if our decision making is deterministic, than<br />
our choices are causally constrained and freedom is impossible. Determinism is the view that every effect<br />
145
has a definite cause and that if something is deterministic, then all the causes are likewise the effects of other<br />
causes. If our decision making must have a cause, then it is impossible to do otherwise. Our action would be<br />
caused by our decision, but our decision would also be caused and so on. To do otherwise would be to defy<br />
causation which is impossible according to determinism.<br />
Is it possible to have freedom in an indeterminist world? To this the answer is no. Freedom and<br />
indeterminism are inconsistent as well. Indeterminism is the idea that everything does not have a definite<br />
cause. Instead, a cause may have a number of possible effects. If this were true, we would not be able to<br />
actualize what we wanted. Instead, our choice would be the result of something purely random. If each<br />
choice is possible, in choosing one we neglect the possibility of a different one. In a truly indeterministic<br />
situation, we may choose one thing, and at an equal chance, we may choose something else. If this was the<br />
case, our choices would not be up to us, but instead to some (metaphorical) role of the dice. We could not<br />
do otherwise, because we have lost control of our doing. Probability would rule our actions.<br />
I have essentially corroborated van Inwagen up to this point (Kane). I will argue against van<br />
Inwagen’s “opinion” that there is a problem with his analysis, but I want to dig a little deeper into causation<br />
first. Besides being deterministic or indeterministic, it may also be possible that the world is nondeterministic—something<br />
which van Inwagen does not address. I will discuss four possible non-determistic<br />
worlds and conclude that they are inconsistent with our world (though admittedly, some are possible in<br />
theory).<br />
The first non-deterministic world is where the possibility of decision-making processes take place<br />
with neither causes nor effects. This obviously does not describe our world, because decision making<br />
involves change. It would be impossible to see the result of change without seeing some kind of effect. A<br />
product involves a process, and a new state of affairs comes about as an effect. It would be strange to<br />
believe that a free choice could be made without effects at the very least. Thus a second possibility, a<br />
decision making process with only causes and no effects must also be impossible.<br />
146
A third possibility could be where choosing needs only an effect and no cause. Sure, it is possible<br />
imagine a world where things manifest into existence causelessly. Imagine where electronics, animals, or<br />
paintings by Salvador Dali pop into and out of existence without consistency or order. These would still be<br />
effects of some sort, being instances of changed states of affairs. But could this be true of our decisions?<br />
How could we be held responsible for a decision appearing in our heads uncaused? Could we blame our<br />
decision on its causeless, unpredictable nature? This seems as problematic as indetermism. There could not<br />
be an explanation for why one thing happened over any other thing. Furthermore, in the known world,<br />
there is not one other example of this type of causation (or should I say non-causation). If this could come<br />
about inside our heads, why doesn’t it appear anywhere else? It seems that events in the universe do not<br />
happen ex nihilo. I would not grant this possibility to decision making.<br />
The fourth and final possibility I will discuss is self-causation, where cause and effect either happen<br />
simultaneously, or they are identical. The problem with self-causation is that it contradicts itself. If<br />
something were to cause itself to exist, it must exist at a time when it does not exist. It is impossible for<br />
something to exist while it does not exist. Self-causation is not a possible explanation.<br />
So far, I have attempted to show decision making governed by determinism, indeterminism, or<br />
non-determinism does not allow for the real possibility of making different choices. In any of the cases<br />
above, the agent cannot do anything other then causal laws govern, and in situations where they do, the<br />
causal laws do not fit our world. So what happens to the problem of intuited freedom? Should we redo our<br />
analysis as van Inwagen suggests? I think the logic expressed above is sound. Instead, we should disregard<br />
the concept of metaphysical freedom.<br />
Let’s look closer. How does van Inwagen come to the conclusion that freedom is intuitively<br />
obvious? He does so by appealing to our sense of choosing between two possibilities, and our belief that we<br />
have the ability to do either choice. Choices seem real to us, but it is possible that they are illusory. Our<br />
perceptions are flawed in many ways; perhaps this is one of them. Consider color for example. It appears<br />
147
that the whiteness of a piano key is across the room from where I am typing at this moment. Yet, light<br />
bouncing from the key and influencing the chemistry of my eyes is truly how I’ve come to experience this<br />
example of whiteness. In fact, all of our experiences happen in our head, despite their appearing to be<br />
outside us. Salt is not salty until it touches our tongue. Sounds vibrate into our hears; smells waft into our<br />
noises. Yet, each time, experience looks as if it happening outside of us. When I say, “I see the piano key<br />
across the room,” I seem to believe that that is where I see it. But, basic facts of science show this is not the<br />
case.<br />
It is our reasoning and science that has allowed us to overcome the problems of our imperfect sense<br />
instruments. It has yielded us better information about the world around us then our meager experiences.<br />
Our sense of freedom is also the product of these senses. Since the contradiction arises between our reason<br />
and our sense, we should neglect our sense, not our reason. Contrary to van Inwagen’s “opinion,” the<br />
problem is free will and not our analysis. Considering the following examples, it is hard to disagree:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Sarah is hypnotized and told to take off her shoes when a book drops on the floor. Fifteen minutes<br />
later a book drops, and Sarah quietly slips out of her loafers. “Sarah,” asks the hypnotist, “why did<br />
you take off your shoes?” “Well...my feet are hot and tired,” Sarah replies. “It has been a long day.”<br />
The act produces the idea. (Myers 127)<br />
George has electrodes temporarily implanted in the brain region that controls his head movements.<br />
When neurosurgeon Jose Delgado (1973) stimulates the electrodes by remote control, George<br />
always turns his head. Unaware of the remote stimulation, he offers a reasonable explanation for his<br />
head turning: “I’m looking for my slipper.” “I heard a noise.” “I’m restless.” “I was looking under<br />
the bed.” (Myers 127-128)<br />
Carol’s severe seizures were relieved by surgically separating her two brain hemispheres. Now, in<br />
an experiment, psychologist Michael Gazzaniga (1985) flashes a picture of a nude woman to the left<br />
half of Carol’s field of vision and thus to her nonverbal right brain hemisphere. A sheepish smile<br />
spreads over har face, and she begins chuckling. Asked why, she invents—and apparently<br />
believes—a plausible explanation: “Oh—that funny machine.” Frank, another split-brain patient,<br />
has a the word “smile” flashed to his nonverbal right hemisphere. He obliges and forces a smile.<br />
Asked why, he explains, “This experiment is very funny.” (Myers 128)<br />
148
Works Cited<br />
Kane, Robert (ed.). Free Will. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2002. Print<br />
Myers, David G. Social Psychology. 9th Edition. Holland: McGraw Hill, 2008. Print.<br />
149
Maeghan Mier<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong><br />
Homosexuality in Judaism and Islam<br />
Homosexuality is a contested idea in contemporary society; however, the notion of same-sex<br />
preference is not a new phenomenon. Homosexuality continues to persist, often more publicly and vocally<br />
than ever before, and societal notions and attitudes regarding homosexuality have evolved over time and<br />
place. These attitudes often vary from openness to and acceptance of same-sex relations as a normal and<br />
healthy way of life, to condemning them as a deplorable sin or crime against a higher power. Such attitudes<br />
have manifested themselves in the traditional views and beliefs of religions across the globe. This essay will<br />
address the traditional views regarding same-sex relations in Judaism and Islam through the work of scholars<br />
Judith Plaskow and Kecia Ali, who actively practice Judaism and Islam respectively. These scholars raise<br />
new questions for their religions to consider in regards to homosexual intimacies. Plaskow and Ali believe<br />
that through this reflection, the traditional practices and beliefs of Judaism and Islam may become more<br />
inclusive and serve the needs of all people who practice these religions. Plaskow and Ali believe that the<br />
customs of Judaism and Islam should be reflected upon due to the traditional ways in which these religions<br />
set forth laws to control the sexuality of all those practicing, as well as the hierarchal nature that is present<br />
through the subordination of women by male dominance. Traditional principles regarding homosexuality in<br />
Judaism will be treated through Plaskow’s The Coming of Lilith, specifically focusing on her reflection of<br />
Leviticus 18, a chapter in the Bible that explicitly addresses sexual acts that are considered to be unclean or<br />
unholy. Traditional beliefs regarding homosexuality in Islam will be examined using a chapter from Ali’s<br />
Sexual Ethics and Islam. In this chapter, “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” Ali focuses on principles introduced in the<br />
Qur’an that condemn homosexuality, while also stressing her personal belief in the importance of<br />
inclusivity in a New Islam. In order to gain a deeper and more meaningful understanding of the beliefs<br />
150
egarding homosexuality in Judaism and Islam, Plaskow and Ali’s ideas and beliefs will be introduced<br />
separately. Finally, through comparing the traditional views of these religions, we will be able to observe<br />
the ways in which Judaism and Islam treat homosexuality similarly and differently in contemporary society.<br />
In Judaism, “Leviticus 18:22 and 20:13 are taken as the key biblical passages condemning<br />
homosexuality and defining it as an abomination” (Plaskow 179). However, given the recent shift in views<br />
regarding homosexuality, Plaskow observes “progressive discussion of the question of homosexuality and<br />
public policy must start from a curious and important contradiction between theory and politics around gay<br />
rights,” particularly the notion of homosexuality as innate (Plaskow 178). Plaskow argues,<br />
while biological arguments may be strategically useful, it is ultimately a mistake<br />
to ground support for gay rights on biologically based understandings of sexual<br />
orientation. A progressive position must use the insights of social constructionism<br />
to place<br />
the issue of homosexuality in the larger context of the critique of gender<br />
roles,<br />
compulsory heterosexuality, and traditional sexual ethics. (Plaskow 178)<br />
The main argument that Plaskow presents regarding the condemnation of same-sex intimate<br />
relationships in Judaism is the traditional and highly significant notion of male authority and dominance in<br />
Jewish culture. This notion takes root in Genesis, through the story of the creation of Adam and Eve, in<br />
which both were made in the image of God. However, Eve was made from the rib of Adam, thus defining<br />
her subordination to Adam (Plaskow 195). This Scripture has created the traditional image of a divine<br />
relationship being between a man and a woman, in which the man is dominant and the woman is<br />
subordinate. Plaskow notes that this hierarchal relationship presents itself primarily through halakhah,<br />
Jewish law. Traditional views of authority become a concern when trying to define appropriate gender roles<br />
for couples that engage in same-sex intimate relationships. Jewish tradition attributes the dominance and<br />
control of a woman’s sexuality to her husband. Plaskow notes that according to the traditions of Judaism<br />
“the need to regulate women is articulated not as a general problem but as the need to control their unruly<br />
151
female sexuality because of its threat to the spirituality of men” (Plaskow 58). However, this notion of<br />
dominance becomes ambiguous in homosexual couples because in a male-male relationship, both individuals<br />
are considered dominant, and within a female-female relationship, both are considered subordinate. Due to<br />
this rejection of traditional roles in intimate relationships, Judaism asserts that homosexuality is, in fact, a<br />
sin. Furthermore, the absence of clear and identifiable traditional Jewish gender roles within homosexual<br />
relationships leads to discussion regarding the duties of females in the household and male’s personal<br />
responsibility to daily prayer, which have been set forth through halakhah. These traditional values and<br />
duties would be lost, according to those who oppose homosexuality, in same-sex intimate relationships,<br />
which in turn would undermine the foundations of Judaism.<br />
Plaskow notes that sexuality is not the only aspect of an intimate relationship. Traditionally, the<br />
Jewish community has only taken into consideration the texts that have addressed the intimate practices that<br />
are deemed unfit and unethical. However, the Torah addresses other elements that are equally important in<br />
terms of intimate relationships. Dynamics that have been reflected upon in the Torah that constitute a<br />
healthy relationship include “forming ethical relationships, creating community, and ensuring social justice”<br />
(Plaskow 196). By ignoring these texts and the elements they present, the Jewish community silences and<br />
undermines appropriate and important traditional Jewish views regarding intimate relationships that serve<br />
not only the individual, but also society as a whole. This approach “fails to view sexuality as just one<br />
dimension of human relationship,” and instead treats sexual intimacy as the primary foundation and purpose<br />
of a relationship (Plaskow 196). In addition, the focus on sexuality as troublesome creates the necessity for<br />
strict regulation (Plaskow196). Instead of placing importance on the positive aspects of sexual intimacy,<br />
Judaism concentrates on the negative. This not only marginalizes individuals who do not agree with<br />
traditional Jewish beliefs, but it also fails to provide a model of a healthy and ethical relationship for<br />
homosexual Jews. With this limited viewpoint, Plaskow observes that it will be difficult for the traditional<br />
values of Judaism to be re-evaluated in order to form a more inclusive religion.<br />
152
Plaskow addresses the Jewish notion of heterosexuality as the universal norm. This idea not only<br />
marginalizes all other individuals who align with a sexual orientation other than heterosexuality, but it also<br />
silences them from traditional Jewish life and practice. Due to Judaism’s creation of strict guidelines for<br />
what is considered normal, healthy, and divine in terms of intimate relationships, those who do not engage<br />
in heterosexual relations are left feeling disconnected from Judaism. Plaskow asserts that through this<br />
marginalization, there can be no move toward transforming the traditional views that are prevalent in<br />
Judaism today. Plaskow asserts that Judaism must create an inclusive model in terms of intimate<br />
relationships so that all Jews will be able to engage in intimate relationships without feeling disconnected or<br />
marginalized from their religion.<br />
In Islam, beliefs regarding homosexuality derive primarily from the traditional laws that are set<br />
forth in the Qur’an. Khalid Duran, an expert in Islamic studies, states that the Qur’an “is very explicit in its<br />
condemnation of homosexuality, leaving scarcely any loophole for a theological accommodation of<br />
homosexuals in Islam” (Ali 82). However, increasingly in contemporary society, the question is being<br />
raised, “could there be circumstances under which such a tie could legalize otherwise permitted sexual acts<br />
between two women or two men? For the vast majority of Muslims … this is a ludicrous question; a licit<br />
same-sex relationship is a categorical impossibility” (Ali 77, 78). Ali believes it is this very question that<br />
necessitates the re-examination of traditional views of homosexuality in Islam. The notion of homosexuality<br />
as innate is part of Ali’s argument for revisiting these ideas. In fact, “some self-identified queer Muslims<br />
have challenged the view of the impossibility of licit same-sex relations by affirming the naturalness of their<br />
sexual orientation as divinely granted and seeking to consider whether it might be possible to construct a<br />
religiously valid bond between two men or two women that would legitimize sex between them” (Ali 78).<br />
Furthermore, in contemporary Islamic society, homosexual Muslims have been actively making “attempts<br />
to reconcile a “homosexual” identity with a Muslim identity, and to legitimize same-sex intimate<br />
partnerships within the constraints of Islamic religious discourse” (Ali 78). Ali believes that the idea of<br />
153
homosexuality as innate raises new questions about the sexual ethics of Islam. Specifically, through the ways<br />
in which the dualistic and patriarchal guidelines regarding same-sex intimacy further perpetuate the notion<br />
of homosexuality as sinful, as well as contribute to the marginalization of homosexuals in Islam.<br />
Ali reflects upon traditional Islamic sexual ethics through the dualistic nature of Islamic culture and through<br />
the male-dominated hierarchy.<br />
Ali’s reflection of homosexuality in Islam is rooted mainly in sexual ethics. She observes a disparity<br />
among intimate practices that are considered legal and divine and those that are considered illegal and<br />
sinful. Although certain sexual practices are considered illegal and sinful according to Islamic law, they may<br />
be ethical in terms of the individuals involved. However, Ali notes that there are various relationships that<br />
are considered legal according to traditional Islamic values that are not ethical. For example, abusive<br />
marriages, serial marriages, and slave concubinage are all considered legal in Islamic culture, however, they<br />
do not possess moral qualities, and certainly cannot be classified as divine. In contrast, same-sex relations<br />
between two consenting adults is perfectly ethical and healthy, however, it is deemed illegal according to<br />
Islam, and therefore, viewed as sinful. It is necessary to observe the dynamics of individual relationships,<br />
rather than the population as a whole in order to better understand the legal and ethical nature of all types<br />
of relations, whether they are heterosexual or homosexual.<br />
Similar to the hierarchical traditions of Judaism, Ali observes the argument for the condemnation of<br />
same-sex intimacy and marriage in Islam through the traditional importance of patriarchal relationships in<br />
Islamic culture. Customarily, “the husband holds control of the marriage tie, and the wife has a claim to<br />
dower and the obligation of sexual exclusivity and availability” (Ali 95). Women are given little jurisdiction<br />
over matters outside of the family. While men, according to Islamic texts, possess legal control of sexual<br />
acts and the relationships that constitute these acts within a marriage. In this way, same-sex relations<br />
challenge the idea of marriage as a male-female contract due to the ambiguity that arises regarding<br />
traditional gender roles in Islamic culture. By permitting same-sex relations, there is a disconnect from the<br />
154
long-established value of the male-dominated hierarchy in Islam, thus creating uncertainty regarding the<br />
distribution of power within relationships based on gender. Through allowing same-sex relations, the<br />
patriarchal values that influence gender roles in Islam would fail to exist and the sacred Islamic definition of<br />
marriage would be lost.<br />
Furthermore, sacred Islamic texts explicitly identify sexual acts that are considered sinful. While<br />
these sacred texts present several sexual enormities, there are some acts that specifically address<br />
homosexual relationships. These acts include, anal intercourse between men, and tribadism, which is<br />
defined as “a woman doing with a woman something resembling what a man would do with her” (Ali 75).<br />
Despite the outright condemnation of homosexuality in the Qur’an, same-sex relations among both males<br />
and females have occurred within Islamic culture in the past and continue to persist in contemporary<br />
society. In terms of male-male intimate relations of the past, Ali observes that,<br />
There are crucial similarities between classical Greek and Roman views on<br />
male/male sex and the norms of elite medieval Muslim culture. Male desire to<br />
penetrate desirable youths was perfectly normal – if never lawful – and not<br />
necessarily indicative of a deviant subjectivity, desire, or a particular sexual<br />
orientation. (Ali 84)<br />
However, it is important to note that these occurrences were not “licit nor possible to legitimize” under the<br />
constraints of the Qur’an and the traditional Islamic beliefs regarding intimate relationships. Tribadism, a<br />
homosexual act between two females, is considered illicit and impossible to legitimize just as male-male<br />
intimate relations are. In terms of contemporary homosexual relations, Ali notes, that some homosexual<br />
Muslims “leave Islam entirely, while others choose to separate sexuality from religion, considering<br />
themselves Muslim but acknowledging that their sexual acts or identities are not acceptable from a religious<br />
perspective” (Ali 80, 81). The presence of these specific sexual enormities in sacred Islamic texts proves<br />
155
difficult for homosexual Muslims is search of a divine model for sexual intimacies, and perpetuates their<br />
exclusion from the larger Islamic society.<br />
Plaskow and Ali note that the most problematic issue regarding homosexuality in both Judaism and<br />
Islam is the traditional notion of male dominance and authority over women. This issue stems from Biblical<br />
stories of creation and has continued to persist throughout time. Judaism and Islam both view women’s<br />
sexuality as dangerous and problematic to society, and work to control it. Homosexual relations challenge<br />
this notion and cause a disconnect and ambiguity from traditional images of appropriate and divine intimate<br />
relationships, thus challenging the norms that have been passed down in these religions for centuries. This<br />
rejection is viewed as problematic because both Judaism and Islam would have to entirely transform their<br />
beliefs regarding intimate relationships and the power and roles that are traditionally attributed to each<br />
gender. Although this change would be a move towards more holistic and inclusive religions, it may prove<br />
to be quite difficult given the deeply engrained beliefs of homosexuality as unholy and unethical in Judaism<br />
and Islam.<br />
Ali and Plaskow reflect upon the way in which Judaism and Islam focus mainly on the intimate<br />
relationships and intimate acts that are considered inappropriate and sinful, and fail to provide an image of<br />
ethical and acceptable relationships and acts. This makes it difficult to determine what is considered to be<br />
divine in terms of intimate relationships because it allows for much uncertainty regarding appropriate sexual<br />
acts. Both Judaism and Islam need to redefine their beliefs regarding intimate relations for both<br />
heterosexual and homosexual couples in order to promote the divinity and sacredness that these relations<br />
should strive for.<br />
Judaism and Islam differ in their ideas of homosexuality as innate. Plaskow does not believe that<br />
accepting homosexuality as an inborn trait will be helpful in raising new questions about traditional views in<br />
Judaism. Plaskow asserts that the foundations for a New Judaism should take root in social constructs rather<br />
than biological factors. However, Ali suggests that attempting to reconcile a homosexual identity with a<br />
156
Muslim identity through the notion of innateness is a good starting point in the reflection of traditional<br />
Islamic views of intimate relationships because it asserts that homosexuality is an inborn trait rather than a<br />
choice. Through the notion of homosexuality as an inborn characteristic, Ali believes that Islam will be able<br />
to become a more inclusive religion.<br />
Cleary, homosexuality has been a source of great controversy in both Judaism and Islam. The views<br />
that are held in contemporary Jewish and Islamic society regarding the condemnation of homosexuality have<br />
been greatly influenced by the dualistic and patriarchal traditions of these religions. Not surprisingly, it has<br />
been difficult for both Judaism and Islam to move past these anachronistic beliefs, given their deeply<br />
engrained role in Jewish and Islamic society. Thus, both Judaism and Islam continue to uphold their<br />
dualistic and patriarchal traditions, perpetuating the marginalization of homosexual Jews and Muslims.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Ali, Kecia. Sexual Ethics & Islam. New York: Oneworld Publications, 2008. Print.<br />
Plaskow, Judith. The Coming of Lilith. Boston: Beacon Press, 2005. Print.<br />
157
Kiley Miller<br />
Indiana <strong>University</strong> – <strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> Fort Wayne<br />
Victims versus Bad Guys:<br />
The Lasting Effects of the Colonizer-Colonized Relationship<br />
Grandpa was French, but he was born in Algiers, Algeria. I had known this for as long as I could<br />
remember, but it was not until around the time I was in high school that I ever realized the obvious<br />
disconnect with this proclamation of identity. When I began to ask questions, I learned from Mom that<br />
Grandpa and his sister were both born in Algiers while it was still a French colony. American history had<br />
taught me enough over the years to know the detrimental effects of colonization, and that it was a “bad”<br />
thing, but I never made the connection between the French and the typical war-mongering, greedy idea of a<br />
“colonizer.” Still, it surprised me more to discover that Grandpa had never actually even lived in France<br />
before immigrating to the United States shortly after his service with the French in World War <strong>II</strong>, so I was<br />
puzzled that he so strongly identified as French. Then, a few years before his death, at almost eighty years<br />
old, Grandpa let it slip that his father was half Turkish – half Arab – then proceeded to insult the whole<br />
Arab race, further complicating Grandpa’s idea of his identity. With these sporadic conversations about my<br />
family’s heritage and the French history I had started to piece together from my high school and college<br />
French classes, I slowly began to realize the depth of the relationship and tension between Algeria and<br />
France. It was clear that the nature of this relationship had been determined long before the French-<br />
Algerian War in 1954, dating back to France’s first involvement when Algeria was colonized in 1830.<br />
The Conquest and Occupation of Algeria<br />
Algerian colonization began in 1830 when the French invaded, which was a common practice for<br />
European nations at the time. Algeria, however, differed from many colonies in that the French<br />
government encouraged French citizens (later named the pied-noirs) to migrate from the mainland, as<br />
158
opposed to other European colonies that only maintained an administrative presence. This migration,<br />
however, forced countless Algerians to relocate to the inner-cities which quickly became the slums, causing<br />
great feelings of resentment (Virtue). Once stabilized as a French département (comparable to a colony) in<br />
1838, the French government began offering citizenship to Algerian natives, but in a particular order: those<br />
of Jewish descent ranked above those of Arab descent, which was broken down again into the Berbers (the<br />
indigenous population who lived primarily in the northern mountains), who ranked above the general Arab<br />
population (who lived throughout the rest of the country as well as in other mountainous regions of<br />
Algeria). All Algerians, however, were still considered to be of a lower class than anyone of European<br />
descent (Stora Histoire 19). Around this time, the French government began to educate selected indigenous<br />
Algerians, most of whom were Jewish or Berbers, who became known as évolués, which literally translates<br />
to “evolved.” This created tension among the ethnic groups who had peacefully cohabitated for centuries,<br />
and would later mark the divide between Algerians who chose to maintain their French citizenship, the<br />
French-Algerians, and those who denounced that citizenship in pursuit of independence.<br />
Tension continued to rise during World War <strong>II</strong> when pied-noirs and now French-Algerian citizens<br />
were drafted to fight, my grandfather and feminist Algerian author Assia Djebar’s two brothers among<br />
them. While my grandfather flew as a tail gun fighter for the French Royal Air Force, the French Algerian<br />
citizens were stationed on the frontline in France and on the ground in Algeria. She remembers living in<br />
Algeria while it was under attack and watching her two older brothers being deployed multiple times, each<br />
to serve for the maquis, or the underground division of the French Résistance (those who continued to fight<br />
against Germany despite the country’s occupation) (Djebar 133). Pied-noirs and French-Algerians alike<br />
experienced the terror of war, whether they served or not, although the inequality regarding the jobs the<br />
soldiers were assigned demonstrated the bias of the French government and the clear distinction between<br />
the perceived lower value of a French-Algerian life versus that of a pied-noir, as well as in the broken<br />
promises the French government made to the French-Algerians who fought for France yet were still<br />
159
disregarded by the government they were forced to obey, leading to resentment and hatred for the<br />
oppressor. Toward the end of WW<strong>II</strong>, a more distinct divide came as a direct result of the war among the<br />
French-Arab population that my uncle defined as “the ones willing to stay French,” the French-Algerians,<br />
“and the active minority of politically driven guys,” the Algerians (de Montchenu). Despite these<br />
differences, integrated school-children of all backgrounds got along well, though their parents experienced<br />
much discrimination. As this divide continued to grow, the relationship between the France and Algeria<br />
became increasingly one of conflict, leading to violence toward the end of WW<strong>II</strong>.<br />
The French-Algerian War<br />
The threat of outright war between France and Algeria began with the Sétif Massacre; to celebrate<br />
Germany’s surrender in 1945, a parade was led through Sétif, located southwest of Algiers, and was<br />
predominantly conducted by Muslim French-Algerians. The organizer of the parade, however, was an<br />
Algerian nationalist who sought to promote the need for an independent Algeria, at which point French<br />
soldiers stepped in, turning the celebration-demonstration violent and killing thousands of French-<br />
Algerians (by French estimation, though the actual number was probably closer to tens of thousands) (Stora<br />
Histoire 13). In retaliation, the French-Algerians led a revolt of their own against pied-noirs living in<br />
surrounding villages, killing over a hundred people. This initial phase continued discreetly with small<br />
revolts from 1945-1954. When the official, organized war began and lasted until 1962 when Charles de<br />
Gaulle granted Algeria an election to determine their independence, for which 91.23% of the Algerian<br />
population voted in favor (Stora Histoire 84). This came as a crushing defeat to both pied-noirs and French<br />
citizens of the mainland who very much wanted to keep Algeria as a département (Talbott 357). It was the<br />
strong urging of the French public to maintain control of Algeria that forced the French government to<br />
carry out the war as they did, torturing many Algerians, while the National Liberation Front (Front de<br />
Libération Nationale, FLN) led the opposing Algerian side, both defensively and in offensive terrorist attacks.<br />
French (Colonizer) Offenses<br />
160
In an article published during the war by Jean-Paul Sartre, he is less than supportive of France’s<br />
efforts and speaks out strongly against colonization and torture as a whole. Sartre criticizes the methods<br />
used in Algeria, comparing the French military to the Nazis; the French, he says, found it impossible to<br />
come to terms with, let alone understand, the German occupation and the atrocities of the concentration<br />
camps, yet when the French government turned to Algeria, having occupied it for a century, the French<br />
turned a blind eye to the horrors brought upon the Algerians (88). Algerians, Sartre argues, were every bit<br />
as human as the French and deserved to be treated as such (93). Sharing Sartre’s disgust for the French<br />
torture methods was Simone de Beauvoir, who recounts the story of Djemila Boupacha, an indigenous<br />
woman working with the FLN. In addition to the torture, de Beauvoir discusses the absence of Boupacha’s<br />
lawyer during her trial, another citizen’s right which was denied to her (5). Djebar also mentions the<br />
torture she knew was taking place during the war, but describes more vividly the death of her husband at<br />
the hands of the French army; he was put on a post in the middle of Ouled Larbi, a village southeast of<br />
Algiers. He was then executed publicly (Djebar 232). A similar execution is shown in the film Battle of<br />
Algiers when a prisoner is taken outside the prison walls, closed off from the public but visible from the<br />
prisoners’ windows, and led to the guillotine. The French government supplemented individual executions<br />
with covert bombings; government officials gained access to Algerian housing settlements where they<br />
suspected FLN members to be living and planted bombs accordingly. Perhaps an even greater injustice,<br />
certainly a greater betrayal of loyalty, was shown to the indigenous French-Algerians who chose to fight<br />
with the French army, against their own countrymen. Known as “harkis,” these French-Algerian soldiers<br />
were promised protection from the Algerian government should the French lose the war, but the French<br />
government was able to provide neither adequate security, nor safe passage from Algeria to France after the<br />
war. As a result, these soldiers were left in Algeria and executed for their treachery (Virtue).<br />
The manner in which both Sartre and de Beauvoir respond alludes to the severity and,<br />
correspondingly, the disgust with which much of the French public responded. Others however, regarded<br />
161
the war in Algeria more passively or were able to appreciate France’s position. Albert Camus, a pied-noir<br />
himself, struggled openly with France’s decisions and condemned acts of violence on both sides (Virtue). In<br />
the typical manner of the oppressed, the Algerians resorted to acts of terrorism in an effort to oust the<br />
French and gain not only independence, but an identity for themselves as Algerians.<br />
Algerian (Colonized) Offenses<br />
Following the counter attack in Sétif, Algerians were forced to resort to covert military strategies<br />
organized by the FLN. After several small shootings at the beginning of the war in 1954, the French<br />
introduced a curfew in Algiers and limited the passing of French-Algerians between their home in the<br />
Casbah and the French-settled area of the city, which was heavily guarded by the French military (Stora<br />
Histoire 55). Battle of Algiers depicts the FLN organizing attacks and forming battle strategies after these<br />
curfews were enforced. This included a protest and strike against all French goods and services. This<br />
unsuccessful strike was an effort to demonstrate Algerian unity and gain the UN’s support for Algerian<br />
sovereignty; the French viewed the strike as a threat, in that they believed more terrorist attacks would be<br />
planned, leading them to invade the Casbah and arrest any Algerian man suspected of FLN involvement;<br />
though French paranoia was not unfounded considering the attacks prior to and after this strike.<br />
My family’s memories of café bombings and bomb threats at their children’s schools supplement<br />
the Battle of Algiers depictions of Algerian women disguised as French women to gain access to Frenchoccupied<br />
areas of Algiers to plant bombs in cafés, airports, and dance clubs. Women, or men dressed as<br />
women, were often used as “mules,” carrying information or planting bombs since women, at first, were<br />
allowed into many more public French places than Algerian men at the time (Stora Histoire 28). Some of the<br />
more prominent memories of my family members during the war were of running home from school,<br />
hearing Algerian bullets fly by until they reached safety or were within range of the French military. These<br />
shootings were in addition to the fire-bombings of various French elementary schools during the war,<br />
including the elementary school Grandpa’s nephew, my Uncle Olivier, attended as a boy before the end of<br />
162
the war. At seven years old, he remembers watching his school burn, and simply states, “All the books were<br />
just smoke! A very sad moment for a little boy.” He recounts his older sister’s fear of walking to college,<br />
being forced to walk over dead bodies frequently (de Montchenu). Grandpa honestly believed that the<br />
Algerians targeted children and civilians in acts of terrorism because by targeting the innocent, they more<br />
strongly challenged the French government, as well as instilled a sense of fear among the pied-noirs (Battle of<br />
Algiers). Still, the French government continued to torture suspected FLN members in an attempt to thwart<br />
the revolution and maintain possession of Algeria. Finally, the war ended with the passing of the Évian<br />
Agreement under Charles de Gaulle in 1962, and the mass evacuation of French citizens began (Stora<br />
Histoire 76-77), but not without the difficulty.<br />
At the end of the war, the Harbor Authority Office in Algiers where Grandpère, my grandfather’s<br />
father, worked for the French government was invaded by Algerian soldiers. The Algerian military lined up<br />
the French workers along a wall and began shooting, one person at a time. When they reached Grandpère,<br />
however, one soldier stopped the shooting, recognizing my great-grandfather as a kind guy to whom he<br />
owed a decent sum of money. According to my family, the Algerian man, laughing, told Grandpère to run<br />
away and get out of the country. Thankful for his life but well aware of what the FLN was capable, my<br />
family fled Algeria immediately. The official policy of the French authorities following the Évian Agreement<br />
was to evacuate the one million French citizens (both pied-noirs and French-Algerians held theoretically<br />
equal status citizenship) from the country, but it was complete chaos attempting to move such a large<br />
population (de Montchenu). All around France, however, the effects and prejudices that developed during<br />
the war still affected the everyday life of immigrants and continues to cause tension in France today.<br />
The Lasting Ramifications of Colonization for North Africans and Pied-noirs<br />
The need for immigrant workers was greatest immediately after World War <strong>II</strong> and in the 1960s<br />
when the French began to further industrialize. In need of cheap labor, France looked to its North African<br />
163
colonies to man the factories. This migration cast North Africans as outcasts in their France, while pied-noirs<br />
experienced struggles when moving from Algeria to France.<br />
Prejudices against North African Immigrants and the Effects on Post-War Algeria<br />
Many of the initial immigrants who came to France to work were single men or husbands trying to<br />
make money to provide support for their families in Africa. While working in France, some men were able<br />
to enroll in French classes to learn to read and write. In the 1998 documentary Immigrant Memories, Yamina<br />
Benguigui interviewed many North Africans and Europeans to build a description of immigrant life in the<br />
1940s and 1950s, which clearly demonstrated the divide between French citizens and immigrants. A<br />
general sense of xenophobia seemed to take hold in France with the influx of North African immigrants, and<br />
it was apparent in many of the factories and classrooms where immigrants worked and studied (Stora<br />
Transfert 7). In one classroom in 1966, a Moroccan man speaks to the instructor who calls him Algerian.<br />
The student corrects the instructor who shrugs, telling him that it’s all the same thing; the French citizens<br />
and government had internalized prejudices against the Algerians with whom they were at war, taking away<br />
immigrants’ individuality and equating them all to what they perceived as blood-thirsty, righteous, Muslim<br />
Arabs from Algeria. This view is supplemented by an interview with François Ceyrac, Chairman to the<br />
Confederation to French Industry, who claims not only that Algeria is France, implying that the Algerians<br />
should have felt French at heart, but goes on to further dehumanize them by essentially identifying them as<br />
French property (Immigrant Memories). Another Tunisian immigrant became quickly enamored with the<br />
French culture and was overwhelmed to be so fortunate to study in France and to work; he expressed his<br />
deepest sorrows that he was still only viewed as an object by the French car company, Renault, and that he<br />
was constantly called “Mohamud,” despite his dissociation with Islam (Immigrant Memories). He, like other<br />
immigrants working for meager wages, had no choice but to continue working to send home whatever<br />
pittance possible to his family.<br />
164
The small amount of money from French factories was unfortunately one of the only potential<br />
sources of income for North Africans. When the French withdrew after the war, this was especially true for<br />
Algerians. One of de Gaulle’s greatest priorities before allowing Algeria their independence was to secure<br />
the rights to oil that was recently found in Algeria, taking the potential revenue and many jobs with them<br />
(Virtue). Scholars agree that “the conduct and the aims of [de Gaulle’s] Algerian policy remain among the<br />
most controversial questions about the war” (Talbott 359). This influenced the economic crisis that gripped<br />
Algeria after France’s withdrawal; an economic collapse of this nature is characteristic of new nations who<br />
have not had experience functioning independently, and the political upheaval that accompanied Algeria’s<br />
independence added to the general disorder of the country. My uncle recalls the many Algerians who<br />
sought work in France as the result of Algeria’s political and economic failure. According to my uncle, these<br />
failures were due to the FLN’s control which, he says, was no more than a “communist regime” or a<br />
“military dictatorship” (de Montchenu). Still many of the struggles that Algeria faces today can be traced<br />
back to the tension introduced by France’s preferential treatment of different ethnic groups during the<br />
initial colonization of Algeria.<br />
Migration and Settlement of the Pied-noirs in France<br />
For the pied-noirs who were relocated from Algeria to France, many felt a similar sense of<br />
displacement when they moved to Toulouse, Marseilles, Lyon, or other southeast cities in France (Virtue),<br />
almost directly north of Algiers. Unfortunately, many pied-noirs like my grandfather who was born in<br />
Algiers in 1929 or my great-uncle who migrated in 1937 to start a family, had no or only little knowledge<br />
of France, so the land was as unusual to them as it was to the North Africans. There was a slight animosity<br />
between the pied-noirs who felt abandoned by the French government in Algeria among the still hostile FLN<br />
(Stora Histoire 77). While many French citizens had waited for three days in Algeria for a plane to France,<br />
my family was fortunate enough to wait only a day, but “most of the families leaving Algeria had to leave so<br />
quickly that they only had a suitcase. A terrible shame for an entire population” (de Montchenu). Since<br />
165
Algeria had appropriated all French property, including pied-noir bank accounts, my family was forced to<br />
begin rebuilding their lives, and even encountered some prejudice from the French mainland citizens who<br />
claimed to have only “somewhat” or “little” connection with the pied-noirs (Talbott 358). Still, the pied-noirs<br />
maintained an advantage over North African immigrants who often faced the language barrier and more<br />
overt racial prejudices as a result of the war and the lost département.<br />
Not all French citizens harbored animosity toward the North African immigrants; despite the<br />
personal affronts my uncle experienced, he “has always been in a good understanding and feeling with the<br />
Arabs, as [he] feels [they] have a lot in common,” mentioning specifically the culture, history, family values,<br />
and good food that they share (de Montchenu). However, the intense impact on the relationship between<br />
France and Algeria in terms of the sole number of people affected by the war cannot be ignored: one<br />
million pied-noirs and their children; 1.5 million soldiers that lived or worked in Algeria during the war; one<br />
million Algerian immigrants and their children (the latter known as “beurs”); and the tens of thousands of<br />
harkis (Stora Transfert 71). For some pied-noirs like my uncle, he felt that the war left a hidden scar within<br />
him, and he made a pilgrimage of sorts to his birthplace, visiting his home, school grounds, grandparents’<br />
houses, church, and relatives’ graves in an attempt to reconcile his conflicting emotions. He is the only<br />
member of my family that has felt this desire to return to Algeria, though many pied-noirs have made this<br />
trip (de Montchenu). Likewise, the sons and daughters of immigrants have become a part of the French<br />
culture, much like their fathers had hoped (Stora Transfert 5). However, they too still face the<br />
discrimination of some French citizens, most recently and most notably in the 2005 French riots, which<br />
were an indirect result of the lost département and continued tension between the French and many<br />
immigrants.<br />
I don’t agree with France’s treatment of Algeria during the war, let alone the initial colonization,<br />
nor do I agree with the methods by which Algeria reassumed control of their country and the acts of terror<br />
they committed, especially against my own family, while in pursuit of their independence. Given the faults<br />
166
of each nation, it’s difficult to blame any person, though the French government is well responsible for the<br />
invasion and occupation of Algeria. Although Grandpa’s long-standing prejudices may have understandable<br />
roots, having believed his family was deeply wronged, the Algerians too had understandable reasons for<br />
wanting to assume their own identity, separate from the French, from their oppressors of over a century.<br />
In the end, the Algerians won their country and an identity to go along with it, as did the pied-noirs. Much<br />
like the Algerians who are discriminated against in France had nothing to do with the mistreatment of the<br />
pied-noirs, the pied-noirs who were affected by the French-Algerian War also had nothing to do with the<br />
colonization of Algeria. Maybe it just turns out that everyone is a victim, though perhaps not equally, and<br />
everyone is a bad guy in terms of the colonizers who invade and oppress and the colonized who fight to take<br />
back their identity.<br />
167
Amelia Moreno<br />
Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong><br />
The Vampire in my Bedroom:<br />
Exploring the Cultural Impacts of the Twilight Series<br />
The Twilight Saga is compromised of four books (Twilight, New Moon, Eclipse, and Breaking Dawn),<br />
the first of which hit bookstores in October of 2005. The reading frenzy that followed after these books has<br />
since been compared to the popularity of the Harry Potter series. However, where the controversy stirred by<br />
Harry Potter centered on religion, the Twilight series has stirred up discontent with feminism and, more<br />
specifically, adolescent female sexuality. Many have argued the value of Isabella Swan as a strong female<br />
role model for teenage girls and many have argued against her merits. Both sides have taken ample<br />
examples from the series, sometimes using the exact same passages and assigning completely polar<br />
meanings. There is, of course, a problem with this binary categorization: both groups fail to explain or<br />
explore why this series is so popular or why this may be problematic for those with limited romantic<br />
experience. Those that are opposed to the series, have articulated the best argument against the<br />
representations of love and sexuality for girls these books present yet have still failed to identify the most<br />
prevalent force working against them: silence. It is not so much what the books ‘say’ or represent, but<br />
rather the ubiquitous silence that comes attached to love and sexuality adolescents whose primary form of<br />
learning acceptable behavior is reading cultural texts (books, magazines, movies, etc.) and retelling the<br />
stories they have learned.<br />
Some readers are quick to point out the abusive elements in Edward and Bella’s relationship. They<br />
are quick to condemn Bella for her stupid ‘choices’ and her willingness to disregard her safety,<br />
independence, and her life in the name of her love for this vampire man-boy. These are all valid and truthful<br />
claims to the dynamics of Bella and Edward’s relationship, especially in Book One and Two of the series,<br />
but they fail to take into account why, despite these claims of abuse in our post feminist and enlightened age,<br />
168
the series is still devoured by women and adolescents on a massive scale. Obviously, this simple story fills<br />
some need or answers some question girls have about interactions within the bounds of a romantic<br />
relationship. Bella and Edward‟s codependency is abusive, but it is branded as „deeply seductive‟ on the<br />
back cover of the first book, reflecting the dichotomous nature of what is considered a „normal‟ female<br />
sexuality. Jacob, the werewolf and Bella‟s best friend, is not a better choice for Bella simply because he<br />
offers fewer restrictions to her sexuality. In fact, he continually acts in ways that makes Bella uncomfortable<br />
by being too forceful, as if trying to make her express her sexuality without her consent. In either case,<br />
Bella occupies the role of „the influenced‟ and has her autonomy repeatedly denied.<br />
These subtle interactions between the characters, when read in the light of what Jessica Valenti<br />
explains in her book The Purity Myth as the “virgin/whore dichotomy,” which is to say either you are a pure<br />
woman that does not participate in (any form of) sexual activity or you are a “dirty girl” that participates too<br />
much, highlight the way girls are brought up to “blank out” during sensual or sexual stimulation. In order to<br />
maintain the purity of girlhood, and keep innocence unblemished, while still being a physical being with<br />
desires, a woman must learn early to “let sex happen,” “get caught up in the moment,” and maintain a<br />
distance between herself and her sexual actions. The main problem lies with our culture‟s black-and-white<br />
view of female sexuality that leaves no middle ground for a girl to become a woman as she learns the<br />
healthy and safe ways to express or satisfy her needs. There cannot be any planning if sex “just happens,”<br />
and there cannot be any discussion of the complexity of sexuality if sex is supposed to be nonexistent<br />
outside of the heterosexual marriage bed. The Twilight series acknowledges the physicality of a teenage<br />
girl‟s existence; unfortunately, it offers marriage and childbearing as the ultimate transformation for a girl<br />
to reach, leaving no room for further development. The series is also unable to fill in the gaps between the<br />
misinformation or explain the overt, violent, and convoluted sexuality experienced in girl‟s everyday lives.<br />
The result is that stereotypes are reinforced and girls are left with a view of sexuality, their own and their<br />
partners, that is truncated at best or a patchwork of myth and half-truths that perpetuate sickly sexuality in<br />
169
men and women at worst. Despite its reputation as abstinence-only propaganda, the Twilight series is filled<br />
with clandestine references to sex and sensuality which has garnered it the nickname “abstinence-porn.” The<br />
series does not do anything different than the larger culture it was spawned from but because of its<br />
popularity it has drawn the most attention with its glaringly obvious faults.<br />
Feminist writers like Christine Siefert on bitchmagazine.org suggest that reader disappointment in<br />
Bella and Edward‟s consummation of their marriage in book for “suggests something about the desire<br />
readers have for abstinence messages.” This is a miswriting on her part: it is not that readers have a desire<br />
for the abstinence messages but rather that readers have been indoctrinated to believe that abstinence ─ and<br />
the self-denial, nay sacrifice, that goes along with it ─ is sexy. The suspense of abstinence-until-marriage is<br />
eroticized to the point that it becomes the epitome of sexual excitement, while the act itself is left<br />
undescribed, ill-defined, and, once fulfilled, particularly disappointing.<br />
Most talk about sex, especially involving teens, is limited to aphorisms and vagary leaving teenagers<br />
with the „facts‟ (in the best of cases) and the idea that sex is a purely biological act between a man and a<br />
woman that somehow leads to some kind of transformation on a personal and relational level. In this<br />
definition, sex becomes conflated with intimacy and it is presented as the only example of the magical and<br />
mysterious bonds matrimony is supposed to convey upon the happy couple. Perhaps this is the message that<br />
readers are actually seeking: an example of what intimacy is supposed to look like before and after the<br />
ceremony. Twilight and its series-sisters, the movies, and even the leaked Midnight Sun (which is Twilight<br />
from Edward‟s perspective) is a seriously perverted example of intimacy that relies on simplifications and<br />
classifications of human behavior (man is aggressive and woman is frail) to justify marriage as the only<br />
acceptable answer to sexuality and intimacy.<br />
In this way, it is not the series itself that is bad for girls but the assumptions the series uses to exemplify sex,<br />
love, and intimacy. What need does this series fulfill for women, and what lessons are adolescents gleaning<br />
170
from the pages of these otherworldly tomes? Stephanie Meyers, the author of the series, makes it clear that<br />
these books are merely ‘fantasy’ and should be read as such. But that trivializing and dismissive explanation<br />
only serves to bypass readers’ critical thinking, making it easier to let themes and beliefs about a subject go<br />
unquestioned and sometimes even unacknowledged. I will argue that it is not so much the ‘messages’ that<br />
this series delivers, but how this series fits into the larger cultural systems that perpetrate passivity and<br />
innocence as the only form of appropriate sexual expression for women. In the following pages, I will<br />
examine key scenes from the Twilight series to show the reactionary and contradictory views presented as<br />
‘normal’ female sexuality to girls as they are developing their sexual identity. From the title book of the<br />
series, I will look at the infamous scene in the clearing where I will make the argument that this is where<br />
Bella swan’s sexuality is first awakened by Edward’s kiss. I will argue that this is actually the primary scene<br />
of the series because it begins the exchange that is central to the ‘romantic’ aspects of Bella and Edward’s<br />
relationship, which in turn fetishizes the act of self-denial and innocence. In the second book of the series, I<br />
will focus on the cessation of Bella’s story that ultimately culminates in her and Edward’s suicide attempts.<br />
There will only be brief reference to Jacob Black here because Meyer uses him mainly as a plot device and<br />
his character is not as full developed as the main characters. Eclipse, the third book, is primarily used to set<br />
up Breaking Dawn, but contains important interactions and dialogue between the couple that demonstrate<br />
the ‘proper’ give-and-take of a heterosexual relationship. Breaking Dawn’s focus is mainly the marriagehoneymoon-pregnancy<br />
triumvirate that culminates in Bella’s transformation to superhuman. This<br />
combination of events normalizes and ennobles the act of female sacrifice, as well as glorifies the<br />
transformative powers of that sacrifice. These scenes, as they make up the series, centralize the ideal of<br />
romantic relationships as paramount to creating one’s identity in a girl’s mind and offers marriage as the<br />
logical and liberating end to this search.<br />
171
The Clearing<br />
“…his face was absurdly handsome ─ with piercing, hate-filled eyes.” (Twilight 27).<br />
Stephanie Meyer makes it clear on her official website that she considers feminism to be about<br />
choices. She never says this outright, but her insistence that Bella made choices about what she really<br />
wanted out of her life, and feminism is supposed to be all about choice, then Bella must be a feminist.<br />
According to Meyer, the fact that this series is also about vampires and werewolves gives further proof that<br />
it cannot be taken seriously because of the impossible situations Bella faces. Meyer fails to recognize two<br />
very important issues with her definition of feminism: first, within the series itself, Bella consistently<br />
attributes fate or destiny to the way her life has turned out, both of which deny the existence of choice<br />
within their very definition; and second, feminism cannot be whittled down to “oppressive can‟ts” (Meyer<br />
uses the example that women used to be told they could not be astronauts because they were women) and<br />
“freeing cans.” According to this logic, society has gotten rid of most of the oppressive can‟ts for women so<br />
if they choose to have children and marry young then they are displaying their agency to do so. This would<br />
be a wonderful thing to happen for women if anything was ever that simple. What may seem a „choice‟ to<br />
Meyer may actually be an inability to imagine life any differently due to the limited access to alternative<br />
examples of female agency.<br />
The title of the first book, Twilight, suggests the confusion and uncertainty that a girl faces when she<br />
first realizes she is too old to be just a girl, but still too young to be considered a woman. Expectations of<br />
friends and family for this child are changing, societal rules become more nuanced, and she must learn to<br />
navigate this ever expanding world in order to understand what is expected of her. This is a time when a<br />
girl learns what behaviors are „appropriate,‟ for her and then must reconcile that with what she wants out of<br />
her. Mary Pipher, PH.D, author of Reviving Ophelia defines early adolescence as a “time of physical and<br />
psychological change, self-absorption, preoccupation with peer approval and identity formation” (23-4).<br />
She goes on to say that “[i]t‟s a time of marked internal development and massive cultural indoctrination”<br />
172
(26), which is to say that these girls find the answers to Who am I, and Who/what do I want to be mostly in the<br />
culture through books, movies, magazines, and each other. Since adolescents become „avid cultural<br />
readers,‟ looking for the appropriate ways to „be‟ women, it is interesting to note that there are very few<br />
examples of women who have accomplished something outside of marriage and motherhood being<br />
presented as role models to girls. The role models that are available seem removed from the everyday and<br />
average life of an American teenager and love and sexuality do not exist in our society as something that can<br />
be defined, much less modeled. As a result, adolescents are forced to seek outside sources for clues as to<br />
what it means to be in love and be a sexual person in a romantic relationship. What they find are stories like<br />
Twilight written and marketed just for them that reinforce the old notion that love is a force of nature that<br />
nothing can deter, divert, or control. Essentially, these books are guidelines, roadmaps, with the landmarks<br />
named and proliferated in different forms throughout our cultural subconscious. In other words, love and<br />
sexuality are not choices, they just happen, and this is what they are supposed to look like. The problem is<br />
that these landmarks must be interpreted and reinterpreted with each new „fact‟ gathered, story told, and<br />
experience acquired with many of the pieces missing.<br />
The Girl-venture<br />
This necessity for self-teaching is where Romance novels come in as a kind of textbook about what<br />
to generally expect from love and sexuality. Ann Bar Snitow studies mass market romances like Harlequins<br />
that are usually marketed to married women with children (that is the stereotype, at least). She makes some<br />
interesting points about these Romance novels and the role they play in women‟s lives that can be directly<br />
connected with the Twilight series and the function it serves in adolescents‟ lives:<br />
“The books…define a set of relations, feelings, and assumptions that do indeed permeate our<br />
minds…They reflect…commonly experienced psychological and social elements in the daily lives of<br />
women. That the books are unrealistic, distorted, and flat are all facts beside the point” (247).<br />
It is generally accepted that Romance novels for girls are the equivalent of adventure books for<br />
boys. This is to say that where the adventure books focus on identity formation through completing<br />
173
harrowing tasks and solving complex problems, Romances focus more on woman‟s ability to interact with<br />
and learn the quirks of the male mind in order to ultimately civilize him with marriage. These books are<br />
preparing girls for the roles they are supposed to play in real life and because of that it is easy to over<br />
exaggerate the role identifiers in order to simplify them. In other words, qualities associated with a<br />
particular sex will become central to that character‟s personality. And as with any adventure, it begins by<br />
leaving the comfort of familiarity.<br />
The Twilight series is told primarily from Bella‟s point of view, who describes herself as unable to<br />
relate to people her own age (10), having difficulty expressing emotions out loud (7), and generally as an<br />
outcast (10). This establishes Bella as an „every-girl,‟ someone that any person first picking up the novel can<br />
relate to because the feeling of being different from adults and peers is a common experience, most notably<br />
in adolescence. Bella is still a child at this point and is only just becoming aware of the rules of becoming a<br />
woman. It is important to note that adolescence is a period in life that is marked by insecurity and<br />
separation in order to test separate identities from those formed by others‟ assessment of the child.<br />
Mary Pipher calls adolescents “travelers” because of their necessity to constantly reevaluate their<br />
core identity. Bella has exiled herself to a new home, separating herself from places she knows and people<br />
that comfort her in order, she claims, to give her mother and her mother‟s new husband private time. It is<br />
time for her to branch out to create her own home in place of the one her mother is building. Besides the<br />
specifics of her reason for moving from Phoenix, Arizona, to Forks, Washington, a reader can relate to the<br />
feeling of being „set adrift as they are required to leave the family.<br />
Bella‟s excursion to the misty forests of Forks can be read as a girl‟s first journey into awareness<br />
about her sexual self, a part of her identity that had hitherto largely consisted of lessons that were variations<br />
of „ladies don‟t sit that way‟ and good girls do X. These half-truths exchanged between friends and collected<br />
through the grapevine do not offer a strong foundation for this girl to be able to construct a sexual self that<br />
is whole and healthy. Bella is an inexperienced girl that will learn to be a woman only when she can decode<br />
174
a man‟s behavior and learn to respond appropriately. Her inexperience at this point is evidenced by the<br />
awkwardness between her and her father.<br />
Within the first chapters of the first book, Bella makes note of the lack of communication between<br />
her and Charlie and the discomfort of being alone with him. She is not sure of the nuances inherent in the<br />
show she is supposed to put on for a man, which leaves their interactions lacking since it is usually the<br />
female‟s responsibility to make everyone comfortable. As soon as Bella is alone and unpacking in her room<br />
she notes that it was “a relief… not to have to smile and look pleased” (9). With this one simple sentence,<br />
Stephenie Meyer is inadvertently commenting on the facade a woman is supposed to maintain for others<br />
that assures them she is happy and easy to please. It is an inconvenience to others should she be unhappy and<br />
that goes against what a woman is conditioned to do, which is make sure other people are content at all<br />
time. Bella is not yet used this part of womanhood and it is tiring for her to keep it up. Heretofore, her<br />
responsibilities included school and doing errands for her mom, without the constant vigilance over her<br />
emotions.<br />
Bella‟s next trial comes in the form of school. There, she must learn to navigate social situations<br />
with diplomacy. In other words, she must learn to lie effectively. Again, Bella is aware of social conventions<br />
and their uses but is uncomfortable with using them. Bella notes that “she had always been a terrible liar”<br />
because she did not sound “convincing at all” (60) yet the more her and Edward interact, the more<br />
comfortable she is with lying. By page 123, Bella is „smoldering‟ at Jacob in order to get information she<br />
seeks, by page 239 she is enlisting his help in order to keep her relationship with Edward a secret, and by<br />
252 she is taking unnecessary cold medicine so she can be well rested enough to meet Edward‟s family the<br />
next day. Between these events she also makes sure to keep her whereabouts from her father, fabricate<br />
stories to keep her classmates from being suspicious about her relationship with Edward, and sneaks him<br />
into her room at night. This kind of behavior would be considered inappropriate, were Bella not doing this<br />
for love. As long as she is able to say to herself that she should not be acting this way (“I normally wouldn‟t<br />
175
condone that type of behavior in myself…”) and is doing those actions in some way for Edward (…but<br />
tomorrow would be complicated enough without me being loopy from sleep deprivation (252)) then that<br />
gives her permission to go ahead and do what she wants.<br />
This type of behavior would not usually be considered appropriate for anyone, but that does not<br />
take into account the idea that she is doing these things for love, which means she gets a free pass. What<br />
constitutes the level of appropriateness in any girl‟s actions depend largely on the culture that she comes out<br />
of. In this case the Twilight series was born of a discourse largely dominated by what has come to be known<br />
as the Abstinence Movement, which is an ideology dominated by traditional gender roles and denial.<br />
Therefore, Bella is supposed to be learning to manipulate and lie to get what she wants, but as long as she is<br />
doing it for the sake of Edward and their relationship then the knowledge she gains goes to a higher<br />
purpose.<br />
The most crucial lesson Bella must learn on her journey to womanhood is how to balance between<br />
being sexy and maintaining her virtue, which is translated as „safety‟ within the pages of the series. In the<br />
books this balancing act becomes increasingly difficult for Bella because in Phoenix she was never pursued<br />
by the opposite sex, but in Forks she is suddenly the object of many males‟ desires. Her peers do not pose a<br />
threat to her because of their own immaturity so she finds it relatively easy to deny their advances.<br />
However, when another vampire, James, enters the picture he poses a different kind of threat to<br />
Bella because of his level of „experience‟ as a hunter. He is the dangers of male sexuality personified: a<br />
hunter of innocent victims seeking to penetrate their flesh and drain their livelihood. He lures her back to<br />
her hometown using her family‟s safety as the hook. He then brings her back to her childhood ballerina<br />
studio where he then tries to destroy her. Faced with such an overt offense, Bella does not have the<br />
resources to respond correctly. Instead, she is paralyzed: “I wanted so badly to rub, but I was frozen. I<br />
couldn‟t even flinch away” (448). Her inaction is a manifestation of her ignorance about the male/female<br />
relations. But throughout the series, as Bella becomes more comfortable expressing her sexuality with<br />
176
Edward, she also becomes bolder in her vocalizations about fighting with her vampire family instead of<br />
being saved. This, of course, is explained by Edward as Bella not knowing exactly what dangers there are<br />
and her general need for protection because of her frail humanity. She is only a child, after all.<br />
The Father Figure<br />
Innocence and naiveté are the hallmark of Romance novels because the woman is supposed to be<br />
unaware of her potential as a sexual being before she meets her future lover. She is in need of constant<br />
protection from corruption from the outside because teen sexuality has been characterized as “risky,<br />
harmful, and immoral” (Doan and Williams 68) by our cultural standards. Within the Abstinence<br />
Movement, the father is responsible for protecting his daughter until she marries. Since Bella‟s father has<br />
been largely absent in her life, he is unfit to play the role of protector for her. Edward, however, is more<br />
than willing and capable to step into the role because of his age and experience. He is constantly reminding<br />
Bella to stay safe because she is a magnet for trouble.<br />
A particularly interesting scene that sets up Bella‟s struggle to control her sexuality for the rest of<br />
the novel is what has come to be known as the scene in the clearing. In Book One, Bella and Edward go to a<br />
clearing in the forest around Forks so that he can show her his „true‟ self. Bella is, at first, reluctant to enter<br />
the forest with Edward because of her clumsiness and plodding pace. She is ashamed of her inexperience<br />
whereas he finds it endearing. Edward awakens in Bella her dormant sexuality as he simultaneously must<br />
control his predator instincts that tell him he must take her:<br />
“With deliberate slowness, his hands slid down the sides of my neck. I shivered, and heard him<br />
catch his breath. But his hand didn‟t pause as they softly moved to my shoulders, and then stopped.<br />
His face drifted to the side, his nose skimming across my collarbone. He came to rest with the side<br />
of his face pressed tenderly against my chest” (276).<br />
Afterwards, Edward declares that it will be much easier to resist her bouquet (276) because he had<br />
tempted himself so much and succeeded in not killing her. He had, however, made her aware of her<br />
sexuality. When he brings her back to her car, they pause for a moment, and he kisses her. He is testing his<br />
177
control while he makes her lose her control: “Blood boiled under my skin, burned in my lips. My breath<br />
came in a wild gasp. My fingers knotted in his hair, clutching him to me. My lips parted as I breathed in his<br />
heady scent” (282). Suddenly, Bella is aware of her sexuality, her desire for Edward, and is unable to<br />
control herself. After this display of affection, Edward realizes how perilous this could be for Bella. He<br />
„turns to stone‟ under her lips and with „irresistible force‟ pushes her face away from his (282). Bella turns<br />
back into a repentant child, muttering „Oops‟ (282) and moving away from him. She then laments her lack<br />
of control. After that, Edward becomes her protector from outside threats, he also protects her from<br />
herself. Meyer acknowledges societies double standard when it comes to adolescent sexuality: on one hand<br />
they are supposed to be innocent, yet are also “constructed…as fully sexual temptresses” (Doan and<br />
Williams 68), which is the role that Bella now plays for Edward.<br />
Of course, to be a protector he must be constantly vigilant. This entails spying on Bella before and after<br />
they are talking. He repeatedly snuck into her room and sat in the rocking chair across from her bed and<br />
watched her while she slept. Despite the boundaries that were crossed when Edward infiltrated Bella‟s<br />
bedroom without her knowledge, she is more upset that he may have heard her talking in her sleep. She<br />
notes that she “could not infuse her voice with the proper outrage” because she was “flattered” that he<br />
would go through so much trouble (292). Instead of a calculated entry into her home, Bella takes this action<br />
as a sign that Edward cares enough to go through all the trouble. Pipher says adolescent girls „suffer‟ from<br />
what is called “imaginary audience syndrome” where the girls “think they are being watched by others who<br />
are preoccupied with the smallest details of their lives” (60). There could be nothing more romantic than a<br />
man being so enamored with a woman that he would go through so much trouble just to watch her sleep.<br />
Snitow makes note about a theme in Romances in general that it is “pleasing to think that appearances are<br />
deceptive, that male coldness, absence, boredom, are not what they seem” (250).<br />
178
Dening, Sarah. The Mythology of Sex: An Illustrated Exploration of Sexual Customs and<br />
Practices from Ancient Times to the Present. New York: MacMillan, 1996. 181-97. Print.<br />
I focus on the pages of the book that explain the Victorian views of sexuality all the way through to the<br />
1960s. This is a written as a general overview of the social moors of sex and does not go deep into any kind<br />
of social theory. It mentions key times, attitudes, and people that influence the attitudes toward sex at those<br />
specific times in history.<br />
Doan, Alesha E., and Jean Calterone Williams. The Politics of Virginity: Abstinence in Sex<br />
Education. London: Praeger, 2008. Print.<br />
This book uses statistics on the effectiveness of Abstinence Only education in public schools. Both authors<br />
explore the virgin/whore dichotomy that this kind of sex ed promotes to women and also looks at the<br />
policies as part of a larger movement of reframing sexuality as a morality compass.<br />
Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1963,2001. Print.<br />
This book is used as background for the feminist movement. Friedan covers sexuality, identity formation,<br />
and sexuality. This book has informed many feminists since its first publication in 1963.<br />
Giannetti, Charlene C., and Margaret Sagarese. Boy Crazy: Keeping Your Daughter's Feet on the<br />
Ground When Her Head is in the Clouds. New York: Broadway Books, 2006. Print.<br />
This books is aimed toward parents of girls entering adolescence. The authors are “recognized experts on<br />
the tween years” and have published many books on the subject. I will use this book to analyze how the<br />
messages parents are getting are either reinforcing the scare tactics and unhealthy ideals for young women’s<br />
sexuality or are attempting to reverse such assumption.<br />
Gitlin, Todd. Media Unlimited: How the Torrent of Images and Sounds Overwhelms Our Lives.<br />
New York: Metropolitan Books/ Henry Holt and Company, 2002. Print.<br />
Gitlin takes a general look at visual media and how the constant stream of information is distracting and<br />
crates a kind world in which people are not participants but only watchers. I will use this to show how the<br />
179
messages in the Twilight Series about ‘ideal’ female sexuality is reinforced in the movies, or the visual<br />
portrayals of the literature.<br />
Hersch, Patricia. A Tribe Apart: A Journey into the Heart of American Adolescence. New York:<br />
Fawcett Columbine, 1998. Print.<br />
Hersch follows eight teenagers for three years in order to understand the adolescent culture, which may be<br />
informed by the ‘popular culture’ but is almost a world unto itself. She is able to peer into this other world<br />
with clarity and insight and articulate the issues that facing adolescents. I will be focusing particularly on the<br />
chapters that deal with sex, sexuality, and issues that face girls. Hersch’s conclusion that society creates the<br />
disconnect between adults and adolescents and leaves them responsible for making their own decisions and<br />
defining their individuality with the mixed messages from the media.<br />
hooks, bell. Communion: The Female Search for Love. New York: HarperCollins, 2002. Print.<br />
She focuses on love and the ways in which females are taught to find it and the habits girls are supposed to<br />
cultivate in order to keep said love. Instead of doing these things, she urges women to take charge of their<br />
search for love instead of taking a passive role.<br />
Housel, Rebecca, and J. Jeremy Wisnewski. Twilight and Philosophy: Vampires, Vegetariants,<br />
and the Pursuit of Immortality. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc, 2009. Print.<br />
This is a collection of essays on different philosophical issues that can be read throughout the Twilight series.<br />
These are for readers of the series with no need for philosophical background needed. However, there are a<br />
few very interesting articles that pick up some of the little acknowledge feminist threads.<br />
Meyer, Stephenie. Twilight. New York: Little, Brown And Company, 2005. Print.<br />
The First book of the series, this is where the characters and their love story first unfolds. This book<br />
represents a girl first entering adolescence.<br />
Meyer, Stephenie. New Moon. New York: Little, Brown And Company, 2006. Print.<br />
180
The second book in the series that represents the second stage of growing up female in which the girl learns<br />
to deny her sexuality.<br />
Meyer, Stephenie. Eclipse. New York: Little, Brown And Company, 2007. Print.<br />
The third book in the series that deals with a girl’s struggle to reconcile the control of her sexuality and its<br />
expression in order to become a functioning member of society and an acceptable woman.<br />
Meyer, Stephenie. Breaking Dawn. New York: Little, Brown And Company, 2008. Print.<br />
Fourth and last book in the series that offers the solutions for femininity. For Meyer, these are marriage and<br />
motherhood.<br />
Pipher, PH.D, Mary. Reviving Ophelia. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1994. Print.<br />
Mary Pipher uses her work as a therapist for adolescent girls to define the period in their development in<br />
which the girls lose themselves and become inauthentic. She makes the argument that the culture promotes<br />
a passive, sexualized ideal to young women and through socialization teaches them to be docile and focused<br />
on pleasing others. She uses case studies and research to lend credence to her argument. It is an easy book<br />
to read, though she tends to rely too heavily on generalizations.<br />
Shalit, Wendy. A Return to Modesty: Discovering the Lost Virtue. New York: The Free Press,<br />
1999. Print.<br />
Shalit makes the argument that women and girls want to be modest and it is only the over-sexualized<br />
culture that teaches them sex is the only way to get attention and validation. She is part of the Modesty<br />
Movement that promotes an asexualized girl (until she gets married, but even then she wants to bake<br />
cookies more than have sex). Female pleasure, desire, and initiative are not part of a wholesome young<br />
woman for Shalit. She reinforces the dangers of sex and sexuality (emotional and physical) for girls and gives<br />
credence to the virgin/whore dichotomy (either you are a virgin and a good girl, or a whore and bad girl.<br />
There is no in between or healthy sexuality).<br />
Valenti, Jessica. The Purity Myth: How America's Obsession with Virginity is Hurting Young<br />
181
Women. Berkley, California: Seal Press, 2010. Print.<br />
Valenti analyzes the ‘Modesty Movement’ and how the virgin/whore dichotomy leaves very little room for<br />
girls to develop an actualized sexual identity. She also makes the argument that this movement is working<br />
against feminism and making the ideal ‘woman’ more ‘girl’ than ever before. It is just not sexy to be a fully<br />
competent adult, but rather to be a helpless child-like being that is too weak (spiritually, physically,<br />
emotionally) to take care of themselves.<br />
White, Emily. Fast Girls: Teenage Tribes and the Myth of the Slut. New York: Scribner, 2002.<br />
Print.<br />
This book focuses on the way story-telling is used in the High School arena and why these stories are so<br />
important to teens. She focuses on the need to label girls that seem ‘too interested’ in sex or more to the<br />
point, the girls who like sex too much. White explores the myth of the ‘slut’ and how this sexually<br />
ravenous female archetype functions in high school society. White also studies the society that perfects the<br />
virgin vs. slut archetype. This book explores many relevant points to my paper on the expression of female<br />
sexuality (or lack thereof), yet still remains surface in that it lets the interviewees speak for themselves with<br />
little interpretation on the part of the author. What is important about this book is the fact that White<br />
acknowledges the powerlessness of the girls to influence or stop the progression of the story.<br />
Wolf, Naomi. Promiscuities: The Secret Struggle for Womanhood. New York: Random<br />
House, 1997. Print.<br />
This is a personal look on what Wolf remembers about being an adolescent in Haight-Ashbury, California.<br />
She makes connections between what she remembers learning about being a woman during her adolescence<br />
and the larger social ideology that fostered these teachings. She interviews women that grew up with her<br />
around the same neighborhood and incorporates research on the changing views of sexuality over time. This<br />
book is written in such a way that minimal foreknowledge in feminist theory is needed in order to<br />
understand the concepts.<br />
182
Zachary R. Murphy<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan – Flint<br />
Eliminating the Eliminators;<br />
A Review and Refutation of Eliminative Materialism<br />
In Philosophy of Mind the concept of qualia has caused much controversy. The quale (singular of<br />
qualia) of a mental event is what is experienced of that mental event; it is the feeling of pain or joy,<br />
emotions, or desires. The trouble with these qualia is that philosophers have not been adequately able to<br />
either reduce them to physical events or find some way around the Causal Closure of the Physical principle.<br />
They cannot be easily reduced to physical events because there is not an obvious physical substance of pain,<br />
emotion, or desire and so it is not as easy as saying “Look! There’s that qualia we’ve been looking for.” This<br />
inability to find qualia would lend to the idea that qualia are non-physical, but then we must find a way to<br />
get around the causal Closure of the Physical principle. The Causal Closure of the Physical principle states<br />
that no non-physical entity can have causal efficacy in a physical system, in other words the non-physical<br />
qualia would have no power in the physical world. Thus qualia are left in an odd state: seemingly nonphysical<br />
but at the same time seeming to have an enormous impact on our daily lives.<br />
Eliminative Materialism handles these elusive qualia by claiming that they do not exist. Since qualia<br />
can have no influence in the physical word due to the Causal Closure of the Physical, it does not matter to<br />
the physical system whether or not qualia exist. Thus by Occam’s Razor it makes fewer assumptions to say<br />
that they do not exist since it does not matter if they do exist or do not exist. Therefore, the Eliminative<br />
Materialists conclude, qualia do not exist. Daniel Dennett exemplifies this argument in his essay Quining<br />
Qualia with what he calls an intuition pump concerning Mr. Chase and Mr. Sanborn.<br />
In this essay I will show that Dennett’s intuition pump necessitates the existence of the very qualia<br />
he is arguing against.<br />
183
Before understanding Dennett’s Eliminative Materialism, it is important to understand in greater<br />
detail what he is arguing against, namely qualia. Qualia are not well defined, but are very close to our<br />
everyday understanding of our minds. As the Churchlands, who are Eliminative Materialists themselves,<br />
state, qualia are “those intrinsic or monadic properties of our sensations discriminated by introspection,”<br />
(Churchland 163) and as Dennett himself states, qualia are the “various properties of conscious experience.”<br />
(Dennett 42). For example, the quale of pain is its hurtfulness; the quale of joy is the actual feeling and<br />
conscious experiencing of happiness. In short, having qualia is having experiences; to experience something<br />
(whether from external inputs such as physical pain, or internally such as emotions and the desire to<br />
perform an action) and be conscious of that experience is to have qualia. Note that qualia cannot be easily<br />
reduced, if at all, to physical phenomenon: there is no clearly physical substance of pain, pleasure, happiness<br />
or sadness. Philosophers have attempted to form different theories saying these qualia are this brain process<br />
or that, such as that pain is the firing of C-fibers in the brain, but not one of these theories is free of<br />
devastating problems. Thus we are left with these odd and unexplained qualia, seemingly nonphysical but<br />
also seeming to have an enormous causal effect on the physical world.<br />
In the realm of science, this poses a great threat. One of the founding tenets of modern science is<br />
that the physical world is a closed system—physical events must have a physical cause. This is called the<br />
Causal Closure of the Physical. The problem for qualia is that while being non-physical things, they can play<br />
no causal role in the physical world, yet it is clear that they do. For example, according to causal closure it<br />
cannot be my wanting to stand up and walk around that causes the physical movements of my getting up<br />
and walking around, although it would seem to be the case. Thus we see the seemingly contradictory nature<br />
of qualia that is important in understanding Eliminative Materialism: qualia are vital to our understanding of<br />
our minds interacting with the physical world, but there can be no such thing as a quale with physical causal<br />
powers.<br />
184
Now that we understand qualia we can move onto what Dennett and Eliminative Materialism have<br />
to say about them. He takes an Eliminative Materialist stance by claiming that these qualia do not exist.<br />
Eliminative Materialists, such as Dennett, argue that since qualia have no causal efficacy in the physical<br />
world, it makes no difference whether they exist or not. Thus we have two types of theories: those that<br />
have existing qualia and those that do not, and according to the Eliminative Materialists both have equal<br />
explanatory power. Occam’s Razor states that in this type of situation we are to take the theory with fewer<br />
assumption. Since qualia are an unnecessary and additional assumption, we are to assume qualia do not<br />
exist.<br />
While this runs very counter to our intuitive understanding of our mind and how it operates,<br />
Eliminative Materialism does not see this as a valid objection for the reason that something not feeling or<br />
seeming correct is not grounds to claim that it is incorrect—to guide a theory by what we want to be<br />
correct is in direct contrast to the spirit of philosophy and scientific inquiry.<br />
Dennett exemplifies his view of Eliminative materialism in what he calls an intuition pump<br />
concerning Mr. Chase and Mr. Sanborn. Both Chase and Sanborn work for Maxwell House as coffee<br />
tasters, and have done so for some time. One day Chase remarks he no longer likes the taste of coffee. The<br />
taste of the coffee has not changed, but he no longer likes that taste. Sanborn replies that he too has<br />
experienced something similar, but unlike Chase the coffee does not taste the same as it used to, and he<br />
does not like this new taste. The coffee recipe has not changed in the slightest, and the old and new coffee<br />
can even be thought of as molecule-for-molecule identical. However, even though the coffee is the exact<br />
same it tastes different to Sanborn. Both men exemplify the same point and are used by Dennett in the same<br />
way, so it is unimportant to distinguish between them because they are merely examples of the theory<br />
Dennett is discussing. What is important is that something has changed in each of them. Thus we arrive at<br />
Dennett’s argument. Three events could have happened to each man: 1) their qualia may have changed or<br />
2) their standards of judging their qualia may have changed, or 3) some combination of the two. Stated<br />
185
another way, the two men‟s “tasters” may have changed, or their interpretation of the data from their<br />
“tasters” has changed, or both. Note that we cannot in any meaningful way discover which has happened—<br />
empirical tests will show us nothing of value because qualia are non-physical and thus non-empirical in<br />
nature, and judgment standards of those qualia equally so. Because we cannot tell whether it is the qualia or<br />
standards that have shifted, and it has no effect in the physical realm whether they shifted or not because of<br />
the Causal Closure of the Physical, it does not matter to the physical system which has shifted. Thus, it does<br />
not matter in the slightest to the physical world if Chase likes or dislikes the coffee, or if it is Sanborn‟s<br />
qualia or standards about the coffee have changed. Since qualia thus do not in any way matter, it is simpler<br />
and uses fewer assumptions to say that they do not exist, and thus by Occam‟s Razor Eliminative<br />
materialism is better than any theory that tries to positively handle qualia. By virtue of qualia having no<br />
impact on the physical system, we lose nothing by saying they do not exist, whereas to say they do exist is<br />
to make an unnecessary assumption and introduces difficult, unnecessary problems. Therefore, Dennett and<br />
the Eliminative Materialist conclude, qualia do not exist.<br />
Dennett‟s argument that qualia do not exist relies largely on the premise that „there is no way to<br />
tell whether it is the qualia or the judgments of those qualia that have changed in Chase and Sanborn.‟ This<br />
premise will be referenced by proposition 1. This premise can be broken down into the conclusion of two<br />
statements: a) something has changed in Mr. Chase/Sanborn concerning the taste of coffee, and b) that<br />
change is the result of either his qualia changing or his standards of judging qualia changing, and there is no<br />
way to tell which. Dennett uses the uncertainty of premise (b) to say that we can know no fact about<br />
Chase‟s/Sanborn‟s mental existence, and thus there is no fact to be known. However, looking closely at<br />
premises (a) and (b) it is clear that the existential claim is in premise (a), not premise (b)—it clearly says<br />
that something has changed, the word “something” clearly and necessarily implying the existential import<br />
that there is an event that exists and has happened to Chase/Sanborn. Premise (b) is merely a categorization<br />
of what has been claimed to exist in premise (a).<br />
186
It is important to realize that his example requires the existence of this something. If something did<br />
not change in Mr. Chase or Sanborn, then Dennett’s intuition pump would amount to the story of when<br />
Mr. Chase and Sanborn worked at Maxwell House and nothing happened to them.<br />
Both premises (a) and (b) must be true for proposition 1 to be true. It is also true that we cannot<br />
know which disjunct of premise (b) is true: we cannot know whether it was the qualia that changed or the<br />
standards of judging those qualia, and thus we can conclude no further fact from premise (b). Where<br />
Dennett errs is when he says that because we can extrapolate no facts from premise (b), we cannot<br />
extrapolate any facts from proposition 1. I have shown that we can know and must know from premise (a)<br />
that something has happened to Chase/Sanborn and this fact is necessarily present, but his argument requires<br />
the absence of facts from proposition 1. Thus Dennett’s argument is logically flawed because we know for a<br />
fact that something has changed with Chase/Sanborn and this something exists, and his argument rested on our<br />
inability to know this.<br />
However, let us take his example and see what we can make of it. I have established that something<br />
has changed in Chase/Sanborn and that it exists. Let us now analyze what this something must be. Focus<br />
again on premise <strong>II</strong>: this thing that changed was either the qualia or the judgments of those qualia. What<br />
changed cannot be a physical event, for by hypothesis the physical system is completely unaffected by the<br />
changes in Mr. Chase and Sanborn. This thing that was there to be changed can be seen as the experience of<br />
what the coffee tastes like; I cannot conceive what it would be otherwise. I will show that whether it was<br />
the qualia or his standards that changed does not matter, as both are still in the realm of the qualitative states<br />
Dennett is trying to deny.<br />
Obviously, the qualia disjunct in question fall under the umbrella of qualia. What may not be<br />
apparent is that the alternative disjunct “change of standard” is also under the umbrella of qualia. For this<br />
disjunct to be an option, at some point Chase and Sanborn have to compare the qualia of the old coffee with<br />
the current coffee. How do they do this? They introspect, asking themselves whether this or that quale is<br />
187
the same as this or that other quale. Introspection is one of the defining hallmarks of qualia and cannot be of<br />
anything else, and thus any judgment about qualia is another type of qualitative state, or at the very least<br />
necessitates the existence of the qualia that are being judged. Observe then that premise (b) becomes a<br />
tautology: it is true that what changed is either qualia or judgment of qualia, but regardless of which disjunct<br />
is true, it is still qualia. Thus this something that changed is a non-physical qualia, since in the hypothesis of<br />
Dennett’s intuition pump the physical system is completely unaffected by the changes in Mr. Chase and<br />
Sanborn. Thus I make the argument that something has changed with Chase/Sanborn, this something exists,<br />
and this something must, if not be a non-physical quale, at least involve a non-physical quale. Therefore, the<br />
implications in Dennett’s own example necessitate the existence of non-physical qualia, disproving his claim<br />
that qualia do not exist.<br />
In this paper I have shown that an analysis of Daniel Dennett’s intuition pump concerning Mr.<br />
Chase and Sanborn which is meant to argue for the non-existence of qualia in reality necessitates the<br />
existence of qualia. He attempts to use the uncertainty of knowing exactly what qualia are to show that<br />
their existence is unimportant, but by admitting that something non-physical changed and having his<br />
intuition pump necessitating it shows a necessity for the very qualia he is attempting to refute.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Churchland, Paul M., and Patricia Smith Churchland. "Functionalism, Qualia, and Intentionality."<br />
Philosophical Topics 12.1 (1981): 121-145. Print.<br />
Dennett, Daniel C. Consciousness in Contemporary Science. Eds. A. J. Marcel and E. Bisiach. New York:<br />
Oxford <strong>University</strong> Press, 1992. 42-77. Print.<br />
188
Elyse Nelmark<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong><br />
The Religious Dimension of Literature:<br />
Understanding Virtue in Narrative through Mark Ledbetter and Ernest Becker<br />
I have been drawn to the interrelations between literature and religion in my undergraduate work<br />
at Central Michigan <strong>University</strong> as a means of exploring human motivations and relationships. To explore<br />
these interrelations between literature and religion, I read Mark Ledbetter’s Virtuous Intentions: The Religious<br />
Dimension of Narrative and was interested in his argument that virtues, or good things, can serve as the<br />
solutions to the existential crises of characters in narratives. I found his literary theory insightful, but also<br />
troubling because, although we are examining virtues as solutions, Ledbetter does not acknowledge those<br />
solutions can have destructive outcomes. He writes, rather vaguely, that a character can reject or accept a<br />
virtue, and then his analysis ends there, which I found problematic. I believe his theory is incomplete but<br />
can be built on, which is what I am going to try to do. I will explain Ledbetter’s theory, but to show how<br />
these solutions that appear virtuous and good can be destructive, I will be using social theorist Ernest<br />
Becker’s research on how human beings’ pursuits to live the secure and meaningful life have been<br />
destructive. I believe how a character uses a virtue can be meaningful to us as readers, even if the outcome<br />
is destructive. Exploring these destructive solutions in literature invites cultural and moral critique that is<br />
meaningful, and presents perspective to us, as readers.<br />
Ledbetter writes how it is through the character’s choices and actions that the virtue is revealed.<br />
The character is looking for a solution, and the solution “is meaning for human existence that shows itself as<br />
a virtue for living the good life” (8). He writes, “A character in fiction actively seeks some authority which<br />
informs the very nature of human existence. A character comes to the point in the text where acquiescence<br />
is made to a particular virtue in which the character places all authority for existence and therefore leads the<br />
189
good life because of his/her choice” (16). The character can either accept or reject the virtue, but the<br />
virtue is revealed through their choices, and is the solution to their existential issues. Readers can connect<br />
with the characters and their existential issues because we are “interpreting ourselves in relation to these<br />
lives” (15). The character‟s choices and treatment of the virtue make evaluative comments on the human<br />
experience, and therefore, as Ledbetter writes, reveal narrative to be life-like, in that “literature is an act of<br />
discovery because life is. Fiction becomes a way, by extension, of sorting-out life‟s queries, chaos, and<br />
uncertainty and of finding a way to live” (73).<br />
Ledbetter argues that characters, in their pursuits to live the<br />
good life through these virtues, reflect on cultures and how human beings live within them. To deal with<br />
their circumstances, they can live by virtues that “provide for forms or categories for exploring,<br />
questioning, and defining existence” (8-9). We can relate to these characters, their circumstances, their<br />
choices, as well as their drive to live the good-life by virtues, and even a worldview.<br />
The virtue is revealed through the character‟s religious or ethical decision-making and establishes<br />
the religious or ethical worldview of the text. Ledbetter uses both of the terms „religious‟ and „ethical‟<br />
because his definition for religion is ambiguous, although he primarily uses „religious‟ in his book, and I will<br />
do the same in this paper. Religion, according to Ledbetter, is the “solution to every existential crisis” and<br />
therefore religious worldviews can serve as tools for “transcending personal situations” (5). The<br />
worldviews that we can turn to in life are religious because they help people deal with their existential<br />
issues. One theorist, Lloyd Steffen, would agree with Ledbetter‟s use of „religious‟ with „worldview‟ as he<br />
states religion confronts “the most anxiety-generating questions of existence—questions about who we are,<br />
why we are here, and where we are going … Religion thus has the power to affect how human beings<br />
understand the world and the mystery of human existence” (13-14). A religious worldview within a text is<br />
based entirely on the virtue, and can be either explicit in the narrative or used as a literary tool to further<br />
explore the virtue and its solutions for the character. Ledbetter focuses on three potential virtues within a<br />
narrative; human relationships, faith, and courage, which he correlates with three dominant religious<br />
190
worldviews in Western thought. The three worldviews are relational theology, transcendent theology, and<br />
tragic theology. Relational theology is attributed to American writer and thinker William James that<br />
suggests to find meaning in life a person relies on human relationships and community. Transcendental<br />
theology is attributed to medieval philosopher and religious figure Saint Augustine and suggests for finding<br />
meaning in life one must look outside the world to a transcendent being or belief system. Tragic theology is<br />
attributed to notable Western theologian of the 20 th century Paul Tillich. Another way to think of tragic<br />
theology is to think of the existential hero in Literature because the word „tragic‟ can be misleading. Tragic<br />
theology suggests the human being has to have the courage to accept life‟s limitations and mysteries and<br />
carry on in spite of them. I would like to mention here that these are the three dominant religious<br />
worldviews in Western thought according to Ledbetter, and it is not my position to dispute these three<br />
religious worldviews or assert their correctness, but rather to address how they apply to literary analysis.<br />
Now I would like to take a little bit of time to explain some of Ernest Becker‟s work. Ernest<br />
Becker is a notable social theorist who researched how human beings fear death because they know they will<br />
die and as a result, human beings desperately want to grasp, and live the safe, secure, and meaningful life.<br />
To have the secure and meaningful life, we struggle to symbolically transcend our finitude and limitations.<br />
Culture can serve as a medium through which we can assure our lives count and even feel larger than life.<br />
Our cultural symbols and ideologies present us with the schemes to which we can build up an immortality<br />
strategy. As Becker explains in Escape from Evil,<br />
Man transcends death not only by continuing to feed his appetites, but especially by finding a<br />
meaning for his life, some kind of larger scheme into which he fits … This is how man assures the<br />
expansive meaning to his life in the face of the real limitations of his body; the “immortal self” can<br />
take very spiritual forms, and spirituality is not a simple reflex of hunger and fear. It is an<br />
expression of the will to live, the burning desire of the creature to count, to make a difference on<br />
the planet because he has lived, has emerged on it, and has worked, suffered and died. (3)<br />
191
Our immortality strategy is an expression of our desire to stand out in our culture and establish some<br />
meaning to our existence. Our desire to stand out Becker calls heroism. We either will use our culture to<br />
find some way to prove ourselves as an individual hero within it, or we will immerse ourselves in a group or<br />
someone else‟s ideology who belong to our culture which presents us with the space and opportunity to<br />
stand out; to emerge heroic. All cultures allow for us to perform some degree of heroism, “from the „high‟<br />
heroism of a Churchill, a Mao, or a Buddha, to the „low‟ heroism of the coal miner, the peasant, the simple<br />
priest … whether the cultural hero-system is frankly magical, religious, and primitive or secular, scientific,<br />
and civilized … people serve in order to earn a feeling of primary value” (The Denial of Death, 5).<br />
People are mostly unconscious of their death anxiety but it is there as the underlying reason to our<br />
existential issues and it is the underlying motivation for our heroic pursuits, and our heroic pursuits come<br />
with dangers. Our immortality strategies can make us feel guilty for doing too much or too little in our<br />
culture, and how we ease our guilt is usually on others. We can use others to advance our own heroism and<br />
then have our life affirmed; by the gods, by our families, by the nation-state (Escape from Evil, 100-104). In<br />
order to not feel guilty for using others and putting others down, to save ourselves and assure that we are<br />
right, we will dehumanize others. Guilt is therefore solved by making others the victimizers. In our<br />
attempts at some claim to superiority and immortality, in our attempts to live the heroic, virtuous life, we<br />
find targets for our inevitable hatreds, “Since everyone feels dissatisfied with himself (dirty), victimage is a<br />
universal human need” (116). A human being can make someone else the victimizer or can go along with<br />
whom the group or person he/she has immersed themselves in declares is dirty, wrong, or immoral.<br />
Now, I am going to explain how Ledbetter‟s incomplete theory can be expanded on using Becker.<br />
Ledbetter‟s theory ends abruptly without explaining what exactly it means for the character to reject the<br />
virtue and only briefly states that the character, in accepting the virtue, is then able to live the good life. If<br />
virtues are means for characters to extract meaning from existence, we should address how those virtues<br />
192
can foster destructive behavior, even if the character believes his/her behavior is good. For narrative to<br />
remain life-like, we have to acknowledge the destructive implications of virtues.<br />
Narrative explores human nature and our existential problems, and at the core of our desire, in life,<br />
for meaning, at the core of our existential problems, is death anxiety. Existential issues are inevitable for us<br />
because of our death anxiety, and for characters in narrative, it is inevitable that they seek virtues because of<br />
their existential crises. To deal with our death anxiety, and for characters to deal with their existential<br />
questions, there is potential for destructive behavior. Our immortality strategies affect how we live and<br />
respond to the world and the existential concerns of the characters influences what virtues they live by and<br />
how they respond to the world. To deal with our death anxiety, we consciously or unconsciously, rely on<br />
an immortality strategy to be heroic and special in our cultures. Characters, whether consciously or<br />
unconsciously, feel the need to figure out how to live virtuously and can find themselves struggling within<br />
their boundaries and the limitations of their culture. And there is an underside to the character’s, and our,<br />
search for meaning; our virtuous intentions.<br />
Our immortality strategies can be destructive just as the characters solutions from a virtue can be<br />
destructive. Whether the virtue is courage, faith, or community, to which the character can find solutions,<br />
that virtue can elicit far more complicated responses than its mere rejection or acceptance. Heroism is<br />
inevitable in life, and it is dangerous. It does not mean human beings reject their immortality project if<br />
their behavior turns destructive. Their destructive behavior is a reflection of their desire to be special and<br />
to live the good life. A character’s destructive actions or the destructive consequences of their actions are a<br />
reflection of that continuous desire to live by a virtue and live a meaningful life. The character, because<br />
their behaviors turn destructive, has not rejected the virtue, but may be making these choices to live, in<br />
fact, by the virtue.<br />
Our need to live a secure and meaningful life is so great; our desire to feel we have atoned for the<br />
guilt we feel is so strong, that we will legitimatize our destructive behavior by belittling and dehumanizing<br />
193
others. A character’s desire to resolve some of his/her existential issues may be so strong that they<br />
legitimize their destructive behaviors under a virtue. Becker explained in Escape from Evil,<br />
My point is that heroic expansiveness, joy, and wonder have an underside—finitude, guilt, and<br />
death—and we have to watch for this expression too. After you have melted your identity into<br />
transcending, pulsating power, what do you do to establish some kind of balance? What kind of<br />
forceful, instrumental attitude do you summon up to remarshal yourself and your grip on<br />
experience? One cannot live in the trembling smallness of awe, else he will melt away. Where is<br />
the object on which to focus one’s new self assertion—an object that is for most people a victim?<br />
That is what we have to be constantly on guard for (121).<br />
The character does not simply accept or reject a virtue, but carries on, and how they carry on may be<br />
destructive. To say a character can reject a virtue suggests the virtue failed, or did not help the character<br />
overcome their problems, when the character may be actually making destructive choices in honor of a<br />
virtue, or even a religious worldview. We should not limit how we understand a character and their<br />
choices. Literature can explore those we put down and those we dehumanize; actions legitimized by<br />
potential virtues. It can explore our guilt and comment on the underside to our virtuous intentions.<br />
Through faith, characters can immerse themselves in a transcendental idea of a group or a leader, or<br />
characters can attempt to emerge as the hero within this transcendental worldview. Perhaps characters<br />
instead immerse themselves in their communities and the lives of their family and/or friends, or want to<br />
appear special among their community, family, and friends, illustrating the types of solutions relational<br />
theology can bring to both characters, and readers. Or perhaps, to deal with their shortcomings and their<br />
finitude, the character will accept life’s problems and mysterious, and attempt to do something meaningful,<br />
something heroic, for the greater good, as they see it. In all of these possible virtues and worldviews that<br />
can be explored in a text is the potential for destructive outcomes, because narrative reflects life. In a<br />
larger project for the future, I plan to expand on exploring the destructive potential of the worldviews<br />
194
through Becker. I find it interesting how solutions to existential issues for characters, by a virtue, and even<br />
a religious worldview, can be destructive, just as how the solutions to deal with our existential issues, our<br />
death anxiety, have been, and can be, destructive.<br />
195
Elyse Nelmark<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong><br />
Crusades of Past and Present:<br />
Exploring Destructive and Life Affirming Action in Religion<br />
On May 5, 2003, Southern Christian Missionary leader Albert Mohler and Professor of<br />
Comparative Religion, Charles Kimball, appeared on National Public Radio‟s “Fresh Air.” Albert Mohler<br />
spoke with enthusiasm on the prospect of Christian missionaries taking the Gospel to the Middle East.<br />
Kimball was concerned such an action might appear to Iraqis to be another crusade the West was bringing<br />
to the East. In 1095, the “God wills it” message inspired people to march as holy warriors to Jerusalem<br />
under the banner of the cross where they would kill Muslims, Jews, and Orthodox Christians. The<br />
memory of the Crusades is still a sensitive subject for those in the present day Middle East, according to<br />
Kimball. In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, Bush made a grave mistake in his choice of terms, where he<br />
described the soon-to-be war on terrorism as a “crusade.” He apologized for this remark after the statement<br />
caused global outrage. As someone studying both English and Religion, these issues surrounding the<br />
Crusades, and the word „crusade‟ itself, fascinated me. I researched the development of the word<br />
„crusade‟, with the help of the Oxford English Dictionary. The term „crusade,‟ as it has been understood and<br />
used historically, can mean “any war instigated and blessed by the Church for alleged religious ends …<br />
against infidels or heretics.” However, language develops, and a crusade, in the modern sense, can be used<br />
to describe, “An aggressive movement or enterprise against some public evil, or some institution or class of<br />
persons considered as evil.” The complexity and sensitivity surrounding the word „crusade‟ illustrates how<br />
language can be used to express both destructive or life affirming action. We should be on guard for how<br />
terms such as a „crusade‟, or even „patriot‟ or „hero‟ are used, and that these terms are not used in political<br />
and religious rhetoric to legitimize destructive behavior. A crusade can include life-affirming behavior, and<br />
196
the term can be used in a life-affirming context, by being subject to ethics. However, we should be<br />
sensitive to how the term has legitimated past destructive behavior, and even historically, and presently,<br />
indicated potential destructive behavior. To explore the meaning of a crusade, I will be using research on<br />
the Crusades provided by Charles Kimball and exploring life affirming and destructive religious behavior<br />
through Lloyd Steffen.<br />
In Charles Kimball‟s When Religion Becomes Evil, he explores how religion has been distorted because<br />
of absolute truth claims. Absolute truth claims invoke the image of the one true faith. If people believe<br />
their conceptualization of God, is the only way to know God, then tensions and violence can be propagated<br />
towards victimizing others and fueling hatreds. Kimball illustrates how these absolute truth claims raise up<br />
„inspiring‟ and „charismatic‟ leaders. These leaders promote corrupting political ideologies backed by their<br />
absolute truth claims that “become propositions requiring uniform assent and are treated as rigid doctrines”<br />
(49). They abuse sacred texts through selective readings, narrow-minded interpretations, and reading a<br />
sacred text as literal truth, causing dangerous frustrations and allegiances to form among religious<br />
communities. Absolute truth claims corrupt the religion and distort a religious tradition‟s potential to<br />
provide models for “tolerance and cooperation” (9). Kimball lists warning signs for corruption in a religion,<br />
and one of these warning signs is the call to holy war.<br />
Kimball makes no distinction between the terms crusade and holy war and writes detailed<br />
descriptions on the Crusades to convey how absolute truth claims can lead to holy war. In the case of the<br />
Crusades, they were set off by an appeal to Pope Urban <strong>II</strong> for help against the Turks who were “within<br />
striking distance” of a major Christian city (Kimball 173). He called for people of Europe to help “turn back<br />
the Turks,” and declared for his holy warriors to take the land of Jerusalem from the „wicked race‟ and<br />
„subject it‟ to themselves (174). Kimball uses historical research to back up his statements on the appalling<br />
violence that ensued which includes some crusaders massacring Jews in Germany, carrying the heads of<br />
Muslims on spears, cannibalism, and burning children. Kimball writes, “By the time the Crusaders reached<br />
197
their destination, however, the Turks were no longer in control. Egyptians ruled the city … where Jews,<br />
Christians, and Muslims were functioning well in a multicultural setting” (175). The crusaders broke<br />
through Jerusalem‟s defenses, and burned people alive in the Great Synagogue where Jews were hiding for<br />
safety and stormed the Temple Mount were Muslims were praying. In the case of the Crusades for<br />
Kimball, the Pope‟s message legitimized a corrupted religious movement; a holy war.<br />
In Steffen‟s Holy War, Just War, the connection between the power of religion and its ability to<br />
inspire violence is explained through ultimacy. Ultimacy means that nothing greater/superior can be<br />
conceived or transcended. In terms of the Abrahamic faiths, nothing is beyond the ultimacy known as<br />
„God.‟ A religious tradition‟s ultimate source of meaning gives people security and comfort in a chaotic<br />
world, and is what has made religion a powerful force in human culture. However, when ultimacy<br />
becomes the “absolute,” meaning there is no room for interpretation, or freedom to value other things<br />
highly, then violence can ensue to defend the ultimacy. Absolutism is all-encompassing, totalizing belief<br />
meaning the ultimacy is not open to interpretation or questioning. A religious faith that sanctions an<br />
ultimacy considered as the absolute has moved towards the destructive side of the moral spectrum in a<br />
religion. Absolutistic beliefs can dehumanize others, and often lead to violence and death. Steffen explores<br />
religion‟s ability to inspire destructive behavior, but its equal potential to foster life-affirming behavior.<br />
To explore religion moving towards the life affirming side of the moral spectrum, Steffen<br />
introduces the „standard of goodness.‟ It is not an easy concept to define but it is a standard to which<br />
“everything else is to be assessed and evaluated” (Steffen 64). Actions are evaluated by the standard of<br />
goodness as a part of moral analysis because goodness is a standard of judgment that looks at human<br />
attitudes and behaviors and whether they contribute to human flourishing. Because goodness is not easy to<br />
define, Steffen describes the “goods of life;” the visible expressions of goodness. Some of the goods of life<br />
include biological life, integrity, loving relationships, personal identity, freedom, and critical thinking<br />
(Steffen 68). Having loving relationships includes having a relationship with the transcendent. Steffen<br />
198
states the goods of life are not absolutes, but are subject to moral analysis because they too encourage<br />
human beings how to live. By using this list, Steffen explains that religion can express goodness as long as<br />
human beings, in their religious practice, commit to moral, life affirming values, not justified by religion,<br />
but by a vision of goodness.<br />
Religion traditions can be life affirming or destructive and Steffen explores the potential for both by<br />
looking at human actions such as a holy war and a crusade. Steffen acknowledges a crusade is a form of<br />
violence but does not blend crusade and holy war together as he writes religion opens up the possibilities<br />
for “organized missions of terrorism, murder, war, crusade, genocide, and even omnicide” (92). Steffen<br />
does explore the potential for „holy war‟ to be life affirming. He uses Biblical examples of a holy war being<br />
used not to destroy and kill, but directed towards life and moving away from oppression. On the other<br />
hand, after discussing the historic Crusades, he argues that a „crusade‟ itself signifies a religious tradition,<br />
and explicitly states within the Christian faith, has moved to the destructive side of the moral spectrum.<br />
Steffen writes,<br />
Appeals to crusades are a clear case in point. As the historical crusades of medieval Europe<br />
demonstrated, “crusades” refer to divinely authorized wars of aggression; an appeal to divine<br />
sanction and authorization hovers over “crusade” even when today political figures employ the term<br />
to rally support for use of force against enemies … the idea of an aggressive war of crusade is<br />
simply warfare that appeals for authorization to the divine and ought to be analyzed within the<br />
Christian tradition as an exemplification of religion in the demonic turn. (193)<br />
Steffen explores the potential for a holy war to be possibly life affirming, a term complicated and sensitive<br />
itself. However, he does not apply the same standard of analysis to a crusade. I question if a crusade can<br />
be a clear case in point, as Steffen argues, especially considering its more ambiguous, modern definition.<br />
Kimball links the terms holy war and crusade together expressing them as a single religious action<br />
that only signifies corruption in a religion. Steffen argues a holy war could possibly be life affirming, but<br />
199
does not extend his analysis to a crusade, even after distinguishing the two terms as two separate human<br />
actions. If a crusade is a human action, and term, that has been used in a variety of contexts, it too should<br />
be understood to possibly have potential to express goodness. Those involved with the bloodshed in the<br />
Crusades considered their actions life affirming, believing they were not only on a mission to protect their<br />
capital, but also on a movement for God against evil. They were fighting against heretics; against a great<br />
public evil. Atrocious actions were committed, and not subjected to moral analysis, but justified through a<br />
destructive religious tradition that invoked alluring, religious as well as political language. The sensitivity<br />
among the cultures and peoples in the Middle East from those actions is still strong today, as made clear by<br />
the NPR interview and Bush’s destructive language use. The term crusade, because of its historical usage to<br />
legitimatize destructive religious and political behavior, has become problematic. However, many of the<br />
words we use to invoke images of goodness, such as ‘hero’ or ‘patriot’, can be used to express behaviors,<br />
including religious behaviors, that are destructive, and do not express a vision of goodness.<br />
Holy war uses violence and warfare, but Steffen argues there can be cases where it is life affirming.<br />
A crusade, yes, can be a form of warfare, but given its other ambiguous definition, I believe we can<br />
maintain the ideal motivations for a ‘crusade,’ but strip it of its appeal to religion for justification by using<br />
ethics, such as the standard of goodness. The term ‘crusade,’ despite its historical usage in the context of<br />
religion, is complex, and has the potential, upon moral analysis, to be associated with life affirming<br />
behavior. It also has equal potential to be associated with destructive behavior. I am not trying to seem<br />
insensitive to the memory of the Crusades, and how the term ‘crusade’ has been used destructively in<br />
religious and political rhetoric. I am also not picking on any particular religion. We should be sensitive to<br />
how we use certain language, especially in a religious and/or political context, and whether our words are<br />
describing behavior that reflects goodness, or if the words are being used to invoke a life affirming image for<br />
a destructive behavior, such as in the case of a crusade.<br />
200
Some religious movements that are considered to be crusades include the Evangelical Climate<br />
Change Initiative, and the „Kids on Fire‟ Christian, summer camp. The Evangelical Climate Change<br />
Initiative is a „call to action‟ among the Evangelical Christian Community to encourage tougher federal<br />
legislation for dealing with the climate crisis. In a New York Times article from February 8, 2006, it was<br />
stated that “despite opposition from some of their colleagues, 86 evangelical Christian leaders have decided<br />
to back a major initiative to fight global warming” (NY Times Online, page 1). The article illustrates how<br />
these leaders are on an aggressive mission to urge the United States and all members of the Christian<br />
community to take a firmer stance on this issue, appealing to the science and the moral idea that global<br />
warming could disastrously affect us all, especially America‟s globally impoverished neighbors. On the<br />
Evangelical Climate Change Initiative‟s organization website, you can read the „call to action‟ where it is<br />
stated in the Preamble,<br />
As American evangelical Christian leaders, we recognize both our opportunity and our<br />
responsibility to offer a biblically based moral witness that can help shape public policy in the most<br />
powerful nation on earth, and therefore contribute to the well-being of the entire world. Whether<br />
we will enter the public square and offer our witness there is no longer an open question. We are<br />
in that square, and we will not withdraw … We seek to be true to our calling as Christian leaders<br />
… we have seen and heard enough to offer the following moral argument related to the matter of<br />
human-induced climate change. (Evangelical Climate Change Intiative.org, paragraphs 1-3)<br />
Within the document is a tone for rallying up Christians, but not for simply a religious issue, rather for a<br />
moral issue that affects everyone. The document appeals to Christian convictions, but also to morals,<br />
science, and reason to not only benefit the Christian community, but everyone on the globe. It emphasizes<br />
several goods of life including biological life, integrity, and loving relationships. There is a call to action, a<br />
call for an aggressive movement against a public evil, climate change, as well as a group of persons<br />
considered as evil, which are those who will not listen to the science and moral dilemmas behind climate<br />
201
change, but the goal of this initiative for them is education. Educating those who do not believe that climate<br />
change is real, and pushing our world leaders to be more proactive on the climate change issue is being<br />
consistent with a message of goodness. This is a crusade, religiously motivated, but that is consistent with a<br />
moral and scientific, vision of goodness.<br />
Another modern day example of a crusade is demonstrated in the documentary Jesus Camp. The film<br />
follows charismatic, Pentecostal Evangelical leader Becky Fischer and her “Kids on Fire” summer camp at<br />
Devil‟s Lake, North Dakota. Here she aggressively encourages young, impressionable children to become<br />
Christian soldiers in an effort to bring America back to God. Throughout the film, Becky, in her sermons,<br />
repetitively evokes dualistic good vs. evil imagery to promote what could be considered a crusade for God.<br />
The documentary reveals the goal of this aggressive, Evangelical movement is to spread the word of „God‟<br />
through young children. It enlists young children to relentlessly repent for their sins and impure thoughts<br />
and to consider those who do not go with God to be with the Devil. These children are also encouraged to<br />
perform their own sermons for the group and they do so by emulating Becky‟s charismatic style. Becky<br />
herself invokes militaristic language as she discusses the children as soldiers for God, armed with the<br />
Gospel. While Becky speaks out against the so-called „terrible‟ habits of Muslims, she does seem to show<br />
respect for Fundamentalist, political Islamic tactics as she states she wants to see children “radically laying<br />
down their lives for the Gospel” as children do for Islam (Jesus Camp). Here is a crusade, an aggressive<br />
movement, directed towards spreading an absolutistic vision of Christianity by children soldiers armed with<br />
the Gospel, and with no appeal to ethics to question the moral legitimacy of their actions.<br />
Now both the Evangelical Climate Change Initiative and the Evangelical Christian summer camp in<br />
Jesus Camp are crusades. However, just as religious traditions can be life affirming or destructive, language<br />
can be used in destructive or life affirming contexts. It is important to be weary of both in order to express<br />
a vision of goodness in our actions, and our language. Language is used to legitimate destructive behavior,<br />
202
ut words have the ability to mean both destructive or life affirming behavior in religious or nonreligious<br />
contexts.<br />
203
Rana Nino<br />
Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong><br />
Cognitive Vulnerability and Obedience to Authority:<br />
A Child-Centered Study of Childhood Sexual Abuse<br />
Introduction and Review of Literature<br />
Childhood sexual abuse is a large problem in this day and age, and consequently needs to be the<br />
subject of sustained research so children can receive the protection they deserve. Research from this year,<br />
2011, reports that child sexual abuse has in fact increased. Abuse has been reported up to 80,000 times a<br />
year—and, again, this is just in the United States alone. The number of unreported instances is far greater.<br />
(Child, 2011). Much research on childhood sexual abuse has focused on the adults involved in the abuse—<br />
perpetrators and parents—yet few child-generated studies have focused upon abuse through the eyes and<br />
mind of a child. The victim of any violence should be the first to be helped, and thus it only makes sense<br />
that the child, the victim of the abuse, should be the first to be assessed in order to be properly armed. And<br />
in order for the child to be armed, his or her understanding of the topic must be evaluated. A prevention<br />
program can only be as effective as far as the child understands the lessons presented. Thus, it is necessary<br />
to measure the child’s understanding of sexual abuse, and sexuality in general—a possibly complex social<br />
situation for young children to understand—in order to understand which prevention programs will fail,<br />
and which will be successful. Cognitive development is a large factor in such ability to understand.<br />
Jean Piaget (1896-1980) was one of the most significant and influential researchers in the area of<br />
developmental psychology during the 20 th century. While working in Paris, he developed four stages of<br />
cogntive development. The second stage (the most relevant to the present study) is the pre-operational stage,<br />
which occurs in the toddler and early childhood years. During this period, intelligence is demonstrated<br />
though the use of symbols, the use of language develops, and memory and imagination are developed.<br />
204
However, thinking is done in a “non-logical, non-reversible” manner. Egocentric thinking is pre-dominant.<br />
(Huitt 2003).<br />
According to the American Academy of Pediatrics, childhood sexual abuse occurs when a “child is<br />
engaged in sexual activities that the child cannot comprehend, for which the child is developmentally<br />
unprepared and cannot give informed consent, and/or that violate the law or social taboos of society”<br />
(Roller et al., 2009). Abuse is not limited to physical contact, such as fondling or rape, but also extends to<br />
such acts as making a child watch sexual acts or pornography, using a child in any aspect of producing<br />
pornography, or making a child look at an adult’s genitals. The following studies explore branches of the<br />
sexual abuse literature directed towards the child’s cognitive understanding of sexual behavior, not his or<br />
her sexual behavior per se.<br />
The most extensive study of the child’s understanding of the threat of sexual abuse is Burkhardt<br />
(1991). Burkhardt conducted a study in which 115 children were observed and investigated in order to<br />
determine their social reasoning in interactions with adult authority figures who put the children in<br />
situations of sexual abuse. Two age groups were set up, from 6-8 year olds (57 count), to 9-10 year olds<br />
(59 count). The hypothetical perpetrators included an uncle, a coach, and a stranger. Each child was given<br />
three measures of social reasoning: (a) parent-child interview, (b) authority interview, and (c) perpetrator<br />
interview. The focus of the child’s responses were his or her recognition, resistance, and reporting.<br />
The following are two examples of the children’s perceptions of recognition, resistance, and<br />
reporting with respect to the scenario of the uncle touching the child’s bottom. One six-year old<br />
responded:<br />
He [the child in the story] should tell him [his uncle], “I don’t want you to touch that. It doesn’t feel<br />
good.” I think his mom will see and say, “Don’t do that to my kid.” He still thinks his uncle is<br />
sometimes good. If he tells, he’ll get in trouble and his uncle will yell at him. It wouldn’t be nice if<br />
he told anyone. (Burkhardt, 1991)<br />
Compare the response of the six-year-old with the more developed response of a nine-year-old:<br />
205
She [the child in the story] should) scream. I wouldn’t want my uncle to put his hand on<br />
my bottom. I’d be uncomfortable. I wouldn’t kick him, but, then, my uncle wouldn’t do that, I<br />
don’t think. If he’d come over again, someone should just tell<br />
him Mary is not home, that she’s<br />
at a friend’s house. If I was home, I’d lock my<br />
door. She probably felt embarrassed. She could<br />
hop out of bed and run. She shouldn’t listen to her uncle when he does something wrong. See, grownups<br />
can tell you what to do if you do the wrong thing, but you tell yourself (what to do) if<br />
the grown-ups do the wrong thing. She could slap him, bite him, and tell her parents. It just<br />
doesn’t seem right for an uncle to do something like that… (Burkhardt, 1991).<br />
While the response of the nine-year-old child is considerably more developed and sensible than that<br />
of the six-year-old, in most actual situations of childhood sexual abuse, children do not respond and report,<br />
and sometimes fail to even recognize, the abuse the way their responses may suggest (Child 2011). This<br />
effect is due in large part to their cognitive vulnerability:<br />
Children are not only physically unsuited to resist adult advances, but their reasoning<br />
capabilities may be inadequate to meet the social demand of responding to an adult’s abusive use of<br />
authority. Also, it is possible that even when a child<br />
might know that a response is needed, he<br />
or she may be unable to determine or execute an effective response. Research in cognitive development,<br />
particularly in the realm of social cognition, has made strides in identifying the qualities and<br />
quantitative differences between childhood reasoning and adult logic (Burkhardt 1991).<br />
Additionally, there is a question regarding what children are instructed to do in response to an<br />
inappropriate directive by an adult. For example, “Say No and Go” was popular in the 1980s. Parents would<br />
instruct their children that, in a “stranger danger” situation, the child should say “no,” and “go,” or flee the<br />
situation as fast as possible (Burkhardt 1986). Similarly, it is difficult to determine how effective a<br />
resistance and reporting strategy might actually be. One element of children’s compliance with perpetrators<br />
and their failure to resist and report sexual abuse may have to do with the degree of authority attributed to<br />
the perpetrator.<br />
Such differences account for the gap between what a child knows and what s/he understands,<br />
which was the focus of Burkhardt’s study. A child may know it’s wrong to be touched inappropriately, but<br />
does not necessarily know why, except for the fact that a parent instructed the child to believe this, or that<br />
such touching may feel uncomfortable. But, if the child does know what to do, why is the rate of childhood<br />
sexual abuse so high? The child may theoretically know what should be done, but may not be able to<br />
206
understand the complexity of an actual situation, or may be unable to perform what s/he “knows.” This<br />
cognitive gap is an important factor in the prevalence of childhood sexual abuse.<br />
An earlier 1986 study conducted by Dr. Burkhardt (1986), 103 students (ages 4-7) were assigned<br />
to one of four conditions: No Training, Didactic, Modeling, and Modeling and Practice. The three training<br />
conditions involved the presentation of problematic situations with adults and appropriately resistant<br />
responses to these situations. Reporting was encouraged and demonstrated.<br />
After the two-week training course, each child was individually approached by a male stranger<br />
(posing as a school janitor) who directed him or her to assist him in a task. He subsequently directed each<br />
child not to tell the teacher of his request. In general, training appeared to have little effect upon the<br />
younger children: the majority of the children complied with the stranger.<br />
It seems as though understanding of the more explicit aspects of sexuality develops as the child<br />
cognitively develops: hence, at certain early stages of development, a child seems to be cognitively unable<br />
to fully understand certain concepts of sexuality. Another aspect to be taken into consideration, however, is<br />
a child’s view of and compliance to a perceived authority figure. Sexual predators may use their adult<br />
authority figure persona to their advantage when victimizing children—this is another major component in<br />
understanding the prevalence of childhood sexual abuse. (Child 2011).<br />
Lawrence Kohlberg, like Piaget, was a very influential researcher of his time on the topic of<br />
cognitive development. His theory developed six stages of moral development: three levels each consisting<br />
of two stages. The first level of moral thinking, the pre-conventional level, is generally found at the<br />
elementary school level. In Stage 1 of this level, children behave according to socially acceptable norms<br />
because they are told to do so by an authority figure. This obedience is compelled by the threat of<br />
punishment. Many of the following studies involving children’s views on adult authority echo Kohlberg’s<br />
theory, particularly this stage: Stage 1 of the pre-conventional level of moral thinking, where the child’s<br />
social orientation revolves around obedience and punishment (Dawson, 2002).<br />
207
Researcher’s Goal and Hypothesis<br />
The researcher’s goal for the current study aims to document the reactions of youngsters in the<br />
year 2011 in response to a scenario regarding a potential sexual threat to a child. It is predicted that<br />
younger children (ages 4-7) will not be able to understand the sexual nature of the vignette presented to<br />
them and/or may misconstrue the perpetrator to have the “authority” to take such action. Therefore, their<br />
responses to the interview questions may reflect their cognitive vulnerability regarding how to respond to<br />
potential abuse. However, the researcher also predicts that while some of the children’s responses may<br />
reflect an apparent knowledge-base of what to do in a scenario of a potential threat, and, when directly<br />
prompted about the threat (i.e., What should Tommy do?), the child may theoretically “know” what to do,<br />
when prompted “Why?”, the child’s understanding will be limited. The predicted limitations of the<br />
responses are based on such things as feelings of discomfort or “rules” that the child’s parent(s) have set<br />
about strangers, rather than an extensive understanding of why sexual abuse in and of itself is wrong. On<br />
the other hand, it is predicted that the older children (ages 10-11) will have a deeper understanding of the<br />
situation than do the younger children.<br />
The researcher hopes that the child interview hypothesis will be proven wrong, and the study’s<br />
results do in fact imply that children are more internally aware of the dangers of sexual abuse at an earlier<br />
age than when these studies took place over 20 years ago (Burkhardt 1991). Realistically, based upon<br />
previous research, it is unlikely that this will be the case. It seems as though the inability to grasp certain<br />
concepts of sexuality and adult authority are due to a child’s stage of cognitive development, not<br />
environment or experience—and a cognitive incapability would be very difficult, if not impossible, to alter.<br />
Likewise, young children’s conceptions of adult authority figures, and the possible consequences of<br />
reporting or resisting an authority figure, seem to be very much ingrained in a child’s mind. If, however,<br />
the children in the following study do indicate a deep awareness of a sexual threat, then there would be<br />
208
stronger grounds for believing that systematic and sustained instruction of defensive responses could protect<br />
children from sexual predators.<br />
The current study seeks to therefore determine if today’s children are able to detect a possible<br />
threat from an inappropriate adult and to determine if strategies for resisting and reporting perpetrators are<br />
rated differently than twenty years ago.<br />
Methods<br />
Participants<br />
The researcher and researcher’s mentor approached a number of adults and asked if they were<br />
interested in having their children, nephews, nieces, cousins, or children of friends of the family participate<br />
in the study. These adults consisted of classmates, colleagues, family, friends and acquaintances of the<br />
researcher and mentor. Most individuals declined or avoided participation in the study, most likely due to<br />
the sensitive topic of the study.<br />
Participants of this study consisted of five children. Participants were selected based on age: the<br />
qualification of the participant was that he or she must be under the age of eleven. The younger children<br />
consisted of a four-year-old male, a four year-old female, and a seven-year-old female. The older children<br />
consisted of one ten-year-old male and one eleven-year-old male.<br />
Instrumentation<br />
The selected method of gathering data was face-to-face interviews. By interviewing the<br />
participants, the interviewers had the opportunity to ask open-ended questions so as to gain as much<br />
information about the recognition, resistance and reporting ability of the child participant as possible. The<br />
researcher used a total of nine open-ended questions to obtain qualitative data. In addition to these nine<br />
original questions, the researcher asked three supplementary questions, only if the participant had given<br />
some indication that non-compliance is an alternative. These interview questions were in alignment with a<br />
given vignette. The exact wording of both the vignette and the interview questions—as well as the original<br />
209
idea for this present study—were borrowed with permission from the parent 1991 child-generated study of<br />
Dr. Sandra Burkhardt, the researcher’s mentor (see Literature Review for a summary and analysis of the<br />
parent study) (Burkhardt 1991). The questions were related to recognition, resistance, and reporting<br />
ability and strategy of the child participant in the face of a vignette concerning childhood sexual abuse with<br />
respect to a stranger perpetrator. The child’s recognition of a problem, the child’s proposed method of<br />
resistance, and the child’s idea of reporting to a trusted adult were thus the main areas of focus. If the<br />
participant was a girl, she received the female version of the vignette (the child in his version of the vignette<br />
being named Tammy). Likewise, if the participant was a boy, he received the male version of the vignette<br />
(the child in his version of the vignette being named Tommy).<br />
Procedures<br />
Before any other procedures were initiated, first and foremost, approval by the Institutional<br />
Review Board (IRB) of Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong> was sought and acquired by the researcher. Only then did<br />
recruitment for participants take place. The two interviewers and parents of the five child participants were<br />
contacted both in-person and via email to set up a time for the interview. The researcher developed a<br />
consent form which consisted of an introductory section that identified the topic of the study, the purpose<br />
as it relates to the researcher’s teaching, what the participants may gain from the study, the nature and<br />
duration of the study, the general procedure of the study, physical requirements of the participant, and the<br />
estimated time commitment of the participant. The researcher’s contact information was also provided<br />
should the participant’s guardians have any questions or concerns. It was made very clear that participation<br />
was completely voluntary and the rights of the participants were firmly protected.<br />
The interview itself, which took place at St. Xavier <strong>University</strong> in the university’s psychology<br />
department’s study/lab rooms, G309 and G315, took approximately 30 to 60 minutes per child. The<br />
experiment was administered on March 22, 2011. On the day of the interview, signed consent forms were<br />
collected. The parent(s) or guardian(s) of the child participant was/were then directed to sit in a nearby<br />
210
oom, while the child was directed into the private psychology lab room. In addition to the approval of the<br />
IRB, permission to conduct the study and use the facilities had been previously attained by Julie Deisinger,<br />
Ph.D., the university’s Psychology Department Chair. Dr. Burkhardt conducted video surveillance of the<br />
interview room by a faculty sponsor.<br />
After procuring the signed consent forms, the two volunteer interviewers began the face-to-face<br />
interviews, orally reading the vignette and follow-up interview questions word from word to the child.<br />
The interviews were conducted individually in the private and comfortable psychology study/lab rooms,<br />
with the participant and the interviewers sitting across a table from each other. Only one child and his or<br />
her interviewer were present in the lab room at a time. The interviewer read the vignette and interview<br />
questions slowly and clearly, and enough time was allocated for the participants to respond with as much<br />
information as they so desired.<br />
Participant responses were transcribed, and afterwards were kept in a safe and protected area so as<br />
to ensure participant confidentiality. After the interviews were complete, the video surveillance recording<br />
was stopped and the participants were verbally thanked by the interviewer for their time and participation.<br />
Following the interview, children were led back to their parent(s) or guardian(s). Each<br />
participating child’s parent(s) or legal guardian(s) remained available during the study, and was provided a<br />
summary of the child’s resilience factors after the study. A parent/guardian debrief session was also offered<br />
following the interview. Had there been disclosure of childhood sexual abuse, a licensed clinical<br />
psychologist would have constructed follow-up for mandated report.<br />
Data Processing and Analysis<br />
The answers of the children were rated on a scale based on the results of a survey completed by<br />
thirty-one St. Xavier <strong>University</strong> upper level (300 level+) undergraduate students with majors/minors in<br />
psychology. The survey was borrowed with permission from the parent 1991 child-generated study of Dr.<br />
Sandra Burkhardt (Burkhardt 1991). The survey consisted of the surveyor rating eight resisting and<br />
211
eporting strategies of childhood sexual abuse, on a scale of 1 (being the most ineffective) through 7 (being<br />
the most effective). The averaged ratings served as the base scale for rating the effectiveness of the<br />
responses of the child interviews.<br />
Results and Discussion<br />
The report of responses of the children in the interview is potent when considering the factor of age<br />
and in comparison to the results of the parent 1991 study (Literature Review: Burkhardt, 1991).<br />
The researcher’s original hypothesis was that the younger children would be considerably less<br />
effective in their responses to the interview questions with respect to the older children. It was predicted<br />
the responses of the older children would be more reflective of deeper understanding of the nature and<br />
implications of the scenario. This hypothesis holds true for Young Child #1 and 2 and Older Child #2, yet<br />
generally deviates for Young Child #3 and Older Child #1.<br />
Young Child #1, a four-year old male, seems, at first, to have some sort of sense of the problem:<br />
his response to the first question,” Tell me what you think is the problem in this story,” is “There is a man.” While<br />
this response is not complete in describing the threat, it should be applauded that this young boy seems to<br />
recognize that the man is the focus of the problem in the story—not the man’s dog.<br />
The child’s response to the second interview question, “What should Tommy do?” yields “Run away in<br />
the car. Because there is a man and he doesn’t wanna get in the car.” The child’s response is a bit<br />
ambiguous—it is not quite clear if he believes this “car” (which was not mentioned in the original vignette)<br />
belongs to Tommy’s family or to the stranger. It is probable that the reason the child brings a car into his<br />
response is due to previous lectures he has gotten from his parent(s) about “stranger danger,” and strangers<br />
strolling up to children in their cars.<br />
The child participant, by responding “and he doesn’t want to get in the car,” perhaps means to say<br />
that Tommy does not want to get into the car with the man—however, his answer is, again, vague. Later<br />
on, another question results in the child participant giving a response involving the “man’s car,” so more<br />
212
likely than not the car being discussed belongs to the stranger, and the child may imagine Tommy should<br />
hijack the stranger’s car. Regardless, while the report of resistance is indistinct, the child believes that<br />
Tommy should “run away.” This response, with respect to the Psychology student-averaged Stanger<br />
Resistance and Reporting rating scale, receives a rating of 6: a relatively strong score. While this score is<br />
relatively high, before finalizing it, one must explore the participant’s other responses so as to make a wellrounded<br />
analysis.<br />
A strong gap of what the child “knows”—or regurgitated—versus what he actually understands is<br />
very apparent in his next two responses. Being prompted, “What do you think Tommy will do? Why?,” the child<br />
participant responds “Come out to the farm, because the man put him back and then he come out.”<br />
Likewise, when asked “The man told Tommy to look at the picture of the puppy. Should Tommy do what the man<br />
said? Why? Why not?,” the child responds “Yes, because he was running and he has to go to McDonald’s.”<br />
These very creative responses reflect the social cognition of a child in the pre-operational stage of<br />
cognitive development. While the child knows that a social response is required, he does not possess the<br />
logic to accurately answer the question. So, the child creates an imaginative script to provide an answer,<br />
and like the script in a play or movie, the words are saying something, but that something does not reflect<br />
reality. The child’s thoughts are more of a story than a report of fact. These responses are strong evidence<br />
that the four-year-old child participant has very limited social cognition to understand the task being<br />
presented.<br />
Due to this factor, it is very likely that the child’s previously seemingly measurable recognition<br />
(“There is a man,”) and resistance (“Run away in the car. Because there is a man and he doesn’t wanna get in<br />
the car,”) cannot accurately be measured as precise reports of recognition and resistance—with the child’s<br />
other responses in retrospect, it is more probable that these two responses regarding recognition and<br />
resistance are a script the child provides rather than an actual measure of understanding. As demonstrated<br />
213
in the 1991 study, a cognitive gap lies between what the child may say or “know,” versus what he or she<br />
actually understands (Burkhardt 1991).<br />
With respect to the interview questions regarding adult authority, the child participant’s responses<br />
are very telling. To “Was it OK for the man to tell Tommy/Tammy to look at the picture of the dog”? , the child<br />
participant simply responds “yes.” This response implies that the child does not make a connection between<br />
looking at the picture of the dog and the posed threat he had seemed to “recognize” earlier: he fails to<br />
recognize the invitation to view the picture as a ploy. Likewise, the child participant believes that a man<br />
“walking down the street has the right to tell kids what to do” because “he doesn’t want to play.” Perhaps<br />
the assumption that adults do not “want to play” is, in this child’s mind, a qualification for a person to be a<br />
“grown-up:” an adult. Therefore, the underlying meaning behind the participant’s affirmative response,<br />
“Yes, because he doesn’t want to play,” is “Yes, because he is an adult”—directly in line with the typical<br />
authority figure view of a young child. Because a man walking down a street is an adult, he has the right, or<br />
“authority,” to tell children what to do in the mind’s eye of a young child. In the same manner, when asked<br />
“Was it okay for the man to [touch Tommy’s bottom]”, the child participant said “Yes.” Sadly, so many adult<br />
perpetrators use their status as an authority figure to their advantage while pursuing child victims.<br />
Upon being asked the next question, “What does Tommy think about [the man touching his bottom?]”, the<br />
child participant is yet again quite imaginative in his response: he believes that Tommy “thinks” that, in<br />
response to the inappropriate touching, Tommy should—or has—“just bited him [the stranger] off”…and<br />
in the process of having “bited” the stranger, Tommy bumped his head! This is most definitely a script<br />
provided due to the obligation the child feels to providing some sort of social response. The child is creating<br />
a story rather than assessing a possible reality because he is not cognitively capable of such assessment.<br />
The child’s response to his last prompted interview question conveyed many ideas. In response to<br />
“What did Tommy do when the man touched him?,” the child participant said: “Because he just…dog…honked<br />
horn…because he just ride in on the man’s car.” Again, it seems as though the child knows that social action<br />
214
is required, yet does not have the cognitive ability to make logic of the situation, and provide the<br />
interviewer with yet another script. The child’s response is ambiguous, but, in parallel with his previous<br />
response of “run[ning] away in the car,” the child most likely had the first scenario, in which Tommy drives<br />
off in the stranger’s car, in mind—a response reflecting little to no logic.<br />
It is interesting to note that despite his focus on the man and his car, the four-year-old child<br />
participant brings up the dog in the mist of his response. This seemingly random idea may not be random at<br />
all: perhaps the child participant, all along, was describing Tommy’s “escape” in the car with the hope of<br />
finding the lost dog while driving. This possibility demonstrates the child’s cognitive limitations: rather<br />
than processing the danger of the man’s sexual abuse, he focuses on the man being an obstacle to finding the<br />
lost dog. Also, past investigation of similar responses (Burkhardt 1991) suggests that the participant was<br />
answering these questions in such a manner because, again, the child knows that a social response was<br />
required. Yet again, “knowing” is entirely different than understanding.<br />
Because the child participant failed to demonstrate indication that non-compliance was an<br />
alternative, the interview did not progress to the additional questions designed for expanding the idea of<br />
non-compliance.<br />
Young Child #2, a four-year old female, completely fails to recognize the threat in the scenario.<br />
Rather, when prompted to identify the problem, she completely focuses on the stranger’s pet: “Tammy<br />
pasted the puppy.” The pet entirely takes the child’s focus. Likewise, when asked what she thinks Tammy<br />
should do, the child responds: “The man lost his puppy…because he knows where the puppy at.” Her<br />
response implies that the man had originally lost his puppy and realized where he had lost it—suggesting<br />
perhaps that Tammy should involve herself in the case of the “lost puppy.” The incoherence of this response<br />
also echoes the script phenomenon: the child may be scripting a story because, at her stage of cognitive<br />
development, she has no ability to assess the situation with well-rounded logic. Again, when prompted<br />
what she thinks Tammy will do, the pet is the focus of the child’s attention: “Hold him because he loves his<br />
215
puppy.” She even fails to relate her response to Tammy because her attention was so focused upon the<br />
puppy—again, a demonstration of the limitedness of a child’s cognitive ability to single-handedly recognize<br />
the complexity of the sexual and social situation.<br />
Regarding questions of compliance to authority, the child participant believes that Tammy should in<br />
fact look at the picture of the dog when the man shows it to her because “the man doesn’t listen to<br />
Tammy”—or, the adult does not need to comply with a child. It is, in the child participant’s mind, the<br />
other way around: children must comply with adults. On the same note, the four-year-old child believes<br />
that it was appropriate for the man to look at the picture of the puppy, for a man walking down the street to<br />
tell children what to do, and for the man in the vignette to touch Tammy’s bottom. In essence, it seems to<br />
be ingrained in the child participant’s mind that an adult has complete authority over a child, and a child<br />
must comply with the requests of an adult.<br />
At this point in the interview, however, the participant takes a turn in her responses: She says that<br />
Tammy “should tell someone [the man] touched her body,” and while she believes it is okay for the man to<br />
touch Tammy’s bottom, she thinks Tammy will tell the man to “stop touching her.” Therefore, it seems as<br />
though when directly prompted about the inappropriate touching, the child participant has responses of<br />
reporting at hand. Her responses most closely align with the following responses: “Tell man, „Stop, don‟t do<br />
that,‟” rated at 3, “Tell teacher (rating: 5), Tell Mom (rating: 7), and Report perpetrator to the police (rating: 8)”.<br />
Therefore, her averaged rating of reporting, [(3+5+7+8)/4], is 5.75. Again, in line with the assessment of<br />
the child’s other responses, this rating may indicate a stronger measure than the child may actually<br />
intrinsically possess. The child knows what to do, but, considering her responses to other interview<br />
questions, does not understand why such action must be taken—an indicator that she is regurgitating<br />
someone else’s warning (i.e., a parent).<br />
It seems that the child participant, upon the inappropriate touching being directly brought to her<br />
attention, decides to change her approach to the previously viewed authority figure in the vignette. To the<br />
216
question: “Does Tammy have a right to disobey the man?,” the child participant responds yes, and responds to:<br />
“Do kids have the right to disobey sometimes? Like when?” with: “Yes; Sunday.” However, the fact that the child<br />
chose “Sunday” takes some validation from her original affirmative response: does she fully understand the<br />
question? No; she is, as her four-year-old child counterpart, providing a script, because she knows that a<br />
social response is necessary, but does not require the cognitive ability to fully grasp the situation.<br />
The next question, “You said it was OK for Tommy/Tammy to listen when the man told him/her to look at<br />
the picture of the puppy. You said it was not OK for the man to touch Tommy/Tammy. What is the difference between<br />
those two things?”, brings the child participant to the same page as fellow four-year-old child participant—the<br />
dilemma over the “lost dog” suddenly grasps her attention: “Tammy has to go get the puppy!” The sexual<br />
encounter loses its importance to the child because, when compared to the picture of the puppy in the<br />
question, the puppy suddenly takes the child’s focus—with respect to the child’s cognitive development,<br />
the aspect of the lost dog reaches the child’s mind deeper than does the inappropriate touch.<br />
While both four-year-old children at times seem to be aware of the abuse or aware that the abuse is<br />
wrong and should be resisted against, at many points the children “switch” their approaches to the interview<br />
and, at times, seem to contradict themselves. This is not a random occurrence: it is, again, a haunting echo<br />
of the results of the 1991 parent study by Dr. Burkhardt. As in the Burkhardt (1991) study, there is an<br />
apparent gap between what the child knows and understands. A child may know it’s “bad” for anyone but a<br />
doctor or parent to touch his or her bottom, but does not necessarily know why, except for the fact that<br />
they were taught that this is so, or that such touching may feel uncomfortable. The child may know what<br />
should be done in a hypothetical situation, but may not be able to understand the complexity of an actual<br />
situation, or may be unable to explain and perform what s/he “knows.” Again, this cognitive gap is an<br />
important factor in the prevalence of childhood sexual abuse.<br />
The beginning of the case of the seven-year old female participant provides hope to the study for<br />
the category of younger children. From the onset, the child immediately recognizes the problem and is not<br />
217
fooled by the distracting factor of the lost dog: “I think the problem is that the man is trying to get Tammy<br />
to come to his house.”<br />
The child next offers a suggestion for what Tammy should do: “Just stay wherever she is. Because<br />
if she wants to go to his house, it wouldn’t be a good idea. Her mom might come looking for her and she<br />
doesn’t know why the man put his hand on her bottom.” While this response is not necessarily the best<br />
method of resistance, the child does recognize that it would “not be a good idea” to go to the man’s house.<br />
Likewise, the seven-year-old’s suggested reporting strategy, “I think Tammy would tell the police, because<br />
it’s not a good idea for a grown man to walk up to a little girl to put his hand on her bottom,” (and she later<br />
reverberates this suggestion: “She wanted to maybe call the police,”) is very effective and was given the<br />
highest possible rating: 8. Later, the child suggests a more effective report of resistance: she believes that<br />
Tammy should resist the man’s insistence to view the picture of the puppy because “he might be tricking<br />
Tammy”—an excellent response. She expands her idea by giving a very logical and mature rationale for her<br />
proposal—the man might not even have a dog.<br />
With respect to the questions on the authority of an adult, the seven-year-old participant responds<br />
very well to the prompted questions. She believes a man walking down the street does not have the right to<br />
tell children what to do “because if he’s not their parents, he shouldn’t tell them what to do.” Likewise, she<br />
assumes that the child in the vignette, a female of her own age range, thinks along the same lines as she:<br />
egoistic thinking is normal for her cognitive stage of development, according to Piaget’s theory (Huitt<br />
2003). “I think Tammy thinks the man wants to take Tammy to his house.” She goes on to assert that it was<br />
not okay for the man to touch Tammy’s bottom.<br />
Because the child gave strong indication of non-compliance, the interviewing process included the<br />
additional questions. Upon being asked “Does Tammy have a right to disobey the man,” the child responded,<br />
“Yes, because the man might leave her alone.” If Tammy does not respond to the man’s enticement,<br />
perhaps the man will leave Tammy alone: a logical response.<br />
218
“Do kids have the right to disobey sometimes? Like when?”: this question seemed to be the breaking point<br />
for the seven-year-old participant. Up until this point, all of her answers implied that she was wellrehearsed,<br />
aware, and insightful of the topic—possibly intrinsically so. Up until this point, it seemed as<br />
though the responses of the seven-year-old had completely proven the researcher‟s hypothesis wrong, and a<br />
seven-year-old child is indeed able to understand the sexual nature of the vignette and to understand when<br />
an adult has proper authority and when s/he does not. The seven-year-old child had validated all of her<br />
“why‟s” with logical, seemingly insightful responses. Yet, for the final question: “Do kids have the right to<br />
disobey sometimes? Like when?” the child gives a simple answer: no. Unfortunately, when prompted to<br />
generalize her overall experience of the vignette—the exact resistance strategy which carries hope of<br />
prevention of sexual abuse for younger children—the child fails to do so. It seems that without a leading or<br />
suggestive question, the child is still limited in her cognitive ability to make an assessment of a complex<br />
situation. The mark of being able to make logic of and properly assess something is evaluation: in this case,<br />
being able to generalize conclusions derived from assessment. The child fails to do so.<br />
The researcher‟s hypothesis predicted that the older children would have significantly more<br />
discerning responses—reflecting a deeper understanding and a higher cognitive ability.<br />
Two older children were interviewed. The first participant, a male of age ten, assumed without hesitation<br />
that the problem in the story was that Tommy had lost his puppy. He believed that Tommy should “put up<br />
signs saying „lost dog,‟ so people can find his dog.” The participant believed that Tommy will “go try to find<br />
[the man‟s] dog, because he loves his dog.” Likewise, the child also believed that Tommy should look at the<br />
picture of the puppy, as the man had instructed him, “because it‟s a lost puppy”—and therefore it was<br />
“okay” for the man to tell Tommy to look at the picture. However, the ten-year-old boy did not believe<br />
that a man walking down the street has the right to tell children what to do because “it‟s not right. That‟s<br />
just being mean.”<br />
219
With respect to resistance and reporting measures, the child did fairly well. He recognized that<br />
Tommy would think that the touching of his bottom is “not okay”—it was, again, “not okay” for the man to<br />
do that—and, when the touching took place, Tommy “r[a]n away” (receiving a fairly solid rating of 6). The<br />
child recognized that Tommy has the right to disobey the man “because [the man] is being mean.” However,<br />
like the seven-year-old participant, when asked to generalize the previous idea of noncompliance to the<br />
universal, the ten-year-old child insists that children do not have the right to disobey. He seems somewhat<br />
able, however, to distinguish the difference between the appropriateness of looking at the picture versus<br />
being touched on the bottom by the man: “Touching: it’s not his parent, and looking at the picture to go<br />
find the dog.” On the other hand, he still does not recognize the instance to view the picture as a ploy or<br />
distraction: the ten-year-old boy genuinely believes that the purpose of the looking at the picture is “to go<br />
find the dog.” He does not make the connection.<br />
This case goes against the researcher’s hypothesis. This ten-year-old male is an older child—yet he<br />
still seems, at times, to be cognitively limited. While he does not seem to have the need to create a script in<br />
order to satisfy an expected social response, he seems unable to evaluate the situation and make the<br />
connection between the “lost puppy” and the direction towards using the situation as a ploy for sexual<br />
abuse.<br />
Lastly, the oldest child participant, a male of eleven years, in complete alignment with the<br />
researcher’s hypothesis, produced the most developed (both in structure, meaning, and cognitive ability)<br />
responses. He immediately recognizes the problem lies within the situation of the stranger’s involvement:<br />
“Tommy is talking to a stranger.” His proposal for what action Tammy should take, “run away from the<br />
problem and to go to mom or dad. Because he might try to kidnap him or do something else to him,” is<br />
clearly the most descriptive and developed response of the five child participants, receiving a rating of 7.5 in<br />
effectiveness. He has an extensive understanding of why Tommy should take such action, as he later<br />
demonstrates in response to the question “What does Tommy think about [the man touching his bottom]?”: “He<br />
220
thinks he will try to kidnap him or rape him.” Clearly, the child understands the sexual implications of the<br />
inappropriate touch: he quickly evaluates and assesses the situation and determines the direction in which it<br />
headed.<br />
Not only does the child participant understand the reality of the situation, but he also is able to<br />
predict the likelihood of Tommy to fall for the ploy: while he thinks Tommy should, hypothetically, “run<br />
away from the problem and go get his mom or dad,” and should “[not do what the man said and look at the<br />
picture of the puppy] because he is a stranger and he doesn’t know what he might do to him.” On the other<br />
hand, the participant thinks Tommy will, empirically, “help the man. Because he thinks the man is nice and<br />
may be able to help him find his dog.” The child also predicted that, upon being touched, Tommy “wanted<br />
to go tell:” a healthy prediction.<br />
Likewise, the eleven-year-old child understands when authority is exerted appropriately by an adult<br />
versus when it is exerted inappropriately. The participant understands that it is not appropriate for the man<br />
to tell Tommy to look at the picture, or to touch Tommy’s bottom, nor for a man walking down to street<br />
to tell children what to do “because [he] is not their parent, and a random man cannot tell kids what to do.”<br />
Upon indicating an encompassing view of non-compliance as an alternative, the child was asked the<br />
additional questions: “Does Tommy have the right to disobey the man?” to which the participant smartly<br />
responded, “Yes, because he is not his parent;” “Do kids have the right to disobey sometimes? Like when?,” yielding<br />
“Yes, if someone is not their parent, or [if it’s] someone they don’t know.” The child was able to generalize<br />
the situation in the vignette to a universal standard—demonstrating a deep and accurate understanding of<br />
the concept.<br />
Upon being asked, “What is the difference between [looking at the picture and touching Tommy]?,” the<br />
eleven-year-old child responded: “The difference is he is looking at a picture, looking at a nameless picture<br />
with a drawing. The difference is between looking and touching. [You] can’t feel anything if looking, but<br />
can if touching.” The participant is conveying a lot of meaning into these words. While his idea is not<br />
221
expressed fluently per se, the message is clear: looking at a picture is something entirely different than<br />
being touched inappropriately. While the participant did recognize that Tommy should not have looked at<br />
the picture, he asserts, nonetheless, that the degree of inappropriateness of looking at the stranger’s picture<br />
is on a completely different level than being touched by the stranger: “you can’t feel anything if looking,”—<br />
by simply “looking” at the picture, no inappropriate touching is taking place just yet, but “if touching,” the<br />
child can “feel” the inappropriate touching, or abuse. The child is conveying that in and of itself, looking at<br />
the “nameless picture with a drawing” is not abuse, but that seemingly harmless “looking” can escalade to<br />
abuse by “touching.”<br />
Implications<br />
The implications of this study are in alignment with those of the 1991 study (Burkhardt 1991).<br />
What are the implications of the current study with regards to the prevention of childhood sexual abuse? A<br />
model of social and cognitive vulnerability to childhood sexual abuse offers several promising possibilities<br />
for prevention for younger children. In order for a child to develop on the cognitive level, he or she must<br />
interact with the environment. Therefore, creating educational opportunities involving social interactions<br />
with adult authority figures could provide an arena for younger children to build, widen, and extend their<br />
social reasoning capabilities.<br />
Efforts to prevent childhood sexual abuse might best be served by focusing children’s focus upon<br />
the distinctive social demands of an encounter involving abuse. Situational cues which distinguish<br />
appropriate from in appropriate adult instructions should also be brought to the children’s attention.<br />
Likewise, confusion and uncertainty a child may experience as he or she struggles to respond should be a<br />
major focus of such efforts of educational abuse prevention programs. The inclusion of child-generated<br />
strategies may serve to further the assimilation of the children to the preventive education lessons, therefore<br />
increasing the probability that students would comprehend, retain, and employ what they have been taught.<br />
222
Findings of the current study suggest that, given their limited ability to protect themselves in<br />
complex social situations, especially those involving sex—an area cognitively unreachable for a young<br />
child—children depend on parents and caretakers to care for them. The consistent identification of social<br />
cognitive vulnerability in both the 1991 study and the current study should serve to alert concerned adults<br />
of the very real limitations which normal development places upon children in terms of protecting<br />
themselves.<br />
While parents, who lecture their children to take precaution, may believe that children already<br />
“know” what to do in a dangerous situation, the children cannot execute what they “know” because they do<br />
not understand. Children seem to be no more understanding of such complexities as they were twenty years<br />
ago, despite the media and technological advances. Media and technology of this day and age may expose<br />
children to ideas of sex and unconventional social situations (e.g., via social networking sites) at an earlier<br />
age than in the year 1991, yet young children remain naïve to the complexity and depth of these situations.<br />
In Purcell et. al.’s study (1990): mature sexual behavior can be a result of sexual abuse, yet such behavior is<br />
not necessarily accompanied by mature sexual understanding. The researcher, studying to be a teacher,<br />
once observed a kindergarten classroom in which the classroom teacher reported to her that recently, the<br />
teacher found a few students were creating a game during their recess, in which a girl and a boy would get<br />
“married.” The “marriage” came with a qualification, however: the children believed that in order to get<br />
married, the boy had to show the girl his private parts, and vice versa—and this is just what the teacher<br />
found her students doing in the back of the classroom! Did the children understand what they were doing?<br />
No. They were simply imitating either their parents or the media.<br />
While adults do not trust children with such tasks and responsibilities as handling money, cooking<br />
meals, or handling matches or weapons, adults often charge children with the responsibility of providing for<br />
their own emotional well-being and physical safety merely armed with the warning: “Don’t talk to<br />
strangers,” “Be careful,” or “Say no.” As parents and teachers strive to arm children with the ability to<br />
223
ecognize, resist, and report perpetrators of sexual abuse, they would do well to remember that the average<br />
child depends on his or her parents, his or her teachers—trusted adults—to protect and guide the child<br />
through life’s confusing moments and obstacles.<br />
References<br />
Advantages and Disadvantages of the Survey Method. (2011). Colorado State <strong>University</strong>.<br />
Retrieved March 1 2011, from .<br />
Dawson, T. (2002). New Tools, New Insights: Kohlberg's Moral Judgment Stages Revisited.<br />
International Journal of Behavioral Development, 26(2), 154-166.<br />
doi:10.1080/01650250042000645<br />
Burkhardt, Sandra (1986). Preventing Inappropriate Child-Stranger Interactions: A Comparison<br />
Three Training Methods. De Paul <strong>University</strong>.<br />
of<br />
Burkhardt, Sandra (1991). Vulnerability to Child Sexual Abuse as a Function of Level of<br />
Reasoning. De Paul <strong>University</strong>.<br />
Social<br />
Child Sexual Abuse (2011). Facts for Families. American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry.<br />
Retrieved March 1, 2011, from<br />
http://aacap.org/page.ww?name=Child+Sexual+Abuse§ion=Facts+for+Families.<br />
Douglas, E., M. & Finklehor, D. (2005). Childhood Sexual Abuse Fact Sheet. Retrieved February 10,<br />
2011. Durham, NH:Crimes Against Children Research Center.<br />
.<br />
Huitt, W., & Hummel, J. (2003). Piaget's Theory of Cognitive Development. Educational Psychology<br />
Interactive. Valdosta, GA: Valdosta State <strong>University</strong>. Retrieved from<br />
.<br />
Purcell et. al. (1990). Children’s Knowledge of Sexuality: A Comparison of Sexually<br />
Nonabused Children. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 60(2), 250-257.<br />
Abused and<br />
Quinn Patton, M. (2002). Qualitative research & evaluation methods (3 rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage<br />
Publications, Inc.<br />
Roller, C., Martsolf, D., Draucker, C. B., & Ross, R. (2009). The Sexuality of Childhood Sexual Abuse<br />
Survivors. International Journal of Sexual Health, 21:49–60. Retrieved from Academic Search<br />
Complete database.<br />
224
James Palmer<br />
Wilmington College<br />
What Led to the Kent State Tragedy?<br />
Figure 1. Location Map May 4-Shooting. Retrieved from<br />
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kent_State_shootings<br />
There were many factors that contributed to the students of Kent State <strong>University</strong> being shot by the<br />
National Guard. The National Guard did not shoot the students solely because of the actions of the<br />
protesting students on May 4, 1970. Many factors were festering days before the shootings took place. The<br />
tension between the National Guard and the protesting students reached a climax and resulted in a violent<br />
outbreak on the fourth of May. Government officials and the National Guard played an intricate role in the<br />
225
events that led to the Kent State shootings. Everyone involved in the incident, including the National<br />
Guard, were caught in unfavorable and explosive circumstances.<br />
During the 1960s and 1970s, there was a lot of opposition to the Vietnam War, especially among<br />
college students, ultimately at Kent State <strong>University</strong>, because they did not believe that the United States<br />
should be in Vietnam. Richard M. Nixon, like many other presidential candidates during the Vietnam Era,<br />
vowed to end the Vietnam War if he became the President of the United States. On April 30, 1970, which<br />
was one year after he became president, the United States, under Nixon’s order, invaded Cambodia. The<br />
people who were against the war were livid that Nixon had lied to them, by vowing to end the Vietnam<br />
War, but instead expanded it. If Richard Nixon had not invaded Cambodia, then there would have been<br />
fewer protests, if any, among U.S. citizens opposed to the war, especially the students at Kent State<br />
<strong>University</strong>. Therefore, the shootings that occurred on May 4, 1970 probably would have never happened.<br />
As a result of the invasion, Kent State students made it clear in numerous ways that they were against the<br />
Vietnam War and the expansion of the war. That resulted in the National Guardsmen, some members of<br />
which were young and untrained while others were highly trained, being placed in the abhorred position of<br />
trying to enforce “law and order.”<br />
On May 1, 1970, World Historians Opposed to Racism and Exploitation (WHORE) were<br />
extremely vocal, by means of a rally, about their opposition to the Vietnam War, the invasion of<br />
Cambodia, and President Richard M. Nixon (Cartaino, 2010). “[R]ally leaders buried a copy of the<br />
United States Constitution, declaring it had been “murdered” when troops had been sent into Cambodia<br />
without a declaration of war or consultation with Congress” (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus<br />
Unrest, 1970, p. 240).<br />
226
Figure 2. Burying the U.S. Constitution (Ruffner, 1970).<br />
Draft cards, belonging to students, were incinerated. Students also made it clear on that day that they did<br />
not want an ROTC building on Kent State’s campus. There were inquiries of why the ROTC building was<br />
still there. That foreshadowed what was to become of the ROTC building the next day. The students<br />
planned to meet again on May 4, 1970. The topics that they wanted to converse about were opposition to<br />
the expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia and the demands of the students, including eradicating<br />
the ROTC program on Kent State’s campus (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
Overall, there were not any problems during the day of May 1. However, the evening of May 1 was a<br />
different story.<br />
227
Figure 3. Draft papers are held up ready to be burnt (Ruffner, 1970).<br />
The events that took place during the night of May 1, 1970 were the beginning of a downward spiral<br />
which led to the National Guard occupying Kent State <strong>University</strong>’s campus, which would result in the<br />
shooting of students by the National Guard three days later. There were many young adults, including<br />
students of Kent State, clustered in and outside of the bars on North Water Street. Everyone in the bar was<br />
not talking about Cambodia. Some people were watching a basketball game. As the night progressed, many<br />
left the bars and were lingering about on North Water Street. Many acts of vandalism took place. When<br />
local law enforcement drove past the congregation, which consisted of students and non-students, they<br />
were heckled. “[B]onfires were built in the streets of downtown Kent, cars were stopped, police cars were<br />
hit with bottles, and some store windows were broken” (Hensley & Lewis, 2010, p. 55). There were also<br />
incidents of pilfering along with a great amount of property damage and some injuries. William Scranton,<br />
the head of the President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, (1970) found that “In all, 47 windows in 15<br />
establishments were broken, and two police officers were cut by missiles” (p. 243). A state of emergency<br />
was issued by the mayor of Kent, Leroy Satrom. The bars were shut down at his demand. Obviously, this<br />
put a lot more people out on the street and made them even more irate. It also raised the ire of those who<br />
were not involved in the destruction. “This arbitrary action threw a new mass of young people into the<br />
228
streets and infuriated many who up to now had done nothing wrong” (Michener, 1971, p. 54). Satrom also<br />
made it clear that gasoline was permitted to only be sold if it was being put into a vehicle’s tank (Bills,<br />
1988).<br />
According to James J. Best, Mayor Satrom ordered a curfew effective for Kent that began at 11:00<br />
p.m.; Kent State <strong>University</strong>’s curfew began at 1:00 a.m. on Friday (Best, 2010). Mayor Satrom attempted<br />
to contact James A. Rhodes, Governor of Ohio. John McElroy, the administrative assistant to Governor<br />
Rhodes, answered the call and Satrom informed him that part of Kent had been overtaken by the “radical”<br />
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). Satrom<br />
told McElroy that he did not need the National Guard’s help at that moment, but forewarned that he may in<br />
the near future (Michener, 1971). McElroy contacted Major General Sylvester T. Del Corso, in charge of<br />
Ohio’s National Guard, who sent a liaison officer to the city of Kent, to update him (Best, 2010).<br />
Rocks were hurled at Kent’s local law enforcement by the irate crowd on the evening of May 1<br />
(Michener, 1971). Local law enforcement utilized tear gas on the congregation, which resulted in people<br />
scattering and students returning to Kent State. Students, especially those who had done nothing wrong,<br />
were furious because they felt that local law enforcement officers were unjustified in utilizing tear gas on<br />
them. This may have contributed to more students taking an active role in opposing authority figures, “and<br />
society.” After being “gassed,” most of the students were off the streets in the downtown area, and were<br />
back on the university’s campus.<br />
The campus police were guarding the campus buildings, which were under bomb threats (Michener, 1971).<br />
James Michener credits Michael Weekley as the one who launched a large brick at the window of the<br />
ROTC building, causing the window to shatter (Michener, 1971). There was also some other miniscule<br />
destruction of property on campus and a lot of tension between the students and the police. The students<br />
who were on campus property faced off with local law enforcement officers who were standing on the<br />
street. Then, something unsuspected happened, which distracted both the cops and the students from each<br />
229
other, which resulted in the tension dissipating: “[A] car collided with a city electric truck, leaving an<br />
electrician – who had been repairing the traffic light in the center of the intersection – hanging from the<br />
light” (Best, 2010, p. 11). An alliance quickly formed between the student protesters and the policemen.<br />
Their goal was to save the man hanging from the traffic light. Once the electrician had been saved, the<br />
tension between the officers and the student protesters had lessened, which resulted in a quiet night on<br />
Kent State <strong>University</strong>’s campus for the remainder of the evening. The incident with the electrician<br />
demonstrated that a human life is extremely valuable and that people can put aside their differences to work<br />
together for a better cause, for example, saving the electrician. Local law enforcement officers detained<br />
fifteen people for disorderly conduct (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). The events<br />
of May 1 would set the stage for the events in the following days that led up to the disastrous shooting of<br />
Kent State students.<br />
The events of May 2, 1970 are extremely pertinent in the shooting of students at Kent State <strong>University</strong>.<br />
The major factor that led to the National Guard coming to campus on May 2 was that there were many<br />
rumors flying around. If these rumors had not been running rampant, then the National Guard would<br />
probably have never come to Kent State. If the National Guard had never shown up, the shooting may not<br />
have occurred.<br />
On the morning of May 2, one major rumor was that radical students were planning on setting the<br />
entire city ablaze (Best, 2010). However, many students helped clean up the mess in the city that was left<br />
from the night before (Best, 2010). Many businesses of Kent were extremely anxious and afraid of threats<br />
by students that their businesses would be damaged or destroyed; therefore they displayed signs in the<br />
windows that had messages which showed opposition to the Vietnam War (U.S. President’s Commission<br />
on Campus Unrest, 1970). An injunction was filed against 500 unnamed students, but it is unknown<br />
whether or not the students were served with the injunction; however, the injunction is mentioned in a<br />
Kent State pamphlet on Saturday (Best, 2010). The state of emergency, which had shut down bars and<br />
230
created the curfew, was issued by Mayor Satrom on May 1 and was made a formality on Saturday, May 2.<br />
There was a lot of confusion about the curfew because the city of Kent and the university had different<br />
curfew times.<br />
The Vice President of Kent State <strong>University</strong>, Robert Matson, met with Lieutenant Barnette of the<br />
National Guard and was informed by Barnette that “if the National Guard were called, they would make no<br />
distinction between city and campus and would take jurisdictional control of the entire area” (U.S.<br />
President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 245). What Lieutenant Barnette had told Matson<br />
conflicted with their originally understood duties: “The National Guard’s concept of operations in<br />
controlling civil disorders is to support rather than replace local and State [sic] law enforcement<br />
agencies” (Grant & Hill, 1974, p. 15). As a result, faculty and officials of Kent State were very hesitant and<br />
reluctant to have the National Guard come to Kent.<br />
There were rumors that students would be assembling that evening. This made Kent State officials<br />
uneasy because they did not want a repeat of what happened the previous night. Eszterhas and Hill<br />
described rumors about weapons, especially guns, radical Weathermen, threats of the city being set ablaze,<br />
and rumors that the water of the city would be contaminated with LSD (as cited in Hensley & Lewis,<br />
2010). Meanwhile, a pamphlet was passed out to Kent State students misinforming them of the curfew<br />
time. It told them the time of curfew for the city and did not explain that the university’s curfew was<br />
different than the city’s curfew. The pamphlet also stated that peaceful assemblies were still permitted.<br />
The major rumor was that people were plotting to do major damage any building that was military<br />
related as well as the post office (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). Mayor Satrom<br />
wanted to utilize the police if any of these rumors were to come true, if any foul play occurred, or if<br />
anything went awry. However, local law enforcement officers would be unavailable. This resulted in<br />
Satrom finally enlisting assistance from the National Guard, despite his reluctance to do so. After the<br />
necessary steps were taken, the National Guard made their way from Akron to Kent. At about 7:00 p.m.,<br />
231
there was a congregation of students at the Victory Bell, which resulted in the Chief of Police of Kent State<br />
to attempt to enlist the help of the Highway Patrol; however, the patrol refused to make its way on campus<br />
unless there were illicit activities that called for arrests (Best, 2010). Later that evening, the ROTC building<br />
began to suffer some damage and destruction. Rocks were launched at the ROTC building and then fire was<br />
set to it. An American flag was also incinerated (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
Firefighters attempted to extinguish the fire, but their attempts were futile, because students damaged the<br />
hose and launched rocks at the firefighters. The firefighters eventually left the scene. The fire died out on its<br />
own. Then, the fire seemed to have rekindled itself by means of live ammunition.<br />
Many different authority figures arrived at Kent State. “[Campus] police, sheriff’s deputies, highway<br />
patrolmen, and National Guardsmen had assembled on campus” (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus<br />
Unrest, 1970, p. 251). General Del Corso informed McElroy, who, in turn, informed Governor James A.<br />
Rhodes that the National Guard was in the downtown area of Kent and at Kent State <strong>University</strong> (U.S.<br />
President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). The State Highway Patrol made their way to campus<br />
because arrests were warranted and necessary (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
Firefighters had made their return to campus in an attempt to extinguish the burning ROTC building once<br />
again. Guardsmen, along with Kent State police, attempted to guard the firefighters, while they<br />
extinguished the massive fire. The firefighters successfully extinguished the fire. However, it was too late.<br />
There was basically nothing left of the ROTC building, except ash. There was $86,000 worth of damage<br />
and destruction (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
The message sent by the incineration of the ROTC building was that people were very opposed to the<br />
war in Vietnam. They did not believe in war. They did not believe in training people to take other human<br />
lives. Their message appeared to be purely political. It was later discovered that the majority of people who<br />
played a major role in the incineration of the ROTC building were not students of Kent State <strong>University</strong><br />
and it was thoroughly planned before the incident actually occurred, which is evident because no person<br />
232
would bring a machete, ice pick, or other weapons that were used to destroy the firefighters’ hose to a rally<br />
that was supposed to be peaceful (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). That is crucial,<br />
because the incidences committed by non-students helped create tension with the National Guard, which<br />
resulted in the shooting of students on May 4.<br />
Figure 4. The Kent St[a]te Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC) building fire burns out late Saturday night<br />
(Ruffner, 1970).<br />
There was even more destruction that occurred on campus that evening; however, if authority figures<br />
had not been present to diffuse the situation, there probably would have been even more damage and<br />
destruction:<br />
A faculty marshal dissuaded half a dozen persons from setting fire to a small information booth at<br />
the edge of campus…a group of about ten wrecked a telephone booth and tried to uproot a bus<br />
stop sign. Others dragged an air compressor from a construction site into the street, piled up<br />
sawhorses and debris, and built a bonfire (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970,<br />
p. 251).<br />
The general belief was that most or all of the students were bent on wreaking havoc on Kent. However,<br />
this is far from the truth. A lot of students did wreak havoc. However, there were some students that<br />
steered clear of that and believed that they would get nowhere and that nobody would listen to them if they<br />
233
destroyed the university and the city. According to Scranton and his President’s Commission, “Still other<br />
students followed along trying to prevent damage and put fires out” (U.S. President’s Commission on<br />
Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 251-252).<br />
A lot of students were irate about the National Guard being at Kent State <strong>University</strong>. Many citizens of<br />
Kent were relieved and happy to see the Guardsmen in Kent. Locals had resentment towards protestors as<br />
well as the students at Kent State <strong>University</strong>, because they believed that young people were<br />
antiestablishment and causing the trouble. They did not realize that not everyone was partaking in the<br />
destruction of the city. They were fearful of the protesters and young people. When the National Guard<br />
arrived at Kent; one soldier recalled:<br />
People from some of the neighborhoods on our route ran out to our jeep. They said things like,<br />
“Kill those S.O.B.’s if they cause any more trouble.” “Get tough with them.” Maybe we agreed with<br />
some of these statements when we were entering a riot situation in a city, but now we were facing<br />
white young people like us and we thought these remarks were stupid (Grant & Hill 1974, p. 53).<br />
This demonstrated that the National Guard shared the same sentiment as the residents of Kent until<br />
they realized that they were facing human beings who were basically the same as them. These young<br />
students were not subhuman and they sure were not the enemy. They were people just like the<br />
Guardsmen. If the Guardsmen could have maintained this attitude throughout the remainder of their stay in<br />
Kent, then maybe the shootings would not have occurred. However, since they were afraid and not very<br />
familiar with the predicament that they were put into, the National Guardsmen lost sight of that fact.<br />
The National Guard utilized tear gas to contain the rambunctious crowd, just as local law enforcement<br />
had done the previous night. The protesting students were already antiestablishment and did not like<br />
authority figures. However, that action infuriated students who had done nothing wrong and who had taken<br />
a neutral role up until that point. That was the first night that rocks had been launched at the National<br />
Guard. The crowd was dispersed by the tear gas, and the rest of the evening was calm. However, the<br />
234
negative attitudes towards the National Guard would fester over the next couple of days and would feed<br />
into the shootings.<br />
May 3, 1970 is a day that is extremely crucial in comprehending why the National Guard would shoot<br />
the students at Kent State <strong>University</strong> the following day. May 3 demonstrated the uneasy feelings that the<br />
students of Kent State <strong>University</strong> had towards authority figures, especially the National Guard. It also<br />
demonstrated the attitude of government officials towards the protesting students. There were some key<br />
factors and events that occurred on May 3 that were necessary to comprehend why the shootings occurred.<br />
The president of the university was making his return back to Kent. Some faculty members and<br />
students were absolutely opposed to the students being suspended for their actions in previous<br />
days. There was an investigation held among faculty of Kent State <strong>University</strong>. The most important<br />
principle explained by the end of that investigation was that “[r]easons should be given to justify a<br />
discretionary decision, for to decide an issue without giving the reasons upon which the decision is<br />
based approaches autocracy and is incompatible with the educational objectives of the academic<br />
community” (Kent Chapter of the American Association of <strong>University</strong> Professors. Report of the<br />
Special Committee of Inquiry as cited in Michener, 1970, p. 237).<br />
There was confusion among people about those codes that were supposed to be practiced by faculty<br />
members, especially in the cases where students:<br />
1. Advocated that President White be shot.<br />
2. Openly announced that they intended to destroy the university.<br />
3. Habitually called campus police to their face, “motherfucking pigs.”<br />
4. Openly threatened to kill campus policemen.<br />
5. Distributed leaflets calling for the assassination of all policemen at random.<br />
6. Threatened to blow up buildings.<br />
7. Warned that if disciplinary action were taken against them, the sky would be the limit.<br />
235
8. Preached that the United States government must be overthrown now. (Michener, 1970, p.<br />
237).<br />
The governor, James A. Rhodes, also flew to Kent. He was making his way from Cleveland, where he<br />
had been campaigning for generally pro-war Republicans (Best, 2010). Governor Rhodes had berated the<br />
student protesters at Kent State. He basically called them savages that were anti-American. His description<br />
of the protestors was that they were “worse than the brown shirts and the communist element, and also the<br />
night-riders and the vigilantes. They are the worst type of people that we harbor in America” (U.S.<br />
President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 254). Rhodes promised to eradicate the problem by<br />
any amount of lawful force and legal means necessary. He said that “every force of law would be used to<br />
deal with them” (Hensley & Lewis, 2010, p. 55). He then stated that he was going to obtain a state of<br />
emergency by means of a court order, which he never went through with.<br />
The statements made by Rhodes raised the antagonistic attitudes of students towards authority figures,<br />
governmental officials, and perhaps “America.” Rhodes should not have insulted the students by comparing<br />
them to radical groups, such as Nazis and Communists, no matter how extreme their methods were. They<br />
were exercising their rights as Americans to protest a war they did not believe in. By doing that, Rhodes<br />
basically claimed that an American right that the students were practicing, in the form of protesting, was<br />
not American, and the right to protest was considered synonymous with anarchy. Rhodes also created a lot<br />
of confusion by stating that there was a state of emergency, yet not following through with obtaining the<br />
necessary paperwork; this made people, especially the National Guard, believe that martial law was in<br />
effect and, therefore, congregations and rallies were not permitted. This is the major factor and<br />
misunderstanding that led to the students being gunned down by the National Guard the following day.<br />
Ronald Kane, the prosecutor in the surrounding Portage County, had a meeting with James Rhodes<br />
and gave Rhodes the idea to shut down Kent State <strong>University</strong>, at least temporarily, which Governor Rhodes<br />
declined to do. If Rhodes would have permitted the university to shut down, at least during that tense time<br />
236
and situation, then the shooting of the students by the National Guard probably would not have happened<br />
the next day. This would have allowed the anger and resentment that protesting students were feeling about<br />
the war and towards government officials to subside and nobody would have been on campus the next day<br />
to get shot by the National Guard. The National Guard also would have not been placed in an untenable<br />
position.<br />
Governor Rhodes briefly met with President White of Kent State <strong>University</strong>. Rhodes told White that<br />
he had a bunch of savages on campus. He basically told him to not give up and to not allow Kent State to<br />
close down. Governor Rhodes said, “Bob, you have 400 of the worst riffraff in the state from all of the<br />
campuses. They are trying to close you down. Don’t give in. Keep open” (U.S. President’s Commission on<br />
Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 255).<br />
Under martial law, which was what everyone thought was imposed because of the statements of<br />
Governor Rhodes; students would not be able to congregate at all. There was a congregation of students at<br />
8:00 p.m. around what was left of the ROTC building (Best, 2010). The crowd had become so enormous<br />
that the 1:00 a.m. curfew was revoked. The curfew for the evening would be imposed upon students<br />
immediately. At 9:00 p.m., the congregation of people was read the Ohio Riot Act. The crowd was given<br />
the opportunity to break up and had five minutes to do so, otherwise they would face arrest (U.S.<br />
President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). When the crowd remained, the National Guard fired<br />
tear gas like they had the night before. Demonstrators had separated into two different groups after being<br />
exposed to the tear gas. “One group headed towards President White’s house, another toward Prentice<br />
Gate” (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, 257).<br />
Tear gas was unleashed on the congregation that had headed toward President White’s house. The group<br />
that was hanging out around Prentice Gate was still intact. That crowd wanted to meet with President<br />
White and Mayor Satrom to negotiate its demands for dispersal. The demands were: “abolition of the<br />
ROTC on campus, removal of the Guard from campus by Monday night, lifting of the curfew, full amnesty<br />
237
for those arrested on Saturday night, the granting of all demands made by BUS (Black United Students), and<br />
the reduction of student tuition” (Best, 2010, p. 17-18). The National Guard felt that they controlled<br />
campus and were calling the shots; therefore they declined to negotiate with the students. The National<br />
Guard was able to break up the congregation before Mayor Satrom made it to the site. President White did<br />
not make an appearance. There was a negotiation that the National Guard would back off of the campus if<br />
the students got off the streets.<br />
The Riot Act was again read at 11:00 p.m., and the curfew was to take effect right then (U.S.<br />
President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). Students were informed that neither official that they<br />
had requested to speak with would be making an appearance. Students were under the impression that the<br />
officials were going to meet with them and felt that they had gone back on their words. The congregation<br />
became irate and violent. They began to berate, cuss out, and launch rocks at the National Guard, as well as<br />
any local law enforcement officers who were around. The National Guard responded by firing tear gas on<br />
the people, which resulted in them fleeing. When the National Guard was trying to break up the<br />
congregation, some injuries occurred. A minimum of two students suffered wounds because the National<br />
Guard drew bayonets on them and Guardsmen suffered wounds from stones that were launched at them, as<br />
well as a wrench that was launched (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). Ironically,<br />
Allison Krause, one of the most famous of the students killed by the National Guard the following day, was<br />
one of the students who was running away from the scene (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus<br />
Unrest, 1970). Students went into Rockwell Memorial Library. They were locked in and confined there.<br />
Almost an hour later, they were released and permitted to make their way to their dorms. There were<br />
many arrests: “Fifty-one persons were arrested Sunday night, most of them for curfew violations. This<br />
brought the total of arrests to more than 100 since the disturbances had begun” (U.S. President’s<br />
Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 258). The rest of the evening was quiet. Students, however,<br />
loathed the National Guard now and wanted the Guardsmen off their campus, especially because the Guard<br />
238
had broken their promise to back off of campus and also apparently lied to the students by telling them that<br />
White and Satrom would meet with them, which never happened.<br />
At some point during the day on May 3, Allison Krause had seen that there was a flower in the barrel of<br />
the rifle of one of the Guardsmen, and she stated that “flowers are better than bullets” (Bills, 1988, p. 13).<br />
However, Michener stated that Krause had given the flower to the Guardsman and then she made that<br />
statement (Michener, 1970). That demonstrated that despite Krause being opposed to the war and<br />
protesting it, she was a good person and she did not want violence to occur. It also showed that she was a<br />
peaceful protester. She definitely did not suspect that she would die from the bullets of the National Guard<br />
the following day. The hatred and apathy towards the National Guard had increased during that day, as a<br />
result of the purported lies and actions of the National Guard. This changed the objective and motives of the<br />
students from protesting the expansion of the Vietnam War to protesting the National Guard being at Kent<br />
State. This could have been what caused Allison Krause to take a more militant position in protesting and<br />
made her consider tossing rocks at the National Guard.<br />
May 4, 1970 is the day that the National Guard gunned down students at Kent State. The National<br />
Guard was sleep deprived. At 7:45 a.m., the Education Building was shut down as the result of a threat to<br />
bomb the building (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). There was an enormous<br />
misunderstanding about the hours that curfew would start, because Kent had a different curfew than Kent<br />
State <strong>University</strong>. General Canterbury met with many important figures to discuss curfew hours, and they<br />
decided that Kent State would have the same curfew as the rest of the city, which was from 8:00 p.m. to<br />
6:00 a.m., which resulted in Mayor Satrom changing the curfew time (U.S. President’s Commission on<br />
Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
There was supposed to be a gathering of students at noon, which was originally to protest the expansion<br />
of the war in Vietnam, but now it focused on the desire to have the National Guard removed from KSU<br />
property because the students were livid that the Guardsmen had lied to them about meeting with Satrom<br />
239
and White the night before and they felt the National Guard was impeding their rights. The congregation<br />
was forbidden based on the assumption that Governor James Rhodes, did in fact, seek the necessary<br />
paperwork that declared that there was a state of emergency, because it was supposed to prevent rallies,<br />
which would prevent injuries and property damage by the students. However, now, we know that he did<br />
not ever formalize the state of emergency. Students still would congregate at noon, despite a lot of them,<br />
but not all of them, knowing that they were not supposed to. Even many people who did not partake in<br />
events the previous nights grouped up with the rest of their peers to protest the National Guard’s presence<br />
on campus. However, a lot of people still made it clear that they were opposed to the war through chants<br />
such as “One, two, three, four, we don’t want your fucking war” (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus<br />
Unrest, 1970, p. 263).<br />
The National Guard, mainly those members from Company A and Company C, had a face-off with a<br />
huge number of students (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). General Canterbury<br />
told the Guardsmen to load their guns. One could inquire why the National Guard was armed against<br />
unarmed citizens. However, the Guardsmen were vulnerable in the sense that they were being abused with<br />
rocks and were not able to defend themselves without utilizing their guns. They were also sleep deprived.<br />
A jeep was driven through the crowd to try to get them to disperse, but students just launched rocks at<br />
the jeep until it retreated. At about noon, the jeep came back, and “Canterbury ordered the 96 men and<br />
seven officers to form a skirmish line, shoulder to shoulder, and to move out across the Commons toward<br />
the students” (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 264). The National Guard’s main<br />
objective was to break up the congregation of students. The National Guard eventually launched tear gas<br />
into the gathering, because they would not disperse. Students casted the tear gas back at the National<br />
Guard, who had gas masks on their faces (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). The<br />
students also tossed rocks at the Guardsmen.<br />
240
There was a clear misunderstanding and miscommunication of the role the National Guard was<br />
supposed to play. There was also increasing resentment towards the Guardsmen as the days had progressed,<br />
as cited in the President’s Commission:<br />
Many students felt that the campus was their “turf.” Unclear about the authority vested in the<br />
National Guard by the governor, or indifferent to it, some also felt that their constitutional right to<br />
free assembly was being infringed upon. As they saw it, they had been ordered to disperse at a time<br />
when no rocks had been thrown and no other violence had been committed. (U.S. President’s<br />
Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 267).<br />
The congregation continued to toss rocks at the National Guard. Canisters of tear gas continued to be<br />
launched by the National Guard and then returned by students. Jeffrey Miller was one of the men who<br />
partook in casting back canisters of tear gas (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). As<br />
the tension between the National Guard and students increased and conditions became worse, some<br />
students took the opportunity to leave the scene.<br />
More stones were tossed at the Guard. Then, the National Guard gunned down students. Four students<br />
died and nine students were injured. “Altogether between 61 and 67 shots were fired in a thirteen-second<br />
period” (Hensley & Lewis, 2010, p. 56). The four students who were killed were Jeffrey Glen Miller,<br />
William K. Schroeder, Sandra Lee Scheuer (Sandy), and Allison B. Krause. The nine students who suffered<br />
injuries were Joseph Lewis, Jr., Thomas V. Grace, John R. Cleary, Allen Michael Canfora, Dean R. Kahler,<br />
Douglas Alan Wrentmore, James Dennis Russell, Robert Follis Stamps, and Donald Scott Mackenzie.<br />
The National Guard claimed that they shot the students because they were in fear of their lives.<br />
However, many researchers have proven that all the students who suffered fatalities and injuries were<br />
nowhere near the Guardsmen at the time. The main members of the National Guard who did the shooting<br />
were Company A and Troop G (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). The thirteen<br />
casualties by name, distance from National Guard, as well as deaths and injuries sustained were:<br />
241
1. Joseph Lewis, Jr., 20 yards, wounded in the right abdomen and the lower left leg.<br />
2. Thomas V. Grace, 20 yards, wounded in left ankle.<br />
3. John R. Cleary, 37 yards, wounded in upper left chest.<br />
4. Allen Michael Canfora, 75 yards, wounded in the right wrist.<br />
5. Jeffrey Glenn Miller, 85 to 90 yards, killed by a shot in the mouth.<br />
6. Dean R. Kahler, 95 to 100 yards, wounded in the left side of the small of his back. A bullet<br />
fragment lodged in his spine, and he is paralyzed from the waist down.<br />
7. Douglas Allen Wrentmore, 110 yards, wounded in the right knee.<br />
8. Allison B. Krause, 110 yards, killed by a bullet that passed through her left upper arm and into<br />
her left side.<br />
9. James Dennis Russell, 125 to 130 yards, wounded in the right thigh and right forehead.<br />
10. William K. Schroeder, 130 yards, killed by a shot in the left back at the seventh rib.<br />
11. Sandra Lee Scheuer, 130 yards, killed by a shot through the left front side of the neck.<br />
12. Robert Follis Stamps, 165 yards, wounded in the right buttock.<br />
13. Donald Scott Mackenzie, 245 to 250 yards, wounded in the left rear of the neck. (U.S.<br />
President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 273-274).<br />
The students thought that the National Guard was firing blanks at first. Blanks, however, do not hit the<br />
ground. Upon seeing the carnage, many students were outraged. They called the National Guard<br />
“murderers” (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). One person tried to revive Sandy<br />
with mouth-mouth resuscitation (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
Sandra Scheuer was a twenty-year-old junior who was headed to class when she was shot. She was not<br />
involved in the congregation that was protesting the expansion of the Vietnam War and the National Guard<br />
being on campus (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
242
Allison Krause was a nineteen-year-old freshman who was part of the protesting congregation on the<br />
Commons and following her demise “small fragments of concrete and cinder block were found in the<br />
pockets of her jacket” (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970, p. 275).<br />
Jeffrey Glenn Miller was a twenty-year-old junior who was a protestor who had given the National<br />
Guard the middle fingers when the Guardsmen ordered the congregation to break up, and he tossed a<br />
canister of tear gas at the National Guard (U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
William K. Schroeder was a nineteen-year-old-sophomore who was a cadet in the ROTC who was<br />
present at the congregation but who probably did not harass the National Guard (U.S. President’s<br />
Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970).<br />
Figure 5. John Filo’s iconic Pulitzer Prize-winning photograph of Mary Ann Vecchio, a fourteen-year-old<br />
runaway, kneeling over the body of Jeffrey Miller after he was shot dead by the Ohio National Guard (Filo<br />
1970).<br />
243
Figure 6. The four students killed by the Ohio National Guard at Kent State <strong>University</strong> (Kent May 4<br />
Center, 1970).<br />
The shooting traumatized students and the nation. They could not believe that governmental authority<br />
figures could commit such heinous acts. It was surprising to them that the Guard, who had guns, would use<br />
them on students. The students attempted to fight the National Guard, but Kent State faculty prevented it<br />
by talking to the students and calming them down.<br />
The shooting probably traumatized a lot of the National Guardsmen as well. They claimed that they<br />
shot the students because they felt that their lives were in peril (Hensley & Lewis, 2010). Basically, they<br />
claimed it was self defense, but most of the evidence suggests that was not the case (Hensley & Lewis,<br />
2010). An injunction was sought by Prosecutor Ronald Kane to close down Kent State <strong>University</strong>, which<br />
closed on May 4, 1970, and remained closed for the remainder of the quarter (U.S. President’s<br />
Commission on Campus Unrest, 1970). Professors attempted to help students finish the quarter. They did<br />
that by meeting off campus for lessons. Kent State reopened for the summer quarter.<br />
The students who were killed were obviously the most damaged. The students who suffered injuries<br />
from the shootings were deeply affected, especially Dean Kahler, who is still paralyzed and is confined to a<br />
wheelchair to this day. The families of the dead and injured students were also deeply affected. Jerry Lewis<br />
244
created the Candlelight Walk and Vigil, which occurs on the anniversary of May 4, to remember the<br />
students and the shootings (Lewis, 2010). That is also a reminder to keep people and perhaps the<br />
government from repeating their mistakes that could result in another incident like the one at Kent State<br />
<strong>University</strong>.<br />
There were many factors that lead to the Kent State shootings. There was opposition to the Vietnam<br />
War and the expansion of the war. There were misunderstandings between students, university and<br />
government officials, as well as the National Guard, which contributed to the Kent State tragedy. There<br />
were some lies and rumors running rampant. Mistakes were made by everyone and resulted in the horrific<br />
outcome of students being shot by the National Guard. However, the National Guard did not have the right<br />
to shoot those students even if the students were throwing rocks at the Guardsmen. Guns are more deadly<br />
than rocks. The National Guard should not have even had guns on them to deal with that situation.<br />
References<br />
Best, J. J. (2010). The Tragic Weekend of May 1-4, 1970. In T. Hensley & J. Lewis (Eds.), Kent State and<br />
May 4 th : A social science perspective. Kent, OH: Kent State <strong>University</strong> Press.<br />
Bills, S.L. (1988). Kent state/may 4: echoes through a decade. Kent, OH: Kent State <strong>University</strong> Press.<br />
Caputo, P. (2005). 13 seconds: A look back at the Kent State shootings. New York: Chamberlain Bros.<br />
Cartaino, C. (2010). It happened in Ohio: Remarkable events that shaped history. Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot<br />
Press.<br />
Filo, J. (Photographer). (1970). Kent State shootings. [Photographic image]. Retrieved from<br />
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kent_State_shootings<br />
Grant, E., & Hill, M. (1974). I was there: what really went on at Kent State. Lima, OH: The C.S.S. Publishing<br />
Company, Inc.<br />
245
Hensley, T.R. and Lewis, J.M. (2010). The May 4 Shootings at Kent State <strong>University</strong>: The search for<br />
historical accuracy. In Authors (Eds.), Kent State and May 4 th : A social science perspective. (pp. 54-60).<br />
Kent, OH: Kent State <strong>University</strong> Press.<br />
Kent May 4 Center. (1970). Best May 4 1970 Photograph web links. Retrieved from<br />
http://www.may4.org/1970-best-photo-links/best-kent-state-1970-online-photograph-links/<br />
Lewis, J.M. (2010). The Candlelight Walk and Vigil. In T. Hensley & J.M. Lewis (Eds.), Kent State and May<br />
4 th : A social science perspective. (pp. 213-216). Kent, OH: Kent State <strong>University</strong> Press.<br />
Location Map May 4-Shooting. (Photographic image). Retrieved from<br />
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kent_State_shootings<br />
Michener, J. (1971). Kent state: what happened and why. New York: Random House.<br />
Ruffner, H. (1970). Howard Ruffner: HUGE collection of the best May 1-4, 1970 Kent State photographs.<br />
Picasa Web Albums. Retrieved from<br />
http://picasaweb.google.com/hruffner/KentState<strong>University</strong>May141970#<br />
U.S. President’s Commission on Campus Unrest. (1970). Report of the President’s Commission on Campus<br />
Unrest. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.<br />
246
Carolyn Payne<br />
Saginaw Valley State <strong>University</strong><br />
The Emerging Myth:<br />
Christianity as the “True Myth” in Tolkien, Lewis, and Williams<br />
**This paper is part of a far more extensive piece, which may account for some lack of clarity or<br />
discontinued thought on some subject matters.<br />
J.R.R. Tolkien, C.S. Lewis, and Charles Williams are primarily associated by their membership in<br />
the unofficial Oxford literary club, the Inklings, but what initially brought them together was a deeper<br />
issue. While still unacquainted, Lewis and Williams read each other's work and the two men immediately<br />
wrote to each other, expressing their own similar convictions on mythology and the “true myth.” This<br />
concept refers to the notion that that all cultures undergo a Jung-like experience of collective unconscious<br />
in regards to mythology, explaining the common archetypes and messages found in ancient texts. This<br />
collective myth-experience was actualized in the life of Christ, making Christianity the “true myth.”<br />
Tolkien and Lewis had previously discovered their mutual love of myth and curiosity of the “true myth” and<br />
so it was through this commonality that the friendship of the three men was formed. The three came from<br />
distinctly different religious backgrounds and their writings reflected those histories and beliefs. Tolkien, a<br />
lifelong Roman Catholic, wrote vastly developed mythologies with subtle allusions to his faith. Lewis, a<br />
middle-aged convert to Evangelical Anglicanism, wrote in a dogmatic and overtly allegorical fashion.<br />
Charles Williams was a practicing, influential Rosicrucian whose writing was every bit as mysterious and<br />
mystical as the rituals he performed on a daily basis. They shared an essence of faith, Oxford scholarship,<br />
and notability as British authors in the twentieth century, but that is not their only common ground. These<br />
men made their belief in the “true myth” and their different interpretations of it evident through their<br />
various fictions.<br />
247
Love of mythology in general had been constant throughout the lives of the three men. Lewis and<br />
Tolkien shared a great love of Norse mythology, discovering this „taste for Northernness‟ in childhood.<br />
Tolkien had even started a club called the Kolbítar among the Oxford dons to read Icelandic myths and<br />
sagas in Old Norse, and Lewis‟s attendance at this club was one of the their first interactions. Williams‟<br />
fondness for mythology ran in a more ritualistic and magical direction: toward the quests of the knights of<br />
Camelot. While Lewis and Tolkien found Arthurian legend delightful (though Tolkien distrusted it as the<br />
„mythology for Britain‟, Williams was enraptured by the ideas of the Holy Grail and courtly love. All three<br />
men believed that myth is essential and vital to mankind‟s understanding of their world. Michaela Baltasar<br />
wrote that Tolkien intended The Lord of the Rings to demonstrate myth's true nature and proper function.<br />
For Tolkien, this function is especially important as an act of „sub creation‟ as an intelligent creation of a<br />
greater Creator. David Lyle Jeffrey cites St. Augustine‟s teachings as “„history [being] a kind of continuous<br />
unfolding of God's Word in time‟ then literary works are contemporary glosses on that first divine text”<br />
(Jeffrey, 65). Jeffrey concludes that writing, particularly writing myth, is then a kind of sub-creation,<br />
repeating the patterns first established at Creation.<br />
It was Tolkien who first introduced the idea of “true myth” to Lewis, originally as a means to<br />
convince Lewis to convert to Christianity. Humphrey Carpenter, in The Inklings, relates much of their<br />
conversation, the meat of it in Tolkien‟s teaching, “Pagan myths were, in fact, God expressing himself<br />
through the minds of poets, and using the images of their „mythoepia‟ to express fragments of his eternal<br />
truth… Christianity is exactly the same thing – with the enormous difference that the poet who invented it<br />
was God Himself, and the images He used were real men and actual history” (Inklings, 44). Tolkien and<br />
Lewis came to the conclusion that when it came to mythology, mankind had a collective unconscious that<br />
accounts for Jungian archetypes and repeated symbols and messages, but this unconscious was supernatural<br />
in the fact that the Christian God had created it, and told and retold the story of Jesus Christ as the dying<br />
248
god long before he was ever on Earth. Charles Moorman wrote in “Spaceship and Grail: The Myths of C.S.<br />
Lewis”, “Thus Lewis’s general use of myth, along with his statements concerning the nature of myth, would<br />
seem to point to a unified concept of the pace of myth in literature: Myth itself represents an ultimate and<br />
absolute reality; myth in literature represents a reflection of that central reality, capable of conveying the<br />
meaning and, to some extent, the power implicit in the myth itself. (Moorman, 405). He quotes Lewis as<br />
saying, “… just as, on the factual side, a long preparation culminated in God’s becoming incarnate as Man,<br />
so, on the documentary side, the truth first appears in mythical form and then by a long process of<br />
condensing or focusing finally becomes incarnate as History. This involves the belief that Myth in general<br />
is… a real though unfocused gleam of divine truth falling on human imagination” (Moorman, 405).<br />
Despite their common belief in “true myth”, the three most famous Inklings approached this<br />
concept in extremely different ways, coming from very diverse religious backgrounds. Tolkien was a lifelong<br />
“Tridentine Roman Catholic”, firmly grounded in strict, almost medieval tradition. Though he was<br />
“never as public about his Christianity as was his closest friend, C .S. Lewis, Tolkien never hid his faith, and<br />
his Catholicism manifested itself in a number of profound and often surprisingly public ways” (Tolkien<br />
Encyclopedia, 86). Lewis’s public declarations of faith, on the other hand, were far less surprising.<br />
Considered by many to be an “apostle to the skeptics”, Lewis had been an atheist since the age of fifteen<br />
until, through various influences, not in the least Tolkien’s friendship, became a Christian midway through<br />
his life, at age thirty-three. His conversion to Anglicanism (despite Tolkien’s general dislike of the Anglican<br />
church) began a thirty-year ministry of dogmatic evangelism clear in both his fictions and nonfiction<br />
theological works. Charles Williams, the least well-known of the three, was on the outside of the typical<br />
Christian-denominational divide. Williams was an active member of the Fellowship of the Rosy Cross, an<br />
esoteric offshoot of the Order of the Golden Dawn, for ten years. Williams unofficially broke from the<br />
Rosicrucians in the 1930s to found his own magical-Christian group, the Companions of the Co-inherence,<br />
249
which called his devoted followers to “indwell” in one another as the Godhead Trinity indwells in itself. It is<br />
from these three religious lenses that the Inklings separately told their own version of the „true myth‟ in<br />
foreseeably dissimilar ways.<br />
The cosmology of Tolkien‟s mythical Middle-earth is remarkably similar to that of the Christian<br />
myth of creation. In the beginning of The Silmarillion, Tolkien presents his creator: Eru, and the words used<br />
to speak the earth (Eä) into being are almost identical to those in Genesis 1: “I say: Eä! Let these things Be!”<br />
(Silmarillion, 20). Melkor, the most powerful and knowledgeable of the Ainur, became discontent with his<br />
inability to possess the Imperishable Fire that was with Eru, the creator, and broke from the worshipful<br />
Ainur as the evil that will pervade Middle-earth, or the Christian devil- Lucifer, the most beautiful of all<br />
God‟s creation that tempts Eve with the promise of knowledge.<br />
Tolkien‟s godhead resembles a mixture of the Norse pantheon and the Christian Holy Trinity. Eru<br />
serves as the Father-of-All, or God-the-Father. The Ainur, the offspring of his thought, who “were with him<br />
before aught else was made” (Silmarillion, 15) serve to pluralize God, “at once singular and multiple” (Burns,<br />
166) by creating a more numerous stand-in for God-the-Son and God-the-Spirit. The Valar, the “Powers of<br />
the World” who are the remnants of the other Ainur after the split created by Melkor‟s defection, are then<br />
the angels, who interact with lower creatures and do the will of Eru. The Maiar are the helpers and servants<br />
of the Valar, who, through Tolkien‟s Roman Catholicism, are likely representative of saints. It then follows<br />
that Elves serve as the “firstborn”, the Pre-Lapsarian, and that Mankind itself, “the followers” are Post-<br />
Lapsarian.<br />
Tolkien‟s mythology is deep and rich, vastly developed, yet subtle- much like his Roman Catholic<br />
faith. His Christian references are intertwined with everything, but not overt or surface-level. “His Roman<br />
Catholicism faith not only defined his spiritual life, it also pervaded his family life, his academic life, and his<br />
social life. In an interview in 1997, Tolkien‟s close friend George Sayer stated that „Lord of the Rings would<br />
250
have been very different, and the writing of it very difficult, if Tolkien hadn‟t been a Christian. He thought<br />
it a profoundly Christian book‟” (Tolkien Encyclopedia, 101).<br />
No less profoundly Christian, but certainly more glaring are the religious connotations found in<br />
Lewis‟s Space Trilogy. Lewis does not create a myth even slightly apart from his new Christian faith: he<br />
instead “uses his silent planet myth in the first two novels of the trilogy as a metaphor by which he presents<br />
to his skeptical public in an altered and hence vitalized form the great truths of the Christian doctrine, the<br />
separation of Man and God in Out of the Silent Planet, and the nature of the Fall in Perelandra” (Moorman,<br />
405). When his character Ransom is first transported to the planet Mars (known as Malacandra to the rest<br />
of the universe), in the first book, Out of the Silent Planet, he is told right away that those who seem to be in<br />
all-authority are not. The hrossa (One of the three sentient races inhabiting the planet) laugh at Ransom<br />
when they find him and he quickly learns their language and discovers his own ignorance. He asks if their<br />
Oyarsa made their world and they say “[do] people in Thulcandra not know that Maleldil the Young had<br />
made and still rule[s] the world? Even a child knew that. Where did Maleldil live, Ransom asked. „With the<br />
Old One.‟ And who was the Old One? Ransom did not understand the answer. He tried again. „Where was<br />
the old One?‟ „He is not that sort,‟ said Hnohra, „that he has to live anywhere‟” (Out of the Silent Plane, 68t).<br />
On the newly-formed planet Perelandra, Ransom experiences two more Christian myths: both the reenactment<br />
of the Fall and an „outsider‟s‟ explanation of the redemption available through the Messiahfigure.<br />
The Green Lady, the Eve of Perelandra, faces a similar decision and destruction. She has been<br />
granted freedom to walk with her Creator in harmony on her planet of shifting, moving islands, but denied<br />
permission to live on the stationary landscape. Ransom questions her about it: “‟Is there a law in your world<br />
not to sleep in a Fixed Land?‟ „Yes,‟ said the Lady. „He does not wish us to dwell there. We may land on<br />
them and walk on them, for the world is ours. But to stay there—to sleep and awake there…‟ she ended<br />
251
with a shudder” (Perelandra, 74). Dr. Weston, an agent of the devil who has been transported to the planet<br />
to lead her into evil, “initiates the ordeal by encouraging her to think about the Fixed Land, this emphasizing<br />
the contrast between what is and what might be . . . he works upon fantasy, or imagination, first. Next<br />
comes the appeal to her desire for wisdom. Finally Weston urges her to exercise a kind of tragic courage.<br />
The commandment, he tells her, is a test, one which she can meet only by disobeying, by daring to be other<br />
than what she was created” (Urang, 71). The Green Lady is able to overcome this temptation because<br />
Ransom is willing to sacrifice himself to remove Weston from the picture, but primarily due to the fact that<br />
she knows that God‟s son died on earth. “… in your world Maleldil first took Himself this form, the form<br />
of our race and mind” (Perelandra, 62). She points out to Ransom that despite Earth‟s condition as the most<br />
wicked of worlds, it is also the most blessed. “Do not wonder, O Piebald Man, that your world should<br />
have been chosen for time‟s corner. You live looking out always on heaven itself, and as if this were not<br />
enough Maleldil takes you all thither in the end. You are favoured beyond all worlds” (Perelandra, 67).<br />
Lewis‟s thinly veiled myths go beyond mere allegory and reach to direct parallel. “. . . Out of the<br />
Silent Planet presents an image of the unfallen created order and Perelandra the temptation but with Paradise<br />
“retained” (Urang, 37). His message and motives are undeniably evident: “Although the names used are<br />
Maleldil and Oyarsa, C.S. Lewis is clearly presenting a cosmology and an understanding of God and man<br />
analogous to those of traditional Christian belief” (Urang, 14). It is precisely Lewis‟s kind of religion that<br />
brings him to present such a blatant pro-Christian message: he wasn‟t just writing fiction, he was writing his<br />
theology in practicing a faith that promotes constant „witnessing‟ of their beliefs. Lewis‟s dogmatic,<br />
unconcealed religion is shot through every thread of his transparent story. He doesn‟t even leave the<br />
question of „true myth‟ to the readership, instead pointing them directly toward a connection between<br />
cultural mythologies: “„And what an extraordinary coincidence,‟ thought Ransom, „that their mythology,<br />
252
like ours, associates some idea of the female with Venus‟” (Out of the Silent Planet, 111). Lewis doesn‟t<br />
bother to hide any aspect of his message.<br />
The work of Charles Williams, much like the man himself, is difficult to understand. In the words<br />
of Barbara Newman,<br />
The plots always revolve around the damage that occurs when a barrier in between the material<br />
world and the inner or astral plane is breached. Whether through malice or accident, the veil<br />
between worlds is torn, enabling supernatural powers to invade mundane reality and wreak havoc<br />
until they can be contained by characters who willingly surrender to the Divine, resolving the crisis<br />
through acts of substitution and exchange. (Newman, 6)<br />
All of Williams‟ works center on his theory of substituted love and coinherence. Particularly in War in<br />
Heaven, when the breach of the material and astral world occurs when the Holy Grail of legend is found and<br />
put into play, and the situation is corrected through sacrifice and communion: two of the key aspects of<br />
coinherence. Williams‟ theory relies on the idea that the members of the Holy Trinity „indwell‟ in one<br />
another, and that „indwelling‟ is a model for all relationships: “The principle holds true across the full range<br />
of Christian doctrine—the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Atonement, the communion of saints. . . This<br />
reciprocity of being, this abiding of every self not in itself but in another, is what Williams means by<br />
coinherence” (Newman, 6). Coinherence and Williams‟ version of prayer both involve a complete<br />
surrender to Love itself. His intercessory prayer is something the pray-er must completely lose themselves<br />
in, and only then are they capable of performing “divine magic” to counter acts of dark magic. Humphrey<br />
Carpenter points out that coinherence “is in spirit entirely Christian,” yet, “like so much of Williams‟<br />
thought, it did have an air of the magical” (Inklings, 105).<br />
The “magical” events and feeling in all of his books are due to Williams‟ own inescapable attraction<br />
to ritual in all of its forms. Apart from his own spiritual order, The Companions, his actual religious<br />
253
sympathies seem to fall anywhere that he can borrow a sense of mystic oneness with something greater than<br />
himself. Like a moth to a flame, Williams is drawn to sacrifice, total surrender, ceremonial rites, and<br />
magical incantations in both his fiction and his personal life. For him the true myth is an inseparable part of<br />
coinherence. He would have called it ―simultaneity‖ and he attempts to ―impress us with the possibility that<br />
existence itself may be Christian, that whenever there is an act of true humanity there is Christ, that every<br />
act of forgiveness is the cross, and that we can confront the nothingness in life because in doing so we<br />
encounter the Christ who has gone before us into the darkness‖ (Urang, 92). His fictional re-enactments of<br />
Christian myth show a ‗oneness‘ across people, cultures, and time:<br />
The Place of the Lion is a parable of creative—and miscreative—knowing, a fictional embodiment of<br />
Williams‘ interpretation of the myth set forth in the first three chapters of Genesis. The same tendency is<br />
seen in the last novels. The images and allusions in Descent Into Hell associate the action on Battle Hill now<br />
with Eden, now with Gomorrah, now with Golgotha, and finally with Zion; the parallels and parodies of All<br />
Hallow’s Eve include Simon as a ―trinity‖ and as ―he that should come,‖ Lester on a ―cross,‖ Betty performing<br />
miraculous cures as ―virtue‖ goes out from her. (Urang, 73)<br />
It is through this mystic, ritual-loving lens that Charles Williams sees and presents his own interpretation of<br />
the true myth and what that means in the lives of not only his characters, but also those who followed him<br />
as an esoteric teacher.<br />
When it came to what they thought they were writing, Tolkien and Williams were adamant that<br />
they hadn‘t written allegories – they were mistaken. All three utilized Christian mythology, but when it<br />
came to the distinction between allegory and mythoepia, the authors themselves seemed to remain unclear.<br />
Lewis, direct as always, made no claim to have avoided allegory, although Gunnar Urang, in his book<br />
Shadows of Heaven, argues that Lewis was actually attempting to write mythoepia and failed: ―…in any case<br />
Lewis is depending not so much on satire and its allegorical bent as on mythopoeic power. . . fantasy that<br />
fails to rise into myth falls back toward allegory‖ (Urang, 27). When it comes to Williams, he is not just<br />
254
presenting his faith in fiction, he is also writing allegory: “Beneath the surface, at the allegorical level,<br />
several of his stories come close to being myths of total explanation; all the great events in salvation-history<br />
are included: creation, fall, atonement, judgment, and renovation” (75 Urang). Tolkien claims in his<br />
preface to The Fellowship of the Ring that he “detests” allegory, but he is also inaccurately assessing his own<br />
work. It was inevitable that allegory would play the main part in all of these pieces by deeply religious men<br />
who believed that the true myth would be told over and over again and that it was intrinsically tied to the<br />
human unconscious.<br />
It is clear through the allegories by each of these men that true myth was not merely something<br />
they believed in, but also something that was not a strict, uniform way of seeing Christianity or mythology.<br />
Urang quotes Lewis expounding on his true myth theory:<br />
Man‟s Sehnsucht – his intense longing – and the myths in which he expresses it, point him toward something<br />
which has objective reality. Myths are not mere projections of human longing. They are “good dreams” sent<br />
by God, real though unfocused gleams of divine truth falling on the human imagination from the great,<br />
sovereign, uncreated, unconditioned Reality at the core of things. (Urang, 31)<br />
These „gleams of divine truth‟ are just that: gleams. Something different is revealed to each author in a<br />
different way, all adding up to the myth of Christ, but not without flexibility for dissimilar belief systems<br />
within the umbrella of Christianity. Tolkien, a Roman Catholic, presented his true myth in a way deeply<br />
founded in both tradition and subtlety. The dogmatic and straightforward Lewis‟s myth exactly mirrored<br />
that of his strong belief in the evangelical Anglican church, both obvious and reaching to anyone willing to<br />
hear its message. Williams, entrenched in ritual and obsessed with ceremony, focused on presenting his<br />
myth based on his ideas of coinherence and sacrifice, looking to the biblical and church fathers‟ examples of<br />
rites and sacrament as the way he took in and presented true myth. They were associated with Oxford<br />
scholarship and all wrote fiction in the twentieth century, as well as poetry they are far less known for.<br />
These men of different backgrounds and beliefs had barely more than that in common, but were still drawn<br />
255
together by their mutual convictions about the true myth and how it continued to apply in contemporary<br />
time and fiction.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Carpenter, Humphrey. The Inklings. HarperCollins, London. 2006.<br />
Baltasar, Michela. “J.R.R. Tolkien: A Rediscovery of Myth.” Tolkien and the Invention of Myth:<br />
Reader. Ed. Jane Chance. <strong>University</strong> Press of Kentucky, 2004.<br />
Burns, Marjorie. “Norse and Christian Gods: The Integrative Theology of J.R.R. Tolkien.”<br />
and the Invention of Myth: A Reader. Ed. Jane Chance. <strong>University</strong> Press of Kentucky, 2004.<br />
Jeffrey, David Lyle. “Tolkien as Philologist.” Tolkien and the Invention of Myth: A Reader. Ed.<br />
Chance. <strong>University</strong> Press of Kentucky, 2004.<br />
A<br />
Tolkien<br />
Jane<br />
Lewis, C.S.. Out of the Silent Planet. Macmillan Publishing Co., New York. 1965.<br />
Lewis, C.S.. Perelandra. Macmillan Publishing Co., New York. 1944.<br />
Moorman, Charles. “Space Ship and Grail: The Myths of C.S. Lewis.” College English, 18.8.<br />
National Council of Teachers of English. 1957. pp. 401-405.<br />
Newman, Barbara. “Charles Williams and the Companions of the Co-inherence.” Spiritus: A<br />
of Christian Spirituality, Vol. 9.1,Spring 2009. pp1-26.<br />
The J. R. R. Tolkien Encyclopedia: Scholarship and Critical Assessment. Ed. Michael D. C.<br />
York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2007.<br />
Journal<br />
Drout. New<br />
Tolkien, J.R.R. The Silmarillion. Houghton Mifflin, New York. 1977.<br />
Urang, Gunnar. Shadows of Heaven. United Church Press. 1971.<br />
256
Kristen Peters<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong><br />
Changing Ideas of Womanhood in Judaism and Islam<br />
I. Introduction<br />
A. Simone de Beauvoir identified woman as Other in her book The Second Sex. Her use of<br />
Other conveyed the concept of woman as secondary to man, who was considered to<br />
normative human being. She used “Other” to explain the duality between groups, or the<br />
Self and the Other. Man was considered the normative human being, the whole person,<br />
and woman was considered the secondary human, defined in her difference to man.<br />
Throughout patriarchal history, women have been given a secondary status to men.<br />
B. This paper identifies the similarities in women’s status in Judaism and Islam, as described<br />
by Judith Plaskow in The Coming of Lilith and Kecia Ali in Sexual Ethics and Islam. Despite<br />
apparent differences in the traditions, the concerns raised by Plaskow and Ali are similar.<br />
C. To show this, I will identify examples of the secondary status of women in Jewish and<br />
Islamic practices discussed by Plaskow and Ali. Next, I will discuss critiques the authors<br />
make and use all three sources together to pull together some possible solutions.<br />
<strong>II</strong>.<br />
Simone de Beauvoir<br />
A. Simone de Beauvoir raised the question, “What is a woman?” in The Second Sex, which was<br />
first published in 1949. She asserted that to be biologically female is not the same as being a<br />
woman or feminine. Woman was a social construct that was important and expected for<br />
females to conform to. de Beauvoir claimed that this was because man is used to describe<br />
human beings as a whole; man was the normative human being.<br />
B. de Beauvoir raised the question, why do women cooperate with this system? She suggested<br />
several reasons for this:<br />
1. Women didn’t tend to identify with one another as women with a shared<br />
group identity (pg 9). They lacked solidarity because they were more likely to<br />
identify with the males in their economic, racial, or social group than to<br />
women across groups.<br />
2. Women were ultimately bonded to men by economic and biological need.<br />
Men needed women just as much as women needed men, but men had all of<br />
the social, political, and economic power, so they benefitted from the need<br />
(pg 10).<br />
3. Women found it easier to remain connected to the dominant social group.<br />
Men provided material and economic security (pg 11). If women were to<br />
distance themselves from men, they would lose these protections.<br />
C. de Beauvoir expressed a lack in confidence that men would be willing to give up the system<br />
that had given them so much privilege throughout the centuries (pg 15). She even<br />
suggested that men may not be completely aware of woman’s situation as secondary human<br />
being (pg 16). With that in mind, she expressed caution in trusting what even the most<br />
sympathetic of men have to say about women’s secondary status.<br />
D. de Beauvoir believed that women would be able to do away with their secondary status by<br />
gaining control of reproduction through the legalization of contraception and abortion.<br />
257
She also said that socialism would give women economic freedom (pg 4). She argued that<br />
women must also be willing to give up the protections they received from men and<br />
become independent. However, she was not confident that women would want to give this<br />
up and that men would want to surrender the power they had.<br />
<strong>II</strong>I.<br />
Plaskow<br />
A. In her essays on feminism and Judaism, Plaskow argued that women have been given a<br />
secondary role in traditional religious practices throughout Jewish history (pg 57).<br />
Although many of these practices changed in recent times, in the past women were not<br />
counted in the minyan, which is the quorum required for prayer; women were not called<br />
to the Torah; women were not allowed to become Rabbis; female infants had no naming<br />
ceremony to welcome them into the covenant with God; and girls did not have a coming of<br />
age ceremony similar to that of a bar mitzvah.<br />
B. Traditional Jewish laws used supposed biological differences between men and women—<br />
such as women being weaker and in need of protection, but also their inherent nurturing<br />
and gentle nature—to justify the exclusion of women in traditions. Their duties in the<br />
home were valued religiously, which was used as an excuse to give them fewer religious<br />
rites (pg 58). Plaskow argued that these separations perpetuate difference more than they<br />
explain them.<br />
C. Early Jewish feminists believed that women’s status could be changed through law, rituals,<br />
and other practices (pg 56). They were confident that allowing women to become Rabbis<br />
and creating a coming of age ceremony for girls would give women the equality they<br />
desired. However, Plaskow argued that it was not the most effective strategy because it<br />
only scraped the surface of female’s secondary status. She believed that simply adding<br />
women to traditions and customs did not change the underlying issue of women’s<br />
exclusion because it did not identify why women were excluded in the first place (pg 57).<br />
Plaskow believed true equality in the Jewish community could not be reached until women<br />
had a part in shaping Judaism (p 128).<br />
D. Plaskow said that a necessary first step to change is the creation of community. The women<br />
within Plaskow’s community were able to redefine their definition of “woman”. They<br />
broke free from stereotypes of feminine women (pg 26). Once community is formed,<br />
Plaskow listed the struggles communities often go through (pg 129):<br />
1. Hearing silence: Plaskow defined silence as the lack of women’s voices in<br />
Jewish tradition. They are not seen or heard in the Torah. Women lived and<br />
fashioned Jewish life, yet they were not credited with doing so.<br />
2. Making a space to name silence and taking authority to talk back: Plaskow<br />
emphasized the importance of creating a space for women to discuss the<br />
silence. Prepare themselves to speak by educating themselves—take<br />
responsibility for what they have to say. The congregation must accept their<br />
opinions to make a change.<br />
3. Checking back: Check back to make sure what they say is right for Judaism and<br />
fair for both men and women. Plaskow said this is an important step to always<br />
come back to. Constant critique.<br />
E. While it is often assumed that theology is not a large focus in Judaism, Plaskow pointed out<br />
that all Jewish beliefs and practices are based on fundamental claims about God, the law<br />
given to Moses, and the special covenant between God and Israel. In other religions, claims<br />
like these are considered to be theology. Through midrash—the traditional way Jews have<br />
258
een able to interpret and broaden the meaning of Jewish texts—feminist Jews have been<br />
able to fill gaps in Biblical stories to create discussion within the Torah (pg 79). When<br />
Plaskow talked about women doing theology, she listed critique, recovery, and<br />
construction as useful tools for discussing Judaism from a feminist standpoint:<br />
1. Critique: Plaskow said that the first step was to critique sacred texts,<br />
theories, and assumptions about masculinity and feminity.<br />
2. Recovery: She then said to recover the lost women through research to<br />
provide stories and show that women made important contributions to<br />
Judaism but had been forgotten (pg 66).<br />
3. Construction: Her final phase consisted of expanding Jewish theory<br />
from the perspective of women’s experience and feminist point of<br />
view. And, as always, check back.<br />
IV.<br />
Ali<br />
A. In her book, Kecia Ali’s focus was on ethics and inequality surrounding marriage, sexuality,<br />
dower, and divorce as it had been treated traditionally in legal scholarship in Islam, with<br />
emphasis on mutuality, reciprocity, and meaningful consent within marriage. She<br />
explained these as important to creating an egalitarian marriage. As an American Muslim,<br />
she put most of her focus on Islamic tradition in the West. Given the limits on time, I will<br />
concentrate on sexuality and dower. In Islam, dower is the a sum of money given to the<br />
wife after consummation of the marriage so that in the event of divorce or the husband’s<br />
death, she would have economic stability. I discuss these issues because of the connections<br />
between the practice of dower and the implications it has on female sexuality.<br />
B. In Islamic tradition, the wife is expected to remarry after a marriage ends, to provide a<br />
more steady income. Even though it enforces male-led households and heterosexuality,<br />
dower gives women some economic independence. This practice improved the status of<br />
Muslim women during a time when women were not supposed to have any sort of income.<br />
Contemporary Muslim scholars also link dower to the financial support men are required<br />
to provide their wives: the male figure earns a living and the female figure tends to the<br />
home and family. Men and women are expected to stay in their traditional roles of the<br />
financial support and the emotional support, respectively.<br />
C. Other than providing the wife with funds in case she finds herself without a husband,<br />
dower also guarantees the wife’s sexual availability to her husband (pg 4). Islamic legal<br />
tradition stresses the importance of male sexual need. The wife is obligated to make herself<br />
sexually available to him whenever he demands, but not the reverse (pg 9). Ali stated that<br />
most Islamic jurists interpreted the husband’s financial support of his wife as an exchange<br />
for her sexual availability and if she were to withhold sex, it would be acceptable for him to<br />
in turn withhold his support (pg 11). It is widely understood that sex is a “male right and a<br />
female duty” (pg 13).<br />
D. Ali stated that classical Islamic texts regarding dower had roots in slavery and ownership of<br />
women. If a man owned a woman, a sexual relationship with her was acceptable in the eyes<br />
of Islam. These texts made sex between a man and his slave legitimate and also permitted<br />
concubines. Concubines are women who live with a man but have lower status than his<br />
wife or wives. Ali said, “slaveholding fundamentally shaped the contours of Islamic ethical<br />
and legal thought on sex in ways that have not fully been recognized” (pg xvi).<br />
Contemporary Muslims are not always aware of the connection between dower and<br />
classical Islamic texts regarding slavery. Ali argued that while this model of sexual ethics<br />
259
within classical texts is no longer relevant to most contemporary Muslims, nothing has<br />
emerged to replace it (pg xvii).<br />
E. This connection between dower and slavery brought Ali to discuss the necessity of<br />
mutuality, reciprocity, and consent within marriage.<br />
F. Ali asserted that Islamic legal tradition “fundamentally views marriage as an exchange of<br />
lawful sexual access for dower, and continued sexual availability for support”. Within this<br />
classical framework of Islam, consent and mutuality in sexual relationships between men<br />
and women couldn’t happen but that it is possible to rethink Islamic sexual ethics to accept<br />
these values (pg 13)(pg 151). She suggested conversations about what men and women<br />
contribute to the household as a better way to determine support from the husband. She<br />
said, “If sex is no longer the wife’s marital duty, then it could become a fully mutual right”<br />
(pg 22).<br />
G. Even with the unbalanced notions of dower and female sexuality within marriage, Ali<br />
stated that there is possibility for improvement. She stated that there is a gap between<br />
traditional Islamic jurisprudence and practiced Islam, which leaves much up to each<br />
individual’s interpretation. Many contemporary Muslims, especially in the United States,<br />
do not follow all legal teachings (pg xxii). She also explained that Islam is constantly being<br />
interpreted and Islamic jurisprudence is always being reevaluated and revised to reflect<br />
current social norms. Unfortunately, as long as formally educated religious scholars are the<br />
only ones discussing Islamic jurisprudence, women would be likely to be left out (pg 155).<br />
She said that Islamic religious education is still not completely equal, so it is more difficult<br />
for women to gain that credibility. Because of this, most of the scholars doing the revising<br />
are male. They do not always make the most egalitarian judgments. She used these<br />
statements to back up her belief that Muslims should take the time to reflect on practices<br />
and beliefs within Islamic traditions (pg 152). This does not mean that religious authorities<br />
are not important; it creates space for open dialogue. She continued that reinterpretation<br />
of Islamic jurisprudence should also be a coalition of scholars working with one another to<br />
redefine and push the boundaries of Islam (pg 153).<br />
V. My Analysis<br />
A. By combining the information all three authors provided, I have formed some potential<br />
solutions for women’s secondary status in Judaism and Islam.<br />
B. de Beauvoir’s concept of Otherness connects to traditional Jewish and Islamic texts. In<br />
the Torah and Qur’an, the dominant perspective is male. Just as de Beauvoir observed<br />
male experience as the norm in society, Plaskow and Ali noticed male experience as the<br />
norm in Judaism and Islam.<br />
C. Silence. Within traditional Jewish and Islamic texts, women were not given equal voice to<br />
men. --Plaskow adopted community building and filling in the spaces where women were<br />
missing to give women voice. She researched women who were silenced and gave them<br />
credit where the Torah did not. This could work in a similar way for Muslim women. But<br />
as Ali and Plaskow both emphasized, women should be ready to take responsibility for<br />
what they say.<br />
D. Optimism about men. de Beauvoir’s pessimism regarding men was realistic for the time<br />
period. However, Plaskow and Ali recognized that more men have become aware of<br />
women’s secondary status and are willing to help. They realized that women would not be<br />
equal to men if it was seen only as an issue for women. Plaskow stated that broadening<br />
260
Jewish texts and traditions to include women would enrich Judaism as a whole and work to<br />
benefit all of its members.<br />
VI.<br />
Conclusion<br />
I went into this class with the assumption that religion had a single uniform opinion on<br />
women and that there was nothing that could be done to change it. In my 4 short months<br />
studying Judaism and Islam, I felt that I was taking part in the community Judith Plaskow<br />
and Kecia Ali wanted to create. I took part in discussions about women and have used what<br />
I learned to realize that the secondary status of women is something that can be changed<br />
within Judaism and Islam.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Ali, Kecia. Sexual Ethics and Islam: Feminist Reflections on Qur'an, Hadith, and<br />
Jurisprudence. Oxford: Oneworld, 2006. Print.<br />
Plaskow, Judith. The Coming of Lilith: Essays on Feminism, Judaism, and Sexual Ethics,<br />
1972-2003. Ed. Donna Berman. Boston: Beacon, 2005. Print.<br />
Schneir, Miriam. Simone De Beauvoir: The Second Sex. 1953. Feminism in Our Time:<br />
The Essential Writings, World War <strong>II</strong> to the Present. New York: Vintage, 1994.<br />
3-20. Print.<br />
261
Kristine Plocher<br />
Illinois College<br />
Harry Potter and the Master of Death:<br />
Biblical Allusions and Death in J.K. Rowling’s Seven-Part Series<br />
“In fact, death and bereavement and what death means, I would say, is one of the central themes in<br />
all seven books” (How Harry 63-4). Spoken by J. K. Rowling these words refer to her unbelievably popular,<br />
seven-part book series, Harry Potter, and its overarching theme of death. Death is as essential to the series as<br />
magic; the story’s catalyst is Harry’s survival of the death curse that kills his parents and its conclusion is the<br />
death of the immortality-obsessed Lord Voldemort. Few would deny the overwhelming presence of death<br />
in the novels, but the books have often been scrutinized by religious groups claiming the series goes against<br />
biblical teachings. Yet, to acknowledge the death theme is to acknowledge the use of biblical references<br />
because closer inspection of the series reveals that Rowling’s central theme is undeniably rooted in<br />
Christian theology. Throughout Rowling’s great work, biblical allusions reinforce the theme of mastering<br />
death, specifically in reference to Harry and Lord Voldemort. Rowling’s ultimate hero and villain both<br />
attempt to “master” or “defeat” death, but to very different effects. Voldemort’s fear and hatred of death<br />
can be seen through his satanic development, while Harry’s emergence as a Christ figure at the end of Harry<br />
Potter and the Deathly Hallows is due to his acceptance of what Dumbledore calls “the next great adventure”<br />
(SS 297).<br />
In Deathly Hallows, Harry and Hermione encounter the two most obvious biblical allusions while<br />
visiting his childhood home in Godric’s Hollow on Christmas Eve. While exploring the cemetery,<br />
Hermione discovers the headstone of Dumbledore’s mother and younger sister which includes the quote:<br />
“Where your treasure is, there will your heart be also” (DH 325). Though neither Harry nor Hermione<br />
acknowledge it, the quotation comes from the King James Version of Jesus’s Sermon on the Mount in<br />
262
Matthew 6:21. On the Dumbledores’ grave it serves as a reminder that “there are consequences for trying<br />
to store up treasures on earth while not laying up treasures in heaven” (Neal 223). This idea is especially<br />
important when discussing Voldemort’s use of Horcruxes and Dumbledore’s temptation for power. Harry<br />
and Hermione discover another biblical quotation on Lily and James Potter’s grave, a quote from 1<br />
Corinthians 15:26 that reads: “The last enemy that shall be destroyed is death” (DH 328). Seeing these<br />
words on his parents’ grave worries Harry, who thinks of “destroying” death as an idea Voldemort and his<br />
Death Eaters celebrate. Luckily Hermione explains “It doesn’t mean defeating death in the way the Death<br />
Eaters mean it…It means…living beyond death. Living after death” (328). Harry is not fully satisfied with<br />
her answer, insisting that his parents are dead beneath their feet, but readers familiar with the biblical<br />
passage understand Hermione’s meaning perfectly.<br />
Though Harry doesn’t see it, this reference is perhaps the most obvious of Rowling’s many hints<br />
about the series’ climactic end. Indeed, Rowling herself describes this quote as “the theme to the entire<br />
series” and once explained that she was glad no one has asked her to explain her religious beliefs in too<br />
much detail because “if [she talked] too freely about that [she thought] the intelligent reader, whether 10 or<br />
60, [would] be able to guess [what was] coming in the book” (Duthie 32; Neal 226). She was right to be<br />
secretive; readers who know this reference would realize that it comes from one of Paul’s letters in which<br />
he explains that Christ defeated death through his resurrection which allows the faithful to hope for life after<br />
death (Neal 226). By placing the quote on his parents’ grave, Rowling foreshadows Harry’s Christly<br />
sacrifice and furthers her theme of mastering death. Defeating death could refer to Voldemort’s perverted<br />
attempts at immortality, but biblically literate readers know it also means accepting it as a natural part of<br />
life and a transition from one life to another. In this way, the quote and Harry’s negative reaction to it not<br />
only furthers Harry’s budding association with Christ, but also illustrates Voldemort’s anti-Christian<br />
attitude toward mortality.<br />
263
Those as familiar with Lord Voldemort as Harry is can understand Harry’s confusion when reading<br />
“The last enemy that shall be destroyed is death.” Voldemort makes his stance on mortality clear as soon as<br />
he returns to his body in Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire. He explains that his rebounded curse intended<br />
for infant Harry did not kill him because he “[had] gone further than anybody along the path of immortality”<br />
and that his ultimate goal is “to conquer death” (GoF 653). Even as a child, Voldemort sneered at the<br />
“shameful human weakness of death,” insisting that his deceased mother could not have been magical (HBP<br />
363). Upon finding out the truth about his magical mother and muggle father, Voldemort dropped his<br />
given name, Tom Riddle, in exchange for his new title of Lord Voldemort. This self given name signifies<br />
his wish to evade death as it translates from French to “flight from death” (How Harry 116). Defeating, or<br />
conquering, death is obviously in the forefront of Voldemort’s mind. He fears death because he cannot<br />
control it and craves immortality to avoid it. Therefore, nearly every decision he makes revolves around his<br />
greatest fear and his ultimate goal. Rowling illustrates the error in Voldemort’s views as his selfish desires<br />
depict him as a satanic figure.<br />
In the series Harry and Voldemort first come face-to-face at the end of Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s<br />
Stone. While attempting to secure the stone, Harry discovers that Lord Voldemort exists as a parasite, his<br />
face where the back of Professor Quirrell’s head should be. As Quirrell unwraps his turban to reveal<br />
Voldemort, Harry feels as “if Devil’s Snare [is] rooting him to the spot” (SS 293). This obviously references<br />
the plant Harry and his friends landed in after going through the trapdoor, but the juxtaposition of the<br />
reference immediately before Voldemort’s reveal is interesting given the plant’s name and aversion to light<br />
as well as Harry’s inability to move once he becomes face-to-face with Voldemort. Voldemort immobilizes<br />
Harry with fear in the same way that the Devil’s Snare entangles its prey in the darkness. Only when<br />
Voldemort mentions Harry’s parents does Harry find the courage to overcome his fear of Voldemort (294).<br />
Similarly, the Devil’s Snare is defeated with light. Harry’s parents, therefore, become the “light and truth”<br />
which “set [him] free” from Voldemort’s snare (Neal 32).<br />
264
The connection between Voldemort and the Devil is reinforced by the description of Voldemort.<br />
“Chalk white with glaring red eyes and slits for nostrils, like a snake,” Voldemort‟s face is “the most terrible<br />
face Harry had ever seen” (SS 293). This first look associates Voldemort with both snakes and evil spirits as<br />
Voldemort describes himself as “mere shadow and vapor” and complains that he has “form only when [he]<br />
can share another‟s body” (293). Similarly, the Bible references evil spirits which overtake the bodies of<br />
others (Neal 39). Christians are instructed to “try the spirits whether they are from God” and told to “resist<br />
the devil and he will flee from you” (1 John 4.1, James 4.7). Voldemort‟s spirit, like the devil, flees once<br />
Dumbledore arrives to save Harry who is trying Voldemort‟s evil spirit by resisting him. This both<br />
references God‟s promise in James and associates Voldemort with Satan in Rowling‟s first novel. This<br />
association only strengthens as the novels progress, until Voldemort seemly becomes the wizard form of<br />
popular culture‟s Satan.<br />
Voldemort‟s introduction in Sorcerer’s Stone also introduces the link between Voldemort and snakes<br />
as his face is likened to a snake during his first interaction with Harry, a description that carries through the<br />
rest of the series. Before his rebirth Voldemort is described as “hairless and scaly-looking, a dark, raw<br />
reddish black. [His] arms and legs [are] thin and feeble, and [his] face…flat and snakelike, with gleaming red<br />
eyes” (GoF 640). Once again, Harry compares Voldemort‟s face to a snake‟s, but he also notes that<br />
Voldemort‟s limbs are “thin and feeble”. Unlike a snake, Voldemort has limbs, but like a snake, they are<br />
useless; Voldemort must rely on his servant to carry and feed him. After his rebirth, Voldemort is returned<br />
to a human body, but retains snake like qualities in his face (643).<br />
Voldemort‟s association with snakes goes deeper than his appearance. As a child, Voldemort takes<br />
pride in his ability to control snakes as he believes it sets him apart from the general masses. While<br />
attending Hogwarts he is a Slytherin and Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets reveals that he is the heir of<br />
Salazar Slytherin and the master of Slytherin‟s basilisk (Rowling 314). Of course, the Slytherin house<br />
mascot is a serpent and its namesake sounds like „slithering‟ as it “is full of hissing serpentine sounds and<br />
265
suggests the motion a snake makes on the ground” (How Harry 19). Voldemort underlines his special ability<br />
and his connection to his former house with his Dark Mark, a skull with a snake as a tongue. Finally, the<br />
thing Voldemort is most fond of is his pet snake, Nagini, whom he turns into one of his precious Horcruxes<br />
(HBP 506). As one can see, Rowling makes Voldemort’s connection to snakes overwhelmingly obvious<br />
throughout the series.<br />
Those with biblical knowledge understand that Rowling’s villain and “his serpent are symbolic<br />
emblems of Satan” (McCarron). The image of a serpent is present throughout the Bible, most notably in<br />
Revelations. In the final book of Bible, “that old serpent, called the Devil, and Satan, which deceivith the<br />
whole world…was cast out into the earth, and his angels were cast out with him,” defeated by Christ’s<br />
sacrifice (Rev. 12.9). This passage makes the relationship between Satan and the snake is extremely<br />
evident; the serpent is Satan. The connection also implies that the serpent in Genesis is the same animal<br />
that is cast out by Michael and his angels in Revelations. Though Genesis never compares the serpent to<br />
Satan, popular culture continues to do so because of John Milton’s interpretation of the scene (Niditch 16).<br />
Many assume Satan is the serpent who tempts Eve into eating the forbidden fruit by convincing her, “Ye<br />
shall not surely die…your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be as gods, knowing good and evil” (Gen. 3.4-<br />
5). His blatant misguidance is certainly evil as it causes the downfall of man. If Satan is associated with<br />
serpents in the Bible and Voldemort is represented by snakes throughout the Harry Potter series, then it is<br />
conceivable that Rowling intended for Voldemort to embody Satan.<br />
If their mutual association with reptiles is not enough, Voldemort and Satan also display similar<br />
views on death. In the Genesis story, the serpent convinces Eve eating the forbidden fruit will not kill her<br />
and this is not a lie (Niditch 17). Neither Eve nor Adam dies a physical death because of their disobedience,<br />
but God does eject them from the Garden of Eden so that they may not take from “the tree of life, and eat,<br />
and live for ever” (Gen. 3.22). By eating the fruit, Adam and Eve essentially eat death as this original sin<br />
brings death into the world (Bell 81). The serpent is only concerned with immediate physical death and<br />
266
does not explain the other consequences of eating the forbidden fruit and being banned from Eden.<br />
Similarly Voldemort fears only physical death and in his “hurry to mutilate his own soul, he never [pauses]<br />
to understand the incomparable power of a soul that is untarnished and whole” (HBP 511). He clings to his<br />
current, human life in his refusal to believe in life beyond death (Bell 81). If Voldemort or the serpent<br />
understood that there are fates worse than physical death, they may not have been defeated by those who<br />
better understand that principle. Their shared associations with snakes and their similar attitudes about<br />
death draw an obvious parallel between the great biblical villain and Rowling’s fictional villain.<br />
Voldemort and Satan also both have a tendency to collect and mark their followers. Voldemort<br />
brands his followers with the Dark Mark on their left forearm and, when he uses it to call them, it changes<br />
from a “vivid red tattoo” to “jet black” (GoF 645). The mark is more than a symbol of his devotees’<br />
dedication; it also underlies his association with Satan as Revelations references “the mark of the beast”<br />
which “will be put on those aligned with the antichrist before the last battle” (Neal 114). Additionally, the<br />
name “Death Eaters” implies that Voldemort’s followers are “nourished by the deaths of others” while also<br />
recalling the way Adam and Eve “ate death” (Bell 80-1). This is an appropriate description of Voldemort’s<br />
group of mass murderers, but a deeper meaning can be found in the opposite name “Life Eaters”. Christians<br />
believe that God is the Way, the Truth, and the Life so by eating his body in religious ceremonies, they<br />
essentially become “Life Eaters” (How Harry 19). The inversion of the name from “life” to “death” signifies<br />
the anti-Christian actions of Voldemort, while his minions’ marks align him further on the side of Satan.<br />
The ways Voldemort sets about achieving his goal of immortality illustrate not only his<br />
overwhelming need to defeat death, but also tie him further to Satan. As a student at Hogwarts, Voldemort<br />
learns about Horcruxes, an object in which one encases part of one’s soul through dark magic and murder.<br />
Horcruxes appeal to Voldemort because the owner cannot die as long as the Horcrux remains intact.<br />
Therefore, he brutally rips his soul seven times to conquer death and paints himself as an anti-Christian,<br />
Satan figure. Where Christ became man and died in order to save all of the world’s souls, “the Dark Lord<br />
267
creates Horcruxes in order to avoid dying so he can dominate the world… [and]….aims to make himself<br />
„impossible to kill by murdering other people‟” (Bell 31-2). Voldemort‟s ultimate fear of physical death<br />
causes him to overlook the damage to his soul and the destruction of others‟ lives (Neal 184). Here<br />
Rowling depicts Voldemort as a satanic figure through his inversion of Christ‟s sacrifice for his own selfish<br />
desire to conquer death.<br />
passage reads:<br />
Voldemort‟s seven Horcruxes also allude to the unclean spirits in the Gospel of Luke. The biblical<br />
When the unclean spirit is gone out of a man, he walketh through dry places, seeking rest;<br />
and finding none, he saith, I will return unto my house whence I came out. And when he<br />
cometh he findeth it swept and garnished. Then goeth he, and taketh to him seven other<br />
spirits more wicked than himself and they enter in, and dwell there: and the last state of<br />
that man is worse than the first. (Luke 11.24-6)<br />
Like the man in the parable, Voldemort has seven other “spirits” and becomes less human with the creation<br />
of each (Killinger 80). His face lights up with a happiness that makes his features “less human” when he first<br />
learns of Horcruxes, later his face is “waxy and oddly distorted… though the pupils were not yet the<br />
slits…they would become,” and after his rebirth, his face is always described as snakelike (HBP 499, 441).<br />
Here Rowling clearly shows the destruction of Voldemort‟s soul on his once handsome face in a biblical<br />
allusion to the Gospel of Luke.<br />
The similarities to the Luke passage become clearer when considering Voldemort‟s past. In Half-<br />
Blood Prince, Dumbledore reveals that Voldemort visited his mother‟s home as a teenager and killed his<br />
muggle father and grandparents. Though he does not find it “swept and garnished,” Voldemort returns to<br />
his family‟s home as the unclean spirit of the parable does. Only after this visit does Voldemort create the<br />
“seven other spirits more wicked than himself,” his seven Horcruxes (369). Rowling completes the<br />
comparison through Voldemort‟s placement of his Horcruxes. Five out of the seven dwell in or refer to<br />
locations that are significant to Voldemort‟s past: his mother‟s house, Gringotts, the cave he discovered as a<br />
child, the Chamber of Secrets, and the Room of Requirement in Hogwarts. Clearly Voldemort would not<br />
268
understand that words gracing the Dumbledores’ tomb as he creates “treasures on earth that contain<br />
fragments of his soul” instead of creating treasures in heaven as he should (Neal 222). Through the use of<br />
these biblical allusions, Rowling shows her audience that, as with the unclean spirits in Luke, the locations<br />
of Voldemort’s Horcruxes tie him and his heart to the places of his past as his separation from the pieces of<br />
his soul cause his body to deteriorate.<br />
Voldemort is ripped from this deteriorating body after his killing curse rebounds off infant Harry,<br />
but he returns to a more human state in Goblet of Fire during an inversion of the Christian practices of<br />
baptism and communion referred to as a “Black Mass” (How Harry 159-60). The rebirthing scene represents<br />
Rowling’s most disturbing use of biblical allusion and cements Voldemort as the satanic figure of the series.<br />
For the ceremony Voldemort requires three things: the “bone of the father, unknowingly given;” “flesh of<br />
the servant, willingly given;” and “blood of the enemy, forcibly taken” (GoF 642). The unusual potion yields<br />
a new body for the Dark Lord, but the body is less than human as he emerges from his baptism “whiter than<br />
a skull, with wide livid scarlet eyes and…slits for nostrils” (643). Yet to return to the mortal body he<br />
desperately cleaves to, Voldemort’s life “must be drawn out of others” (McVeigh). Rowling paints this as a<br />
stark contrast to Christ’s selfless sacrifice through biblical allusion.<br />
According to Romans, Christians are baptized into the death of Christ so that “as Christ was raised<br />
up from the death by the glory of the Father, even so [they] also should walk in the newness of life” (Rom.<br />
6.4). In other words, baptism allows for Christians to be born anew in Christ’s sacrifice, so that they may<br />
find eternal life. In his Black Mass, Voldemort’s baptism reverses this idea. He is immersed in water, but<br />
reemerges in the image of a snake, the symbol of Satan, not Christ (How Harry 160). Voldemort cannot be<br />
born into “the newness of life” because he does not accept his own mortality. To complete this perverted<br />
use of baptism, Voldemort’s rebirth signifies the beginning of the second Wizarding War, which claims<br />
many victims. The start of a deadly war clashes with Christ’s baptism, which biblically prefaces Christ’s<br />
public ministry (Luke 3.21-3). Since Rowling describes Voldemort as a Satan figure, it is fitting that his<br />
269
aptism marks the beginning of his bloody and vengeful war instead of a self-sacrificing journey for worldwide<br />
salvation like Christ’s. Rowling clearly inverts biblical allusions to baptism to characterize Voldemort<br />
as satanic in his rebirthing scene.<br />
Further reading of the rebirth shows that Rowling employs the same inverted treatment on biblical<br />
allusions referencing communion. Voldemort greedily takes Wormtail’s flesh, his father’s bone, and<br />
Harry’s blood. Only Wormtail is a willing participant and even he “[breaks] into petrified sobs” when the<br />
time for his sacrifice comes (GoF 641). The forceful taking of Harry’s blood and his father’s bone depicts<br />
how “the act of Voldemort’s rebirth is a reversal of the natural…order” (Gibbons 88). The natural order<br />
would be more in line with the biblical story of first communion. During the last supper, Christ willingly<br />
offered his body and blood, in the form of bread and wine, to his disciples saying: “This is my body which is<br />
given for you…This cup is the new testament in my blood, which is shed for you” (Luke 22.19-20). Unlike<br />
Christ who willingly gives himself for the salvation of all, Lord Voldemort takes the body and blood of<br />
others for his reincarnation. These opposing ideas cause the scene to play as “a parody in which a Satanfigure<br />
inverts Christ’s sacrifice” (Lavoie 84).<br />
Through this inversion the Dark Lord does indeed rise again and, in this way, he attains his goal of<br />
mastering death. However, the use of biblical allusion and popular ideas about Satan show that he is raised<br />
in the form of the Devil, not Christ. This illustrates that his wish to conquer death through immortality is<br />
wrong and, therefore, his resurrection cannot be long lasting. Where Christ fully defeats “the last enemy,”<br />
Voldemort conquers death only momentarily as his satanic attempts at immortality are eventually defeated<br />
by Rowling’s true Master of Death (DH 328). Consequently, the climactic rebirthing scene in Rowling’s<br />
fourth book becomes the turning point of the novels. It cements Voldemort’s association with Satan as his<br />
fear of death leads him to invert Christ’s sacrifice in desperate attempts to gain immortality. Voldemort<br />
returns to full power, putting the Wizarding World in desperate need of a Christ figure. Luckily, Rowling<br />
develops Harry Potter as the series’ Christ figure while characterizing Voldemort as his devilish enemy.<br />
270
Over the seven novels, Harry grows into his role as the savior of the Wizarding World until he climactically<br />
sacrifices himself in the image of Jesus Christ.<br />
Throughout her series, Rowling highlights the similarities between Harry and Voldemort. Both<br />
boys were orphans who were raised by muggles, both speak Parseltongue, and both wish to ensure that “the<br />
last enemy that shall be destroyed is death” (DH 328). Harry fears the message on his parents’ grave is the<br />
Death Eater’s motto, but his journey throughout the final novel illustrates the biblical meaning behind the<br />
quotation. Unlike Voldemort, Harry never strives for immortality despite the many deaths in his short life.<br />
Rowling proves this in her first novel when Harry can retrieve the sorcerer’s stone because he wishes only<br />
to find it, not to use it. At the mere age of eleven, Harry understands better than the adult Voldemort that<br />
“to the well-organized mind death is but the next great adventure” (SS 297). Through this admirable<br />
attitude toward death, Rowling depicts Harry as the Wizarding World’s savior and the Master of Death.<br />
Harry’s journey to Christ figure begins with his birth and early childhood. Harry’s and Christ’s<br />
births are both prophesied, and both are nearly killed because of this prophesy. In Christ’s case, the Old<br />
Testament clearly prophesizes his birth in the Gospel of Luke: “For unto you is born this day in the city of<br />
David, a Saviour, which is Christ the Lord” (Luke 2.11). The birth of Christ caught the attention of King<br />
Herod who, afraid for his kingdom, sought to kill the baby before the prophecies could be fulfilled.<br />
Luckily, the Holy Family were able to flee to Egypt and avoid the slaughter of all male toddlers,<br />
unknowingly fulfilling the prophecies that God would call his son from Egypt and that Jesus would be<br />
known as a Nazarene (Matt. 2.3-23).<br />
Like Christ’s, Harry’s birth is prophesied:<br />
The one with the power to vanquish the Dark Lord approaches…Born to those who have<br />
thrice defied him, born as the seventh month dies…and the Dark Lord will mark him as his<br />
equal, but he will have power the Dark Lord knows not…and either must die at the hand<br />
of the other, for neither can live while the other survives. (OotP 841)<br />
271
Voldemort hears this prophecy and, like Herod, sets out intending to kill his threat before the child grows<br />
up (HBP 549). However, Voldemort’s plan is also foiled by a mother’s love for her child. Lily Potter<br />
serves as the Virgin Mary figure to Harry’s Christ figure. Her name recalls the white flowers associated<br />
with purity and the Virgin Mary in Christian symbolism and, in the Bible, Mary sacrifices herself and her<br />
reputation to carry God’s child (“Lily”). Though Lily is not a virgin mother, she also sacrifices herself for<br />
her son. She gives her life to save Harry, thus protecting him from Voldemort’s killing curse (OotP 836).<br />
Voldemort is ripped from his body while Harry becomes the Boy Who Lived and “is spirited into hiding<br />
with his Muggle relatives, just as, according to the Gospel of Matthew, the baby Jesus was hustled into<br />
Egypt” (Killinger 14-5). In his attempt to kill Harry, Voldemort not only defeats himself, but also fulfills<br />
the rest of the prophecy. He marks Harry as his equal and ensures that one will have to kill the other if<br />
either wants to survive. Infant Harry’s story very clearly parallels the story of baby Jesus as both are the<br />
subjects of prophecies, both are saved from failed attempts on their respective lives, and both fulfill the<br />
prophecies about them by surviving these attempts (Neal 161-2). Through these similarities, Rowling<br />
begins the association between Harry and Christ and foreshadows that the green-eyed baby will grow to<br />
“save [the Wizarding world] from the evil Lord Voldemort” in the same way Christ grew to save the world<br />
from death (Killinger 14).<br />
Rowling reinforces the Harry’s association with the baby Christ in the memorial Harry and<br />
Hermione find in Godric’s Hollow. On Christmas Eve the two friends return to Harry’s first home and<br />
stumble across “a statue of three people: a man with untidy hair and glasses, a woman with long hair and a<br />
kind, pretty face, and a baby boy sitting in his mother’s arms” (DH 324). The memorial is a “Holy Family<br />
crèche of sorts” meant to “remind the reader of the Christmas Story” and reinforce the comparisons<br />
between Lily as the Virgin Mary and Harry as Christ (Granger 104). The biblical image strengthens<br />
Rowling’s connection between Harry and Christ. At this point in the seventh book, doubts plague Harry,<br />
but his association with the Nativity story brings hope. The image of the Holy Family in a very dark chapter<br />
272
is reminiscent of “the hope of Christians in the dead of winter and the depth of darkness; in the coming of<br />
their Savior as a child who will escape and eventually be victorious over the Prince of the World” (104).<br />
Harry may not see it, but this chapter and his other associations with baby Jesus, gives hope to Rowling’s<br />
Christian readers that his life will continue to parallel Christ’s.<br />
After his defeat of Voldemort as a child, Harry is dubbed the Boy Who Lived and spends the rest of<br />
the series living up to his nickname. In every one of the first six books, Harry faces death and accepts it,<br />
only to be saved by a symbol of Christ in the nick of time (How Harry 24-5). In Sorcerer’s Stone Harry holds<br />
onto Quirrell though the “effort involved nearly [kills him]” and is ultimately saved by his mother’s love<br />
(297-9). Lily’s Christ-like sacrifice keeps Harry safe from Voldemort’s host, who could not bear to “touch<br />
a person marked by something so good” (299). In this first adventure, Rowling gives an additional clue to<br />
Harry’s association with Christ; Harry is comatose for three days following the confrontation in an “obvious<br />
reference to the Resurrection” (How Harry 25). In Chamber of Secrets Harry almost dies when the basilisk<br />
bites him, but Fawkes the Phoenix’s tears heal his deadly wound. Phoenixes have represented Christ’s<br />
resurrection since the Middle Ages because of their unusual life cycle in which they are reborn from their<br />
own ashes (Gibbons 88). Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban involves a new type of death when Harry’s<br />
soul is almost sucked out by a Dementor. However, Harry is saved by his blindingly white stag Patronus.<br />
St. Eustace saw a white stag with a radiant cross and an image of Christ between its horns. The image led to<br />
his immediate conversion and the introduction of the stag as a Christian symbol (Waters 110). The<br />
symbolism is also explained by the way the stag’s antlers regenerate, echoing Christ’s resurrection (How<br />
Harry 103). In this example Rowling, like C.S. Lewis before her, uses a stag as the Christ symbol that saves<br />
Harry.<br />
The near deaths and well-timed Christ symbols continue in Goblet of Fire. In a duel against the<br />
newly risen Voldemort, Harry bravely decides “he [is] going to die upright like his father…trying to defend<br />
himself, even if no defense [is] possible” (662). Harry’s acceptance of death is in stark contrast to<br />
273
Voldemort‟s mortal fear of it, but Fawkes‟s phoenix song provides Harry with the hope and guidance he<br />
needs to escape Voldemort (How Harry 25). Harry literally begs for death in Harry Potter and the Order of the<br />
Phoenix when Voldemort possesses him, but he remembers his recently deceased godfather and “as Harry‟s<br />
heart filled with emotion, the creature‟s coils loosened” (816). In this book, love is the Christ symbol that<br />
saves Harry from Voldemort‟s clutches. Finally, in Half-Blood Prince, Harry is dragged into the underground<br />
lake by the Inferi and saved by Dumbledore‟s conjured fire. Fire represents the Holy Spirit because it<br />
appeared as “cloven tongues like as of fire” on Pentecost (Acts 2.3).<br />
Rowling is a multidimensional writer, so these symbols of Christ – the sacrificial love, phoenix,<br />
white stag, phoenix song, love, and fire – must have a purpose. One purpose is to illustrate Harry‟s<br />
appropriate attitude toward death. Harry never gives in without a fight, but he also willingly accepts death<br />
when all seems lost. In those moments of hopelessness he is saved by the grace of a Christ figure to fight<br />
another day. While this is a very noble purpose, the end of the series reveals the true purpose behind<br />
Harry‟s constant encounters with Christ symbols. Harry‟s near death experiences and timely saviors “were<br />
just foreshadowing for Harry‟s sacrifice at the end of Deathly Hallows and his rising from the dead to defeat<br />
Voldemort…as a symbol of Christ himself” (How Harry 26). The Christ symbols increase Harry‟s<br />
association with Christ throughout the seven-part series until he grows into the role himself in Deathly<br />
Hallows.<br />
Harry deserves his title of the Boy Who Lived, as he shows resilience against and acceptance of<br />
death time and time again in the series. However, the Boy Who Lived earns a new nickname in Half-Blood<br />
Prince, the Chosen One. After Voldemort uses Harry to steal the prophecy, members of the Wizarding<br />
World begin “to call Potter „the Chosen One,‟ correctly believing that the prophecy names him as the only<br />
one who will be able to rid [them] of He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named” (HBP 39). Rowling makes the<br />
connection between Harry and Christ more obvious as the series progresses and Harry‟s new name is one of<br />
the ways she accomplishes this. Although Christ is not referred to as “the Chosen One” in the King James<br />
274
Version of the Bible, the idea is there. During his death in the Gospel of Luke, the onlookers mock Christ,<br />
saying: “Let him save himself, if he be Christ, the chosen of God” (23.35). Later translations support the<br />
connection as the same verse from Luke is translated to “let him save himself if he is the chosen one, the<br />
Messiah of God” (New American Bible). Both translations refer to Christ as “the Chosen One” of God, come<br />
to save the world from their sins. By naming Harry “the Chosen One,” Rowling strengthens the link<br />
between her hero and Christ and foreshadows what is to come as biblically literate readers of Rowling’s<br />
work see Harry’s new identity as proof of Harry’s destiny to rid the Wizarding World of its evil (Killinger<br />
49).<br />
The parallels to Christ’s life are even more plentiful in Deathly Hallows. The first major similarity<br />
between Harry’s and Christ’s stories in the seventh novel is how both men are tempted while isolated in the<br />
wilderness before their great sacrifices. Christ is tempted by the Devil after fasting for forty days and<br />
nights. He tries to make Christ turn stones into bread, throw himself off of the pinnacle of the temple, and<br />
bow down to him in exchange for the entire world, but Christ remains steadfast in his allegiance to God<br />
(Holy Bible Matt. 4.1-11). The three temptations represent three basic humans wants—comfort, safety,<br />
and power—but Christ denies the Devil’s offers “for the sake of the realm of heaven” (Levine 342).<br />
Similarly Harry is tempted while hiding from Voldemort in the wilderness. While he, Hermione, and Ron<br />
hunt for bits of Voldemort’s soul, Harry becomes tempted by three objects known as the Deathly Hallows.<br />
The Deathly Hallows consist of an unbeatable wand, a resurrection stone, and an infallible<br />
invisibility cloak which, when combined, transform the owner into the “Master… Conqueror…<br />
Vanquisher” of death (DH 409-10). These three objects refer back to the basic human wants of Christ’s<br />
temptation. The Stone represent comfort to Harry, who desperately wants his loved ones back from the<br />
dead; the Cloak represents safety through its ability to hide its wearer from sight; and the Wand represents<br />
power as it is known to be “more powerful than any in existence” (407). Harry is greatly tempted by the<br />
Hallows and considers searching for them instead of the Horcruxes, justifying his desire by quoting the<br />
275
iblical reference gracing his parent’s grave (436). However, Harry does not want the Hallows as a way to<br />
“ensure his personal immortality” as Voldemort would, but rather as a way to “ensure he [would be] the one<br />
who triumphed” (Granger 99; DH 429-30). Even in midst of his greatest temptation, Harry is more<br />
concerned with the defeat of evil than his own mortality. It takes the flawed Harry much longer to resist his<br />
greatest temptation than the flawless Christ, but Dobby’s selfless death at the hands of Voldemort’s Death<br />
Eaters forces Harry to “make the crucial decision to forego seeking these objects of power until he has dealt<br />
with the Horcruxes” (Caldecott 26). Harry puts his faith in Dumbledore’s plan and accepts death as a very<br />
real possibility. His ability to resists his greatest temptation aligns him further with Christ and makes him<br />
worthy of his future title, Master of Death.<br />
After resisting his temptation, Harry quickly finds himself amidst the final battle between good and<br />
evil at Hogwarts. As soon as he discovers that he is a Horcrux himself, Harry makes the Christ-like decision<br />
to sacrifice his life to save the Wizarding World. Rowling’s final chapters of Deathly Hallows follow Harry as<br />
he experiences Christ’s passion himself and completes his role as the Christ figure of the novels. Harry<br />
freely chooses to give himself over to Voldemort to destroy the bit of Voldemort’s soul inside of him, but<br />
he shares doubts about his fate just as Christ does (How Harry 226-7). Christ begs God “If thou be willing,<br />
remove this cup from me: nevertheless, not my will, but thine, be done” (Luke 22.42). He does not wish<br />
to die, but understands that he must if God wills it. After his moment of weakness, he is strengthened by<br />
an angel and goes to his death without complaint (Luke 22.43). Harry’s doubts express themselves when it<br />
becomes clear that he must die to save the Wizarding World. He envies those who died quick deaths as his<br />
“cold-blooded walk to his own destruction would require a different kind of bravery” (DH 692). When he<br />
sees Ginny from afar he almost goes to her knowing she will stop him, but just when “he [thinks] he [will]<br />
not be able to go on, [he knows] that he must” (697-8). Christ is comforted by an angel in the Gospels, but<br />
Harry uses the Stone to call his parents, Remus, and Sirius. They comfort him and give him the courage to<br />
“keep putting one foot in front of the other” on his journey to death (700). During his walk to Voldemort<br />
276
in the forest, Rowling shows that Harry experiences the same type of doubts that Christ does in the Garden.<br />
Harry, like Christ, is comforted by messengers from the beyond and is able to accept his death with a<br />
Christ-like dignity.<br />
Though Harry‟s death is admittedly easier than Christ‟s, the important point is neither Harry nor<br />
Christ attempt to defend themselves. Instead they willingly sacrifice themselves to save their respective<br />
worlds. Interestingly blood and love play important roles in the defeat of death in both Rowling‟s series<br />
and the Bible. Harry is not truly killed when Voldemort casts the killing curse at the end of Deathly Hallows<br />
because Voldemort‟s satanic use of Harry‟s blood in Goblet of Fire made it possible to destroy the bit of his<br />
soul in Harry while “[tethering Harry] to life while he lives” (DH 709). Since Lily‟s sacrifice lives on in her<br />
blood and her blood runs in Harry‟s veins, Harry survives Voldemort‟s curse because his mother‟s love is<br />
alive in his would-be murderer. Blood as a form of protection “echoes in story form Christ‟s promise to his<br />
apostles that „whoso eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath eternal life‟” (How Harry 71). Harry‟s<br />
blood saves him from death in the same way that Christians look for salvation and victory over death in<br />
Christ‟s blood at communion. This strengthens the bond between Harry and Christ, while also illustrating<br />
the vast difference between Harry and Voldemort. Voldemort inverts the use of Harry‟s blood during his<br />
Black Mass to create life for himself, while Harry illustrates the true power of love, blood, and sacrifice in<br />
his attempt to secure life for others.<br />
Along with his mother‟s sacrifice, Harry can defeat death because he is the true master of the<br />
Deathly Hallows. Harry does not search out the Hallows for his own protection, but rather unites them<br />
without intention. He inherits the Cloak from his father, the Stone is hidden in the snitch bequeathed to<br />
him by Dumbledore, and Harry becomes the master of the Wand when he disarms its former master (DH<br />
743). Harry is unwittingly the possessor of all three Hallows when he walks into the forest to sacrifice his<br />
life. He wears the Cloak to shield him from onlookers, uses the Stone “to enable [his] self-sacrifice,” and<br />
the Elder Wand casts his death curse and recognizes him as its master (720). By possessing the Hallows<br />
277
selflessly, Harry becomes the “true master of death, because the true master does not seek to run away from<br />
Death. He accepts that he must die, and understands that there are far worse things in the living world than<br />
dying” (720-1). Harry survives because the Elder Wand will not kill its own master and because, as Master<br />
of Death, he “trusts, obeys, and believes in greater realities than himself – sufficiently enough to die<br />
sacrificially for them” (DH 744; Granger 78).<br />
While in between life and death, Harry also receives answers about Dumbledore’s past, specifically<br />
the meaning behind the biblical quote on his mother’s grave: “Where your treasure is, there will your heart<br />
be also” (DH 325). In his quest to master the Hallows, Dumbledore “allowed his heart to stray away from<br />
his family to a quest for world domination” (Neal 223). Although his desire for the Hallows was all “for the<br />
greater good,” Dumbledore longed to master death just as Voldemort did which led to the death of his<br />
helpless sister (DH 716). The verse gracing his mother’s and sister’s tombstone was Dumbledore’s way of<br />
“[commemorating] that his mother’s [heart] had been in the right place” as well as his “first act of contrition<br />
for violating this verse’s command” (Neal 223). Though he does discover all three Hallows, Dumbledore is<br />
“fit only to possess the meanest of them, the least extraordinary… the Elder Wand,” while the Stone leads<br />
to the death of his hand when he selfishly attempts to bring back his family (DH 720). His selfish desire for<br />
power keeps Dumbledore from becoming the true Master of Death. Harry, on the other hand, handles<br />
power better than most because he has never sought it and has had “leadership thrust upon [him], and [took]<br />
up the mantle because [he] must” (718). Through Dumbledore’s back story and the biblical quote he<br />
chooses for his family’s grave, Rowling sets up a comparison between Dumbledore’s struggle with power<br />
and Harry’s humble acceptance of it, which illustrates another reason why Harry is the worthy Master of<br />
Death.<br />
During their discussion, Dumbledore asks Harry where he believes they are. Fittingly, Harry<br />
believes his time in limbo takes place at King’s Cross station, the same station from which he travels to<br />
Hogwarts. Rowling explains her location choice simply: “The name works rather well, it has been<br />
278
established in the books as a gateway between two words, and Harry would associate it with moving on<br />
between two words” (Granger 117). When she refers to “King’s Cross” working well, Rowling means it<br />
reflects back Christ’s biblical story well. During his crucifixion, onlookers mocked Christ and “set up over<br />
his head his accusation written, THIS IS JESUS THE KING OF THE JEWS” (Matt. 27.37). Therefore,<br />
Christ’s Cross equates to King’s Cross. Through their King’s Cross, Christians can defeat death by living<br />
after it. In the same way, Harry wavers between life and death in King’s Cross and is given the choice to<br />
“board a train” if he chooses not to go back (DH 722). However, Harry understands that by going back he<br />
can make the world a better place, so he chooses to return to his life. This choice allows him to fully<br />
become the Christ figure Rowling characterizes him as throughout the series.<br />
In case her readers have missed the previous biblical allusions comparing Harry’s death to Christ’s,<br />
Rowling finalizes the idea when Harry returns from King’s Cross. Narcissa Malfoy’s “nails [pierce] him” as<br />
she checks Harry for signs of life and Voldemort celebrates his supposed victory over the Boy Who Lived by<br />
preforming the Cruciatus Curse on him (DH 726). Essentially “the Dark Lord [crucifies] Harry Potter,” but<br />
Harry’s crucifixion, like Christ’s, fails (Killinger 85). Christ’s crucifixion does not hold because “he was<br />
crucified through weakness, yet he liveth by the power of God” (2 Cor. 13.4). His resurrection proves his<br />
crucifixion failed because it shows he lives beyond it. Similarly, Harry is protected by his sacrifice, so<br />
Voldemort’s malicious curse causes him no pain and the crucifixion of the Christ-like Harry fails. This<br />
scene, when combined with Harry’s death and time in limbo, creates “an ending featuring a loving sacrifice,<br />
King’s Cross, nails…and a resurrection from the dead that defeats an incarnation of death” (How Harry 76).<br />
With the obvious ties to Christ’s journey in these scenes, Rowling masterfully finalizes her characterization<br />
of Harry as a Christ figure.<br />
Harry’s transformation into Christ figure complete, all that remains is the defeat of the Satan<br />
figure. Harry feigns death as Hagrid carries him from the forest in his arms, an image much like<br />
Michelangelo’s Pietà (Granger 124). Voldemort announces Harry’s death to the awaiting crowd and<br />
279
attempts to curse them, but none of his spells hold because Harry’s selfless sacrifice protects them from<br />
harm. This references the way “Christ’s sacrifice [broke] the Devil’s power over humanity” as both Harry<br />
and Christ protect their respective worlds from their respective Satan figures through their willingness to<br />
die (124). Harry disappears from sight under the Cloak during the ensuing fight in an allusion to Christ’s<br />
disappearance from the tomb, but, like Christ, he is not truly gone.<br />
When Harry finally reveals himself, he explains how he came to be the true master of the Elder<br />
Wand and begs Voldemort to “try for some remorse” (DH 741). Voldemort refuses and the final<br />
showdown between Rowling’s Christ and Satan takes place as “a red-gold glow burst suddenly across the<br />
enchanted sky above them [and] an edge of dazzling sun appeared over the sill of the nearest window”<br />
(743). Harry’s final confrontation with Voldemort fittingly takes place at dawn as dawn is “the traditional<br />
and natural symbol for Christ’s resurrection” (Bell 59). It brings light to the darkness as John explains in his<br />
Gospel: “the light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not” (John 1.5). Just as Christ<br />
brings light into the world through his resurrection, Harry’s defeat of Voldemort rids the Wizarding World<br />
of its darkness. Harry lives up to his title of Master of Death by overcoming Voldemort and his desired<br />
“flight from death.” Voldemort dies, taking his negative views on death with him, while Harry lives on as an<br />
embodiment of both Christ and Christian views of death. Rowling concludes her use of biblical allusion<br />
through dawn symbolism which shows that “the sun rises, as Christ rises, bringing life to all” (Bell 60). She<br />
leaves her hero to celebrate as Hogwarts “[blazes] with life and light,” confident in her characterization of<br />
Harry as the series’ Christ figure (DH 744).<br />
Despite claims to the contrary, it becomes obvious through close reading of Rowling’s Harry Potter<br />
series that biblical allusions are employed both to reinforce the theme of mastering death and to characterize<br />
the hero and villain. Her references to Matthew 6:21 and 1 Corinthians 15:26 may be the only two biblical<br />
quotes in the seven novels, but they embody Rowling’s main theme perfectly. “Where your treasure is,<br />
there will your heart be also” stands as warning against putting one’s earthly self before one’s heavenly self<br />
280
as Voldemort does, while “the last enemy that shall be destroyed is death” depicts Harry’s and Voldemort’s<br />
conflicting ideas about defeating death. The use of biblical allusion depicts Voldemort as the Satan figure<br />
who wishes to master death through immortality. His fear of death leads him to invert Christian ideas and<br />
practices in his fruitless attempts to achieve his ultimate goal, conquering death. Harry, conversely, never<br />
wishes for immortality despite the similarities between himself and Voldemort and the abundance of death<br />
in his life. He accepts death and willingly faces it for the betterment of all. This healthy attitude makes<br />
Harry a worthy Master of Death, as proven by his defeat of death through his Christ-like passion.<br />
Rowling’s depiction of Harry as a Christ figure illustrates how he successfully defeats “the last enemy,”<br />
gaining life for his fellow witches and wizards and cementing his place the hearts of millions of readers<br />
worldwide.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Bell, Luke. Baptizing Harry Potter: A Christian Reading of J. K. Rowling. Mahwah, NJ: HiddenSpring, 2010.<br />
Caldecott, Leonie. “Christian Themes in Harry Potter: A Wizard’s Mission.” Christian Century (15 Jan.<br />
2008): 24-27. Literature Resource Center. Web. 10 Sept. 2010.<br />
Duthie, Peggy Lin. “The Potterverse and the Pulpits: Beyond Apologia and Bannings.” Reading Harry Potter<br />
Again: New Critical Essays. Ed. Giselle Liza Anatol. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2009. 31-<br />
46.<br />
Gibbons, Sarah E. “Death and Rebirth: Harry Potter & the Mythology of the Phoenix.” Scholarly Studies in<br />
Harry Potter: Applying Academic Methods to a Popular Text. Ed. Cynthia Whitney Hallett. Studies in<br />
British Literature. Vol. 99. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2005. 85-105.<br />
Granger, John. The Deathly Hallows Lectures: The Hogwarts Professor Explains Harry’s Final Adventure. Allentown,<br />
PA: Zossima Press, 2008.<br />
--. How Harry Cast His Spell: The Meaning behind the Mania for J. K. Rowling’s Bestselling Books. 3 rd Ed. Carol<br />
Stream, IL: Tyndale House Publishers, 2008.<br />
Holy Bible: Authorized or King James Version. Wichita KS: Heirloom Bible Edition, 1988.<br />
Killinger, John. The Life, Death, and Resurrection of Harry Potter. Macon, GA: Mercer <strong>University</strong> Press, 2009.<br />
281
Lavoie, Chantel M. “The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Lies in Harry Potter.” Reading Harry Potter Again:<br />
New Critical Essays. Ed. Giselle Liza Anatol. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2009. 77-87.<br />
Levine, Amy-Jill. “Matthew.” Women’s Bible Commentary: Expanded Edition. Ed. Carol A. Newsom and Sharon<br />
H. Ringe. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1998. 339-349.<br />
“Lily: Flower Facts.” Flowers & Plants Association. 2009. 11 Dec. 2010. .<br />
McCarron, Bill. “Christianity in Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows.” Notes on Contemporary Literature<br />
39.1 (2009). Literature Resource Center. Web. 10 Sept. 2010.<br />
McVeigh, Dan. “Is Harry Potter Christian?” Renascence: Essays on Values in Literature 54.3 (Spring 2002): 197-<br />
214. Rpt. In Contemporary Literary Criticism. Ed. Jeffrey W. Hunter. Vol. 217. Detroit: Gale, 2006.<br />
Literature Resource Center. Web 29 Sept. 2010.<br />
Neal, Connie. The Gospel According to Harry Potter: The Spiritual Journey of the World’s Greatest Seeker. Revised<br />
and Expanded Ed. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2008.<br />
New American Bible, The. 2001-2002 Ed. Wichita, KS: Fireside Bible Publishers, 2002.<br />
Niditch, Susan. “Genesis.” Women’s Bible Commentary: Expanded Edition. Ed. Carol A. Newsom and Sharon H.<br />
Ringe. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1998. 13-29.<br />
Rowling, J. K. Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets. New York, NY: Arthur A. Levine/Scholastic Books,<br />
1998.<br />
--. Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows. New York, NY: Arthur A. Levine/Scholastic Books, 2007.<br />
--. Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire. New York, NY: Arthur A. Levine/Scholastic Books, 2000.<br />
--. Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince. New York, NY: Arthur A. Levine/Scholastic Books, 2005.<br />
--. Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix. New York, NY: Arthur A. Levine/Scholastic Books, 2003.<br />
--. Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban. New York, NY: Arthur A. Levine/Scholastic Books, 1999.<br />
--. Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone. New York, NY: Arthur A. Levine/Scholastic Books, 1998.<br />
Waters, Clara Erskine Clement. A Handbook of Christian Symbols: and the Stories of the Saints as Illustrated in<br />
Art. 3 rd Ed. Cambridge, MA: The Riverside Press, 1891.<br />
282
Angela Pusateri<br />
Saint Xavier <strong>University</strong><br />
Cowboys, Cold War Values and the Death of the American Individual<br />
Introduction<br />
Westerns were one of the most popular genres of film in mid 20th century America. These popular<br />
film narratives functioned not only as entertainment, but also reflected major events and helped audiences<br />
assimilate ideological shifts in the era. Westerns helped to mediate such shifts by grafting history onto myth<br />
to examine changing definitions of national identity. At their best, these films effectively define history and<br />
contemporary trends to appeal to mass audiences while they impart a critique of the society in which they<br />
were made. In these narratives one can clearly see the common beliefs and values of the time in which they<br />
were written and filmed. Not only are these films about the history of America’s West, they function, in an<br />
allegorical sense, as a history of the creators and audiences that viewed them.<br />
John Ford was the definitive Western director of mid 20 th century America, and John Wayne the<br />
embodiment of the Western individual. Both of these men’s names are synonymous with this genre, and for<br />
good reason. Some of the most significant work in the genre came from collaborations between the two.<br />
Neither man was out to create puff pieces when working together. Ford filmed every shot and Wayne<br />
delivered every line with intentionality and purpose. The Westerns they created were not only sensitive to<br />
the currents of historical change, but also expressive of shifts in national mood and circumstance. This paper<br />
examines how John Ford’s Westerns in particular, exemplify the cultural shifts in America, particularly in<br />
examining America’s view of the individual in society.<br />
Examining John Ford’s films reveals an evolving critique of social and political mores of mid 20th<br />
century America. From Stagecoach (1939) through The Searchers (1954) to The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance<br />
(1962), Ford’s message transitions from the celebration of the individual in society, to the individual<br />
283
endangering society and being exiled, and finally towards writing the individual out of society entirely. In<br />
twenty-three short years the world had become a dramatically different place; no longer were old world<br />
heroes necessary. American society had shifted away from glorifying the individual who builds societies, and<br />
had begun to fear those who might question the authority of the community.<br />
With the rise of communism grew a fear in Americans of anything that was different. Ironically, the<br />
desire for security from communism led Americans to question those who questioned popular opinion, or<br />
sought their own, individual path. Americans had “become increasingly concerned with security, the safe<br />
and the sure, the certain and the known… it was unwise to voice an unpopular opinion… for it could cost a<br />
man his job and his good name.” (Playboy January 1963) Individuals came increasingly to be viewed as<br />
outsiders posing a threat to the peacetime hegemony and were demonized. This pressure for conformity<br />
was governed in a variety of ways such as loyalty oaths, or conformity investigations of the house<br />
Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) and Joseph McCarthy’s senate hearings. In these instances,<br />
any challenge to the accepted norms might lead to sanction. This could also be seen in attempts to stop<br />
juvenile delinquency by banning rock and roll music or regulating comic books. Any “other” in Cold War<br />
America was considered dangerous, whereas a few decades before the individual had been prized as an<br />
innovative leader necessary for our county’s expansion and success.<br />
Reisman writes that in this era men wanted to be loved rather than esteemed. Americans became<br />
“other directed”, placing their values and ideals with the collective mindset of the time to fit into<br />
mainstream society. People wanted to “keep up with the Joneses” rather than stand above them. As the<br />
policy of containing communism grew abroad so to did the idea of containment on the home front.<br />
Americans came to see containing domestic “deviance” as important as containing communism abroad; it<br />
was the “only key to security” (May 29). This clearly expresses a shift in American society from the idealized<br />
version of the rugged individual to an idealized group mentality. Any distinctive individual would detract<br />
from the group mindset endangering culture at large.<br />
284
Westerns are a crucial venue for this analysis. Ford’s Westerns portray the journey of a rugged<br />
individualistic hero. This individual is a central character in many of the films, and was a figure to be<br />
admired. This individual was symbolic of the way America viewed itself. When Westerns themselves<br />
started to question the individual’s place in society the implications to American culture are profound.<br />
Through thoroughly examining the setting, particularly Monument Valley, women, and the use of<br />
the domicile one can clearly see how Ford is using these films to relay a shift about the way Americans value<br />
individualism. Setting is the context and environment of the story. Monument Valley symbolizes<br />
individualism in the context of these films, while the towns are representative of civilization. In Cold War<br />
America the home was the symbol of civilization. While the Cold War was the great public fear, the real<br />
dangers to America during the era were internal ones. “The home seemed to offer a secure private nest<br />
removed from the dangers of the outside world, yet also seemed particularly vulnerable” (May X). To<br />
alleviate these fears Americans turned to the family as a bastion of safety in an insecure world. (May xvii)<br />
The home became the symbol of safety, security, and civilization. Women were the linchpin of that home.<br />
They were the embodiment of all that civilization represented. Wayne’s character’s relationship with the<br />
women in these films is directly related to his place in civilization.<br />
Literature Review<br />
John Ford’s Western films clearly demonstrate the shift between 1939 and 1962 in the way<br />
Americans perceived the value of the individual. His films reflect the time of their production and indirectly<br />
engage audiences with narratives that resonate on an allegorical level. Many film scholars have covered<br />
Western films, and countless more have examined national identity in America during the Cold War;<br />
however, these two topics have not been grafted together while specifically focusing on John Ford’s<br />
Westerns. Most scholars look at Ford’s Westerns from an ideological approach, examining New Deal<br />
Liberalism and American foreign policy during the Cold War.<br />
285
Stanley Corkin examines the popularity of the Western genre from the 1940’s into the 1970’s. Aiming to<br />
define how Western films connect to the Cold War, particularly in America, he grafts Western myth on to<br />
modern reality. He studies many films, but specifically focuses on John Ford’s The Searchers and The Man who<br />
Shot Liberty Valance. In his study of The Searcher’s Corkin mainly focused on containment and nationalism. He<br />
considered this the golden era of the Western and explains how the film can be explained in terms of<br />
liberalism. Corkin believes that liberalism had been “shifting during the late forties a period which recodified<br />
in ways that accommodated the persistence of militarism and the limiting of civic discourse,<br />
developments fostered to support the goals of hegemony and the security state.” (10) He places heavy focus<br />
on John Ford’s grafting of Cold War liberal values and beliefs associated with containment onto ideological<br />
symbols that once were symbols of McCarthyist nationalism. In this way Corkin stresses how John Wayne’s<br />
character has turned the idea of the old western hero into a villain.<br />
Corkin’s study of The Man who Shot Liberty Valance examines a cultural prevalence of anxiety in the<br />
nation. His focus on this film is explaining how the Vietnam War affected the way America viewed itself<br />
and also to articulate the cultural nostalgia of the 1960’s. Corkin focuses on the flashback aspect of Liberty<br />
Valance as an expression of how Ford viewed the past as being better than the present.<br />
In his anaylsis of The Searchers, Corkin fails to address the subtleties in Ethan. He proclaims him to<br />
be a hero and a model of Cold War hegemony. Yet, Ethan and The Searchers should be read from a domestic<br />
perspective. The domicile is the ultimate representation of the American home front. It is a bastion of<br />
civilization, and through examine it one can see the way American’s viewed themselves in the era. Corkin is<br />
firmly entrenched in the idea that the film is commenting on international politics, particularly drawing<br />
connections between MacArthur and Ethan Edwards. He misses Ford’s social implications completely. The<br />
Searchers and Liberty Valance need to be examined to analyze the role of the American individual rather than<br />
America’s role in the outside world.<br />
286
In his discussion of The Searchers Brian Henderson’s article (1980) in particular does an excellent<br />
job of laying out the plot of The Searchers and explaining key shots and dialogue. He places special<br />
significance on the shots of the characters entering and exiting the house, the house is modern society and<br />
the characters left outside are relics of an older era not allowed to enter. In his introduction to a collection<br />
of essays on Western films Ecstein (2004) recounts psychological implications of the films and Ford’s shot<br />
by shot intentions. Eckstein also places great importance in the changes Ford made from the original novel,<br />
upon which The Seachers was adapted to the shooting script, to what actually made it into the film. These<br />
articles focus on the details of the films. They examine shots, and lighting, yet they do not draw any<br />
connections to the role of the individual. The idea of the films being representative of domestic containment<br />
is never broached.<br />
Engel (2004) does an excellent job analyzing the setting in Stagecoach, particularly in examining the<br />
importance of Monument Valley to the film. He sets up the dichotomy between wilderness and civilization<br />
and enclosure and openness. The theme of the essay is to discuss the ills of civilization and the goodness that<br />
Ford tried to impart on the Valley. His text lays a strong groundwork for examining the symbolism in<br />
Stagecoach, yet it does not yet make sold historical and social connections to the era in which the film was<br />
created.<br />
This work, however, has not addressed the issue beyond the ideological level. Previous scholars<br />
have not examined the films as social commentaries. These films need to be viewed in conjunction with the<br />
social mores of their time. Elaine Tyler May (1999) attempts to explain sociological phenomena by linking<br />
them to international politics in her study of the social history of America during the Cold War. She focuses<br />
heavily on “domestic containment” mirroring political international containment. The shift to homogenized<br />
culture rewarded its adherents and marginalized its detractors. According to May, "the freedom of modern<br />
life seemed to undermine security." (18) She asserts that as a result, from the late 1940s and well into the<br />
1960s, Americans "wanted secure jobs, secure homes, and secure marriages in a secure country." (18) In<br />
287
oth its international and domestic manifestations, according to May: "Containment was the key to<br />
security." (22) This ideal clearly expresses a shift in American society from the idealized version of the<br />
rugged individual to an idealized group mentality.<br />
Reisman (1961) identifies and analyzes three main cultural types: tradition-directed, innerdirected,<br />
and other-directed. He traces American society from being tradition-directed originally to shifting<br />
into inner-directed in the era before the Cold War, then shifting into being other-directed. Reisman<br />
explains that the shift toward other-directedness occurred because large corporations preferred it that way.<br />
Other-directed people are geared toward pleasing others and so fit best into the political ideal of social<br />
containment during the era. Reisman writes “The other directed man wants to be loved rather than<br />
esteemed.” (12) The middle class no longer had to cling to old individualistic standards; rather they were<br />
encouraged to form cohesive group societies. Since other directed people can only define themselves by<br />
reference to others in their community and to things they consume, own, earn, and believe, they were<br />
inherently hindered in knowing themselves as individuals. Reisman does not look kindly on the new “other<br />
directed” men. His book argues that while “other directed” individuals are crucial to the smooth running of<br />
a modern society, they compromise autonomy. A society dominated by “other directedness” faces profound<br />
deficiencies in leadership and human potential. It is in this context that Reisman expresses a clear shift from<br />
society glorifying to demonizing the individual. Maintaining the status quo, and thinking with the majority<br />
had become the ideal of modern society.<br />
This paper looks at political sociology and social critique through Ford’s Western films. While The<br />
Searchers and Liberty Valance have been covered extensively not many place the two in conjunction with<br />
Stagecoach in an effort to see how national identity of the individual has shifted. Going back to the pre-<br />
World War <strong>II</strong> era ensures a firm placement of the ideal of the individual that Ford is talking losing about in<br />
his later films. Rather than just pointing at the shift, this paper will examine the era of the individual that<br />
Searchers and Liberty Valance are deviating from.<br />
288
Stagecoach<br />
Stagecoach took Westerns out of the realm of B movies and made them the most popular genre of<br />
film in the country. Released in 1939 Stagecoach is the embodiment of pre World War <strong>II</strong> America, marking<br />
the first of many collaborations between John Ford and John Wayne. Ford had previously made some<br />
popular films, but had not yet made his name in sound Westerns, while Wayne had primarily been a “B”<br />
actor up to this point. But this film started making Ford synonymous with, and Wayne the very<br />
embodiment, of the genre. Stagecoach, which quickly became the template for all Westerns to follow, set<br />
the stage for the rest of Ford’s work as well. It is, in its most basic form, the story of a group of people<br />
traveling together in a stagecoach across the American West. Passengers include a prostitute, a military<br />
man’s wife, a banker, a gambler, and a variety of other characters that set out together from the town of<br />
Tonto. John Wayne plays the role of the Ringo Kid, a young man recently escaped from jail, who is<br />
arrested along the way and joins the travelers on the journey. The passengers come from various<br />
backgrounds and will face internal class struggles along the way, but are all united by a common external<br />
threat of Geronimo on their voyage to the town of Lordsburg.<br />
John Wayne as the Ringo Kid represents the rugged individual. He is the ultimate template for the<br />
American cowboy, and therefore the ultimate portrayal of the way America viewed itself during the prewar<br />
years. Wayne was the definition of the heroic individual, necessary and integral to the success of society.<br />
During this time America remembered Westward expansion as its defining national moment, drawing the<br />
link between the earliest pilgrims, then colonists, and finally the Western settlers. This idea of the<br />
individual exploring unknown territory and making it safe for civilization to grow is the way Americans<br />
defined themselves. Americans went out and “made the world safe for democracy”, and stood as a united<br />
front to “civilize” the unknown. Through Stagecoach Wayne created the myth of the individual that he<br />
portrays in nearly all his roles from this point on, but, the reception that his rugged individualism invokes<br />
shifts drastically over time.<br />
289
The setting of Stagecoach plays as much of a role in the film as the characters. Engel states that “Ford<br />
often fashions his plot and characters around a series of contrasts, effectively dramatized through imagery of<br />
space and openness on the one hand, and confinement and enclosure on the other” (175). Stagecoach<br />
perfectly emphasizes this dichotomy of space. The cities and the stagecoach itself in the film are<br />
representative of society and civilization, while Monument Valley is the epitome of wide open space,<br />
beautiful and free as it is wild. By contrasting both the wide open shots of the valley and the enclosed spaces<br />
in the town, Ford establishes the contrasts and oppositions he will follow throughout the narrative.<br />
Most people would assume the wilderness in all its openness would be the more dangerous and<br />
frightening, while the town would represent all that is civilized and good. This is not the case in Stagecoach.<br />
Ford is not presenting civilization as perfect, or even admirable. This film is in favor of the “natural man”<br />
hearkening back to the individual Adam in Eden, free from the constraints of society. He purposely filmed<br />
the interiors of the town with ceilings. This was a new development in films which deviated from<br />
conventional practice, making the scenes claustrophobic and tight. (Engel 177) This was exactly the<br />
impression that Ford sought. He wanted the rooms to look oppressive as if they were closing in on the<br />
characters. This claustrophobia of the interiors suggests the stifling nature of society. Meanwhile, the coach<br />
is an extension of civilization making its way out into the unknown. As the coach leaves Tonto and heads for<br />
the town of Lordsburg “we see the vehicle from a long angle shot, and it is tiny- virtually swallowed up by<br />
space and the monoliths.” (Engel 177) This is representative of the early Western frontier. Society and<br />
civilization was just a small speck on the overall landscape of America. Americans were still creating and<br />
forging a society out West, just as in 1939 Americans were still struggling with creating a national identity.<br />
The next shot is of the enclosed stage “focusing on the characters, and they are not tiny at all but<br />
have a largeness and individuality and reveal a human community inside the stage, balanced against the force<br />
of nature outside, which we are constantly reminded of through the windows.” (Engel 177) The inside of<br />
the coach is warm and cramped. The passengers are tightly packed, and there isn’t even enough room on<br />
290
the benches for Ringo. He is made to sit on the floor of the coach, the bottom rung of civilization. He is an<br />
escaped criminal, and while Ford alludes that he may have been innocent, the film is clear that he has been<br />
in jail the past five years. Ringo has been cast out of society. He is cognizant of his outsider status, stating, “I<br />
guess you can’t break out of prison and into society in the same week.” Wayne lives on a different plane<br />
from the people in the coach. When exiting the coach, Ringo seems to flow out. Still seated on the<br />
cramped floor he reaches up, grabs the roof of the coach, pulls himself up and swings his legs out. This is all<br />
done in a fluid motion which contrasts greatly with the stiff movements of the “civilized” passengers. Ringo<br />
belongs in the wide open; it is his natural state, dividing him from the rest of his companions.<br />
The other characters’ interactions with him are key in examining society of the time. The key<br />
characters in the films are an alcoholic doctor, a liquor salesman, a gentleman gambler, a snooty military<br />
wife, a corrupt banker, and a prostitute. The team is being led by the driver and the marshal, who<br />
eventually apprehends Ringo, absorbing him into the civilization of the stagecoach. The inhabitants of the<br />
coach are members of civilization, while Ringo, who is picked up outside in the Valley, is clearly set apart<br />
from them.<br />
Monument Valley is impressive and expansive, and a clear representation of free space. The scene<br />
introducing Wayne shows him standing as a lone figure with all of Monument Valley as a backdrop. The<br />
camera begins showing Wayne at his full height, holding a saddle and rifle in hand. A tight close up of his<br />
face introduces him as important to the audience and the backdrop shows that he is synonymous with the<br />
Valley. He is the personification of the freedom that comes from living outside of civilization. Wayne, as<br />
The Ringo Kid, appears brash, young, and hopeful. He is intimidating without being menacing, and friendly<br />
without seeming weak. Marshall Curley, the sheriff, is there to arrest Ringo, yet it is clear to the audience<br />
that Ringo is only taken into custody under his own choice. Ringo is “pretty handy” with his Winchester and<br />
willingly gets into the coach. The Marshall doesn’t restrain Ringo in any way. Handcuffs or rope would not<br />
bind Ringo. The gambler Hatfield, Mrs. Mallory and the salesman are framed in the windows of the coach,<br />
291
cowering behind the window frames. Ford is clearly marking them as inside civilization, physically and<br />
intentionally separated from Ringo. This shot created the iconic myth of Wayne as representative of<br />
America.<br />
People such as bankers and doctors are commonly believed to be respectable and the upper<br />
echelons of civilization. Inside the stagecoach, however, these people are clearly corrupt products of the<br />
twisted hypocritical society from which they come. Dallas, a prostitute, is a genuine, good natured person,<br />
literally, a “hooker with a heart of gold”. Yet she is scorned for her profession. Meanwhile Mrs. Mallory is<br />
treated with a respect she doesn’t deserve. She is catty and perceives herself to be better than Dallas. The<br />
“whore” is normally a threat to the family, tempting the man, but here is virtuous. The mother is normally<br />
the center of virtue, but Mrs. Mallory is cruel. These two characters do not fit into normal social<br />
definitions. Dallas represents of the goodness of those living outside constraints while Mallory is the<br />
personification of the evils of the town. Similarly, Hatfield, (John Carradine) views himself above the felon<br />
Ringo, while he himself is an unlawful gambler who takes advantage of others. As Wills notes, when getting<br />
out at the Apache Wells stop, Ringo offers to help the gambler climb down from the stagecoach, but<br />
Hatfield haughtily brushes him aside, then helps Mrs. Mallory out of the coach. Hatfield consciously ignores<br />
helping Dallas however, whom he views as beneath him. People who perceive themselves to be civilized<br />
actually lack all manner of social graces.<br />
These social rules that were put in place in civilization seem to fade slightly the longer the<br />
characters are out in the open. Ironically, the longer the characters are away from standard civilization the<br />
more civil they become. As time passes their internal defenses break down, and they come together and for<br />
the most part communicate more freely. Ford portrays the wilderness as breaking the “civilized” characters<br />
down, prompting regeneration in their personalities if they have the strength and fortitude to persevere.<br />
Mrs. Mallory’s baby is the catalyst for seeing the change in the characters. Doc Boone puts aside his bottle<br />
and sobers himself to practice sound medicine again, literally vomiting up his past. (Engel 178) All the<br />
292
people of the stage have to put aside their judgments of Dallas and trust that she can deliver the baby, just as<br />
Mrs. Mallory herself has to admit that she would need someone as low as Dallas to aide her. In this moment<br />
and in the following Indian battle, most of the people of the stagecoach band together and accept each other<br />
for their differences. This bond will not last once they reach Lordsburg.<br />
The very name “Lordsburg” implies a place of salvation, and safety. It suggests itself as a safe haven,<br />
representing civilization opposed to the dangerous wilderness full of violent savage Indians through which<br />
the coach has just passed. The town is intentionally named to juxtapose what the characters would actually<br />
find once they entered the town. Ford reveals the town itself to be decadent and evil. The streets are<br />
narrow and twisted, closed in by shadows and distorted buildings, and figures are distinct and ambiguous<br />
and appear untrustworthy. The inhabitants of Lordsburg are easily viewed in the background of the scenes.<br />
There are officious and haughty townswomen that perceive themselves to be at the highest level of society<br />
and form a literal wall with their bodies that Dallas cannot cross. This blockage shows that no matter how<br />
useful Dallas was to the stagecoach party, she will never be accepted by mainstream society. She is<br />
permanently relegated to the other part of town. The town of Lordsburg is filled with an oppressive<br />
darkness and populated by criminals like Luke Plummer and his gang, as well as a plethora of prostitutes<br />
and saloons.<br />
As Dallas and Ringo walk through the town the evening silence is pierced by raucous laughter and<br />
the strains of a honky tonk piano, which sharply contrasts with the classical music played during the scenes<br />
in the Valley. The lightness and openness of the Valley is meant to stand in stark contrast to this dark and<br />
oppressive place. The music is crass and symbolic of the type of people inhabiting it, while the music of the<br />
Valley was noble. Lordsburg is a dramatic inversion of Monument Valley. For Ringo it is clearly more<br />
treacherous than the desert. When the saloon is first glimpsed it is shown as an unfriendly smoky, stifling<br />
atmosphere. Its inhabitants are tense, and shifty. Through this saloon Ford has created a “wilderness<br />
landscape” within the “civilized” town. (Engel 179) Even when Plummer and his gang go outside the saloon<br />
293
to confront Ringo, Ford still shoots them as if they are inside. Unlike the wide shots of the Valley even the<br />
outside streets of Lordsburg are filmed tight and dark. A constricting enclosure is formed, representative of<br />
how society itself is enclosing in on Ringo. It is civilization itself that cages these people in and instigates the<br />
wildness it attempts to repress.<br />
Ringo’s relationship with Dallas plays a central role in the development of Stagecoach. Dallas is a<br />
prostitute who is being driven out of the town of Tonto by a moral brigade of townswomen. She has been<br />
cast out of society just as has Ringo. She and the alcoholic doctor are being thrown out of town are “victims<br />
of a foul disease called social prejudice” declare Doc Boone. Mrs. Mallory speaks for all society when she<br />
calls Dallas “a creature”. In the beginning of the journey Dallas is not accepted by society, but she is still<br />
very much a part of it.In the stagecoach she is on the very bottom of society, yet unlike Ringo, she is not<br />
free of the constraints of civilization. She sits just as cramped and crowded on the coach as the other<br />
passengers. Dallas accepts her place on the bottom rung.<br />
When Ringo joins the group and the coach travels longer through the desert, Dallas realizes what<br />
life could be like outside the constraints of civilization. Ringo considers Dallas to be a lady; he offers her<br />
water when the rest of the group chooses to ignore her and sits with her at the table during a meal. When<br />
Ringo seats Dallas at the table near Mrs. Mallory, he is consciously telling her she has value and is worthy of<br />
a place in society. The group, however, rejects both of them. Mrs. Mallory and Hatfield choose to move<br />
and sit on the other side of the room, effectively created a barrier between their civilization and where they<br />
perceive Dallas and Ringo should be. The seating is a confinement here just as it is in the coach. These two<br />
outsiders are paired together in that moment and create their own society.<br />
Even when Dallas attempts to find a place in the society of the coach she is rejected. She plays an<br />
integral part in the birth of Mrs. Mallory’s baby. She cares for the woman through the night, barely sleeping<br />
herself and cares for the child as well. Yet, the next morning when Doc comes in to examine Mrs. Mallory,<br />
she cannot even bear to look at Dallas. She previously considered the prostitute to be a creature, and while<br />
294
she will allow Dallas to serve her, she will not acknowledge her or offer her any validation. During the<br />
Indian attack Dallas shields the infant from arrows with her own body, while Mrs. Mallory does nothing to<br />
protect her own child. Yet again, instead of being grateful and accepting Dallas, she offers an ineffectual<br />
offer of “If you ever need anything…” trailing off acknowledging the insincerity of the statement. Ford<br />
makes it extremely clear that Dallas is beyond redeeming in society’s eyes. No matter how compassionate<br />
or useful, she will never be accepted or redeemed in the eyes of “civil” women.<br />
Ringo is clear in his intentions to have Dallas as his wife. While she will never be able to find a place<br />
in proper society she can have a home in Ringo. They are similar-- society’s rejects. Both were orphaned at<br />
a young age, deprived of, (or liberated from) the ties that bind “normal” types to the town; and both were<br />
driven to extreme measures do to this, Dallas to prostitution and Ringo to vengeance. This pair has nothing<br />
tying them to society. Ringo is free of civilization and he is offering Dallas a way to be free of it. To even<br />
begin to talk about a possible relationship, the two characters have to go outside. They must escape the<br />
constraints of the building in order to speak of the possibility of freedom. The opening shot of this<br />
discussion shows Dallas walking out of Mrs. Mallory’s room down a long dark hallway ending in a doorway<br />
to the outside. The hallway is the epitome of all that is narrow and constricting, showing just how<br />
suffocating society is to Ringo and Dallas. The outside is framed as the only source of light. Dallas tries to<br />
get Ringo to stay out of the town of Lordsburg. She earnestly does not want him to find out about her<br />
profession. She assumes that he is unaware of her social status and that he will stop valuing her once he<br />
discovers it. In Lordsburg she tries to keep Ringo from walking her to the brothel where she is staying. It is<br />
in the town that she realizes that Ringo knew all along what she was. Ringo is clearly not a part of the<br />
society that has cast her out. He sees value in Dallas and through her he sees the hope of building a new<br />
civilization in the open wilderness. The two of them will live free together outside of society’s constraints.<br />
In Stagecoach this idea is a valid one. Ringo is the “outsider”, portrayed as noble and free, an integral<br />
part in securing the safety of civilization, while also being the only character possessing true morals.<br />
295
Through Dallas, Ringo is rewarded in a way for his heroic action in Lordsburg. Ford leads the viewer to<br />
believe that he and Dallas will live out their lives together at Ringo’s stead in Mexico. When Ringo is<br />
describing the home that he and Dallas could make together he describes it as “a real nice place with trees,<br />
grass and water, and a cabin half built. A man could live there, and a woman.” His notion of what makes a<br />
good place for him and Dallas does not include a lively town or an affluent home. Instead he offers her an<br />
open wilderness where they can be free to live together outside suffocating society. Ringo’s idealized home<br />
is still being built. Ford shows the dream of the free individual succeeding in life, and finding a successful<br />
place outside civilization, one where he can find love and independence at the same time. As Ringo and<br />
Dallas ride away to their new lives together Doc states that he believes he and the Marshall are “saving them<br />
from the blessings of civilization”. Ultimately the town is evil and suffocating and the wilderness is free and<br />
moral. Individuals are considered heroes to be revered and while they do not have a place in regular<br />
civilization, it is because they have trancended common society. The half built house they are traveling to<br />
will not become a flourishing new civilization. It is impossible for them to live in a society. They cannot be<br />
the base of a new moral society because in the context of the film a moral society is impossible. Wayne as<br />
Ringo is something to be admired in Stagecoach, his incessant individuality is his greatest strength and what<br />
ultimately keeps society safe from itself.<br />
The Searchers<br />
Film historians and critics consider The Searchers to be John Ford’s masterpiece, and is seen as one of<br />
the best western films of all time. Filmed in 1956 it is the high point of the career for both Ford and Wayne.<br />
It was Ford’s first western film in five years; a return to the genre he loved most. (Eckstein 1) At the center<br />
of this film is Ethan Edwards (John Wayne). The story follows Ethan’s seven year search for his niece<br />
Debbie, captured at the age of nine by Comanches who killed the rest of her family. Rather than searching<br />
to save her, Ethan intends to kill his niece because she has been “tainted” by living with the Indians.<br />
296
This film was made during a period of rapid change in the United States. The Cold War was in full<br />
swing, the Red Scare was at its peak, and the country was only beginning to emerge from the aftermath of<br />
the McCarthy hearings. American society seemed increasingly homogenous, with conformity to social<br />
norms an imperative. All deviations from these norms were considered threatening. The Red Scare bred<br />
ideological conformity, but it was coupled with campaigns against juvenile delinquency, sexual deviance,<br />
and non-traditional roles for women. Social behaviors and political views were either acceptable and<br />
“good”, or else they were deviant and “bad”.<br />
The Searchers is a direct product of its time. This is not the traditional western nor is Wayne the<br />
traditional western hero in it. Through the movie it becomes apparent that all the virtues associated with<br />
Wayne as the traditional individualistic American icon have become warped. Stoicism and individualistic<br />
endurance have turned into a lack of human emotion, skill with a gun previously used to protect becomes<br />
manic out of control violence, and the former protector of civilization becomes the destroyer of families.<br />
Ford used The Searchers to criticize 1950’s America, and what he viewed as an attack on the idea of the<br />
individual.<br />
Ford again uses Monument Valley as his main setting. Just as in Stagecoach the frontier appears<br />
triumphant, beautiful, and free. It functions as the symbol for autonomy and independence. The opening<br />
shot of the film show a woman in silhouette opening a dark door to the outside. The doorway frames<br />
Monument Valley in full, bright, color in contrast to the dark interior. This scene establishes a contrast for<br />
the rest of the film, with the dark doorway framing the outside of the household in opposition to the<br />
frontier. They are stark opposites just as Ethan Edwards stand starkly opposite those who choose to make<br />
their lives inside that house. The shot expands to fill the screen with the valley, and a solitary figure emerges<br />
from the frontier approaching the Edwards’ household. Church (2009) states that this famous first shot<br />
portrays Ethan as almost a natural part of the landscape. Just as in Stagecoach, he slowly emerges from the<br />
frontier viewed in sharp contrast with the sphere of family and civilization the Edwards’ home represents.<br />
297
Ethan is synonymous with the Valley yet again. He stands as the physical manifestation of the freedom and<br />
individualism Monument Valley represents.<br />
While Wayne and the Valley represent the individual, the house represents civilization and society.<br />
Ford depicts the early view of the Edwards’ home as warm and comfortable. It is a place filled with happy<br />
children, seemingly content with their lives. A family lives there, in a way their own complete society.<br />
Though there is initial excitement for his arrival, Ethan’s relationship with his family begins to fissure almost<br />
as soon as he arrives. While the house appears happy and safe for those living in it, that is not the case for<br />
Ethan. He is very clearly an outsider imposing on his hosts. While the family enthusiastically welcomes<br />
Ethan into the fold, immediately after dinner Aaron questions Ethan on how long he plans to stay. The<br />
mood is tense as Aaron ushers Martha into their bedroom and literally shuts the door on Ethan, relegating<br />
him to the front porch, figuratively shutting him outside of the society. The next morning when Clayton<br />
arrives, the household is cluttered and claustrophobic, revealing Ethan’s discomfort in the enclosed space of<br />
the family. (Church 51) While they, as a society, function one their own, Ethan disrupts their order.<br />
In Stagecoach society was depicted as a threat to Ringo’s freedom and happiness; in The Searchers<br />
Ethan stands as the threat to society. While never explicitly stated in the film, Ford makes it clear that an<br />
unspoken love exists between Ethan and his sister in law Martha. There is not one word of dialog relaying<br />
this information rather it is expressed visually. Throughout the opening scenes Ethan and Martha look<br />
longingly at each other. Martha, in particular, is seemingly incapable of taking her eyes off of Ethan, who<br />
has been gone for so long. When Ethan first arrives Martha walks backward so as to keep him in sight.<br />
When the ranch house is burning the first name Ethan calls out is Martha. While no words are ever spoken<br />
it is clear that there is something more than familial love between these two. Martha represents a time<br />
before Ethan was an outsider, when he had a place in society. Whatever the cause Martha married Aaron<br />
instead of Ethan.<br />
298
Aaron is not unaware of the feelings between his wife and brother. It is that tension that first shows<br />
the fissures Ethan’s presence causes in the family. When Martha takes Ethan’s coat from him to put away,<br />
he stares after her, lost in thought, completely ignoring his brother speaking to him until prompted to<br />
reply. He brings further discontent to the household during his first dinner with the family. When Martha<br />
and Aaron’s adopted son, Martin, enters the house Ethan is quick to point out that the boy is part Indian,<br />
implying that this clearly separates Martin from his adoptive family. Where there was once complete<br />
acceptance for Martin in the Edwards family, there is now discord. Ethan’s presence makes for a tense meal<br />
that Martha struggles to keep peaceful. Even when Martin, the outsider, is relegated to the porch and Ethan<br />
makes a full effort to fit into the family by bonding with his nieces and nephews, Ethan is incapable of<br />
belonging. Angered by the looks between Martha and Ethan, Aaron asks how long Ethan intends to stay.<br />
Martha goes to her room while Ethan looks on after her. He cannot enter the bedroom. Since there is<br />
nowhere for him in the Edwards house, he spends the night outside on the porch. The society of the home<br />
is rejecting him. Ethan is a renegade guerilla fighter, working against the United States government and still<br />
fighting the Civil War, by definition dangerous and un-American. He is an intruder, and not welcome<br />
there.<br />
The Edwards home represents civilization in the film, standing firmly against nature, settlers<br />
cutting out a place for themselves in the wilderness. Martha embodies that civilization. She is something<br />
that Ethan desires but cannot have. Ethan cannot find peace inside the constraints of society, and through his<br />
desire for Martha and a home he destroys both.<br />
Ethan is the threat that can bring about the society’s destruction. He is not around to protect the<br />
women he loves when Indians attack. Instead he is out in the Valley. He returns to find the Edwards home<br />
burning, and Martha raped and killed. While the physical destruction of the home was Scar’s doing,<br />
Ethan’s failure to protect the society Aaron and Martha created in their home makes him culpable in his<br />
own mind.<br />
299
Ford created Ethan and Scar as mirrors of each other. Both men are convinced of the justice of their<br />
own ideals and the utter barbarity of the other’s, both having lost family members to the other’s violence.<br />
Along with common past trauma, Scar and Ethan are also presented as having the same stature and presence<br />
as well as intelligence of the other’s customs. Scar returns Ethan’s sarcastic “You speak pretty good<br />
American for a Comanche,” with “You speak pretty good Comanche. Someone teach you?” Scar and Ethan<br />
are both wanderers driven by a thirst for vengeance and an inability to settle down in peace. While both<br />
perceive themselves to be on opposite ends of a battle, neither of them has a place in the new growing<br />
civilization. Scar and his tribe are an impediment to the very possibility of growth, while Ethan’s presence is<br />
too wild to exist in an established society.<br />
The close up of John Wayne the audience sees in The Searchers is drastically different from the<br />
introduction of Ringo in Stagecoach. Rather than seeing a brash young symbol of hope, we see a bitter, scary<br />
man. Ethan Edwards isn’t a hero. He isn’t the kind of character the audience wishes to emulate. He is a<br />
terrifying, menacing figure, willing to kill his own niece. Years into the search Ethan and Martin fall upon a<br />
group of calvary men who have women formerly held captive by a band of Comanches. Ethan and Martin<br />
scan the women in hopes that one of them is the girl for whom they have spent so many years searching.<br />
The former captives have been driven mad by their time in captivity. Ethan stares at them with contempt<br />
and disgust declaring that they “Ain’t white no more”. He lacks all compassion for the captives and views<br />
them as sub-human. As he’s walking out he quickly turns around to give one last contemptuous look at the<br />
women. The camera pans quickly to his face, grizzled, dark and unshaven, full of disappointment and<br />
revulsion. This image illustrates the individual as a potential threat. While his sense of right mirrors<br />
society’s, he is not working within the culture. He chooses to lead, outside society, and this makes him<br />
crazy. Ethan makes the audience uneasy; he is a dangerous hazard.<br />
The final shot mirrors the opening shot in many ways. Ethan returns home successful, saving<br />
Debbie and returning her to the Jorgeson’s home. The camera seems to stand in the doorway of the home,<br />
300
all of Monument Valley visible in the background engulfing the characters. Debbie walks in with her new<br />
surrogate parents, and Marty walks in arm and arm with his bride to be. As they walk into the home, the<br />
camera retreats further into the house. Now rather than the valley taking up the shot, it is framed very<br />
tightly by the doorway of the Jorgenson home, by civilization. Ethan takes a step to enter the house, but<br />
holds back. He looks in longingly on the family that he helped bring together. No one makes a move to<br />
welcome Ethan into the house, or even thank him for returning Debbie and Martin. Ethan is forgotten,<br />
alone outside. He turns and walks away, back out into the Valley from which he emerged all those years<br />
ago, as the door of the home shuts on him. Ethan is not welcome in the house. He has restored the order of<br />
the family by bringing back Debbie, he is still necessary for the security of that society but he has no place in<br />
it. As this is all taking place the final theme music is playing, with the lyrics “A man will search his heart and<br />
soul, go searching way out there. His peace of mind, he’s knows he’ll find. But where oh lord oh where.<br />
Ride away, ride away”. Ethan will not, and cannot find peace and thus has to ride away. He is left to<br />
wander forever between the winds, an exile from civilization.<br />
The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance<br />
The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance was released in 1962 amid a period of cultural anxiety in the<br />
United States. The Cold War was still raging on in the background, while a new war in Vietnam was on the<br />
rise. The post war economy was finally taking a dip, and John F. Kennedy stood as President of the United<br />
States. No longer were the idols of the nation war aging heroes. Instead Americans were fascinated with a<br />
young fresh president who wanted to lead them into the future through technology and renewed civic<br />
cooperation. The 1960s were a time of change, and while people respected the past and were nostalgic<br />
about it, they were pushing for an end of the old ways. While being an “other” was still a negative thing, it<br />
was the old guard that came to be seen as outsiders, relics of a past that would hold back the progress of<br />
modernity.<br />
301
Corkin summarizes the film as telling the story of an aging western figure, now a U.S. senator,<br />
Ransom Stoddard, returning to the town of Shinbone with his wife Hallie, for the funeral of an old friend<br />
Tom Doniphon. When asked by a reporter why he would attend a pauper’s funeral Stoddard narrates a tale<br />
about how he knew Doniphon. The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance is told in a flashback. Stoddard explains that<br />
while he has gained fame for civilizing Shinbone, it was Doniphon that performed the act that earned<br />
Stoddard his reputation. Throughout the film Tom Doniphon’s obscurity becomes a symbol of the passing<br />
frontier, and Stoddard’s eminence illustrates the way modernity has taken root in formerly unsettled places.<br />
It is important to note that Liberty Valance is filmed in black and white. Nearly all films made by this<br />
time were in color. This anomaly exists for two reasons. The most obvious cause of the black and white<br />
filming is the nostalgia inherent in the flashback. It is explaining an older time, and therefore uses an older<br />
film technique. There is more to this choice than to serve as a simple flashback. Ford’s use of black and<br />
white reflects implies Stagecoach, which was from a black and white era. This film is a mirror image of<br />
Stagecoach. While Stagecoach was about constructing the myth of the individual embodied in the Ringo Kid,<br />
Valance is about constructing the myth of the civilizing force of the lawyer, Ransom Stoddard. The culture<br />
of rugged individualism that Ringo represented must be torn down in this film to relay the values of the<br />
1960s. No longer is the law of the gun integral to society’s function. Civilization has been built; it is no<br />
longer a fledgling institution in need of protection from the outside. Civilization now was structured around<br />
obedience to law, the triumph of the other-directed man, and needed a man of law to keep it together. The<br />
individuals, such as Tom Doniphon, who created the society no longer had a place in it. Lawmen such as<br />
Ransom Stoddard were what civilization needed to flourish, and by constructing this film in black and white<br />
Ford offers an elegiac vision of the transformation from an individualistic ethic to one of law and<br />
community.<br />
The film opens with a shot of a train coming through the wilderness. This will be the only scene<br />
throughout the film that displays open area. Monument Valley, a key factor in the first two films, is notably<br />
302
absent from this one. Liberty Valance will take place entirely with the constructs of modern civilization, the<br />
town of Shinbone. The freedom and individualism that the valley represented has been eliminated by this<br />
point. Rather than portraying civilization as struggling to make a place for itself in this film, it is already<br />
established. Even the one shot the audience sees of openness is impeded by society. A train –the hackneyed<br />
symbol of progress in the Western- runs through the very heart of the wilderness. There is no place that<br />
civilization has not reached by this point, and there is no place left for the individual to retreat. The only<br />
sense Ford gives of a place for the individual within the town is through the outside. Many of the scenes shot<br />
in the film’s “present” are interior, representative of the settled nature of the “present”. Meanwhile the<br />
scenes in the flashback are primarily exterior or in Hallie’s family restaurant, both locations that will be<br />
“tamed” with the presence of Stoddard.<br />
When Link takes Hallie for a ride to the remains of Doniphon’s ranch, outside the town limits, the<br />
place appears ghostlike, deserted and reduced to ashes. Nature could only flourish before the days of<br />
civilization. Doniphon’s dream of settling down in that house would never be achieved. Throughout all the<br />
films, Wayne’s character has never been able to exist in a domestic setting. Any home he is trying to make<br />
is incomplete or destroyed. The home as representative of civilization can never be a haven to Doniphon.<br />
He does not fit in that frame of society. While he can participate in the building of such a structure, of<br />
civilization, he will never be able to exist inside such an institution.<br />
The flashback tells of Stoddard’s willfully bringing civilization to Shinbone. He brings law books,<br />
teaches people how to read and write, and represents the town in the territorial legislature and then on<br />
national and international levels. He is the new hero of the people. In the “present” era of the film,<br />
Shinbone is portrayed as very modern with a large newspaper and established schools, a far cry from the<br />
town Ranse first encountered. The growth of Shinbone is attributed to Ranse. His arrival in Shinbone<br />
brought in a flush of new ideas that lead to growth and reform. Had he not come the civilization would not<br />
have stagnated.<br />
303
There is an aura of inevitability to the narrative. Ranse may have been the agent of the progress of<br />
civilization, but had he not appeared it would have happened regardless. Stoddard’s actions to change the<br />
town are most visible in the change in Hallie. Hallie is the woman in the romantic triangle connecting her to<br />
Doniphon and Ranse. In the film’s “present” she misses Doniphon emotionally, as well as the world he<br />
represented.<br />
It is Hallie whose life has changed the most as a result of the incorporation of Shinbone. She has<br />
been raised up from an illiterate waitress to a senator’s wife. Yet, she is dissatisfied with her life with Ranse.<br />
Hallie chose Ransom Stoddard over Tom Doniphon, symbolizing larger social shifts. Had Ransom not come<br />
to Shinbone, she would have stayed illiterate, moved into Tom’s house, and lived her life cooking and<br />
cleaning, just as she always had. The town would have gone on the same, never changing. Ranse’s arrival,<br />
however, sparks development in the town. When she chooses Ransom romantically, she is really choosing<br />
him socially. He is the facilitator to change; he is representative of the future. Ransom gives her, and society<br />
a step forward, whereas Tom would keep them just as they are. Hallie’s lingering affections for the idea of<br />
Doniphon after his death represent the way society feels about the era of the rugged individual.<br />
Doniphon signifies pre-modern Shinbone. He is a living antique, no longer necessary to the<br />
development of society. He has realized that Hallie has chosen Ranse, and so has the town. He refused to be<br />
nominated to represent the area in the push for statehood, and has been replaced in nearly every way by<br />
Stoddard. He has no place in the town. There is just one last thing for him to take care of, Liberty Valance.<br />
By ensuring Valance’s death Doniphon goes the final step in forging the society of Shinbone. He was there<br />
for its creation, and protected it during its genesis, but now that it has reached a plateau, he is holding it<br />
back. Doniphon and Valance are twined. Both follow the law of the gun, and are agents of an older era. If it<br />
were not for the civilizing presence of Hallie Doniphon, may have chosen Valance’s side. The death of<br />
Liberty Valance ushers in civilization to Shinbone, and while Ransom didn’t actually kill him, as the man<br />
who seemed to shoot an outlaw, he became more important than the man who actually shot him. In<br />
304
There is an aura of inevitability to the narrative. Ranse may have been the agent of the progress of<br />
civilization, but had he not appeared it would have happened regardless. Stoddard’s actions to change the<br />
town are most visible in the change in Hallie. Hallie is the woman in the romantic triangle connecting her to<br />
Doniphon and Ranse. In the film’s “present” she misses Doniphon emotionally, as well as the world he<br />
represented.<br />
It is Hallie whose life has changed the most as a result of the incorporation of Shinbone. She has<br />
been raised up from an illiterate waitress to a senator’s wife. Yet, she is dissatisfied with her life with Ranse.<br />
Hallie chose Ransom Stoddard over Tom Doniphon, symbolizing larger social shifts. Had Ransom not come<br />
to Shinbone, she would have stayed illiterate, moved into Tom’s house, and lived her life cooking and<br />
cleaning, just as she always had. The town would have gone on the same, never changing. Ranse’s arrival,<br />
however, sparks development in the town. When she chooses Ransom romantically, she is really choosing<br />
him socially. He is the facilitator to change; he is representative of the future. Ransom gives her, and society<br />
a step forward, whereas Tom would keep them just as they are. Hallie’s lingering affections for the idea of<br />
Doniphon after his death represent the way society feels about the era of the rugged individual.<br />
Doniphon signifies pre-modern Shinbone. He is a living antique, no longer necessary to the<br />
development of society. He has realized that Hallie has chosen Ranse, and so has the town. He refused to be<br />
nominated to represent the area in the push for statehood, and has been replaced in nearly every way by<br />
Stoddard. He has no place in the town. There is just one last thing for him to take care of, Liberty Valance.<br />
By ensuring Valance’s death Doniphon goes the final step in forging the society of Shinbone. He was there<br />
for its creation, and protected it during its genesis, but now that it has reached a plateau, he is holding it<br />
back. Doniphon and Valance are twined. Both follow the law of the gun, and are agents of an older era. If it<br />
were not for the civilizing presence of Hallie Doniphon, may have chosen Valance’s side. The death of<br />
Liberty Valance ushers in civilization to Shinbone, and while Ransom didn’t actually kill him, as the man<br />
who seemed to shoot an outlaw, he became more important than the man who actually shot him. In<br />
304
shooting Liberty Valance, Doniphon allows politics to come to Shinbone, forcing himself into oblivion. He<br />
is an example of a hero who creates a society, but is too contradictory to exist inside of it. Tom’s killing of<br />
Liberty Valance is a suicide. Tom kills his own liberty.<br />
The final scene of the film ends the flashback and brings us back to the “present”. He has finished<br />
telling the truth of Tom Doniphon, as a final elegy. The train whistle blows signaling that it is time for him<br />
to leave this place, the story is over and it is time to return to civilization. Ransom collects Hallie and takes<br />
one last look into the room that holds Doniphon’s coffin. The camera is positioned in the room, looking at<br />
Stoddard as he firmly shuts the door. In this action he is shutting out everything Doniphon was. The truth<br />
was out, if only to a small few, but even the memory of Doniphin was dangerous to the collective society. If<br />
anyone found out who really shot Liberty Valance, Stoddard would be discredited and the very foundation<br />
that the modern civilization was founded on would crumble. Heroes such as Tom Doniphon can’t exist if<br />
the society is going to flourish. The newspaper man interviewing Stoddard rips up his notes, and declares<br />
the story unprintable. He says “This is the West sir. When the legend becomes fact, print the legend.”<br />
Ransom Stoddard is the new legend. With him a new myth is created.<br />
Conclusion<br />
These Western films clearly functioned as more than entertainment; they exemplify the cultural<br />
shifts in America, particularly in examining America’s view of the individual in society. During the Cold<br />
War American culture underwent a major shift from glorifying the individual to fearing it. Any “other”<br />
became dangerous to society as a whole. The cultural climate of America during the Cold War led<br />
Americans to fear things that are different. Social containment became the key to security. Ford’s films<br />
examine this shift away from the rugged individual of the past that protected the town from the outside to<br />
the austere lawman who functions within the community.<br />
By the time Ford shot Liberty Valance the Western genre was dying, and so were its heroes. The<br />
Western rested on the principle of the value of the admirable individual who was key to the protection of<br />
305
society. Yet, as that individual became less valued, so too did the genre. Westerns rested on the idea that<br />
the individual was the protector of society, and what Americans should aspire to be. Overtime, America<br />
stopped aspiring to be individuals. Ford thrust the Western into mainstream popularity with Stagecoach and<br />
tolled the death of the traditional Western with Tom Doniphon’s death in The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Church, Jeffrey. "Recognition and Restlessness in John Ford's The Searchers." Perspectives on Political<br />
Science 38, no. 1 (Winter 2009): 47-57.<br />
Corkin, Stanley. Cowboys as Cold Warriors. Phildelphia: <strong>University</strong> Press, 2004<br />
Cuordileone, K.A. “Politics in an Age of Anxiety: Cold War Political Culture and the Crisis in American<br />
Masculinity, 1949-1960.” The Journal Of American History (September 2000): 515.<br />
Eckstein, Arthur. The Searchers: Essays and Reflections on John Ford’s Classic Western. Wayne State<br />
<strong>University</strong> Press, 2004.<br />
Engel, Leonard. "Mythic space and monument valley: Another look at John Ford's Stagecoach."Literature<br />
Film Quarterly 22, no. 3 (July 1994): 174.<br />
Ford, John, Director. Stagecoach. 1939<br />
Ford, John, Director. The Searchers. 1956.<br />
Ford, John, Director. The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance. 1962.<br />
May, Elaine Tyler. Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era. Basic Books, 1988.<br />
Hefner, Hugh. “The Playboy Philosophy” Playboy, January 1963, p. 41<br />
Reisman, David. The Lonely Crowd. Yale <strong>University</strong> Press, 1961.<br />
306
Stephanie Rentschler<br />
Calvin College<br />
U.S.-Russian Relations: Toward a Renewed Partnership<br />
Since Vice President Biden’s speech in which he said that “it’s time to press the rest button” for<br />
relations between the United States and Russia, it has been clear that the United States is pursuing a policy<br />
of engagement, attempting to establish a mutually beneficial relationship with Russia. Steps have been<br />
taken toward engaging Russia not only in areas of primary strategic concern for the United States, but also<br />
areas involving culture, science, and technology through long term initiatives to foster understanding and<br />
greater involvement between the two states have also been taken. Determining exactly how to interact<br />
with Russia, however, is much more complex than simply deciding whether or not it would be best to<br />
deepen relations between the two states. When determining how to approach Russia, the United States<br />
must take a number of things into account, including strategic interests, long term sustainability, human<br />
rights, and democratization, as well as U.S. domestic political will to cooperate with a former enemy as<br />
well as Russian perceptions of U.S. intentions.<br />
Since the Cold War, Russia has struggled to determine its role within the international system and<br />
its relation to the West, particularly the United States. Though Russia continues to have some concerning<br />
international policies, engaging Russia is a better option than excluding Russia, feeding its sense of isolation.<br />
Cooperation between the United States and Russia is essential in achieving significant progress on a variety<br />
of critical international issues from nuclear security and energy security to establishing stability in<br />
Afghanistan to the peace and stability in the former Soviet states. Together, the United States and Russia<br />
have 95 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons, making Russia an essential partner in maintaining the<br />
security of nuclear weapons as well as an essential partner in the international nuclear nonproliferation<br />
regime. Russia also holds 30 percent of the world’s gas reserves and controls much of the region’s energy<br />
307
transport grid. It is becoming increasingly evident that the United States needs to include Russia in helping<br />
to achieve stability in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan (Legvold 78-79). Yet, political resistance within the<br />
U.S. Congress, as well as nationalistic skepticism on the part of Russia limit the amount of cooperation<br />
possible to a point, but should not prevent efforts to improve relations and advance understanding and trust<br />
between the two states, hopefully eventually enabling greater collaboration.<br />
The United States must also take into account its relations with European allies, particularly Easter<br />
European states, some of which are not fully consolidated democracies and are additionally very concerned<br />
about Russian power. Greater trust between Russia and the United States would increase U.S. legitimacy<br />
with Russia and negotiating power and may allow the United States and NATO to strengthen ties with<br />
states in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, particularly Ukraine, without provoking and<br />
alienating Russia. Ukraine’s strategic importance as a buffer between Russia and NATO and as an essential<br />
transit country for Russia’s natural gas supply to Europe, providing approximately two-thirds of Europe’s<br />
needs, make it both a source of contention and a possible mediator. Western support for democratization<br />
and Ukrainian security are important in maintaining the balance, so that Ukraine does not get drawn back<br />
into the Russian sphere of influence but is able to effectively pursue its own foreign policy (Lazarevic 48).<br />
In the last decade, the relations between the United States and Russia have been rather uncertain,<br />
with periods of hope for improved relations often followed by tension between the two, culminating with<br />
the August 2008 war between Russia and Georgia. Even so, both Russia and the United States appear to be<br />
interested in increased cooperation as was demonstrated by Vice President Biden’s comments calling for<br />
“pressing the reset button” on U.S.-Russian relations, and the positive response from Russia shortly after<br />
President Obama’s inauguration (Biden). Additionally, many issues of greatest disagreement have passed<br />
the acute stage (Alcaro 3). President Obama has taken many important steps toward building a sustainable<br />
cooperative relationship with Russia. The passing of the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START),<br />
the U.S.-Russian 123 agreement allowing for civilian exchange of nuclear material and technology, and the<br />
308
eestablishment of communications between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Russia,<br />
and the creation of the U.S.-Russia Bilateral Presidential Commission (B.P.C.) are all positive steps that<br />
signal a strengthening of ties between Moscow and Washington (Rojansky; “U.S.-Russia Bilateral…”).<br />
While these are important steps towards rapprochement, there is still much uncertainty and distrust that<br />
must be overcome in order to establish a sustainable relationship based upon more than specific strategic<br />
interests.<br />
In addressing the future of U.S.-Russian relations, it is important to recognize the history of the<br />
Cold War and the remaining distrust and the resulting problems this presents to building positive relations.<br />
Additionally, the history of relations between the U.S. and Russia following the Cold War are important for<br />
understanding where they may lead in the future. If U.S.-Russian relations are to be normalized, it will<br />
ultimately require substantial effort on the part of the United States as well as Russia to overcome past<br />
perceptions and prejudices against one another. The United States administration and Congress should<br />
make consistency and reliability a priority when dealing with Russia, so that treaties agreed upon by the two<br />
states are not revoked and promises are not broken, as has been the case in the past. A policy of “realistic<br />
engagement” with Russia addressing areas of agreement, as well as issues of contention, rather than isolating<br />
Russia would be a good step toward long term, positive relations (Åslund 5). This should involve increased<br />
cooperation between NATO and Russia, assisting Russia in its application for joining the World Trade<br />
Organization (WTO), and greater focus upon issues of mutual concern such as the nuclear proliferation,<br />
achieving stability within Afghanistan, commercial interests, and energy policy.<br />
U.S.-Russian Relations following the Cold War: Uncertainty and Mistrust<br />
Following the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia was greatly weakened as it lost<br />
substantial territory, suffered an economic collapse, and struggled to reformulate its political system. At<br />
the end of the 1990s, Russia began to rapidly recover economically, which was further boosted by the high<br />
natural gas and oil prices after 2003. With its increased economic strength, Russia began to be more<br />
309
assertive in its foreign policy (Åslund 7). After 9/11, Russia supported the United States in its fight against<br />
Al Qaeda, hoping to gain more leverage and take on a greater role within international relations. The<br />
United States, however, continued to consider Russia as a relatively weak player and not as the great power<br />
that Russia envisions itself to be (Alcaro 3).<br />
In the 2000s, numerous events led to the further break down of trust between Russia and the<br />
United States. Cold war perceptions and mistrust persist, furthering perceptions of actions on both sides as<br />
threatening and aggressive. Perceptions that the United States took advantage of Russia during the 1990s<br />
are common within Russia, and rhetoric blaming the United States for troubles within Russia is relatively<br />
common. Many actions of the United States, NATO, and the European Union (EU) have been seen as<br />
attempts to further isolate or ‘encircle’ Russia, such as NATO’s eastern enlargement, the Orange<br />
Revolution in Ukraine and the Rose Revolution in Georgia, US plans for a missile defense system in the<br />
Czech Republic and Poland, and U.S. recognition of Kosovo’s independence (Alcaro 3).<br />
President Bush’s support for Ukraine and Georgia’s bid for NATO membership further angered<br />
Russia. In March 2007, the United States Congress passed the NATO Freedom Consolidation Act,<br />
supporting NATO enlargement to include Ukraine and Georgia, as well as states in the Western Balkans<br />
(Lazarevic 47). Relations with Russia reached a new low for the post-Cold War period with the Georgian<br />
war in August of 2008, leading many to fear that a new cold war was unavoidable (Alcaro 3). Even so,<br />
Russia, the United States, and the EU expressed their discontent with the trend toward a breakdown of<br />
diplomacy, hinting at the possibility of improved relations.<br />
NATO Expansion: Threat to Russia?<br />
In order to develop a new approach to Russia, the United States must attempt to understand the<br />
ways in which Russia views the United States and interprets its actions. NATO expansion has been an issue<br />
of growing contention for Russia with each of the three waves of NATO enlargement since the end of the<br />
Cold War. Western Europe and the United States have generally seen European integration through the<br />
310
EU and NATO as a method for stabilizing Central and Eastern Europe. NATO, a remnant of the Cold<br />
War, has transformed itself to deal with new threats to European security, but Russia continues to view it<br />
as a hostile force directed against Russia (“Where Does Europe End?” 178). In 2004, a massive increase in<br />
NATO membership to include Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia greatly<br />
upset Russia, particularly the admission of the three Baltic States which had been Soviet states, and not just<br />
part of the former Soviet sphere of influence (Åslund 2).<br />
In 2008, when Ukraine and Georgia requested NATO membership action plans (MAP), which<br />
would have laid out a series of steps to be taken in order to become NATO members, Russia’s response<br />
became even more volatile. A speech given by Putin suggested that he was questioning the legitimacy of the<br />
breakup of the Soviet Union and the sovereignty of the resulting states. He said, “If the NATO issue is<br />
added there, along with other problems, this may bring into question Ukraine’s existence as a sovereign<br />
state.” While this response is quite reactionary, the motivation behind it and the perceived threat to<br />
Russian security as NATO and the EU move closer to Russia’s borders need to be taken into account.<br />
Russia also clearly questioned the sovereignty of Georgia, as it intervened and then recognized South<br />
Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent states (Åslund 7). At the NATO Summit in Bucharest, the allies<br />
decided not to give Ukraine and Georgia a MAP, but indicated that they would contemplate the future<br />
membership of the two states. This rather ambiguous message was given due to the disagreement between<br />
NATO members as to whether or not Ukraine and Georgia should be given a MAP, supported by the<br />
United States, but much more cautiously by many European NATO member states who were concerned<br />
with Russia’s possible response and the ability of Georgia and Ukraine to meet the requirements for joining<br />
NATO (Lazarevic 45-46). While some of Russia’s security concerns may be understandable, Russia’s<br />
apparent disregard for the sovereignty of many former Soviet states is very concerning for European<br />
security.<br />
311
It is relatively clear that neither Ukraine nor Georgia will become a member of NATO anytime<br />
soon, which eases some of the tension with Russia, without NATO appearing to give in to Russia’s demands<br />
and may provide time to convince Russia that NATO expansion is not threatening. In the 2010 Ukrainian<br />
election, Viktor Yanukovych became president and he is pursuing a relatively pro-Russian foreign policy<br />
and has said that Ukraine will pursue a non-aligned position in terms of NATO membership (Vahabov 299).<br />
Additionally, there is little support for NATO membership within Ukraine. In a poll conducted in the<br />
summer of 2008 by the Fund for Public Opinion, “55 percent of Ukrainian respondents were against<br />
NATO membership, and only 22 percent in favor” (Lazarevic 48). Georgia’s prospects of joining NATO<br />
soon are also tenuous due to a relatively unstable political situation and a lack of territorial integrity which is<br />
required in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty (Lazarevic 55). While it should be made clear that Russia<br />
does not have veto power against NATO enlargement, technical and political limitations that will prevent<br />
Ukraine and Georgia from becoming NATO member states in the short term alleviates some of the tension<br />
with Russia for now, making this an opportune time for reengagement.<br />
President Obama’s Policy toward Russia<br />
Since coming into office in 2009, President Obama has made a substantial effort toward revitalizing<br />
and deepening U.S. relations with Russia. Upon the creation of the U.S.-Russian Bilateral Presidential<br />
Commission (B.P.C.), President Obama said, “Too often, the United States and Russia only communicate<br />
on a narrow range of issues, or let old habits within our bureaucracy state in the way of progress” (“U.S. -<br />
Russian Bilateral…”). Obama and Medvedev established the B.P.C. in July of 2009. The B.P.C. has 13<br />
working groups that focuses on “identifying areas of cooperation and pursuing joint projects and actions that<br />
strengthen strategic stability, international security, economic well-being, and the development of ties<br />
between the Russian and American people” ("U.S. - Russian Bilateral…”). In addition, the work conducted<br />
by this commission is to be “based on the core principles of friendship, cooperation, openness, and<br />
predictability, and we are resolved to address disagreements openly and honestly in a spirit of mutual<br />
312
espect and acknowledgement of each other’s perspective” ("U.S. - Russian Bilateral…”). The B.P.C. is a<br />
promising sign for the future of U.S.-Russian cooperation and a useful mechanism for deepening relations.<br />
Much progress has also been made on issues of mutual concern. On April 8, 2010, Obama and<br />
Medvedev signed the New START agreement to reduce the nuclear arsenals of both states. Both leaders<br />
expressed their desire and the need for future cooperation (Bilefsky). In December the Senate approved the<br />
treaty, followed by the Duma in January (“After 17 Years…”). In May 2010, President Obama resubmitted<br />
the U.S.-Russian 123 agreement for Congressional review, which would allow U.S. companies to share<br />
nuclear technology, conduct research and development, and bid for civil nuclear projects with Russian firms<br />
(“Obama Plans Revival...”). President Bush had originally submitted the agreement, but withdrew it in<br />
August of 2008 following Russia’s intervention in Georgia. Following the end of a 90-day review period,<br />
the U.S.-Russia 123 Agreement went into effect at the end of last year (Rejansky).<br />
Reciprocation<br />
Since the U.S. has begun focusing on improving relations with Russia, Russia seems to be<br />
reciprocating. Russia has strengthened its efforts to support and implement sanctions against Iran. The<br />
United States and many of its allies had been concerned about Russian arms deals with Iran, but Russia has<br />
said that it interprets the latest sanctions to include advanced air defense systems as part of the ban on<br />
exports of major weapons systems to Iran, meaning that Russia will not be completing its planned sales to<br />
Iran ("Russia Ends Talk…”). The United States and Russia have also had success in bilateral negotiations<br />
concerning Russia’s possible admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Russia has been<br />
attempting to join the WTO since the early 1990s, and support from the United States is crucial for<br />
accession into the organization. Russia will however have to solve issues with other trade partners such as<br />
Georgia, which will likely be a long process in itself ("After 17 Years…”). In late November, at the NATO<br />
meeting in Lisbon, several key agreements were reached with Russia. A missile defense shield that will<br />
likely link to a Russian missile defense system was tentatively agreed upon, as was a restructuring of the<br />
313
NATO-Russia Council. Additionally, Russia agreed to allow more NATO supplies to be transported across<br />
Russian territory to Afghanistan (Dempsey).<br />
While much progress has been made in building a stronger, more positive relationship between<br />
Moscow and Washington, there are still many serious issues that could lead to an untimely break before the<br />
reset of relations can be fully implemented. In August, Russia deployed an advanced surface-to-air missile<br />
system to Abkhazia, showing Russia’s continued support for the breakaway province (Schwirtz). While<br />
relations between the United States and Russia look quite promising after almost two years of intentional<br />
engagement, lack of domestic support among other challenges could limit the possibility for long term<br />
cooperation.<br />
Broad Policy Options<br />
There are three general policy options for approaching Russia: a hard line approach, a partial<br />
engagement based on common interest approach, and a full engagement approach. The first approach, in<br />
which the United States “calls things by their name…an authoritarian, bullying, and aggressive power and<br />
admit that a new Cold War is on and act accordingly” would further isolate Russia and increase mistrust<br />
(Legvold 81). Following Russia’s involvement in Georgia in August 2008, this seemed to be the way in<br />
which U.S. Russian relations were going, but neither Moscow nor Washington were ultimately content<br />
with this option. Henry Kissinger and George Shultz observed that “isolating Russia is not a sustainable<br />
long-range policy. It is neither feasible nor desirable to isolate a country adjoin Europe, Asia and the<br />
Middle East and possessing a stockpile of nuclear arms comparable to that of the United States” (Åslund 4).<br />
Ultimately, some level of cooperation is mutually beneficial to the extent that a return to the cold war is<br />
not a viable option.<br />
Another option is a policy of partial engagement or an issue based engagement approach to U.S.-<br />
Russian relations, holding that differences between the United States and Russia are large enough that full<br />
engagement is not possible or is not desirable. The United States and Russia would work together on areas<br />
314
of agreement and common interest and would acknowledge their disagreements in other areas and seek to<br />
at least manage them. This seems to have been the trend for the last few years prior to the Obama<br />
administration. Partial engagement continues to be an acceptable option if more extended engagement<br />
becomes impossible due to U.S. domestic issues or if Russia does not show interest in greater levels of<br />
engagement.<br />
The third policy option is full engagement with Russia. This option would seek to form broader<br />
levels of cooperation at a number of levels and seems to most closely match the policies of President<br />
Obama’s administration. The creation of the B.P.C., in which a desire for cooperation and understanding<br />
among American and Russian people as well as the numerous working groups to address issues in which the<br />
two states can cooperate, seems to be the basis for a policy of long term engagement. Full engagement<br />
provides greater opportunity for the building of mutual trust and greater cooperation, making ties stronger<br />
and more enduring. This policy has been relatively successful so far, but there is the potential for U.S.<br />
domestic politics as well as Russian involvement in the former Soviet republics, especially Georgia, to limit<br />
the feasibility of full engagement.<br />
Policy Recommendations<br />
Both Russia and the United States have many incentives for pursuing a policy of strengthening the<br />
U.S.-Russian relationship. While both Russia and the United States have concerns about the other’s<br />
approach to foreign policy, much can be gained through close cooperation. Many steps toward a healthier<br />
relationship have been made in the last two years, but the long term direction for relations between<br />
Moscow and Washington are not clear. Engagement should be further emphasized through NATO-Russian<br />
cooperation while reassuring Eastern European allies and Georgia, building stronger economic ties, and<br />
strengthening dialogue through the B.P.C.<br />
Improved relations between NATO and Russia are a significant step toward restoring trust between<br />
Russia and the United States, as well as with Western Europe. This fall, Russian President Medvedev<br />
315
attended the Russia-NATO summit, his first meeting with NATO since before the war with Georgia, after<br />
recalling Russian troops from Perevia, Georgia. Plans to include Russia in missile defense talks are also a<br />
chance to reformulate a contentious issue into an opportunity for further cooperation. The opening of<br />
relations between Russia and NATO is essential for bringing greater stability to Europe and dealing with the<br />
continued situation in Georgia (Bennhold).<br />
At the same time, the United States must continue to reassure Eastern European countries,<br />
including Ukraine, and also Georgia that their relations with the United States are not weakened due to<br />
closer relations between the United States and Russia. Part of a policy of renewed cooperation is the<br />
recognition that “the United States has the right to hope that Russia will gradually understand that it is in its<br />
national interest to deal with its neighbors by adopting a strategy of reassurance rather than a crude one of<br />
wielding carrots and sticks, particularly sticks” (Legvold 83). Closer relations with Russia do not have to<br />
mean reduced involvement with Eastern Europe. While the future of Ukraine, in particular, worries much<br />
of Europe as its relations with Russia have grown dramatically closer, Yanukovich seems to want to<br />
continue to maintain close ties with Europe, but to remain neutral in military associations (Castle).<br />
Increased emphasis upon economic ties could further ensure sustained engagement. Russia wants<br />
to diversify its economy away from oil dependence, which means it will need foreign investment. Greater<br />
economic ties would further communication and increase the number of connections, and therefore the<br />
cost of confrontation (“Russia Steps…"). In addition, the implementation of the 123 agreement between<br />
Russia and the United States could provide numerous economic benefits to both states. Since the Clinton<br />
administration, the executive branch has periodically said that it would push for the repeal of the Jackson-<br />
Vanik amendment, which was part of Title IV of the Trade Act of 1974 and prohibited the granting of mostfavored<br />
nation status with the United States to any state with a non-market economy that restricts the<br />
emigration of its people. This amendment was passed following the high emigration fees imposed by the<br />
USSR on those who had studies in the USSR who wanted to leave in order to combat the “brain drain” of<br />
316
Jews emigrating to Israel and the West (Legvold 86). The amendment serves little purpose other than to<br />
aggravate Russia, and it is also an obstacle to Russia’s WTO accession.<br />
Repealing this amendment would<br />
cost the United States little, but be a major token of good will toward Russia.<br />
Increased emphasis upon the B.P.C. should be applied in an attempt to boost the visibility of the<br />
discussions and to provide increased incentives to cooperate at multiple different levels. Due to its<br />
relatively new creation, the B.P.C. has had little time to make substantive progress and very little has been<br />
written about it. If it proves to be an effective tool of U.S.-Russian cooperation, it could have broad<br />
implications for the overall stability of the bilateral relationship.<br />
Toward a Sustainable Relationship<br />
While U.S.-Russian relations have experienced many challenges and uncertainties since the end of<br />
the Cold War, there is currently great potential for the establishment of a more sustainable relationship<br />
founded in cooperation. Emphases on reliability and open communication as well as determination to deal<br />
with issues of mutual concern are important steps in this process. Long term continuation of this policy,<br />
breaking through decades of mistrust and skepticism would benefit both the United States and Russia.<br />
Whether or not domestic politics will allow for continued engagement, however, is still uncertain.<br />
317
Works Cited<br />
Alcaro, Riccardo, and Emiliano Alessandri. "Re-Setting US-EU-Russia Relations: Moving Beyond the<br />
Rhetoric." Transatlantic Security Symposium 2009. US-Europe Russia Security Relations: Toward a New<br />
Compact? Rome, (June 22, 2009): 1-11. Columbia International Affairs Online. Web. 3 Nov. 2010.<br />
Åslund, Anders, and Andrew Kuchins. "Pressing the "Reset Button" on US-Russia Relations." Peterson<br />
Institute for International Economics (2009): 1-14. Web. 27 Nov. 2010.<br />
Baker, Peter, and Dan Bilefsky. "Russia and U.S. Sign Nuclear Arms Reduction Pact." The New York Times 8<br />
Apr. 2010. Web. 5 Dec. 2010.<br />
Baker, Peter. "Obama Rallying Support for Pact with Russia." The New York Time 1 Dec. 2010. Web. 3<br />
Dec. 2010.<br />
Baker, Peter. "Obama Plans Revival of Russian Nuclear Deal." The New York Times 6 May 2010. Web. 5<br />
Dec. 2010.<br />
Bennhold, Katrin. "Russia Accepts Invitation to Attend NATO Summit Meeting." The New York Times 19<br />
Oct. 2010. Web. 5 Dec. 2010.<br />
Biden, Joseph. "Remarks by Vice President Biden at 45 th Munich Conference on Security Policy." 45th<br />
Conference on Security Policy. Munich, Germany. 7 Feb. 2009. Web. 3 Apr. 2011.<br />
Castle, Stephen. "E.U., Kiev and Moscow Search for Friendly Ties." The New York Times 21 Nov. 2010.<br />
Web. 5 Dec. 2010.<br />
Dempsey, Judy. "NATO Leaders Agree to New Start with Russia." The New York Times 21 Nov. 2010.<br />
Web. 5 Dec. 2010.<br />
Kramer, Andrew E. "After 17 Years, Russia Resolves U.S. Objections for Entry into W.T.O." The New<br />
York Times 1 Oct. 2010. Web. 5 Dec. 2010.<br />
Kramer, Andrew E. "Arms Treaty Takes Crucial Step Forward in Russia." The New York Times 25 Jan. 2011:<br />
A9. Web. 3 Apr. 2011.<br />
318
Kramer, Andrew E. "Russia Ends Talk of Missile Sale to Iran." The New York Times 22 Sept. 2010. Web. 5<br />
Dec. 2010.<br />
Lazarevic, Dusica. "NATO Enlargement to Ukraine and Georgia: Old Wine in New Bottles?" The Quarterly<br />
Journal IX.1 (2009): 29-66. Web. 25 Nov. 2010.<br />
Legvold, Robert. "The Russia File: How to Move Toward a Strategic Partnership." Foreign Affairs 88.4<br />
(2009): 78-93. Print.<br />
Pifer, Steven. "Reversing the Decline: An Agenda for U.S.-Russian Relations in 2009." Foreign Policy at<br />
Brookings Policy Paper 10 (2009): 1-38. Web. 3 Dec. 2010.<br />
Rojansky, Matthew, and Peter Topychkanov. "The 123 Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Energizing the<br />
U.S.-Russia Reset." Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 15 Sept. 2010. Web. 1 Dec.<br />
2010.<br />
Schwirtz, Michael. "Russia Moves Missiles Into Breakaway Region." The New York Times 11 Aug. 2010.<br />
Web. 5 Dec. 2010.<br />
"U.S. - Russian Bilateral Presidential Commission: Mission Statement." U.S. Russia Bilateral Presidential<br />
Commission. U.S. Department of State, n.d. Web. 5 Dec. 2010.<br />
<br />
Vahabov, Tamerlan. "Ukraine: A Challenge for U.S., EU & NATO Regional Policy." Caucasian Review of<br />
International Affairs 4.3 (2010): 297-305. Web. 25 Nov. 2010.<br />
"Where Does Europe End? The Politics of NATO and the EU Enlargement." World Affairs 164.4 (2002):<br />
178-97. JSTOR. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.<br />
319
Regan Schaeffer<br />
Central Michigan <strong>University</strong><br />
If You Walk Away, I’ll Walk Away:<br />
Alternatives to Our Demonization of the Other<br />
If You Walk Away, I’ll Walk Away<br />
I don’t know how many of you recognize the title of my paper as a quotation from the lyrics of a<br />
song called Landlocked Blues, by my favorite band, Bright Eyes. Conor Oberst, the singer-songwriter, sings:<br />
There's kids playing guns in the street,<br />
And one’s pointing his tree branch at me.<br />
So I put my hands up; I say "Enough is enough,<br />
If you walk away, I'll walk away."<br />
And he shot me dead.<br />
My presentation is based on a longer paper examining the national emotional controversy over the<br />
proposed construction of a Muslim mosque and community center near the site of the 9/11 attacks on the<br />
World Trade Center.<br />
In the lead-up to the mid-term election season, last summer of 2010, the very idea of this<br />
construction became a catalyst for the expression of the anxiety, fear and anger that New Yorkers and the<br />
rest of America feel about the Muslim world, emotions which, immediately after the events of 9/11 were<br />
appropriately directed at radicalized expressions of Islam.<br />
It seems to me, that we Americans often don’t attempt much critical understanding of either<br />
international Islamic issues or the real beliefs and real experience of our Muslim-American neighbors. We<br />
rely instead on information from and opinions of peer groups with whom we are comfortable: family,<br />
friends, school and church community, familiar, but biased news media, and popular culture figures.<br />
These opinions can be inflammatory.<br />
320
The most vicious current anti-Muslim diatribes express a belief in an organized world-wide Islamic<br />
social and political agenda of infiltration and violent overthrow of Western democracy in favor of an Islamic<br />
state. A recently aired CNN documentary called “Unwelcome: The Muslims Next Door,” tells of two<br />
hundred and fifty local Muslim families, long term residents of Murfreesboro, TN, who pooled resources<br />
and raised money to purchase fifteen acres of land to build a mosque and community center on the outskirts<br />
their town. They had lived as friends with their Christian neighbors for over thirty years and those friends,<br />
immediately after 9/11 had shown support, understanding, and reassurance that they were not conflating<br />
their Muslim neighbors and all Muslims with radical terrorists. But, in the frenzy of anti-Islamic political<br />
rhetoric that reached a crescendo last summer over the so-called Ground Zero Mosque, many of these<br />
Christian neighbors became opponents of the mosque, saying they “were outraged that something of this<br />
nature was being shoved down our throats” (O’Brien). Opponents of the mosque filed suit, asking for a<br />
restraining order, and during the proceedings, the plaintiff’s lawyer attempted to question the validity of<br />
Islam as a religion.<br />
Why are we drawn to this sort of rhetoric?<br />
In his Pulitzer prize winning book, The Denial of Death, Ernest Becker says that we fight for life<br />
against the threat of death, but, among all animals, we alone have self-consciousness and awareness of the<br />
inevitability of our impending death. Becker says that we transcend death by finding meaning for our lives<br />
in the symbolic constructs of our culture. Because we fear extinction with insignificance, because we cannot<br />
bear the knowledge that we will die without leaving a trace behind, we work to have an effect on eternity.<br />
Our culture embodies our attempted transcendence of death. (Becker 5)<br />
But, in reality, any symbolic denial of mortality is a figment of the imagination. Whatever our<br />
belief in an afterlife, we each know that we will die, one day. Self-transcendence via culture does not give<br />
us the solution to problem of death. We have shifted our fear of death onto the higher level of cultural<br />
321
perpetuity. Now, we must not only fear death, but also fear the loss of our self-transcendent meanings of<br />
the society in which we live.<br />
As we operate within the cultural institutions into which we have poured so much meaning, we<br />
compete to stand out, to achieve the status of heroes within our immortality systems. In this effort to<br />
sustain our symbolic immortality, we construct a conscious symbolic self-esteem for ourselves, and a<br />
supporting cultural hero-system to feed our competitive self worth.<br />
We compete to carve out the immortality of our individual success in our families, our schools, and<br />
our work, and we compete, as well, for the long-term growth and success and dominance of our abiding<br />
institutions: our sports teams, our universities, our political parties, economies, nations, and yes, our<br />
religions.<br />
Becker says that the main task of human life is to become heroic and transcend death, but he also says<br />
that that this truth is the root of human evil, and that in our struggle for individual and collective<br />
immortality, we construct institutions requiring our protection against the demonized “other,” leading us,<br />
in the extreme, to participate in genocide and holy wars.<br />
Religion provides comfort, certainty, and the promise of immortality in the face of our inescapable<br />
fear. This is good. Religious institutions provide family, community, and symbolic immortality over time,<br />
while charismatic leaders give us a hero, and our emulation of that leader offers us each the chance for<br />
individual heroism. This is good.<br />
But, in Becker’s analysis, all culture operates to bestow symbolic immortality. This means that all<br />
culture operates as religion does, and in this analysis, the firefighters and civilian dead in 9/11 became<br />
immediate martyrs, ground zero is sanctified space, which must be defended from demonized “others,” i.e.<br />
all Muslims, and from those who speak for tolerance.<br />
If, as Becker believed, our use of symbolic social and cultural structures to deal with death anxiety is<br />
an inevitable outgrowth of inherent human psychology, then each of us, consciously and unconsciously,<br />
322
participates in our own self-identification into exclusionary groups. Social and cultural groups that indulge<br />
in extreme rhetoric, whether internally and or publicly, incite defensive emotional reactions from those<br />
who have been “otherized.”<br />
As I asked earlier, why are we drawn to this sort of rhetoric?<br />
Becker says we are this way out of our fear, and our human nature. If we can recognize this, why do<br />
we continue to participate? The philosopher and ethicist Lloyd Steffen believes that we face and on-going<br />
choice in our religious behavior. The destructive option in religion is the alternate choice to life-affirming<br />
religion. He explains that the destructive choice our actions within religion is appealing because it is natural<br />
and easy to drift into equating ultimacy, which is our natural belief in something transcendent beyond<br />
ourselves, with absolutism, and absolutism makes little demands on our reason and intellect. Steffen says,<br />
“Absolutism is so powerful that it can authorize evil acts, suppress moral critique, and then motivate people<br />
lured to act by goodness to conceive their evil act as good” (Steffen 34). Operating within absolutism, we<br />
can feel comfortable in the certainty of having religious decisions made by others, or other’s interpretation<br />
of our traditional religion.<br />
Steffen identifies our passions as a potential entry into making destructive choices in religion,<br />
explaining that passions concentrate value and give depth of meaning to life, and we humans have a need for<br />
meaning and value. We unfortunately also have a tendency toward overvaluation: of objects, people, or<br />
our ideas of ultimacy. Some overvaluation is acceptable, but passion unchecked by reason leads us into<br />
fanaticism. If morality is the object of our overvaluation, this leads us into moral absolutism, the pursuit of<br />
which can be all-consuming, but is emotionally satisfying since it provides us the security of conceptual<br />
rigidity, that is, we no longer need to think for ourselves, and our actions are automatically pre-justified.<br />
This pursuit of an absolute duty is not duty called for by reason, as moral duty should be, but<br />
absolute unthinking duty. Thus, our will and ability to reason and take responsibility for ourselves is<br />
eroded, and our reason is eventually destroyed. Steffen defines fanaticism as “aiming at perfection in<br />
323
disregard for the interests of others,” as absolutism destroys our sense of necessity of protection of life, not<br />
even our own.<br />
Clearly, the most effective way to avoid the lure of destructive choices in our religious behavior is<br />
to commit ourselves to our own reasoning and intellect and to the affirmation of the diversity and<br />
complexity of life. We need to work to expand our knowledge and understanding of ourselves and the<br />
world, and to resist simplistic and, I think, dualistic thinking. In this spirit, and in a belief that serious ideas<br />
can be expressed with humor, I invite you to view the following video:<br />
http://www.colbertnation.com/the-colbert-report-videos/377121/march-10-2011/reza-aslan<br />
Works Cited<br />
Becker, Ernest. The Denial of Death. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1973. Print.<br />
O’Brien, Solidad. “Unwelcome: The Muslims Next Door.” CNN News. 28 Mar. 2011. Retrieved from<br />
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gRlqz3e9OrA<br />
Reza Aslan Interview. “The Colbert Report.” Comedy Central Network, 10 Mar. 2011.<br />
Retrieved from http://www.colbertnation.com/the-colbert-report-videos/377121/march-10-<br />
2011/reza-aslan<br />
Steffen, Lloyd. Holy War, Just War. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007. Print.<br />
324
Caitlin Schmitt<br />
Carroll <strong>University</strong><br />
“Marian was the good angel of our lives”: Feminine Power, Queen Victoria,<br />
and the New Feminine Ideal In The Woman In White<br />
In 1861 Wilkie Collins' friend, John Leech published a comic in Punch entitled, "Awful<br />
Apparition!" (Peters Illustration 15). Leech depicts Mr. Tomkins as weak and effeminate. His shocked and<br />
highly emotional face along with the activity of novel reading contrasts sharply with the powerful and<br />
dominant masculine ideal. His back is turned away from his wife, and he hunches protectively over his copy<br />
of The Woman in White. This comic is an allusion to the gender-bending that Fosco, Mr. Fairlie, and Marian<br />
exhibit throughout the novel, for Collins constructs effeminate men and masculine women. The immense<br />
popularity of The Woman in White demonstrates the Victorian readership’s fascination with breaches in<br />
traditional gender roles. Breaking the role of the traditional angel in the house ideal, Mrs. Tomkins<br />
dominates her husband, and he appears to be the fool while she is logical and intelligent. Mrs. Tomkins’<br />
assertive masculinity along with her role as the lady of the house suggests the paradox of Victorian<br />
femininity. I argue that both Queen Victoria and Wilkie Collins suggest the feminine paradox: Victoria was<br />
an angel in the house in public and a feminist in private and Collins represents the paradox through the<br />
angelic but progressive Marian Halcombe. I further argue that Victoria’s contradictory roles and Collins'<br />
characterization of Marian as a masculine but domestic woman demonstrate that feminine power is<br />
represented as a paradox.<br />
My connection between Victoria, the seemingly ideal Victorian woman, and Marian, the openly<br />
paradoxical female, brings to light the issue that the angel in the house ideal was a public persona and that<br />
the supposed ideal Victorian woman was powerful and assertive at home. Elizabeth Langland argues that<br />
Queen Victoria’s contradictory roles as a middle-class wife and mother and an independent monarch greatly<br />
325
changed the way that Victorian women thought of themselves and their roles in society. Langland further<br />
argues that Victoria was a source of the Angel in the House‟s idealism and contradictions. I agree with<br />
Langland that Victoria was a source of contradiction, but I argue that the Victorian public did not know of<br />
this contradiction. They viewed her as the epitome of the ideal domestic woman. I further argue that<br />
Victoria's role as a female monarch did not change the way Victorian women thought of themselves. Since<br />
Victoria consciously portrayed herself as a traditional angel in the house who happened to be the queen of<br />
England, Victorian women did not question the angel in the house ideal. Victoria's private letters, however,<br />
indicate that she was not the ideal domestic woman. The contradiction between Victoria's public and<br />
private selves demonstrate the paradox of Victorian femininity.<br />
In “Cage Aux Folles: Sensation and Gender in Wilkie Collins‟s The Woman in White,” D.A.<br />
Miller contends that the sensationalism in The Woman in White evokes feelings of “nervous excitability” (111)<br />
within the reader, and thus forces the male reader to develop feminine emotional responses. Collins‟ novel,<br />
according to Miller, is “profoundly about enclosing and secluding the woman in male „bodies,‟ among them<br />
institutions like marriage and madhouses” (112). While Collins characterizes Marian with masculine<br />
features, I do not agree that he “secluded” Marian in a male body. The masculine personality traits that<br />
Marian exhibits actually suggest that the traits are not in fact, masculine; women can be intelligent,<br />
powerful, and independent without losing sight of their femininity. On the other hand, Brooke Allen argues<br />
that Collins condemns Marian to permanent spinsterhood and rewards Laura, the novel‟s heroine, with a<br />
loving husband (130). I argue against Allen‟s claims that Laura is the heroine of The Woman in White and that<br />
Marian is condemned to spinsterhood: Marian is actually the heroine of the novel and Laura is condemned.<br />
The paradoxical masculinity and domesticity that Marian exemplifies renders her as one of the most beloved<br />
characters in the novel while Laura's insipid weakness and innocence demonstrate her inferiority to Marian.<br />
Coventry Patmore‟s poem, “The Angel in the House” and John Ruskin‟s Sesame and Lilies demonstrate the<br />
326
oles and behavior of the traditional Victorian woman. Not even Victoria, the epitome of the domestic<br />
ideal, conformed completely to the role of the angel in the house.<br />
Victoria’s ascension to the throne in 1837 drew public attention to the paradox that she<br />
represented. Langland argues that Victoria as “head of the most powerful country in the world bespeaks her<br />
own signal role in the construction of a new feminine ideal” (63). Through this new feminine ideal Victoria<br />
demonstrates that Victorian women can perform paradoxical roles: they can be both middle-class domestic<br />
angels and powerful, independent matriarchs. I begin my essay by defining Victorian society’s construction<br />
of the ideal woman. In the next section I present the paradox of Victoria’s public and private life. The final<br />
focus of the essay consists of Collins’ support of the feminine paradox that Marian demonstrates and his<br />
critique of the traditional Victorian woman, which he represents in the character of Laura Fairlie.<br />
While Victoria demonstrates that women can succeed and prosper in powerful roles, Patmore and<br />
Ruskin celebrate the submissive, weak, and devoted middle-class woman. Patmore’s 1854 poem, “The<br />
Angel in the House” demonstrates the quintessential characteristics of the ideal Victorian woman: passivity,<br />
chastity, domesticity, and innocence. Patmore claims that women live for their husbands, for “[m]an must<br />
be pleased; but him to please / Is woman’s pleasure” (33). Victoria and Marian both exhibit several<br />
characteristics of the angel in the house; however, their strength and independence demonstrate that<br />
women can be more than mere domestic angels. On the other hand, the angel in the house's main duty is to<br />
make her husband’s life as comfortable and pleasurable as possible. She lives for her husband instead of for<br />
herself, and she enjoys sacrificing her own interests to better serve her husband. If her husband feels<br />
displeased or impatient with her “[s]he leans and weeps against his breast, / And seems to think the sin was<br />
hers” (33). The perfect angel in the house willingly accepts her husband’s complaints and immediately<br />
assumes that she is at fault when he is angry. Believing that her husband is always right, she willingly submits<br />
to him.<br />
327
The second main characteristic that the angel in the house displays is chastity. As a domestic<br />
creature she limits her love to her husband and children. Therefore,<br />
Her beauty<br />
[. . .]<br />
Which made an altar of her face,<br />
Was not of the flesh, though that was fair,<br />
But a most pure and living light. (39)<br />
The angel in the house does not give in to carnal temptations or have illicit love affairs; she is pure and<br />
virtuous. Her beauty is not fleshly or voluptuous, for it actually emphasizes her piety and goodness. Since<br />
the angel of the house rarely leaves the home her husband is her only source of sexual pleasure. By having a<br />
pure and domestic wife, the husband never needs to question his children’s paternity.<br />
In addition to chastity, the angel in the house also demonstrates the characteristic of domesticity.<br />
Her roles as a wife and mother require that she remain in the home while her husband works and travels.<br />
When the angel in the house is home<br />
Her sons pursue the butterflies,<br />
Her baby daughter mocks the doves<br />
With throbbing coo; in his fond eyes<br />
She’s Venus with her little Loves;<br />
[. . .]<br />
Ten years to-day has she been his. (45)<br />
This passage demonstrates that when the angel in the house accomplishes her motherly and wifely duties her<br />
children and husband are able to thrive and flourish. Her children can have carefree, happy childhoods and<br />
her husband can feel proud of his family. While her husband is the head of the family, the angel of the house<br />
is the head of the domestic sphere. If she does not perform her duties well the family will erupt into chaos<br />
328
and despair. She does not wander from the home, for it is her duty as a wife and mother to never leave. The<br />
allusion to Venus, the goddess of love and beauty, demonstrates that the angel in the house is a domestic<br />
goddess; consequently, she has the beauty and charm of Venus, but she is confined to the home.<br />
Similarly, John Ruskin’s, Sesame and Lilies demonstrates the Victorian domestic goddess and her<br />
connection to the home. Unlike Patmore, Ruskin emphasizes men and women’s separate spheres and the<br />
duties and behaviors that Victorian society expected them to perform. Ruskin says,<br />
[t] he man’s power is active, progressive, defensive. He is eminently the doer, the creator,<br />
the discoverer, the defender. His intellect is for speculation and invention; his energy for<br />
adventure, for war, and for conquest . . . the woman’s power is for rule, not for battle,<br />
— and her intellect is not for invention or creation, but for sweet ordering, arrangement,<br />
and decision. She sees the qualities of things, their claims, and their places. . . . [H]ome is<br />
yet wherever she is; and for a noble woman it stretches far round her . . . (30)<br />
Ruskin demonstrates the difference between men and women’s power: men actively create, discover, and<br />
defend while women maintain and mange the home. Men must leave the home in order to fulfill their roles<br />
in society, but women create home wherever they go. They provide comfort and support, and they create a<br />
comfortable environment for their husbands to return to. Ruskin praises the traditional domestic goddess<br />
because she is the main figure that men can trust and depend on. In addition to defining women’s roles in<br />
society, Patmore and Ruskin argue that the angel in the house must be innocent, virtuous, and wise.<br />
In addition to domesticity the angel in the house is also innocent. She is virginal and angelically<br />
good; therefore, she does not suffer from mysterious guilt. Patmore says<br />
[h] ow amiable and innocent<br />
Her pleasure in her power to charm;<br />
How humbly careful to attract,<br />
Though crown’d with all the soul desires,<br />
329
Connubial aptitude exact,<br />
Diversity that never tires. (16)<br />
While the angel in the house possesses the beauty and charm to attract men, she is cautious and careful<br />
about whom she attracts. She is intensely loyal and faithful to her husband, and she stays true to their<br />
marriage and their conjugal love even though she has the ability to attract other men.<br />
The two characteristics that Ruskin praises in the middle-class woman are her virtuous goodness<br />
and wisdom. He argues that she<br />
must be enduringly, incorruptibly good; instinctively, infallibly wise—wise, not for selfdevelopment,<br />
but for self-renunciation: wise, not that she may set herself above her<br />
husband, but that she may never fail from his side: wise, not with the narrowness of<br />
insolent and loveless pride, but with the passionate gentleness, of an infinitely variable,<br />
because infinitely applicable, modesty of service—the true changefulness of woman. (31)<br />
In this passage, Ruskin, like Patmore, demonstrates that a noble middle-class woman must be devoid of sin<br />
and corruption. Wisdom, the other characteristic that Ruskin deems necessary for the Victorian woman,<br />
emphasizes his belief that women are men’s companions and not their superiors. He argues that women are<br />
not to use their wisdom to overcome male superiority, but to faithfully and modestly serve men. He also<br />
believes that women should possess wisdom, but they should not be so wise as to be independent of men:<br />
they use their wisdom to accommodate men and their needs. Besides goodness and wisdom, Ruskin also<br />
values women’s beauty.<br />
Another quality that Ruskin seeks in the ideal Victorian woman is beauty. Her role “is to secure for<br />
her such physical training and exercise as may confirm her health, and perfect her beauty, the highest<br />
refinement of that beauty being unattainable without splendour of activity and of delicate strength” (31).<br />
Victorian women must strive for perfection even though they will never achieve it. Their attempt to perfect<br />
their beauty is just as important as managing the household and taking care of the family. Ideal beauty not<br />
330
only secures her husband‟s social status; it demonstrates her health, and therefore, the health of the family.<br />
While Patmore and Ruskin demonstrate the traditional views and roles of Victorian women, Victoria<br />
herself challenged this traditional view and encouraged society to see women as powerful and independent<br />
beings.<br />
When Victoria succeeded William IV in 1837 at the age of eighteen she was unaware that she<br />
would be one of the most beloved monarchs in English history. Throughout her long and successful reign,<br />
the British people referred to her as “the mother of the nation” (Cagna 378) and “England‟s Good Angel”<br />
(Cagna 383). As a wife and mother she emulated the Victorian feminine ideal and she represented the<br />
model of domesticity. The public was able to love and respect Victoria for her adherence to the domestic<br />
ideal, and therefore, accepted her as their matriarch. Victoria, in a letter to her Uncle Leopold, said that<br />
“„[the British press] say[s] no Sovereign was more loved than I am . . . and that from our happy domestic home—<br />
which gives such a good example‟” (Arnstein 57). This suggests that the British public loved Victoria<br />
because she upheld the domestic ideal and, she continued to portray herself as the traditional angel in the<br />
house throughout her reign.<br />
As an angel in the house, Victoria portrayed her family as the epitome of the domestic ideal. The<br />
lithograph, "The Royal Family at Home (1843)" depicts Victoria and Albert playing and frolicking with<br />
their children, and they appear to be carefree and blissfully happy. Through photographs, lithographs, and<br />
other forms of propaganda, Victoria consciously portrayed herself as exemplifying the Victorian feminine<br />
ideal. Therefore, the British public, and certainly Wilkie Collins, thought of Victoria as a traditional, and<br />
not a progressive woman. Therefore, while Victoria occupied the most powerful position in England, her<br />
views concerning women‟s rights were highly traditional and conservative. She doubted women‟s<br />
leadership capabilities, for she said, “„I am every day more convinced that we women, if we are to be good<br />
women, feminine and amiable and domestic, are not fitted to reign; at least it is contre gr that they drive<br />
331
themselves to the work which it entails‟” (Houston 176). This demonstrates that as a woman Victoria<br />
thought that she may not be fit for such a masculine position; however, she never abdicated her throne, and<br />
Parliament and Victoria never gave Albert the power of a king (Houston 172). Therefore, Victoria must<br />
have had faith in her abilities to rule England, but like all human beings, she occasionally doubted herself. It<br />
is significant that Parliament assigned Albert the title of Prince Consort instead of king, for it suggests that<br />
they were confident enough in Victoria to allow her to have more power than her husband. To solve<br />
Victoria‟s paradoxical role and to justify her superiority over Albert, she asserted that “„this cannot now be<br />
helped, and it is the duty of every one to fulfill all that they are called upon to do, in whatever situation they<br />
may be!‟” (Houston 176). Victoria suggests that her role as England‟s queen is her assigned role in life, and<br />
she believes that it is her duty and her destiny to fulfill it. She recognizes the hardships that come with filling<br />
a stereotypically male role, but she confidently overcomes these obstacles in order to do what she needs to<br />
do. Her public image, however, contrasts sharply with her private image.<br />
Victoria‟s public image exemplified the role of the ideal middle-class wife and mother, but in<br />
private she never allowed her traditional role to interfere with her royal power. Victoria‟s marriage to<br />
Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha demonstrates this contradiction, for she was subordinate as well as<br />
superior to him. Before her marriage to Albert she wrote a letter to her uncle Leopold describing their<br />
relationship. She said, “„the English are very jealous at the idea of Albert‟s having any political power, or<br />
meddling with affairs here—which I know from himself he will not do‟” (Arnstein 67). This suggests that<br />
Victoria and Albert have an understanding that Albert‟s role is to support and assist her, not to rise above<br />
her. This untraditional marriage demonstrates Victoria‟s role as a progressive and independent woman. The<br />
marriage between Victoria and Albert is a role reversal of Ruskin‟s traditional views of Victorian marriage.<br />
For the first two years of their marriage, Victoria denied Albert any political power, and she also did not<br />
allow him to control their home. In a letter to a friend, Albert lamented that “[i]n my home life I am very<br />
happy and contented; but the difficulty in filling my place with the proper dignity is, that I am only the<br />
332
husband and not the master of the house‟” (Arnstein 54). This reveals that Victoria was a powerful<br />
matriarch both inside and outside the domestic sphere: Victoria and Albert were partners in marriage but<br />
Victoria was the master of the house as well as Britain. Additionally, while Victoria enjoyed a blissfully<br />
happy marriage, she was aware that most marriages were not as happy as hers had been. She said that “„[a] ll<br />
marriage is such a lottery—the happiness is always an exchange—though it may be a very happy one—<br />
still—the poor woman is bodily and morally the husband‟s slave‟”(Helsinger 74). Consequently, Victoria<br />
felt worried about women‟s roles in marriage and the abuse of patriarchal power that husbands inflicted on<br />
their wives. Victoria's private views about marriage and her superiority over Albert contrast with her<br />
traditional image, and thus, represent the paradox of Victorian femininity. Victoria confesses her true<br />
opinion on men and women‟s roles in Victorian society in a private letter to her eldest daughter, the<br />
Princess Royal. Victoria warns her daughter that “men are very selfish and the woman‟s devotion is always<br />
one of submission which makes our poor sex so very unenviable” (Fulford 44). A true angel in the house<br />
would never call men selfish or complain about women‟s submission to men. Far from a progressive<br />
feminist, Victoria did not voice these beliefs publically, but she did voice them strongly in private letters to<br />
her daughter. Victoria‟s public persona clashes with her private opinions, and Marian Halcombe, the<br />
heroine of The Woman in White also exemplifies this paradox.<br />
Marian Halcombe is a conventional “good angel” at the end of the novel; she is Walter Hartright‟s<br />
loyal confidant, Laura‟s dutiful sister, and a maternal aunt. Marian, however, represents the novel‟s<br />
ultimate paradox: she is feminine and masculine, beautiful and ugly, powerful and powerless. Walter<br />
Hartright describes Marian as “ugly,” (31) “swarthy,” (32) and lacking “in those feminine attractions” (32).<br />
Through the character of Marian, Wilkie Collins demonstrates the juxtaposition of feminine subordination<br />
and feminine power. Marian, therefore, represents Collins‟ conflict with the Victorian feminine ideal and<br />
the excessively powerful, independent woman. Even though Marian often challenges the role of the<br />
Victorian middle-class woman Victorian readers loved and admired her. Despite Marian‟s masculine<br />
333
ehavior, Victorian patriarchal society did not find her threatening. John Sutherland claims that “[m]idleaged<br />
men by the score fell in love with Marian Halcombe” (7). Men, therefore, did not view Marian as a<br />
deviant and evil woman who threatened natural patriarchy. The Victorian public loved and idolized Marian,<br />
and consequently, Victoria, for they were powerful, intelligent and independent women who did not<br />
challenge Victorian patriarchal society.<br />
Wilkie Collins was an influential feminist, and in his novel, The Woman In White, which was<br />
published in 1859-1860, he criticized the Victorian ideal of womanhood and celebrated the new feminine<br />
ideal that Marian exemplifies. In Brooke Allen’s book, Artistic License: Three Centuries of Good Writing and Bad<br />
Behavior, she argues that “[t] he feminist heroine, Marian Halcombe, is something quite new in English<br />
literature” (137). Through Marian, Collins demonstrates his critique of the angel in the house, for in<br />
response to Laura’s upcoming marriage to Sir Percival Marian states,<br />
No man under heaven deserves these sacrifices from us women. Men! They are the<br />
enemies of our innocence and our peace—they drag us away from our parents’ love and<br />
our sisters’ friendship—they take us body and soul to themselves, and fasten our helpless<br />
lives to theirs as they chain up a dog to his kennel. (183)<br />
Marian’s strong language against marriage is the opposite reaction that Patmore’s domestic angel or<br />
Ruskin’s ideal wife exhibit. Believing that women should live for themselves and not their husbands,<br />
Marian, like Victoria, argues that marriage is a form of slavery for women. Collins himself disliked the<br />
institution of marriage, and what sets him apart from other Victorian novelists is that he wrote about his<br />
criticism of marriage and social conventions in his writing (Allen 126). Therefore, it is understandable that<br />
he incorporated his critique of Victorian femininity into Marian’s character. Unlike traditional Victorian<br />
women, Marian is strong and cantankerous, and when she argues with Sir Percival she thinks that “[n] o<br />
sensible man ever engages, unprepared, in a fencing match of words with a woman” (147) This<br />
demonstrates that Marian is not afraid to engage in a verbal fight with a man; she boldly thinks that as a<br />
334
woman she has an advantage over a man. Despite Marian’s deviation from the angel in the house ideal, she<br />
also demonstrates characteristics that are typical of a traditional Victorian woman.<br />
Marian, like Victoria, is also a paradox: in some ways she is extremely unconventional, but in<br />
others she is a traditional angel in the house. Walter’s first meeting with Marian juxtaposes Marian’s<br />
beautiful body with her unconventional style of dress, for<br />
Her figure was tall, yet not too tall; comely and well-developed, . . . her waist, perfection<br />
in the eyes of man, for it occupied its natural place, it filled out its natural circle, it was<br />
visibly and delightfully undeformed by stays. (Collins 31)<br />
Walter surprisingly says that the absence of a corset renders Marian’s body “delightfully undeformed” (31).<br />
He praises her for not conforming to conventional Victorian dress, and this demonstrates that while Marian<br />
is unconventional, she does not threaten patriarchy. Walter actually finds her more beautiful than the<br />
traditional corseted woman, but his reaction to Marian’s face demonstrates that she is a paradox because as<br />
Marian turns towards Walter, he thinks to himself, “[t]he lady is ugly!” (31). The unexpectedness of this<br />
statement is horrifyingly sensational: Walter nor the reader expects that a grotesquely masculine face sits<br />
atop a beautifully feminine body. Victoria never would have neglected to wear a corset, but her private<br />
views about motherhood and marriage are just as shocking as Marian's unconventional dress. After seeing<br />
her face, Walter places masculine qualities on Marian’s body, and he says,<br />
Never was the old conventional maxim that Nature cannot err, more flatly contradicted—<br />
never was the fair promise of a lovely figure more strangely and startingly belied by the<br />
face and head that crowned it. . . . She had a large, firm, masculine mouth and jaw; . . . her<br />
expression—bright, frank, and intelligent—appeared, while she was silent, to be<br />
altogether wanting in those feminine attractions. (Collins 32)<br />
335
Marian’s masculine and feminine characteristics suggest that she is the ultimate paradox: she possesses the<br />
delicate body of a woman, but the intelligence and facial features of a man. This foreshadows that Marian<br />
will occupy contradictory roles throughout the novel.<br />
Collins’ characterization of Marian moves beyond stereotypes, and this makes Marian one of the<br />
most realistic characters in the novel. She is not a stereotypically good woman or a stereotypically bad<br />
woman; she exhibits a complex array of behaviors and characteristics. Marian’s transcendence of<br />
stereotypes allows her to act both masculine and feminine; thus, Walter and Fosco treat her as their equal.<br />
Richard Barickman, Susan MacDonald, and Myra Stark argue that Collins “refract[ed] the changing<br />
conceptions of women’s roles that characterized Victorian England” (3). Barickman, MacDonald, and Stark<br />
further argue that Collins represents stereotypical women in order to criticize Victorian society for using<br />
stereotypes to categorize women (3). Marian’s superior intelligence suggests that women are men’s equals<br />
and not their inferiors. Since the Victorians typically attributed intelligence to masculinity, Marian’s display<br />
of intelligence demonstrates Collins’ progressive attitude concerning women’s capabilities. As the novel<br />
progresses Walter relies on Marian’s advice and companionship, and he even confesses that he trusts her as<br />
he trusts himself (533). When Walter receives Marian’s ambiguous note while awaiting trial in London he<br />
quenches his anxiety and panic, and he decides to trust Marian’s judgment. He says,<br />
I hardly knew to what forgetfulness of my obligations anxiety and alarm might not have<br />
tempted me, but for the quieting influence of my faith in Marian. My absolute reliance on<br />
her was the one earthly consideration which helped me to restrain myself, and gave me<br />
courage to wait. (555)<br />
Marian is much more than an insipid angel in the house; she is a strong and autonomous woman. Her<br />
feminine power earns Walter’s respect and trust, and Marian, therefore, successfully navigates within the<br />
masculine sphere and can talk to men as an equal. In addition to succeeding within the masculine sphere,<br />
Marian also succeeds within the feminine sphere.<br />
336
Marian’s strong relationship with Walter demonstrates her paradoxical state, for she also has a close<br />
relationship with Laura. Carolyn Dever argues that Marian provides a masculine companion for Walter and<br />
a feminine companion for Laura (114). The juxtaposition of Marian’s male and female relationships suggests<br />
that she is a paradox just like Victoria. Marian reveals her strong feelings for Laura when she tells Walter<br />
that “I won’t live without [Laura], and she can’t live without me; and that is how I come to be at<br />
Limmeridge House. My sister and I are honestly fond of each other” (34). Marian’s fondness for Laura<br />
never ceases, and she even lives with the newly married Walter and Laura at the end of the novel (642).<br />
Marian’s ability to fulfill two contradictory roles simultaneously demonstrates her connection to Victoria.<br />
However, since Victoria did not exhibit her progressive views to the British public, Collins was unaware of<br />
Victoria's paradoxical femininity, and he did not consciously model Marian after Victoria. Collins'<br />
representation of Marian as a masculine angel in the house, however, suggests a new understanding of<br />
Victorian femininity.<br />
Victoria and Marian are powerful, independent, and masculine, but they still exhibit traditional<br />
Victorian femininity. Marian, therefore, represents a new type of femininity, for the characters admire and<br />
respect her in spite of, or maybe because of her masculinity. At the end of the novel, Walter says, “Marian<br />
was the good angel of our lives—let Marian end our Story (643). Marian’s intelligence and good judgment<br />
allow Walter to see her as a partner and an equal, and he is then able to respect her femininity. Fosco also<br />
admires Marian, but he admires her for deviating from the role that Laura occupies: a spineless, foolish and<br />
weak woman. Fosco asks,<br />
Can you look at Miss Halcombe, and not see that she has the foresight and the resolution of<br />
a man? . . . this grand creature, who stands in the strength of her love and her courage,<br />
firm as a rock between us two, and that poor flimsy pretty blonde wife of yours—this<br />
magnificent woman . . . you drive to extremities, as if she was no sharper and no bolder<br />
than the rest of her sex. (331)<br />
337
Fosco tells Sir Percival that Marian is unlike other women: she is as strong and intelligent as a man. He says<br />
that Sir Percival cannot treat Marian as he treats Laura and other traditional Victorian women because she<br />
surpasses them in intelligence and courage. Instead of despising Marian for not conforming to traditional<br />
Victorian femininity, Fosco argues that she is superior to Laura and that he and Sir Percival should treat her<br />
as their equal. The contradiction of Walter‟s comment that Marian is a “good angel” (643) and Fosco‟s<br />
assertion that Marian is comparable to a man demonstrates a new type of woman. Marian‟s masculine<br />
qualities, however, do not threaten the men in the novel, and this explains why Fosco and Walter adore<br />
her.<br />
Marian is intelligent, independent and powerful, but she does not threaten patriarchal authority.<br />
Thus, British Victorian society and the other characters in the novel view her deviation from the feminine<br />
ideal as non-threatening, and they love her for her unusual masculinity. Fosco confesses his love for Marian<br />
when he says that she is,<br />
the magnificent creature who is inscribed on my heart as „Marian‟—who is known in the<br />
colder atmosphere of Society, as „Miss Halcombe.‟ . . . Just Heaven! with what<br />
inconceivable rapidity I learnt to adore that woman. At sixty, I worshipped her with the<br />
volcanic ardour of eighteen. (614-615)<br />
Since Fosco is the villain of the novel, his attraction to Marian is suspicious and alarming. His love for her,<br />
however, redeems him and emphasizes his effervescent charm. In Margaret Oliphant's review, "Sensation<br />
Novels" she argues that<br />
[Fosco] is more real, more genuine, more Italian even, in his fatness and size, in his love of<br />
pets and pastry, than the whole array of conventional Italian villains, elegant and subtle,<br />
whom we are accustomed to meet in literature. (567)<br />
Oliphant, as well as most readers of The Woman in White, cannot help but love Fosco, and his love for<br />
Marian emphasizes the charm of her own unusual qualities. In addition to Fosco, Walter also harbors a deep<br />
338
affection for Marian. Similarly, the British public adored her, and the male readers fell in love with her.<br />
This demonstrates that Victorian men unconsciously desired intelligent and strong women instead of the<br />
traditional angel in the house.<br />
Marian possesses the main ideal qualities that men celebrate in the good Victorian women, but she<br />
also possesses the ideal qualities that men celebrate in themselves, such as intelligence and judiciousness.<br />
Marian exhibits these masculine and feminine qualities when she anxiously waits for Laura’s arrival to<br />
Blackwater Park. She confesses that,<br />
If I only had the privileges of a man, I would order out Sir Percival’s best horse instantly,<br />
and tear away on a night-gallop, eastward, to meet the rising sun—Being however, nothing<br />
but a woman, condemned to patience, propriety, and petticoats, for life, I must respect the<br />
housekeeper’s opinions, and try to compose myself in some feeble and feminine way. (200)<br />
A meek domestic angel such as Laura would not even have the passion or the strength to think about<br />
charging out of the house in the middle of the night, but Marian’s masculine senses desperately want to have<br />
the freedom to do this. Marian’s conflict is that she is a woman, and she does not have the same freedom<br />
that a man has. Considering that Marian has free will, she has the option to challenge patriarchal authority,<br />
but she chooses to conform to society’s expectations of women in this instance. Collins does not criticize<br />
Marian’s adherence to or her deviation from traditional femininity; however, he does criticize Laura, and he<br />
utilizes her to exemplify the consequences of adhering too closely to the role of the perfect angel in the<br />
house.<br />
Collins’ characterization of Laura Fairlie suggests that he wanted women to use Marian as their role<br />
model and to deviate from traditional Victorian femininity. Walter’s description of Laura demonstrates<br />
Collins’ criticism of British society’s feminine ideal, for when Walter first sees Laura she is<br />
clothed in simple muslin dress, the pattern of it formed by broad alternate stripes of<br />
delicate blue and white. A scarf of the same material sits crisply and closely round her<br />
339
shoulders, and a little straw hat of the natural colour, plainly and sparingly trimmed with<br />
ribbon to match the gown, covers her head, and throws its soft pearly shadow over the<br />
upper part of her face. (48-49)<br />
Walter’s physical description of Laura is much more flattering than his description of Marian, but Marian’s<br />
strangeness intrigues the reader and Laura is dull and colorless in comparison. Laura is not at all masculine,<br />
but there nothing bold or vivacious about her; her transparent and lackluster character suggests that a<br />
woman’s role as an angel of the house deprives her of life and a personality. Not even the description of<br />
Laura’s eyes is able to compel the reader to feel interested or sympathetic for her. Walter describes Laura’s<br />
eyes as “soft, limpid, turquoise blue, so often sung by the poets, so seldom seen in real life” (49).Walter<br />
suggests that Laura’s ideal beauty is almost too perfect to be real, and this perfection is not as invigorating<br />
or exciting as Marian’s ugliness. When comparing her own appearance to Laura’s, Marian says, “I am dark<br />
and ugly, and she is fair and pretty. Everybody thinks her sweet-tempered and charming (with more justice<br />
still). In short, she is an angel” (34). While Marian intends to compliment Laura in this statement, the<br />
reader eventually realizes that Marian’s role as an angel is preferable to Laura’s role. Laura’s compliance to<br />
traditional femininity renders her a lifeless and spineless being.<br />
As a traditional Victorian woman, Laura is lifeless and childishly dependent. After Marian rescues<br />
her from the Asylum, Laura is “[a] live in poverty and in hiding. Alive, with the poor drawing-master to<br />
fight her battle, and to win the way back for her to her place in the world of living beings.” (421) Laura’s<br />
apparent helplessness makes her unable to fight for herself or demand her former position in society.<br />
Instead, she lazily submits to life and has Walter fight for her. Ann Cvetkovich argues that Walter is a<br />
“commodity fetishist” because Laura’s social class is the only explanation for loving her over Anne Catherick<br />
(90). This suggests that Laura’s traditional innocence and beauty are not enough to win a man’s interest or<br />
affection: her wealth and social position are the only qualities that are valuable to Walter. Marian’s<br />
intelligence and strength interest Walter more than Laura’s weakness and innocence, and this suggests that<br />
340
men feel more interested in masculine women. Laura succumbs to melancholy and allows her negative<br />
experience to deprive her of the few positive qualities she previously possessed. She becomes“[f]orlorn and<br />
disowned, sorely tried and sadly changed; her beauty faded, her mind clouded; robbed of her station in the<br />
world, of her place among the living creatures.” (422) Since Laura has lost her coveted social position and<br />
her beauty, it is possible that Walter will become less attracted to her and more attracted to Marian. This<br />
suggests Collins’ belief that the new feminine ideal that Marian exemplifies is superior to the insipid angel in<br />
the house. Laura’s helplessness and lack of purpose in life is another negative characteristic of the traditional<br />
Victorian woman.<br />
To demonstrate the ridiculous helplessness of the angel in the house, Collins characterizes Laura as<br />
pathetically useless. She complains that, “[y] ou work and get money, Walter; and Marian helps you. Why is<br />
there nothing I can do? You will end in liking Marian better than you like me—you will, because I am so<br />
helpless!” (489) Laura realizes that her ineptitude is unattractive, and she fears that Walter will prefer<br />
Marian to her. Walter’s response to Laura’s childish complaint further emphasizes her helplessness, for<br />
Her drawings, as she finished them, or tried to finish them, were placed in my hands;<br />
Marian took them from me and hid them carefully; and I set aside a little weekly tribute<br />
from my earnings, to be offered to her as the price paid by strangers for the poor, fain,<br />
valueless sketches, of which I was the only purchaser. (490)<br />
Laura fails to complete the drawings she starts, and the drawings she does finish are completely worthless.<br />
Walter and Marian’s reinforcement of Laura’s worthlessness and ineptitude suggests that people who<br />
encourage women to comply with the traditional feminine ideal create foolish and incompetent women.<br />
Consequently, after the Inquest near the end of the novel Walter tells Marian the important details instead<br />
of Laura. When he receives a letter from Marian and Laura asking about the results of the Inquest, Walter<br />
says, “[t] he necessity of sparing Laura any sudden knowledge of the truth was the first consideration which<br />
the letter suggested to me” (533). Walter’s main concern is to protect Laura from negative events that<br />
341
occur in the outside world, but by this point in the novel Laura has already suffered a great deal from Fosco<br />
and Sir Percival’s evil plan. Thus, Collins demonstrates that it is ridiculous and futile to shield women from<br />
the world, and they should develop the strength to cope with the tragedies of life as Marian has done. Her<br />
masculinity and practicality ensure that they will survive in society, but Laura's innocence leads to childlike<br />
dependence.<br />
To further emphasize the negative consequences of traditional Victorian femininity, Laura’s<br />
helplessness as an ideal angel of the house leads to the loss of her identity and her near death. Fosco<br />
audaciously emphasizes his power over Laura, for “I might have taken Lady Glyde’s life. At immense<br />
personal sacrifice, I followed the dictates of my own ingenuity, my own humanity, my own caution—and<br />
took her identity, instead” (628). Laura’s passivity and naïve trust in Fosco and Sir Percival blind her to<br />
their evil plot. She willingly submits to Sir Percival merely because he is her husband, and she does not<br />
question his motives or the motives of his friend. Fosco easily outwits her, and he carelessly takes advantage<br />
of her obliviousness and mindless trust. When Marian rescues Laura from the Asylum and the two of them<br />
live together with Walter, their neighbors assume that Laura is the seemingly insane Anne Catherick.<br />
Walter confesses, that “[w]e two, [Walter and Marian] in the estimation of others, are at once the dupes and<br />
the agents of a daring imposture. We are supposed to be the accomplices of mad Anne Catherick, who<br />
claims the name, the place, and the living personality of dead Lady Glyde” (421). This demonstrates that<br />
Laura does not only lose her identity, she loses her sanity as well. After her neighbors and acquaintances<br />
mistake her for a mad woman, some of them refuse to believe that there was a case of mistaken identity.<br />
Thus, even though Walter tries to clear her name and restore her social position, the rumor of madness still<br />
surrounds her. Barickman, MacDonald, and Stark argue that “Laura is certainly fair and passive, but she is<br />
so passive, so acquiescent to the various men who rule her life, and so incapable of assisting in her own<br />
rescue that she seems a parody” (114). Collins’ harsh criticism of Victorian femininity suggests that women<br />
who are as helpless, naïve, and weak as Laura risk their social position, their sanity, and even their lives.<br />
342
Barickman, MacDonald, and Stark further argue that her relationships with men threaten Laura’s identity.<br />
They argue that,<br />
In each relationship, her role, her sense of self, and her sense of failure or accomplishment<br />
is determined by the men who control her. In this regard there is no real distinction<br />
between the cruel husband who tries to commit her to an asylum and the kind husband<br />
provided by the novel’s traditional conclusion, or between either husband and her father.<br />
(115)<br />
Since Marian and Victoria are strong and independent women, their relationships with men do not<br />
define them. On the other hand, Laura’s male relationships completely overpower her and her weak<br />
character.<br />
Victoria’s contradictory roles as a domestic wife and a powerful queen and Collins’ representation<br />
of Marian as a masculine and domestic angel suggest that Victorian women represented their power in the<br />
form of a paradox. Similarly, Victoria’s private opinions on marriage and women’s role in society were<br />
shockingly untraditional, but her public image as a devoted wife, mother, and maternal queen demonstrates<br />
the paradox of her situation. Marian also exemplifies this paradox because Collins balances Marian’s<br />
progressive power and independence with her connection to Walter, Laura, and the home. Victorian<br />
society was not ready for a fully progressive and powerful woman; therefore, women should adopt a new<br />
form of femininity, and they should look to Victoria and Marian as examples of the new ideal woman.<br />
Neither Victoria nor Marian completely embraces feminine power or accepts the role of the angel in the<br />
house: they are dissatisfied with traditional Victorian femininity, but they are not willing to reject it. This<br />
knowledge creates new insight about Victorian femininity, for Victoria and Marian demonstrate that<br />
women were beginning to take small but decisive steps to claim their place in the world.<br />
343
The Husband, the wife, and The Woman In White. (Peters Illustration 15)<br />
"The Royal Family at Home (1843)" (Arnstein 48)<br />
344
Works Cited<br />
Allen, Brooke. Artistic License: Three Centuries of Good Writing and Bad Behavior. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2004.<br />
Print.<br />
Arnstein, Walter L. Queen Victoria. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Print.<br />
Barickman, Richard, Susan MacDonald, and Myra Stark. Corrupt Relations: Dickens, Thackeray, Trollope,<br />
Collins, and the Victorian Sexual System. New York: Columbia UP, 1982. Print.<br />
Cagna, Lea Della. “„God Save Our Gracious Queen‟. Elizabeth I and Victoria: The Virgin Queen and the<br />
Mother Queen.” Textus: English Studies in Italy. 19 (2) (2006): 371-386. EBSCO. Web. 21 Nov.<br />
2010.<br />
Cvetkovich, Ann. Mixed Feelings: Feminism, Mass Culture, and Victorian Sensationalism. New Brunswick:<br />
Rutgers UP, 1992. Print.<br />
Collins, Wilkie. The Woman in White. New York: Oxford UP, 1996. Print.<br />
Dever, Carolyn. “The Marriage Plot and its Alternatives.” The Cambridge Companion to Wilkie Collins. Ed.<br />
Jenny Bourne Taylor. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006. Print.<br />
Fulford, Roger. Ed. Dearest Child: Letters Between Queen Victoria and the Princess Royal, 1858-1861. New York:<br />
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Print.<br />
Helsinger, Elizabeth K., Robin Lauterbach Sheets, and William R. Veeder. The Woman Question: Society and<br />
Literature in Britain and America, 1837-1883, <strong>Volu</strong>me 1. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1983. Print.<br />
Houston, Gail Turley. “Reading and Writing Victoria: The Conduct Book and the Legal Constitution of<br />
Female Sovereignty.” Remaking Queen Victoria. Ed. Margaret Homans and Adrienne Munich.<br />
Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997. 159-181. Print.<br />
Langland, Elizabeth. Nobody’s Angels: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Ideology in Victorian Culture. Ithaca:<br />
Cornell UP, 1995. Print.<br />
345
Miller, D.A. “Cage Aux Folles: Sensation and Gender in Wilkie Collins’s The Woman in White.”<br />
Representations, No. 14, The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century.<br />
Spring (1986): 107-136. JSTOR. Web. 14 Oct. 2010.<br />
Oliphant, Margaret. “Sensation Novels.” Blackwood, Edinburgh Magazine Vol 91: 564-575.<br />
Patmore, Coventry. “The Angel in the House.” Project Gutenberg. Web. 9 Nov. 2010.<br />
Peters, Catherine. The King of Inventors: A Life of Wilkie Collins. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1991. Print.<br />
Ruskin, John. Sesame and Lilies. Project Gutenberg. Web. 9 Nov. 2010.<br />
Stafford, William. “John Stuart Mill: Critic of Victorian Values?” In Search of Victorian Values: Aspects of<br />
Nineteenth-Century Thought and Society. Ed. Eric M. Sigsworth. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1988.<br />
Print.<br />
Sutherland, John. “Introduction.” Collins 7-23.<br />
346
Ryan Clifford Smith<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong><br />
The Green Envy of Twain<br />
One would be perhaps foolish, actually downright incorrect, in entering into a discussion about<br />
literary realism without noting the heavy thumb that Mark Twain, or Samuel Clements depending on your<br />
literary politics, has on the tail of the larger movement. Where it would be difficult to defend that Twain,<br />
in all his loaming glory, had definitively begun the realism tradition, if there was a beginning to be clearly<br />
accentuated, it would be equally difficult to support any idea that posited that Twain didn’t provide the<br />
wind that fed the fire which eventually burned the romantic tradition the preceded him. Hemingway once<br />
said, in his essay Green Hills of Africa, that "All modern American literature comes from one book by Mark<br />
Twain called Huckleberry Finn,” and if we contend that is true then we are only being responsible in<br />
discussing Twain from such a perspective. Therefore, this essay begins there, with Twain taking step one<br />
for American literature as a whole, step two being that which left his contemporaries existing in their own<br />
way, but forever surrounded by the wide breadth of Twains arms, and step three being where he left<br />
literature after he was gone and how American literature moved, not necessarily beyond Twain, but just as<br />
one might try to earn a fathers trust with a legacy already gone.<br />
Using Hemingway’s famous quote as our guide, we will start with his claim that “there was nothing<br />
before” Mark Twain. To make such a claim is to be as brash as only Hemingway famously could be,<br />
rejecting Nathanial Hawthorne and even Herman Melville almost completely by comparison. Where it does<br />
seem to be fairly well supported that Hawthorne was, by no means, a realist in his prose, it is less cut and<br />
dry with Melville. While if we could all agree that Moby Dick was almost completely and undeniably a<br />
piece of romantic literature, Bartleby the Scrivener, published in 1853, is decidedly less easily<br />
compartmentalized. Admittedly, concession is required in relation to how the prose is handled with<br />
347
Melville. He is clearly writing from a romantic perspective, yet the subject matter and the character arc<br />
Melville chooses complicates things. If we are to agree with Hemingway’s claim of what literary history<br />
there was prior to Twain was, by definition, non-existent then we must deal with these problems. It is<br />
difficult to defend Hemingway here. He largely is writing about Twain as a huge fan would, which would be<br />
fine except that this statement was published as an essay and therefore, by nature, supposed to be supported<br />
and finally factual, whereas, in reality, this smacks of biased musings from one of our best. One of the<br />
claims made about the significance of Twain is that of his subject matter and treatment of reality. In both<br />
Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn, Twain spends much of his time trying to accurately depict aspect of not<br />
only a child life, but also of the environments in which the narrative takes place. But, to this writer, much<br />
of what is depicted in Twain’s work is told from an “as remembered by” position and difficult to pin to this<br />
realist tradition that his has be credited as being the impetus of. In fact, Twain begins Huckleberry Finn with<br />
the title character suggesting that The Adventures of Tom Sawyer was “mostly…true,” but leaving it open<br />
to the reader to discern how much of Tom Sawyer they wish to believe. Both books, one might suggest,<br />
require a suspension of reality in order to embrace a much more pleasant reimagining of what it is like to be<br />
a youth in St. Petersburg, Missouri.<br />
In addition to the murky claim that Twain started the realist era because of his handling of material,<br />
there is the way his prose was written that must be addressed as well. There are ways that Twain was a<br />
downright trailblazer, but one must at least acknowledge that there are many ways that he was operating<br />
with the same tools as Melville was. The biggest difference between Train and the rest of the pack was his<br />
famous use of colloquialism. Guy A. Cardwell, in his review of Richard Bridgman’s book, The Colloquial<br />
Style in America, states that Bridgman places Twain “among the…writers he treats as the most important in<br />
the development of American colloquial prose.” There is little room for argument here, besides maybe<br />
small quibbles about some minor examples of writers about the globe. In America, it can largely be said<br />
with a certain amount of assurance that indeed it was Twain that took that first step toward a literature akin<br />
348
to a colloquialism that we, as citizens of towns just like his fictional St. Petersburg all over the country, used<br />
daily and were almost certainly happy to see represented in literature. His success as a writer likely had as<br />
much to do with a readership that had grown weary of the genteel literature that had preceded him as it did<br />
Twain noticing the need for such a literature at all. For that reason alone, Twain deserves has earned his<br />
place in literature.<br />
However, Twain was more traditional in terms of his use of devices. Besides his use of a child<br />
narrator, Twain uses direct address with regularity, employs frame story and moralizes just like so many<br />
that came before him, albeit with decidedly different intentions. In Huckleberry Finn, as we noted before,<br />
Twain directly addresses the reader through Huck himself by discussing Tom Sawyer as a book and not just<br />
Huck's friend. In Bartleby, Melville does the same thing at the very end of the story. He insists that his story<br />
be understood when he goes into detail by saying, “Dead letters! Doesn’t it sound like dead men?” Melville<br />
and Twain are alike here, both in the direct address and the need to be understood.<br />
What about Twain’s contemporaries? If “all American writing comes from” Huckleberry Finn, then<br />
how do other writers measure up to what Twain did? Did they just rehash what he had already done? Should<br />
they have even bothered? In 1904, the American Academy of Arts and Letters held a secret ballot and<br />
honored a total of seven of very their first honorees, among them were - William Dean Howells, Edmund<br />
Clarence Stedman, John Hay, Thomas Bailey Aldrich, Charles Eliot Norton, and Mark Twain. In 1901,<br />
Yale <strong>University</strong> bestowed Twain with an honorary degree and, in 1902, so did <strong>University</strong> of Missouri,<br />
followed by Oxford five years later. But, besides Howells, who seems to have his own private cheering<br />
section, most of the other writers of his day are now, a hundred years later, all but completely ignored with<br />
few exceptions. One exception of a writer that has managed some of the heft and esteem that Twain has<br />
enjoyed throughout the last century is Henry James. The Harvard Crimson, Harvard <strong>University</strong>’s<br />
newspaper of some weight with past editors John F. Kennedy and Franklin D. Roosevelt, has published on<br />
their website that “Henry James rightfully inaugurated the awards for fiction given by Harvard,” that award<br />
349
eing their own honorary degree, while Mark Twain was never given this same honor there. So, Yale has<br />
their man and Harvard has theirs. In an effort to not put too much emphasis on the importance of honorary<br />
degrees, it should be pointed out that Harvard has given out thousands of honorary degrees over the years,<br />
however, it does help to level the playing field somehow. With all that being said, it can’t be said<br />
definitively that James was of the same relevance as Twain or that he, or anyone else from his era did or<br />
even could measure up to what Twain did. There just are simply some parties that feel Twain is a literary<br />
god and, like all gods, that kind of idea is largely illogical and unable to be proven.<br />
But, did James just rehash Twain’s style or techniques? This, again, is probably not something that<br />
can be proven. However, if you take a look at their work alone and compare them, it can be suggested that<br />
they are ideological, if anything, twins only. James, from a prose point of view employs a completely<br />
different style, with his tendency to write in a more buttoned up or mannered tone. The boxing world has a<br />
similar comparison in its contemporary history. Two middleweight champions, both of equal importance,<br />
Jake LaMotta and Sugar Ray Leonard were completely different fighter. Leonard was a precise, measured,<br />
and perfectly trained fighter who fought with machine like accuracy, taking out his opponents by striking<br />
pin-point, weighted blows by the dozens until his opponent was defeated due to just not being nearly as<br />
skilled as he was. While, LaMotta, who possessed a great amount of skill, would go about boxing in a<br />
different manner, he would stand in front of his opponent, calling him out, provoking him with harsh New<br />
Yorker lingo and would fight like a Roman in the trenches, exchanging blows endlessly until he outlasted<br />
his opponent, never afraid to get bloodied up. This is Twain, both with the skill and power of LaMotta, in<br />
his use of rough and ready colloquialism, and inexhaustible prose that drives and drives on, until it ends<br />
suddenly, almost leaving a reader exhausted by the end. Meanwhile, there is James, the psychological<br />
writer, using many of the same techniques that Twain would employ, but with the skill of a tacticianer. Just<br />
like in boxing, it is impossible to say which fighter would be more important, both James and Twain<br />
deserve their own place in history for what they had done. No matter where loyalties lie, among the<br />
350
contemporaries of Twain, one must realize that all who wrote after him, did so while being compared to<br />
him in some way. Whether it be James, William Dean Howells, or any of the other in the long line of<br />
writers before Hemingway came along, they have all been measured against Twain, and if nothing else, that<br />
might be enough to cement him as the one writer, rising amongst the rest.<br />
So, has their really “been nothing as good since” Huckleberry Finn? Well, most would cite, along<br />
with Twain, Ernest Hemingway as perhaps the most important and most recognizable American writer that<br />
ever lived. With a long line of extremely popular and a whole host of awards, prizes, and honorary degrees<br />
of his own, Hemingway, some might say may have surpassed Twain in his importance. But, don’t forget<br />
how we got here. It is Hemingway that this essay has been quoting all the while and however we decide to<br />
aggrandize him; we must first admit that he himself would probably reject it.<br />
So what is it, that which separates these writers from the rest of the pack? What allows them to gain<br />
in popularity and esteem? Hemingway might suggest that it is those writers who avoid the pitfalls of being a<br />
success, which comes in the form of more responsibilities, like a family and a lifestyle, or as Hemingway<br />
himself put it in The Green Hills of Africa, “We destroy them in many ways. They make money…writers<br />
when they have made some money increase their standard of living and they are caught. They have to write<br />
to keep up their establishment, their wives, and so on.” He goes on to suggest that this is in many ways<br />
something that gets everyone and the only thing that saved Stephen Crane from being a poor writer is that<br />
“he died.” It is in this same book that Hemingway suggests that there may only be a few good writers, based<br />
on his earlier statements about Twain. He cited Henry James, Stephen Crane and Mark Twain, but refuses<br />
to classify them in any order, which suggests that, according to Hemingway, they are all equally important<br />
in terms of literary worth. But since? Perhaps the only conclusion that can be made of that statement by<br />
Hemingway is that his friend F. Scott Fitzgerald wasn’t any good, since The Great Gatsby was published in<br />
1925 and The Green Hills of Africa was published in 1935 and written about a trip he took in 1933 with his<br />
wife at the time. Ultimately, there may be little hope for a concise definition of worth in the literary world.<br />
351
It all comes down to some kind of subjective aesthetic in the end. If you go with popularity, then recent<br />
books such as the Harry Potter series and the Twilight series have to be considered among the best in history.<br />
One the other hand, if you go with what critics think then you are entering into an oligarchal world where a<br />
reader doesn’t have any real power to choose what is best. They decide who is reading what, so maybe they<br />
should decide and Hemingway is right in saying that once you gain popularity it is all over for a writer. In<br />
the end, like many things it comes down to a mixture of things. Just do the impossible, which is read<br />
everything. That might be the only true way to avoid the trappings.<br />
Finally, where does this leave Mark Twain? It must be up to us as readers, and not Hemingway, to<br />
decide if he is the best of all time. Were Ernest Hemingway and F. Scott Fitzgerald just fooling around,<br />
repurposing, and unable to really do anything to advance literature at all? That certainly is a possibility, but<br />
if believing that Mark Twain is the best American novelist ever, never to be surpassed gets us another<br />
Hemingway, then so be it, Twain is god.<br />
Work Cited<br />
Hemingway, Ernest. The Green Hills of Africa. New York: Scribner, 1935. Print.<br />
Cardwell, Guy A. “The Colloquial Style in America.” American Literature Mar. 1967: 124-125. Print.<br />
Robinson, Forrest G. “An “Unconscious and Profitable Cerebration”: Mark Twain and Literary<br />
Intentionality.” Nineteenth Century Literature Dec. 1995: 357-380. Print.<br />
Twain, Mark. Mississippi Writings. New York: Penguin, 1982. Print.<br />
“<strong>University</strong> Has Broadened the Idea of Honorary Degrees.” TheCrimson.com. The Harvard Crimson, n.d.<br />
Web. 6 Mar. 2010.<br />
352
Veronica Smith<br />
Augustana College<br />
Western Eyes and African Art<br />
A Question of Perception<br />
Figure 1, unidentified African mask in the Augustana<br />
College permanent collection.<br />
Abstract<br />
Originally, this research began as an inquiry into the origins of an unidentified African mask housed in the<br />
Augustana College Art Collection. After many hours of fruitless labor, I came to the realization that my<br />
own perceptions might be inhibiting my research. As a result, the focus of my research shifted to the issue<br />
of cultural perception. This paper explores Western conceptions of African material culture through a<br />
mostly qualitative study of syntax – the words that people use to describe an unknown African object and<br />
the connotations of those words. Data was gathered through a series of surveys administered to students at<br />
Augustana College. The survey asked students a variety of questions about images of the unidentified<br />
African mask . The data gathered indicated that on the whole, Americans tended to describe an unknown<br />
object with industrial terms, whereas if the object was known to be of African origin, much more organic<br />
and anthropomorphic language was utilized. Furthermore, through a study abroad program, I was able to<br />
travel to West Africa, where I was able to trace the origins of the mask. My experiences abroad enabled me<br />
to push the limits of me perceptions even further, and I ultimately returned to the United States with a<br />
stronger sense of my own culture as well as West African culture.<br />
352
The Kathy Bulucous Memorial Collection, housed by the Augustana College Art Museum, consists<br />
of some two dozen African art objects. Among these objects is a mask (see fig. 1) of unknown cultural<br />
origin and of an unknown age. From the moment I first saw this mask, I was captivated. Carved from some<br />
sort of wood and constructed of bold geometric forms, the mask can be visually segmented in into two<br />
distinct parts: a section that is roughly rectangular and a section that is comprised of two hollow cylindrical<br />
protrusions. The mask is about two feet long from the uppermost edge of the rectangular portion to the<br />
lowermost edge of the cylinders, ten inches across, and approximately nine inches deep. The rectangular<br />
portion of the mask is divided into two parts: a convex portion and a concave portion (to which the<br />
cylindrical protrusions are attached). The concave portion of the mask is punctured in two places, resulting<br />
in triangular holes that might have possibly served as eye holes. Between these triangulated openings is a<br />
semicircular disk that juts perpendicularly from the relatively smooth and flattened concave surface. This<br />
disk- shape is repeated at either side of the concave portion of the rectangular segment, dividing the concave<br />
plane into two smaller rectangular shapes. Each of these two smaller rectangles houses one of the triangular<br />
holes and another convex pyramidal shape.<br />
The pyramidal shapes each possess two narrow, deep slits on their undersides, which resemble<br />
nostrils. Reaffirming the nostril attribution, either side of each of the pyramidal “noses” has a delicately<br />
formed curved line that is just barely visible in figure 1. The other section of the rectangular portion of the<br />
mask is delineated from the convex plane by an obtruding, slightly rounded rectangular shelf that is<br />
furrowed down the center. This furrow forms a straight line that is continued by the middle disk shape, and<br />
again by the negative space between the two cylindrical protrusions. On either side of the furrow, a set of<br />
three raised triangular shapes create one trapezoidal figure, and each triangular shape has three horizontal<br />
lines carved at the widest part of the triangle. These two trapezoids are centered vertically in relation to the<br />
“noses.”<br />
While the aforementioned furrow/disk/negative space between cylindrical protrusions splits the<br />
353
visual plane into two roughly symmetrical halves, there are small differences. On the right facing side of the<br />
mask, there are two vertical incisions. On the upper portion of the rectangular segment, one incision is to<br />
be seen above the top right corner of the left triangle. Almost directly below this incision is a second<br />
incision on the edge of the right facing cylindrical protrusion.<br />
Another feature that contributes to the asymmetry of this mask is a small semicircular indentation<br />
on the lower edge of the rectangular shelf, just below and between the middle and right triangles. On the<br />
right cylindrical protrusion, there is a second semicircular depression that is nestled in a larger, more<br />
irregular depression. While these features could potentially be attributed to damage sustained through<br />
transport, I would argue that these features were intentionally rendered, as there is a certain degree of<br />
precision evident. The incisions are of uniform depth and length as are the two semicircular depressions. An<br />
additional indication of intention is the uniformity of the surrounding surface – there is no abhorrent<br />
discoloration or textural change that would indicate a significant lapse in time from when the rest of the<br />
mask had been formed. The outer surface of the mask bears signs of sacrificial build up, while the inside of<br />
the mask in generally smoother. The cylindrical protrusions show extreme amounts of encrustation on the<br />
inner part.<br />
Along the edge of the face cavity are diamond shaped punctures that might have once been used to<br />
help fix the mask to the head. My instinctual analysis of this mask concerned ideas of elephants (the<br />
protrusions resemble trunks to me) and twinhood because of the shared set of triangular “eyes” and the two<br />
“noses.”<br />
I had certainly never seen anything like it before, and almost no one, including experts in the field<br />
of art history, had either. I knew that it would be challenging to research, but the challenge was part of the<br />
allure. What I did not account for was the biases this research would unearth in my own perceptions of art.<br />
I started with the internet, wondrous digitized warehouse of information that it is, and summarily<br />
exhausted the reputable image database ArtStor. Nothing on ArtStor was remotely similar to this mask. The<br />
354
infamous Google search engine did little better. After about five hours of probing the depths of the internet,<br />
it dawned on me that a contributing factor to my inability to make any headway, aside from the fact that this<br />
mask is incredibly unique, was that I was limiting myself to images that were explicitly of African elephant<br />
or twin masks. Not one to give up easily, I then spent a good amount of time probing academic journals for<br />
articles about the meaning of elephants and twins to various African cultures. While this textual method<br />
yielded significantly more information, when I compared the images of the art of cultures that place great<br />
importance on elephants and twins to the image of the mask I was researching, there was very little<br />
correlation. Despite the great difficulty in procuring information, I refused to let go of my original idea of<br />
elephants and twins. Of course, I did not know if either of those assumptions was correct – I was operating<br />
on instinct, aided by an unconscious sense of aesthetics.<br />
I wanted to understand where my aesthetic sense of art objects came from and thus better prepare<br />
myself to overcome my biases when viewing the art of non-Western cultures. The first step on this path to<br />
understanding particular biases entailed working out a cursory definition of “Western.” A<br />
The term “Western” is applied broadly to all aspects of culture. Art is no exception. However, the<br />
broad application of this moniker leaves much to be desired – what is the Western world? How is the<br />
Western world defined geographically, governmentally, and economically?<br />
Geographically, the Western world does not conform to any particular landscape. Continental<br />
landmasses cannot contain the regions known to be Western, just as the Western Hemisphere is woefully<br />
inadequate even as a rough estimation of the extent of the Western world. Most of Europe is considered<br />
Westernized, yet some areas of Europe are excluded. North America is included, sans Mexico. Australia<br />
and New Zealand are generally considered Western. What unifying factor could these seemingly disparate<br />
physical regions share?<br />
Ties to colonial imperialism are a common denominator, specifically British colonial imperialism.<br />
355
Over the breadth of three centuries, Britain established a globe-spanning<br />
system of colonies, dependencies, and territories that answered to the<br />
English Crown. 1 Tentative maritime expansion in the 16 th Century<br />
accelerated rapidly in the 17 th Century due to commercial competition<br />
from France as well as other European nations and manifested in<br />
settlements on North America and the West Indies. As Britain’s<br />
commercial influence grew, the amount of territory considered under<br />
British rule increased in tandem. Though some colonized regions<br />
Figure 2, Calvin Klein advertisement<br />
severed ties with the British, specifically the American colonies, many other regions remained under British<br />
control. The African interior as well as Australia, New Zealand, and India were eventually acquired and<br />
assimilated into the commercial fabric of the Empire. At the end of the 19 th Century, Britain comprised<br />
roughly one fourth of the globe and counted at least one fourth of the world’s population as its own. 2 While<br />
these extremely varied locales retained a fair bit of their cultural identities, especially in the African colonies<br />
where governmental control was not nearly as tight fisted, certain principles of beauty and art were<br />
espoused by colonization. As trade was the main impetus for British involvement in the broader world, the<br />
British Western aesthetic infiltrated the indigenous populations, if only because British taste decreed what<br />
goods were considered important. Some aesthetic principles, however, predate the British Empire and<br />
hearken back to an earlier time, in ancient Greece. Many Greek ideals were adopted by Rome and were<br />
spread (or enforced) through the rise of the Roman Empire, linking uniformity of aesthetic theory to the<br />
wide-spread dominance of one ruling body.<br />
While current Western aesthetic theory has been repeatedly redefined by the natural progression of<br />
history, many modern concepts of aesthetics can be traced back to ancient times. One needs only to look to<br />
current men’s underwear catalogs (see fig. 2) to see the influence of such ancient works as Polykleitos’<br />
356
Spear Bearer (see fig. 3).<br />
The basis of modern Western aesthetic theory coincides with the roots of Western philosophy. The<br />
philosopher Plato, who lived between the years of 384 and 322 BC, discussed art in terms of the beautiful. 3<br />
To Plato, the arts were produced in an attempt to portray an ultimately intangible idea. Beauty, while able<br />
to be captured in an ephemeral creation of man, is essentially infinite in its scope and application. In some<br />
ways, beauty is beyond human tampering – nothing man creates can add to<br />
or detract from the eternal nature of beauty, yet the quest for beauty is an<br />
intrinsic part of being human. 4<br />
Beauty is described by Diotima in Plato’s Symposium as a<br />
progression from the appreciation of the physical to an appreciation of the<br />
metaphysical, suggesting that all tangible beauty is the direct result of some<br />
knowledge that is beyond the immediately apparent. Beauty exists in levels,<br />
and the arts can be appreciated from all of these levels, but not necessarily<br />
understood. 5<br />
Aristotle, a student of Plato, agreed with Diotima to some extent,<br />
but placed the idea of levels of beauty within the sphere of the physical<br />
body, claiming that the pinnacle of beauty, and thus the thing that art<br />
Figure 3, Polykleitos, Spear Bearer,<br />
Roman copy after the original bronze,<br />
Greek High Classical, c. 450-440<br />
should attempt to portray, is the fitness of the human body to do age-appropriate work. A young man is<br />
beautiful because his body is perfectly suited to the athletic activities expected of him, whereas a man in the<br />
prime of his life is beautiful because his body is perfectly suited to the activities of warfare. 6<br />
This conception of art as a manifestation of beauty is somewhat disparate from the governing ideals of<br />
African art. While Aristotle only describes the beauty of a man, only women are venerated as possessing<br />
beauty in many African cultures. However, the beauty of an African woman oftentimes is determined by<br />
her body’s fitness for the appropriate activities expected of her, namely childbearing, just as Aristotle<br />
357
ascribes male beauty to physical aptitude. Distended breasts, a signifier of having nursed a child or many<br />
children, are a common signifier of beauty across many African cultures (see figures 6-8). Peoples of Mali,<br />
such as the Bamana, peoples of Nigeria and Benin such as the Yoruba, and peoples that live in more central<br />
Africa, such as the Kongo, all have produced female figures with elongated breasts that represent fertility,<br />
child bearing, and subsequently, beauty. This beauty is also indicative of a woman’s power in society, as<br />
only the woman is able to bear children and insure the continuance of the community and culture.<br />
Figure 6: Gwandusu,<br />
Bamana. 13 th -15 th<br />
century.<br />
Figure 7: Pfemba.<br />
Kongo, Late 19 th early<br />
20 th century.<br />
For African men, the ability to strike fear into the heart of the enemy at war is certainly something<br />
to venerated and respected, but not in the same way that feminine beauty is to be venerated and respected.<br />
The exclusion of the gender dialectic from the works of Aristotle suggests a much more stringently<br />
patriarchal society than do the inclusion of womanly ideals in many African art pieces.<br />
The largest difference between the traditional African art aesthetic and the Western art aesthetic is<br />
in regards to the purpose of art. Art, in the Western world, is something abstracted from purpose. Art<br />
objects are set apart from the objects of day to day existence. While the written works of Aristotle allude to<br />
beauty as being contingent on physical functionality, the representation of this beauty in itself has no<br />
purpose other than to represent beauty. In contrast, many African art forms are not recognized as art forms<br />
358<br />
Figure 8: Shango<br />
figure, Yoruba.
ut as functional objects. For example, Ghanaian gold weights, while intricately and delicately zoomorphic<br />
or rendered in purely abstract forms, are subject to mutilation if they are too heavy or their form somehow<br />
inhibits their use. 7<br />
Another difference between the African aesthetic and the Western aesthetic directly concerns the<br />
conveyance of ideas visually. While there are many examples of symbolic use of color or form in Western<br />
art, African art objects communicate on a multiplicity of levels. Different combinations of color, pattern,<br />
and form create almost an entirely new language –using the example of the Ghanaian gold weights again, a<br />
weight shaped in the form of two crocodiles that share a belly explicitly indicate an entire proverb: “Those<br />
who share a stomach and still fight over food are foolish.” 8 Similarly, each individual symbol on Ghanaian<br />
adinkra cloth can be “read” as a complete thought unto itself.<br />
These differences in viewing art objects (and even the use of the word “art”) are indications that a<br />
lack of cultural understanding and, ultimately, a bias towards Western aesthetic theory.<br />
To test this hypothesis, I constructed a survey that revolved around the image of the mysterious<br />
African mask in the Augustana Kathy Bulucous Memorial Collection (see figure 1) to determine whether or<br />
not Western perception of an object is altered by the qualifier “African.”<br />
Part of the rationale for using this mask as the subject of the survey is that its ambiguity offers a<br />
degree of control that might not be as possible with a more well-known, stereotypically “African” mask, as<br />
my survey was administered in two different formats. The control format explicitly informed the<br />
participants of this mask’s African origin and that it is indeed a mask, whereas the experimental format<br />
referred to the mask as an object only and made no reference to origin. Had I been using a more wellknown<br />
mask, I might not have been guaranteed that the experimental survey group had no indication of<br />
origin.<br />
I determined that I would be surveying Augustana students, which greatly narrowed my<br />
demographic and thus my variables. The Augustana student body is comprised of predominantly white 18-<br />
359
22 year olds whose parents fall into the upper-middle class tax brackets, and the vast majority of these<br />
students are from Illinois 9 .<br />
The survey consisted of seven questions that were each timed so as to try to inspire the participants<br />
to write their instinctive responses. Quantification methodology consisted of carefully reading every answer<br />
and creating generalized groups into which data could be sorted. All synonymous words were merged into a<br />
Instrument(mus<br />
ical)<br />
6%<br />
Shoes<br />
9%<br />
Writing<br />
9%<br />
1 Person<br />
8%<br />
2 People<br />
3%<br />
Pipes<br />
11%<br />
Jug<br />
3%<br />
Old/Ancie<br />
nt<br />
20%<br />
Sculpture<br />
14%<br />
Spoons<br />
17%<br />
single group, as indicated by backslashes between exact<br />
words used. For example, the words “ancient” and “old”<br />
were synthesized into a single group. However, words that<br />
carried similar connotations were also grouped, such as<br />
“wise” with “ancient” and “old.”<br />
Percentages were derived from total answers given<br />
per question and not from total number of participants.<br />
This is an important distinction to make, as the questions<br />
were so open-ended that many people gave multiple<br />
Figure 9: Experimental Group answers: "Describe this object in as<br />
much detail as possible."<br />
answers, some quite contrasting, as they worked through<br />
Elephant Lip Plates<br />
Trunks<br />
Ham 3%<br />
2%<br />
3%<br />
Branches<br />
2%<br />
Antenna<br />
5%<br />
Shoes<br />
8%<br />
Person<br />
8%<br />
Instrume<br />
nt<br />
(musical)<br />
13%<br />
2<br />
people/t<br />
wins<br />
3%<br />
Face<br />
15%<br />
Spoons/U<br />
tensils<br />
23%<br />
Antlers/H<br />
orns<br />
15%<br />
360<br />
their thoughts on paper. Student t-testing was not<br />
applicable to this data set.<br />
Question one concerned the description of the<br />
object. Participants were asked to describe the image<br />
of the mask in as much detail as possible. The majority<br />
of answers in the experimental group (see figure 9)<br />
stated that the mask appeared old. The second most<br />
prevalent term used to describe this mask amongst the<br />
Figure 10: Control Group Answers: "Describe this object in as much<br />
detail as possible
experimental group was a comparison to spoons, which mirrored the control group’s majority (see figure<br />
10.)<br />
What does the abundant use of the word spoon imply? It could be an indication of time of day these<br />
surveys were administered at either 10:00 in the morning or 11:30 in the morning times that are potentially<br />
meal times. Meal times for the non-collegiate set, that is. Upon coming to college, normative eating<br />
patterns are severely disrupted. Irregular class and work schedules coupled with added amounts of stress<br />
and the absence of home-cooked, well balanced, regularly served meals might well effect cognitive<br />
processes, including recognition and analysis of non-food objects 10 . It is possible that the merest suggestion<br />
of an eating utensil, such as the rounded concave forms of the end of the cylinders on the mask, could incite<br />
Figure 11, Control Group answers: “Which way should<br />
this object be oriented?”<br />
food-related thoughts in the hungry and thus appear more<br />
Cylinders<br />
Inferior<br />
59%<br />
Cylinders<br />
Superio<br />
r<br />
41%<br />
spoon-like.<br />
On the whole, the control group expressed their<br />
descriptions in more zoomorphic/anthropomorphic language.<br />
15 % of control group answers specify that the mask resembles<br />
a face or facial features, and 15% of control group answers<br />
indicate the presence of horns or antlers. Conversely, the<br />
experimental group described this mask in more inorganic,<br />
structurally oriented terms. 16% of experimental answers<br />
given referred to the mask as a sculpture and 13% of answers<br />
given made reference to the cylindrical protrusions as pipes.<br />
The delineation between organic and non-organic descriptors could correlate with the fact that<br />
America is a highly industrialized country, as demonstrated by Fortune 500’s top ten corporations of 2009,<br />
a list that includes energy providers, car manufacturers, communications corporations, and large box goods<br />
stores exclusively 11 . In the Midwest, the accoutrements of industry are impossible to ignore as factories and<br />
361
manufacturing plants shape the landscape of many communities. Africa, on the other hand, is mainly<br />
associated with the export of raw materials, such as diamonds 12 , and not with large industrial infrastructure.<br />
This dichotomy of organic versus inorganic terms might be an indication of this economic pretense.<br />
The presence in nearly concurrent percentages of the descriptor “shoes” could be partially due to<br />
the fact that the image of the mask appeared in duplicate inversely oriented images. Though I took pains to<br />
explain that the images were of the same object, it is<br />
possible that this was not communicated effectively. If<br />
viewed as a pair of two separate objects instead of two<br />
images of the same object, the boxy rectangular features of<br />
the images could lend a certain visual similarity to shoes,<br />
which are also somewhat blocky and occur in pairs.<br />
This demarcation between organic and inorganic<br />
Cylinders<br />
Inferior<br />
33%<br />
Cylinders<br />
Superio<br />
r<br />
67%<br />
descriptors is consistent with the data gathered from the<br />
second question on the survey, which seeks to determine the<br />
proper orientation of the mask. Should the cylindrical protrusions be on top or on bottom? According to<br />
the majority of control group answers (see figure 11), the cylindrical protrusions should be oriented in such<br />
a way that they are inferior to the rectangular portion of the mask. This is consistent with the data gathered<br />
from the first question in that when viewed this way, the mask is much more face-like, and thus more<br />
anthropomorphic or zoomorphic. Alternately, the experimental group predominantly thought that the<br />
cylindrical protrusions should be oriented so as to be superior to the rectangular portion of the mask (see<br />
figure 12). This orientation makes facial structure association more difficult, thus enforcing the inorganic<br />
descriptors.<br />
The third question of the survey concerned function: the control group was asked to describe the<br />
ceremony this mask was likely used in and the experimental group was asked to define the object. The<br />
362<br />
Figure 12, Experimental Group answers: “Which way<br />
should this object be oriented?”
majority of control group answers (see figure 13) indicated some sort of celebration or some initiation<br />
ceremony. However, these answers were not consistently associated with physical characteristics of the<br />
mask. The participants of the control group declined from pointing to specific features that suggested<br />
initiation or celebration. Interestingly, the third largest percentage of answers from the control group<br />
related that this mask could have been used in a wedding ceremony, as the facial features of the mask seem<br />
to be merged just as a married couples’ lives merge. The majority of the experimental group’s answers (see<br />
figure 14) determined that the object in question was some sort of musical instrument or cooking<br />
accoutrement. These answers were based entirely on form. Many participants indicated that this<br />
qualification was directly dependent on the hollowness of the object. The holes on the concave portion of<br />
the rectangular part of the mask could possibly have been restricted as one blew through the cylinders to<br />
produce a variance in tonality. Similarly, the cylindrical protrusions could have been used as a sort of funnel<br />
to add liquid ingredients to the main mixing<br />
363
Fertility/Bi<br />
rth Religious<br />
7% 6%<br />
Funerary<br />
6%<br />
Elders<br />
3%<br />
Foot<br />
Binding<br />
3%<br />
Celebration<br />
26%<br />
2 People<br />
4%<br />
Mask<br />
8%<br />
Sculpture<br />
4%<br />
Agricultural<br />
tool<br />
4%<br />
Musical<br />
Instrument<br />
31%<br />
Religious<br />
11%<br />
Wedding<br />
23%<br />
Initiation<br />
26%<br />
Vase/Jug<br />
/Contain<br />
er<br />
15%<br />
Cooking<br />
23%<br />
Fi<br />
Figure 14, Experimental Goup Answers, "What is this object?"<br />
Figure 13, Control Group answers, "What kind of ceremony do you think this<br />
mask was used in?"<br />
portion of the object. After determining the type of ceremony the mask was intended for, the<br />
control group was then asked to describe how the mask was used ceremonially. The overwhelming majority<br />
Movements<br />
in<br />
direction<br />
of protrusions<br />
9%<br />
Worn as<br />
shoes<br />
9%<br />
Musical/v<br />
oice<br />
projection<br />
13%<br />
Animal<br />
Movements<br />
4%<br />
Head<br />
Rolls<br />
4%<br />
Flowing/s<br />
low<br />
13%<br />
Danecs<br />
(unspecified)<br />
48%<br />
F<br />
Vase<br />
12%<br />
Decorative<br />
Art<br />
15%<br />
Incense<br />
6%<br />
Cooking<br />
18%<br />
Love<br />
Symbol<br />
3%<br />
Instrumen<br />
t<br />
25%<br />
Religious<br />
21%<br />
Figure 15, Control Group answers, "What movements, if any,, are<br />
associated with this mask?"<br />
Figure 16, Experimental Group answers, "What do you think this object<br />
was used for?"<br />
F<br />
(see figure 15) of answers given indicated a vague dance of some type, again neglecting to mention<br />
correlation with any physical characteristic of the mask. Correspondingly, the experimental group was<br />
364
asked to describe the use of this object (see figure 16).<br />
While this question is strikingly similar to the third question the<br />
Yes<br />
60%<br />
experimental group was asked, it yielded a surprising shift in results. The majority (25%) of<br />
No<br />
40%<br />
answers still indicated that the object was used to musical ends, but religiosity came in a<br />
close second at 21%.<br />
Figure 17, Experimental Group<br />
answers: "Have you ever seen<br />
anything like this before?"<br />
The fifth question of the survey was designed to determine whether or not the participants had ever<br />
seen an object similar to the mask depicted. The majority of experimental answers indicated that objects<br />
similar to this one had been seen before (see figure 17), while the control group determined that the<br />
majority had not seen an object similar to this before (see figure 18). The experimental No<br />
67%<br />
group was also asked in question 5 to determine the culture of origin of the<br />
Yes<br />
mask, and the<br />
majority of answers designated the culture of origin as being African (see figure<br />
33%<br />
19).<br />
Emotional state was touched on briefly by question six, which asked participants to<br />
describe how<br />
Latin America<br />
6%<br />
Australia<br />
3%<br />
Indian<br />
6%<br />
Europe<br />
3%<br />
Figure 18, Control Group answers, "Have<br />
you ever seen anything like this before?"<br />
they felt when viewing this<br />
object. Results of the<br />
experimental group<br />
Asia<br />
6%<br />
South<br />
American<br />
9%<br />
Africa<br />
49%<br />
showed that a majority of<br />
the answers provided<br />
indicated interest or<br />
Native<br />
American<br />
18%<br />
Figure 19, Experimental Group answers, "Where do you think this object is from?"<br />
curiosity, words that bear<br />
a positive connotation, and<br />
a sense of neutrality (see<br />
figure 20.) The control<br />
group data reflected these feelings in similar proportions (see figure 21.) However, the experimental group<br />
365
data set also indicated less frequently occurring but definite feelings of anger, weirdness, and general<br />
discomfort.<br />
Message<br />
being<br />
conveyed<br />
5%<br />
Happy<br />
5%<br />
Hunger<br />
3%<br />
Anger<br />
3%<br />
Relaxed/Ca<br />
lm<br />
5%<br />
Confused<br />
10%<br />
Advanced<br />
(the object)<br />
3%<br />
Unfamiliar<br />
3%<br />
The final question of the<br />
survey was meant to gauge unfiltered<br />
Ignorant<br />
16%<br />
Curious/Int<br />
erested reactions<br />
26%<br />
to the image of<br />
Neutral<br />
21%<br />
Calm/Peac<br />
eful<br />
6%<br />
Joyful/Hap<br />
py<br />
9%<br />
Frustrated<br />
/Ignorant<br />
8%<br />
Wanderlust<br />
3%<br />
Confused<br />
14%<br />
Worshipfu<br />
l<br />
3%<br />
Neutral<br />
17%<br />
Curious/In<br />
terested<br />
40%<br />
Figure 20, Esperimental Group answers, "How does looking at this object make<br />
you feel?"<br />
Figure 21, Control Group answers, "How does looking at this object make<br />
you feel?"<br />
Stone<br />
3%<br />
Conjoined<br />
Spoonalien<br />
3%<br />
Simple<br />
3%<br />
Spoon<br />
6%<br />
Culture-<br />
Specific/F<br />
oreign<br />
6%<br />
3% Bunny<br />
3%<br />
Interesting<br />
9%<br />
Live<br />
3%<br />
Earth<br />
3%<br />
Useful<br />
12%<br />
Weird/obs<br />
cure/stran<br />
ge<br />
28%<br />
Traditional<br />
/Classic/O<br />
ld/Ancient<br />
18%<br />
Figure 22, Experimental Group answers,"Describe this object in one<br />
word."<br />
366<br />
Serene<br />
3%<br />
Ritual<br />
3% Rustic<br />
3%<br />
Maturity<br />
Horny 3%<br />
3% Funky<br />
3%<br />
Enlongated<br />
3%<br />
Earth<br />
Cultural<br />
3%<br />
3% Complicated<br />
3%<br />
Spoons<br />
5%<br />
Animal<br />
8%<br />
Twin<br />
3%<br />
Ugly<br />
3%<br />
Mysterious/<br />
Cryptic<br />
11%<br />
Ancient/Old<br />
/Wise<br />
18%<br />
Interesting<br />
16%<br />
Different<br />
/Unusual/U<br />
nique<br />
11%<br />
Figure 23, Control Group answers, "Describe this object in as much detail as<br />
possible."
the mask through asking for a one word description (see figures 22 and 23).<br />
Were I to ever re-administer this survey, I would place this question at the very beginning so as to<br />
minimize the amount of time participants have to rationalize what they are seeing. However, the results<br />
yielded from this question are still of value. Both survey groups indicated very similar summations in very<br />
similar proportions. The general consensus was that this mask was old, strange, and interesting.<br />
This body of research paints a complex portrait of modern American conceptions of both American<br />
culture and African culture. The most compelling correlation to me was the link between<br />
“Ancient/Old/Wise” in the final survey question for the control group. It seems that there is a perception<br />
of Africa as an old and ancient place, focused on people, wise. Compared to the experimental group’s<br />
industrial answers to the same question, this establishes an interesting dichotomy between perceptions of<br />
developing and developed nations, perhaps even suggesting that in a country and culture where<br />
extraordinary technologies exist to connect people, the technologies actually take precedence over the<br />
human connections they were intended to propagate. That Americans might tend to view African culture,<br />
people-centric as it is, as something wise could be indicative of the growing sense of isolation in a postmodern<br />
world – people lost among the machines of industrialized life.<br />
Were I to embark on this kind of research again, I would change several aspects of my<br />
methodology. To begin with, I would try to bring the actual mask into the classroom with me. As some<br />
participants pointed out, the images I provided on the survey form were not adequate in expressing<br />
dimension, color, or texture, all integral aspects for analysis.<br />
Secondly, I would eliminate two part open-ended questions from the survey, perhaps splitting<br />
these questions in half, as they made the assignment of connotation-based groupings all the more complex.<br />
Lastly, while I would maintain the timed aspect of the survey, I would tweak the time allotted. I found that<br />
many participants finished answering well before time was up.<br />
This paper will conclude with a purely visually based assertion as to the cultural origin of the<br />
367
unknown African mask. There are several definite visual correlations between this mask and some of the<br />
Bamana attributed masks in the Kathy Bulucous collection (see figures 24-26). All Banana attributed masks<br />
in this collection have been carved from wood that has been rendered in clean geometric forms. There is a<br />
distinctive triangular pattern repeated on the forehead regions of figure 24 and figure 26 that closely<br />
resembles the triangles on the unknown mask. The facial plane is rendered smoothly. The eyes are small,<br />
geometric, and closely set.<br />
Both figure 25 and figure 26 have recessed ledges that define the facial plane, just as the unknown<br />
mask has. While these masks are admittedly more self-contained – there are no dangling cylindrical<br />
protrusions to be found – there are enough stylistic parallels to indicate more than a coincidental<br />
connection between these masks.<br />
Figure 24, Bamana Mask<br />
Figure 25, Bamana Mask<br />
Figure 26, Bamana Mask<br />
After completing this body of research in the Winter of 2009-2010, I was fortunate enough to be able to spend<br />
a term abroad in West Africa. While in Accra, Ghana, I encountered a mask (see figure 27) that I was told was made by<br />
the Dogon, a people that live in Mali. My original Bamana attrbution is actually strengthened by this information, as<br />
the masks both bear the striking cylindrical protrusions that are so unusual, and as the Bamana were also a people of the<br />
region that is now Mali. The Bamana kingdom dissipated near the end of the 19 th century and was assimilated into a<br />
broader Mende-speaking cultural group, of which the Dogon are also part of. Then, in Senegal, I encountered another<br />
368
mask (see figure 28) that was even more similar to the unknown mask in the Augustana College Collection. Minor<br />
details, such as the orientation of the triangular eye holes and the curvature of the top portion of the rectangular section,<br />
are the only differences between these masks. Finding this particular mask in Senegal further strengthens the claim to<br />
Bamana origin, as the Bamana kingdom would have been directly centralized between what is now Ghana and Senegal.<br />
Figure 27, Dogon mask encountered in Accra, Ghana<br />
Figure 28, mask encountered in St. Louis, Senegal<br />
369
NOTES<br />
1. Encyclopedia Britannica Online. “British Empire.” 2010. http://www.search.eb.com/eb/article-9016519.<br />
2. Ibid.<br />
3. Plato, Symposium, trans. Stanley Rosen. New Haven: Yale <strong>University</strong> Press, 1987.<br />
“The Beautiful will not manifest itself to this man as a face or a pair of hands, or any other bodily thing; nor<br />
in any proposition, or science, nor as existing anywhere in something else, such as an animal, or the earth or<br />
the heavens, or any other thing whatever. It exists by itself in itself, eternally, and in one form only, and all<br />
other beautiful things participate in it in such a way that, while they come into being and perish, it does not,<br />
nor does it become greater or less nor is it affected by anything.” p.92-93.<br />
4. Ibid.<br />
5. Plato, Symposium, trans. Stanley Rosen. New Haven: Yale <strong>University</strong> Press, 1987.<br />
“This is what is means to progress correctly to an understanding of matters of love , or to be brought to it<br />
by another: in the beginning from these sorts of beauties, to move up constantly for the sake of that beauty<br />
(as if he were using the steps of a stair) , from one to two, and from two to all beautiful bodies, from<br />
beautiful bodies to beautiful acts, from beautiful acts to the beauties of learning, from learning finally to that<br />
knowledge which is none other than knowledge of the Beautiful itself, so that he comes to know in the end,<br />
what beauty is.” P. 93<br />
6. Albert Hofstadter, ed. and Richard Kuhns, ed. Philosophies of Art and Beauty. New York: Random House,<br />
1964.<br />
Aristotle :“Beauty varies with the time of life. In a young man beauty is the possession of a body fit to<br />
endure the exertion of the running and of contests of strength; which means that he is pleasant to look at;<br />
and therefore all-round athletes are the most beautiful being naturally adapted both for contests of strength.<br />
For a man in his prime, beauty is fitness for the exertion of warfare together with a pleasant but at the same<br />
time formidable appearance. For an old man, it is to be strong enough for such exertion as is necessary and<br />
370
to be free from all those deformities of old age which cause pain to others.” P.96<br />
7. Kwame Anthony Appiah. “Why Art? Why Africa?” in Africa: The Art of a Continent. New York: Prestel ,<br />
1995. p.22<br />
8. Ibid.<br />
9. Augustana College Website, “Open Book,” Augustana Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System<br />
(IPEDS) Report. http://www.augustana.edu/Documents/openbook%20IPEDS%202007.pdf. P.75<br />
10. Judith C. Rodriguez “Diets of College Students,” Nutrition and Well-Being.<br />
http://www.faqs.org/nutrition/Ca-De/College-Students-Diets-of.html .<br />
11. Fortune 500 Online. “Annual Ranking of America’s Largest Corporations.” Rankings.<br />
http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune500/2009/full_list/.<br />
12. Roy Laishley. “Emerging Economies Hold Promise for Africa.” Africa Renewal, Vol.23#2, July 2009,<br />
page 16.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Appiah, Kwame Anthony. “Why Art? Why Africa?” in Africa: The Art of a Continent. New York: Prestel ,<br />
1995.<br />
Augustana College Website, “Open Book,” Augustana Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System<br />
(IPEDS)<br />
Report. http://www.augustana.edu/Documents/openbook%20IPEDS%202007.pdf.<br />
Encyclopedia Britannica Online. “British Empire.” 2010. http://www.search.eb.com/eb/article-9016519.<br />
Fortune 500 Online. “Annual Ranking of America’s Largest Corporations.” Rankings.<br />
http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune500/2009/full_list/.<br />
Hofstadter, Albert, ed. and Kuhns, Richard, ed. Philosophies of Art and Beauty. New York: Random House,<br />
1964.<br />
Laishley, Roy. “Emerging Economies Hold Promise for Africa.” Africa Renewal, Vol.23#2, July 2009, page<br />
16.<br />
371
Plato, Symposium, trans. Stanley Rosen. New Haven: Yale <strong>University</strong> Press, 1987.<br />
Rodriguez, Judith C, “Diets of College Students,” Nutrition and Well-Being.<br />
http://www.faqs.org/nutrition/Ca-De/College-Students-Diets-of.html .<br />
Image Bibliography<br />
Fig. 1: Photograph of Unknown African Mask. Kathy Bulucous Memorial Collection, Augustana College.<br />
(Moodle, accessed 3 February 2010); available http://moodle.augustana.edu/course/view.php?id=1644.<br />
Fig. 2: Calvin Klein advertisement, Fall/Winter line 2008. (i.model, accessed 4 February 2010); available<br />
http://i.models.com/model_culture/50topmalemodels/images/garrett1.jpg<br />
Fig. 3: Polykleitos, Spear Bearer, Roman copy after the original bronze, Greek High Classical, c. 450-440<br />
BCE. Marble. (SUNY College at Oneonta, accessed 4 February 2010); available<br />
http://employees.oneonta.edu/farberas/arth/images/109images/greek_archaic_classical/sculpture/dory<br />
phoros.jpg<br />
Fig. 24: Photograph of Bamana Mask. Kathy Bulucous Memorial Collection, Augustana College. (Moodle,<br />
accessed 3 February 2010); available http://moodle.augustana.edu/course/view.php?id=1644.<br />
Fig. 25: Photograph of Bamana Mask. Kathy Bulucous Memorial Collection, Augustana College. (Moodle,<br />
accessed 3 February 2010); available http://moodle.augustana.edu/course/view.php?id=1644.<br />
Fig. 26: Photograph of Bamana Mask. Kathy Bulucous Memorial Collection, Augustana College. (Moodle,<br />
accessed 3 February 2010); available http://moodle.augustana.edu/course/view.php?id=1644.<br />
372
Courtland Stokes<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong><br />
Human Intervention in the Absence of God<br />
In Shakespeare’s play Measure for Measure uncontrolled emotional desire is disrupting the social<br />
norm. In specific sexual immorality is an “unregulated desire”. Vincentio, the Duke of Vienna leaves the<br />
city, or so it is thought, in the hands of his deputy Angelo. Angelo, many literary critics regard is a<br />
hypocrite. He enforces laws that he himself does not even purpose to keep. The Duke, in fact has not left at<br />
all, but has went into disguise and watches with an almost “omnipotent” perspective, his real intentions are<br />
undisclosed. The Duke wants to solve the city’s vices and to test the virtue of Vienna’s inhabitants. It is this<br />
exercise, which reveals human emotion unchecked, but governed by authoritarian repression is not<br />
impartial. Our human intervention and the methods we use to reinforce the laws that govern us—in the<br />
absence of God, produce that authoritarian figure.<br />
Many critics don’t seem to agree in their assessment of Measure for Measure. There are many<br />
extreme viewpoints. Some perspectives express that Measure for Measure is one of Shakespeare’s greatest<br />
works. Critics believe Shakespeare tackles “head on” social concerns of his time by masterfully dealing with<br />
real issues of virtue, truth, justice and mercy. On the other spectrum Measure for Measure is highly<br />
scrutinized for its inconsistency, and an abrupt “tacked on” ending which doesn’t really bring the play to a<br />
natural and polished close. Many critics and scholars don’t seem to agree on much at all. Measure for Measure<br />
centers around themes with biblical proportions like: mercy, justice, law, and order. It raises questions<br />
that bring light to lingering issues in our “contemporary society” as to how far the laws of our society should<br />
intrude into our personal lives; or how much should our human sympathies, compassion, our leniency, and<br />
benevolence control the desire to exact justice? Tina Krontiris, in her work titled, “The omniscient ‘Auctor’:<br />
373
Ideology and Point of View in Measure For Measure ” says, “One of the striking features of Measure for Measure is the<br />
over powering presence of its leading character, the old Duke of Vienna”(Krontiris 293).<br />
At the plays beginning the Duke has informed his deputy Angelo that he will be assigning him the<br />
authority to govern and rule in his absence. The Duke is in charge of the city and he desires to bring more<br />
law and order to it, yet Shakespeare indicates to the reader in the Dukes conversation with the friar, that<br />
the laws of Vienna have been grossly disregarded. “We have strict statues and most biting laws, The needful bits<br />
and curbs to headstrong weeds, which for this fourteen years we have let slip” (Measure for Measure 14). Here is the<br />
paradox. The Duke has been in charge for the fourteen years of unregulated desire, and now he has selected<br />
Angelo, his deputy, who we learn is much more strict and exacting in his governing than Duke Vincentio.<br />
Critics suggest that the Duke believes the law—or what I would suppose the authority behind the<br />
law is losing its “delegated power”. Yet, for all the Duke’s observation and private laments he does not want<br />
to punish the people because he feels the present condition and moral state of the city can be attributed as a<br />
fault of his own making, “Sith „twas my fault to give the people scope, T‟would be my tyranny to strike and gall them.<br />
For what I bid them do, for this we bid this done When evil deeds have their permissive pass” (Measure for Measure<br />
14). So, as a result the Duke puts the burden on Angelo, knowing his character and zealousness to do the<br />
“dirty work”, which he believes he is qualified to do, and not discharge his duties hypocritically. Krontiris<br />
believes, that the “Duke’s own self portrait of himself is the point of view critics have often automatically<br />
and problematically identified with the text” (297). She questions, does the text endorse the Duke’s selfrepresentation<br />
of a benevolent and gracious ruler who rules mercifully. Krontris maintains, “I will be<br />
suggesting far from endorsing the Duke‟s representation, the text reveals him not to be only a man of theater (actor and<br />
stage manager) but one who stages a spectacle for his own benefit—to reaffirm his absolute authority through a display<br />
of God-like power” (Krontiris 297).<br />
For Kontiris, the Duke of Vienna, “Vincentio is empowered with knowledge about the private lives of the<br />
other characters , a knowledge that he possesses as the head of state or acquires under disguise and that enables him to<br />
374
ing the events in the dramatic narrative to a conclusion that is presented as his desired aim” (Krontiris 294).<br />
Kontiris maintains that the Duke is the authoritarian figure in “Measure for Measure”. The Duke freely admits<br />
that that the city is out of control. In Kontiris’s criticism of the Duke, she rejects his claims of having a<br />
genuine purpose and authenticity behind his alleged motive which he states is “to rid the city of its vices and<br />
restore order and decency”. I believe that the Duke genuinely wants Vienna to have a higher moral<br />
standard. This is evidenced in the Duke’s response, in my opinion enacting a plan to address the problem.<br />
We learn as the play progresses that the Duke has set out to bring attention—albeit “indirectly”, to Vienna’s<br />
social ills by the plays end. While Kontiris may be correct in asserting the Duke may have another agenda in<br />
seeing the city resorted to some type of decency, I do sense an authenticity in his concern. The Duke’s<br />
internal and simple acknowledgment that he has prepared to take a plan of action to address his private<br />
inhibitions settles Krontiris’ protest for me.<br />
The Duke has already articulated that he really has not actively tried to enforce the law, but in<br />
contrast to what he says, we see the play opening with the Duke masterfully creating the nucleus for this<br />
theatrical, melodramatic situation to unfold. It does not seem to Kontiris, that the Duke is really alarmed<br />
with the immorality in Vienna, but rather “the language he uses suggest that what is alarming to him is the<br />
disruption of the hierarchical order, upon whose existence his very position depends” (Krontiris 297). I disagree with<br />
Krontiris, in her argument of the disruption of “hierarchal order”. In the plays first act when Pompey,<br />
Mistress Overdone’s servant, informs her that an edict has been issued to close down all brothels, Pompey<br />
has reason to believe and express it will not affect her. Pompey jokes, that she will always have business.<br />
Examine Pompey’s words to Mistress Overdone as he informs her that her business venture will be<br />
untouched as he responds to her inquiry about what will happen to all the brothels in the city where her<br />
business is found: “They shall stand for seed. They had gone down too, but that a wise burgher put in for them”<br />
(Measure for Measure 10). Apparently, Pompey conveys to Mistress Overdone that political influence will<br />
relieve her worries since upper-class business men have used influence on her behalf. This example does not<br />
375
support Kontiris alleged claim that the Duke is alarmed by a disruption of hierarchical order as a result of<br />
Vienna’s social ills. Certainly, the Duke would be above upper-middle class as ruler of the city. Duke<br />
Vincentio arguably, believes that if he can somehow show Vienna’s inhabitants he has been a benevolent<br />
authoritative ruler, who has had their best interest in mind; by compassionately tempering mercy with<br />
justice he could reinforce his position of authority. But Duke Vincentio is no authoritarian ruler, who should<br />
be afraid of his position and influence.<br />
The Duke, in my opinion contrasts the authoritarian leadership qualities Angelo his deputy will<br />
assume, as the play progresses. We learn that after Angelo has received the imputed authority from the<br />
Duke to govern in his absence, he believes as a result of that authority the people should blindly submit to<br />
him as he up holds the “rule of law”, in his own domineering, tyrannical and hypocritical fashion. This is<br />
certainly a stark contrast to the way the Duke’s indulgent and tolerant self-portrayal and apparent governing<br />
nature has been. Professor Colin Fewer observes that, Deputy Angelo, “embodies the concept of “law and desire”<br />
in a single character” (Fewer).<br />
Although initially Angelo is portrayed as a character of high moral integrity, in contrast –Angelo is<br />
the villain of the play who rules without mercy and who has weaknesses that he does not even account for.<br />
Angelo upholds his one-sidedness with hypocrisy. As the plays’ plot progresses Angelo will victimize the<br />
lower class characters, namely Claudio, for his infraction on the moral laws of the city. The city of Vienna<br />
in Shakespeare’s, play has laws on its ledger to eliminate sexual activity outside of the bonds of legal<br />
marriage. Angelo knows that these laws are presently in the legislative guidelines, but unlike the Duke,<br />
Angelo has decided to enforce them without laxity. Claudio, as a result becomes a victim of Angelo’s strict<br />
observance of the law, because he has gotten Juliet pregnant –although they are not legally married<br />
(common-law).<br />
According to the rule of law or by de'facto “Angelo’s method of law observance” is “Do as I say not<br />
as I do”. As a result, Claudio is sentenced to death as the example in which to show to the city’s inhabitants<br />
376
living immorally, an example. Isabella is Claudio’s sister, and as Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure progress,<br />
he hints to Isabella that there is a way to save her brother, and it includes Isabella having sexual intercourse<br />
with him.<br />
The Duke in disguise, as another character architects a string of events to produce “his desired”<br />
outcome. Dollimore believes, “the play discloses corruption to be an effect less of desire than authority itself. It also<br />
shows how corruption is downwardly identified—that is, focused and placed with reference to the low-life „licence‟; in<br />
effect, and especially in the figure of Angelo, corruption is displaced from authority to desire and by implication from the<br />
rulers to the ruled” (Dollimore 176). Dollimore sees a disparity to the widely accepted view of Measure for<br />
Measure‟s themes of love and desire and law versus oppression; but rather he views Angelo’s harsh<br />
prosecution a way that authoritarian personalities like Angelo can oppress and control subordinates without<br />
human intervention such as the type displayed in the character of the Duke.<br />
Why did Angelo not temper his authoritarian judgment in light of the “human condition”? Claudio<br />
and Juliet in essence were married yet they had not participated in a formal ceremony. In spite of that we<br />
observe Angelo was eager to break the same law Claudio was imprisoned for violating, with Claudio’s own<br />
sister Isabella. Had Isabella decided to give her virginity in order to save her brother, which she did agree to<br />
“in term” at the posturing of the Duke who was in disguise, Angelo would have taken advantage of her.<br />
Consider the law against fornication; although Angelo did not have sex with Isabella, he still violated the<br />
law that he was adamant in enforcing and had condemned Claudio to die for. The Duke’s intervention<br />
created the scene for the “infamous bed trick”, that would be the basis of Angelo’s harsh rebuke at the plays<br />
end. Angelo believed he had slept with Isabella but in fact he had not. Nonetheless, even when the<br />
arrangement is made and Angelo, unwittingly, does the “deed” or so he thinks with Isabella, yet he does not<br />
pardon Claudio as it was agreed.<br />
Angelo believed that even though he had not upheld the law he was in a sense above the law<br />
because it was his duty to enforce it. Angelo’s soliloquy in Act <strong>II</strong> of Measure for Measure gives us insight in to<br />
377
Angelo’s thoughts when he realizes that he desires Isabella sexually. Here Angelo realizes that in comparison<br />
he is not any better than Claudio, whom he has condemned to die. Angelo realizes that unless he carries out<br />
what he has decreed by Claudio’s death sentence, he will appear weak and yet he struggles over the<br />
thought. "Which had you rather: the most just law now took your brother's life; or, to redeem him, give up your body to<br />
such sweet uncleanness as she that he hath stained?" (Measure for Measure 37). If Isabella agrees, to give her<br />
virginity to Angelo, he suggests or at least implies, that Claudio could hypothetically be set free. Isabella<br />
gets angered and suggests that now she will blackmail him if he doesn’t set Claudio free. Angelo replies, in<br />
essence, “that nobody will believe her”. While all this is transpiring we, know that the Duke is playing a<br />
“pseudo omniscient role” in the affairs and lives of almost every single character, and influencing an<br />
outcome to preserve Claudio’s life.<br />
Dollimore asserts, the Duke’s “subjects public recognition of his own integrity is important in the Duke’s<br />
attempt to reposition them in obedience. Yet the play can be read to disclose integrity as a strategy of authority rather<br />
than the disinterested virtue of the leader” (Dollimore 186). Dollinore’s view slightly differs from Krontiris’<br />
spin on the Duke’s role. She submits that the Duke’s “real purpose from the beginning was to create an<br />
opportunity for himself to act out the role of the all-powerful, omniscient, sovereign, who is ultimate judge”(Krontiris<br />
300). I would have to disagree with both critics in these respective positions. I do not believe that the Duke<br />
has intended from the plays beginning to reinforce in the absence of a “God-less” society the presence and<br />
authority of “God” personified by his position as ruler of the city. I believe the Duke has grown fond of his<br />
new found liberties to address the problems of some of Vienna inhabitants, without out losing public favor.<br />
But there is no evidence to me to suggest this is what he set out to do initially. Dollimore insists that the<br />
Duke’s main intention, as Vienna has sunken to moral depravation, has been “to reposition them into<br />
obedience”. Dollimore articulates that the Duke does this while also using the characters experiences and his<br />
unknown interactions with them to create the role he desires — to be “God-like” in the presence of<br />
authoritarian repression.<br />
378
Essentially in the Duke’s absence or in the absence of the “God-like” character it is very evident that<br />
authoritarian oppression is personified in Angelo, not Duke Vincentio. It is Angelo who is out of control.<br />
Dollimore asserts that it is the Duke who in some way represents the authoritarian presence. Dollimore<br />
suggest, “By means of the Duke’s personal intervention and integrity, authoritarian reaction is put into abeyance but<br />
not discredited” (Dollimore187). I agree with Dollimore partly. He emphasizes, Angelo’s activity was only<br />
put into suspension at the Duke’s return. However I also believe that in addition to Angelo being<br />
“unmasked” the Duke also in some sense represents an authoritative and authoritarian nature in some<br />
instances. It is evidenced in the facts, by Dollimore’s own admission “No law is repealed and the mercy that exist<br />
remains the prerogative of the same ruler who initiated the reaction” (Dollimore 187).<br />
The Duke seems very comfortable to be able to “absolve sinners as a friar” and, “his desire to operate<br />
power from the inside, investigating the various characters in his disguise and determining from the evidence they provide<br />
what the best course of action will be. The Duke is the only character who appears in almost every location in the play;<br />
his hand is active everywhere, and he is pulling most of the strings” (SparkNotes Editors).<br />
The Duke reinforces his desire to create a coveting for his style of leadership. Yet this is not to be<br />
misinterpreted as authoritarian repression personified in the character of Duke Vincentio. I believe the<br />
Duke as the play progresses should no longer be viewed as an idealist, but a character with clarity as to the<br />
situation of his city’s plight and a genuine desire and anxiousness to see a city that reflects the moral<br />
standard, temperance, and balance that he believes himself to have. The Duke arguably may secretly covet a<br />
desire for the people to respect his governing style. This may be most evident in final scenes of measure for<br />
measure. “Indeed, the whole final scene produces and effect whereby the public humiliation of Angelo seems only a<br />
means to an end or a side effect of the Duke’s staged display of authority and power” (Kontiris 299). The Duke<br />
discriminately, illustrates through the errors of Angelo his deputy that an authoritarian repression is not<br />
impartial, and that in the presence of that repression he is the fair and understanding alternative to be<br />
desired as the just almost, divine ruler.<br />
379
Works Cited<br />
Dollimore, Jonathan. “Transgression and Surveillance in Measure for Measure (Criticism). Shakespeare,<br />
William, and Grace Ioppolo Editor. Measure for Measure. W W Norton & Co Inc, 2009.pp.175-189 Print<br />
Krontiris, Tina. “The Omniscient „Auctor‟: Ideology and Point of View In Measure For Measure” .English Studies<br />
<strong>Volu</strong>me 80.Issue 4 (1999): pp.293-306. Print<br />
Fewer, Colin. English 442 Shakespeare Class Lecture Fall 2010. <strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong>. Class Room<br />
Office Building Room 180. Hammond, IN<br />
2 December 2010 Class Lecture<br />
Shakespeare, William, and Grace Ioppolo Editor. Measure for Measure. W W Norton & Co Inc, 2009. Print<br />
SparkNotes Editors. “SparkNote on Measure for Measure.” SparkNotes.com. SparkNotes LLC. n.d.. Web.<br />
1 Dec. 2010.<br />
380
Jessica M. Tabor<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong><br />
Bullying: The Characteristics and Consequences<br />
Susan has decided she does not want to attend school today. Her parents ask her why and Susan is hesitant to say. Susan<br />
is 12 years old and in 7 th grade. She has friends, but she also has a bully. Susan encounters her bully every morning in<br />
homeroom and every afternoon in the cafeteria. Susan is afraid to be at school because she doesn’t want to keep being<br />
picked on and pushed around by her bully. Her self-esteem has dropped and her love of school is fading. Her bully is<br />
taking her joy away from her.<br />
Bullying is no longer confined to the playground or the break room at work. Bullying has expanded<br />
to cyber space. Some think that bullying should be handled by the parents when some argue that bullying<br />
needs to be something school should try and eliminate. However, bullying laws have now been put into<br />
place because the government believes this issue is becoming more of a problem. There are pre-determined<br />
characteristics of what a bully should look like or how a bully should act. Bullying has taken on a whole new<br />
definition. The focus of this paper will discuss the history of bullying, current laws of bullying in the state of<br />
Indiana, if any, forms of bullying, the typical profile of bullies and then the profiles of a usual victim of a<br />
bully and conclude with how to help those that bully and the victims of bullying and also the future of<br />
bullying.<br />
Foundations of Bullying<br />
Bullying is not a new problem, just a more recognized one. Researchers say that bullying<br />
has been around for decades; in literature, on television and now more prominently, on the computer. Any<br />
type of bullying which can consist of but is not limited to cyber bullying, physical bullying, verbal and<br />
workplace bullying is a form of abuse. Bullying is an act of repeated aggressive behavior in order to<br />
intentionally hurt another person, physically or mentally. Bullying is characterized by an individual behaving<br />
381
in a certain way to gain power over another person (Besag, 1989). The person initiating the bullying is the<br />
one searching for the power and control over the individuals that may seem less than or weaker than the<br />
bully themselves. Norwegian researcher Dan Olweus defines bullying as when a person is: "exposed,<br />
repeatedly and over time, to negative actions on the part of one or more other persons." He defines<br />
negative action as "when a person intentionally inflicts injury or discomfort upon another person, through<br />
physical contact, through words or in other ways (www.Olweus.org). This definition includes three<br />
important components:<br />
1. Bullying is aggressive behavior that involves unwanted, negative actions.<br />
2. Bullying involves a pattern of behavior repeated over time.<br />
3. Bullying involves an imbalance of power or strength.<br />
Characteristics of bullies and their victims<br />
There are characteristics that a bully maintains to be considered a bully. Also, the victims of a bully<br />
take on characteristics that are unique to them. Children who bully:<br />
* May witness physical and verbal violence or aggression at home. They have a positive view of this<br />
behavior, and they act aggressively toward other people, including adults.<br />
* May hit or push other children.<br />
* Are often physically strong.<br />
* May or may not be popular with other children around their same age.<br />
* Have trouble following rules.<br />
* Show little concern for the feelings of others.<br />
The bully can take on all or some of these characteristics. Not all have to be present to be<br />
considered a bully. Bullying behavior is a "red flag" that a child has not learned to control his or her<br />
aggression (Nickel, 2005. 247-254). There are also characteristics of a victim who is being bullied.<br />
Children who are bullied tend to be:<br />
382
* Sensitive.<br />
* Socially withdrawn. They may think poorly of themselves, or they may have a quiet temperament.<br />
* Anxious.<br />
* Passive. They often let other people be in control and do not stand up for themselves.<br />
* More likely to get depressed.<br />
In extreme situations, children who are bullied may commit suicide or lash out violently against those who<br />
have bullied them (Beaty, 2008. 1-11). Having the defined characteristics of both a bully and a victim can<br />
lend a helping hand to teachers and parents who are trying to eliminate the problem.<br />
Laws in the state of Indiana on bullying<br />
Most states have laws to address bullying, harassment, and hazing. In the state of Indiana the laws<br />
are defined as follows according to (http://www.olweus.org/public/laws_indiana.page):<br />
Bullying/Harassment -<br />
Code 20-33-8-0.2 (2005) defines bullying as overt, repeated acts or gestures, including: verbal or<br />
written communications, physical acts committed and any other behaviors committed by a student or group<br />
of students with the intent to harass, ridicule, humiliate, intimidate or harm the other student.<br />
Code 20-33-8-13.5 (2005) requires schools to adopt policies prohibiting bullying on school<br />
grounds immediately before or during school hours, immediately after school hours, or at any other time<br />
when the school is being used by a school group, off school grounds at a school activity, function, or event,<br />
traveling to or from school or a school activity, function, or event, or using property or equipment<br />
provided by the school. Policies must also include provisions concerning education, parental involvement,<br />
reporting, investigation, and intervention.<br />
Cyber Bullying<br />
No state policy.<br />
383
Dating Violence<br />
Code 20-19-3-10 (2010) requires the Department of Education to develop a model policy for<br />
dating violence response and reporting.<br />
Hazing<br />
No state policy addressing elementary or secondary schools.<br />
Source: National Association of State Boards of Education<br />
Last Updated: 4/16/2010<br />
With these laws in practice the amount of physical bullying has been limited, but not eliminated. However,<br />
in the state of Indiana there is no law against cyber bullying which means the victims and victims’ families<br />
cannot seek punishment after an event has occurred. However, as stated in the Indiana bullying laws, cyber<br />
bullying still has no statute and therefore a victim of cyber bullying cannot seek punishment on their bully.<br />
Forms of bullying<br />
There are various forms that bullying can take:<br />
1. Verbal bullying including derogatory comments and bad names<br />
2. Bullying through social exclusion or isolation<br />
3. Physical bullying such as hitting, kicking, shoving, and spitting<br />
4. Bullying through lies and false rumors<br />
5. Having money or other things taken or damaged by students who bully<br />
6. Being threatened or being forced to do things by students who bully<br />
7. Racial bullying<br />
8. Sexual bullying<br />
9. Cyber bullying (via cell phone or Internet)<br />
These forms of bullying are recognized and happening daily. The first eight in the sequence are typical and<br />
more familiar. Cyber bulling however, has been a more recent discovery and has made it to the spotlight in<br />
384
various media coverage and has gained a spot as multiple talk show topics. Cyber bullying is still a new<br />
topic.<br />
Olweus Circle of Bullying<br />
Being the pioneer of bullying, Olweus developed a circle of bullying. Dr. Olweus has placed a<br />
name on all participants of bullying. Even though we have the main characters, the bully and the victim,<br />
there are also other supporting roles that contribute to form this circle of bullying.<br />
Nearly one in five students in an average classroom is experiencing bullying in some way. The rest of the<br />
students, called bystanders, are also affected by the bullying.<br />
The Olweus Bullying Prevention Program describes students involved or witnessing a bullying situation as<br />
having roles in the Bullying Circle.<br />
385
Salmivalli, K. Lagerspetz, K. Björkqvist, K. Osterman, and A. Kaukiainen, "Bullying as a Group<br />
Process: Participant Roles and Their Relations to Social Status within the Group," Aggressive Behavior 22<br />
(1996): 1-15.<br />
Dan Olweus, "Peer Harassment: A Critical Analysis and Some Important Issues," in Peer<br />
Harassment in School, ed. J. Juvonen and S. Graham (New York: Guilford Publications, 2001): 3-20.<br />
This circle of bullying has provided educators and parents the material to construct and try to<br />
eliminate bullying in the home and also in the school. With the development this circle, it is easier to<br />
determine who exactly the bully is, the victim of that bully and the surrounding indirect participants.<br />
Olweus Bullying Questionnaire<br />
The Olweus Bullying Questionnaire is an important planning tool before and after program<br />
implementation.<br />
• Includes a narrative report to help you interpret results<br />
• Compares your school's results to national data<br />
• Presents results in graphs already formatted on PowerPoint slides<br />
• A District Report and Trends Report is also available.<br />
(http://www.olweus.org/public/questionnaire.page).<br />
The questionnaire that has been developed by Dr. Olweus has questions that include : How often<br />
have you been bullied at the school in the last couple months ; with the answers consisting of I have not<br />
been bullied at school, it has happened once or twice, 2 to 3 times a month, about once a week or several<br />
times a week. The questionnaire also defines exactly what bullying is and how to distinguish bullying from<br />
something different. The questions are worded as such so it will not confuse the students and the answers<br />
are grouped together so the students can calculate their answer accordingly.<br />
386
Although the questionnaire of Dr. Olweus is affective and the bullying circle is accurate in<br />
face to face bullying, we now have to come to the understanding that bullying has taken a whole new form.<br />
With the ever progressing technological age, we see cyber bullying becoming a problem.<br />
Megan Meier was a 13 year old from Missouri who struck up an online friendship on the popular social<br />
networking site MySpace with a person she believed was a new boy in her hometown. In actuality, the “friend” was a<br />
group of individuals, including adults, who were intent on humiliating the poor girl because of a friendship with another<br />
child that had gone awry. Megan was very upset when she found out the truth, then later committed suicide once the<br />
friendship had terminated. The horrifying case stunned the community and caused state government officials to pass some<br />
of the harshest cyber bullying laws in the country. (http://www.cyberbullyalert.com/blog/2008/10/stories-ofcyber-bullying/).<br />
Kylie Kenney, an eighth grade student from Vermont lost two years of her life as a result of cyber bullying from<br />
classmates. From junior high through her sophomore year of high school, Kylie was forced to deal with websites created by<br />
her classmates that featured names like “Kill Kylie Incorporated” that were filled with threatening, homophobic remarks<br />
about the young girl. These hurtful kids obtained screen names with handles close to Kylie’s name and used them to make<br />
suggestive remarks and sexual advances on Kylie’s teammates on the field hockey team. As a result police filed charges of<br />
harassments against the individuals responsible. (http://www.cyberbullyalert.com/blog/2008/10/stories-ofcyber-bullying/.)<br />
The above stories of the two girls that lost their lives due to an antagonistic cyber bully are only a peek at<br />
the mass amounts of suicides that can be linked to cyber bullying. It is difficult to prosecute criminally a<br />
cyber-bully attack. There are terms that parents and educators should be aware of in an event that cyber<br />
bullying is occurring or has occurred.<br />
387
Terms of Cyber Bullying<br />
Cyber bullying contains many terms that teachers, academia, parents and teens alike should know.<br />
Some of the terms are listed below. This is not an exhausted list and there are various other terms that can<br />
be affiliated with cyber bullying.<br />
Anonymizer - An intermediary which hides or disguises the IP address associated with the Internet<br />
user. Generally, this allows a person to engage in various Internet activities without leaving a digital<br />
footprint that can be tracked.<br />
Bash Board - An online bulletin board on which individuals can post anything they want. Generally,<br />
posts are malicious and hateful statements directed against another person.<br />
Blocking - The denial of access to particular parts of the Internet. Usually a message will be shown<br />
on screen to say that access has been denied.<br />
Blog - Interactive web journal or diary, the contents of which are posted online and then viewable<br />
by some or all individuals. The act of updating a blog is called "blogging". A person who keeps a blog is<br />
called a "blogger".<br />
Cyber Bullycide - Suicide stemming directly or indirectly from cyber bullying victimization.<br />
Cyber Bullying - Willful or repeated harm inflicted through the medium of electronic text.<br />
Generally, the offender has perceived or actual power over the victim(s).<br />
Cyberspace - A term used to describe the electronic universe created by computer networks in<br />
which individuals interact.<br />
Cyberstalking - Harassment that includes threats of harm or is highly intimidating and intruding<br />
upon one’s personal privacy.<br />
Cyber Threats - Electronic material that either generally or specifically raises concerns that the<br />
creator may intend to inflict harm or violence to other or self.<br />
388
Digital Footprint - Evidence of a person’s use of the Internet. This includes anything that can be<br />
linked to his or her existence, presence, or identity.<br />
Filtering - The applying of a set of criteria against which Internet content is judged acceptable or<br />
not. For example, a filter might check the text on a web page with a list of forbidden words. If a match is<br />
found, that web page may be blocked or reported through a monitoring process. Generally speaking, it lets<br />
data pass or not pass based on previously specified rules.<br />
Flaming - Sending angry, rude, or obscene messages directed at a person or persons privately or an<br />
online group. A "flame war" erupts when "flames" are sent back and forth.<br />
Happy Slapping - An extreme form of bullying where physical assaults are recorded on mobile<br />
phones and distributed to others.<br />
Harassment - Unsolicited words or actions intended to annoy, alarm, or abuse another individual.<br />
Offender - The person who instigates online social cruelty. Also known as the "aggressor."<br />
SMS - Short Message Service - a communications protocol that allows short (160 characters or less)<br />
text messages over cellular phone.<br />
Trolling - Deliberately but disingenuously posting information to entice genuinely helpful people to<br />
respond (often emotionally). Often done to inflame or provoke others.<br />
Victim - The one who is on the receiving end of online social cruelty. Also known as the "target."<br />
(http://www.dosomething.org/tipsandtools/terms-you-should-know-about-cyber-bullying). Cyber<br />
bulling is the newest form of bullying and has become prominent in homes and schools around the country.<br />
With the ever growing advances in technology, the risk of being cyber bullied is great. With cell phones,<br />
text messages and the internet, a bully can track their victim without even seeing them.<br />
There is a call of action that needs to be established. The phrase “kids will be kids” no longer can<br />
justify the physical acts of violence that is inflicted upon each other. There are guidelines that need to be<br />
met and a form of behavior that needs to be followed. Having the education of terms and the training of<br />
389
how to properly assess a bullying situation need the situations arise can be beneficial to both the students,<br />
parents and teachers alike. Bullying is still a new research opportunity. Steps have already been made in the<br />
process of trying to eliminate the bullying that occurs around the world. Dr. Olweus started the<br />
investigation into bullying and paved the way for many more to follow.<br />
Besag, V. E. (1989) Bullies and Victims in Schools. Milton Keynes, England: Open <strong>University</strong> Press<br />
Dan Olweus, "Peer Harassment: A Critical Analysis and Some Important Issues," in Peer Harassment in<br />
School, ed. J. Juvonen and S. Graham (New York: Guilford Publications, 2001): 3-20.<br />
http://www.olweus.org/public/laws_indiana.page<br />
http://www.webmd.com/parenting/tc/bullying-characteristics-of-children-who-bully<br />
Nickel M, et al. (2005). Anger, interpersonal relationships, and health-related quality of life in bullying<br />
boys who are treated with outpatient family therapy: A randomized, prospective, controlled<br />
trial with 1-year follow-up. Pediatrics, 116(2): 247-254.<br />
Beaty LA, Alexeyev EB (2008). The problem of school bullies: What the research tells us. Adolescence,<br />
43(169): 1-11.<br />
http://www.dosomething.org/tipsandtools/terms-you-should-know-about-cyber-bullying<br />
Salmivalli, K. Lagerspetz, K. Björkqvist, K. Osterman, and A. Kaukiainen, "Bullying as a Group Process:<br />
Participant Roles and Their Relations to Social Status within the Group," Aggressive Behavior 22 (1996): 1-<br />
15.<br />
Dan Olweus, "Peer Harassment: A Critical Analysis and Some Important Issues," in Peer Harassment in<br />
School, ed. J. Juvonen and S. Graham (New York: Guilford Publications, 2001): 3-20.<br />
http://www.olweus.org/public/questionnaire.page<br />
http://www.cyberbullyalert.com/blog/2008/10/stories-of-cyber-bullying/<br />
390
Erika Trigg<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan-Flint<br />
A Transformation through a Journey of Self-Discovery:<br />
Rosalind in Des McAnuff’s Production of Shakespeare’s As You Like It<br />
In his portrayal of William Shakespeare’s As You Like It at the Stratford Festival Theater, director<br />
Des McAnuff makes his vision of the play come alive. While it is often thought that Rosalind is a strong<br />
character throughout the play in Shakespeare’s text, Rosalind goes through a noticeable transformation in<br />
McAnuff’s production. The change in the clothes that she wears coincides with the change that Rosalind<br />
goes through from a repressed young woman to a freer being. As she is exposed to different people, her<br />
mannerisms change, for she begins to move and speak with more openness and freedom. Utilizing<br />
costuming, stage business, and blocking, the director shows the audience Rosalind’s journey of selfdiscovery<br />
as she transforms from quiet and subdued to a character with a bold presence throughout the<br />
play.<br />
McAnuff’s vision of Rosalind is demonstrated through her change in costume. Just as she is quiet<br />
and subdued and then freer and more expressive, so too are her costumes as she travels from the court to<br />
the Forest of Arden. McAnuff’s choice of costuming for the production is reminiscent of the 1920s. When<br />
Rosalind first enters the stage, she is dressed rather conservatively, wearing Mary Jane-style heeled shoes, a<br />
white coat, a long grey dress, and jewelry. It can be of note that she is wearing quite a lot of clothing. The<br />
amount of clothing that she is wearing is a way for the director to indicate how the women of her time are<br />
repressed and under stricter laws than men; women possess less freedom in both their speech and decisions,<br />
both of which we see Rosalind break free from as the play progresses. It can also be of note that the<br />
clothing she is wearing is different than her cousin Celia’s in terms of quality. The clothes that Celia wears<br />
are more lavish, which is a way for the director to note Rosalind’s position in the society as opposed to<br />
391
Celia’s. Rosalind’s father has been banished and this clothing choice denotes that she possesses less wealth<br />
than she had before her father’s expulsion from the court. After devising and following through with their<br />
plan to escape, Rosalind, accompanied by Celia and Touchstone, enters the forest with her costume quite<br />
changed. Rosalind now sports a man’s attire, donning a shirt and vest, long pants, trench coat, hat, and tie.<br />
Her hair is also cut low. While her demeanor is still effeminate upon arrival in Arden, it is noticeable that<br />
she is becoming more confident. The male clothing affords her more freedom that she had seen in the<br />
court, and she is thus able to do whatever she feels like rather than worry about suffering the consequences<br />
of her actions at the hands of her uncle. Rosalind acts outside of herself; because she has no serious rules to<br />
observe as a man in the forest, she pushes boundaries that one would not expect of a woman.<br />
Another method that McAnuff employs to demonstrate the change Rosalind goes through is stage<br />
business. This change can be noted concurrently with her first meeting with Orlando de Boys and it is<br />
thought that this meeting is what prompts Rosalind’s shift in character. Before she meets Orlando,<br />
Rosalind is portrayed as a quiet, submissive woman as opposed to her cousin. However, when Rosalind<br />
meets Orlando, everything about her seems to come alive. In the beginning of the play, Rosalind does not<br />
yet have a very distinctive personality; she is a regular girl who is not very talkative and does not express<br />
great interest in anything. For example, when Le Beau tells the girls about the upcoming wrestling match,<br />
Rosalind does not meet the idea with interest. She looks quite disgusted when the topic of rib breaking<br />
comes up. “But is there any else longs to see this broken / music in his sides? Is there yet another dotes<br />
upon / rib-breaking?” (Shakespeare 1.2.141-3). The next emotion that she takes on is that of fear when her<br />
uncle, Duke Frederick, comes in. This fear is clearly noted in the way that she flees to her cousin and clings<br />
to her side. It is not until she meets Orlando that Rosalind begins her transformation from a timid young<br />
girl to a more confident person. As Rosalind and Celia congratulate Orlando for defeating Charles the<br />
wrestler, Orlando and Rosalind share a look of love. Rosalind presents Orlando with a necklace to<br />
congratulate him on the win, and in this moment, they stare into each other’s eyes. McAnuff dramatizes<br />
392
this moment with soft music playing in the background and in the way that he has Celia notice their<br />
exchange, for she suggests a joint future for them in the way that she says “Oooh” as the two stare into each<br />
other’s eyes. Celia and Rosalind abruptly depart after the eye lock and a stunned Orlando silently beckons<br />
them back. The director seems to have given Rosalind great expression in this moment, for Rosalind and<br />
Celia reappear out of nowhere and Rosalind is overly excited that her new lover is calling her back. The<br />
audience can see that she is not shy around him, for they are again staring at each other and smiling as<br />
Rosalind holds a one-sided conversation with him. She even goes as far to snip at her cousin when Celia<br />
tries to interrupt her “chat” with her new lover. It is believed that this encounter opened Rosalind up to<br />
love and, later, to a life of freedom. Her attitude follows her as we see the scene of her banishment.<br />
Rosalind’s newfound boldness is very obvious when she goes as far as to question her uncle about her<br />
banishment. Rather than appearing as a meek, defeated woman, McAnuff portrays Rosalind as a strong and<br />
defiant character who dares to speak out against her uncle. The audience can tell that this was shocking and<br />
forbidden because one of Duke Frederick’s guards stepped forward as she raised her voice. Because she is<br />
so open and expressive, it is clear to the audience that her transformation has begun.<br />
While Rosalind continues to become more open, it is not until she is dressed as a man that she feels<br />
free to do as she pleases, which is quite clearly demonstrated in the various interactions she has around the<br />
forest. Rosalind is more confident when they are in the woods, particularly when she comes across<br />
Orlando speaking to Jaques in the forest. It is as if she is suddenly struck with an ingenious plan to fool him,<br />
which demonstrates the boost in her confidence since she first laid eyes on him. However, McAnuff still<br />
assigns Rosalind the characteristics of a love-struck woman, for when Rosalind boldly approaches Orlando,<br />
asking him if he can hear her, she falters at the sound of his voice because she is taken aback to be talking to<br />
her love. Once she regains her composure, Rosalind appears to possess great wit and knowledge about<br />
matters of the heart, as she tells Orlando all of the signs of a lover and how she can cure him of his “love<br />
sickness.” The audience can see how carefree Rosalind is because she is not afraid to speak harshly with<br />
393
Orlando and she even goes as far as walking off hand-in-hand with him when he agrees that he will call her<br />
his lover. McAnuff has created a very clever Rosalind, for the impression that is given by her intonation is<br />
that she is coming up with so many brilliant ideas so that she can secretly seduce him into loving her. The<br />
director’s depiction of Rosalind’s new attitude is also clearly seen in the vehemence with which Rosalind<br />
meets Phebe chastising Silvius in the woods. Rosalind was infuriated that a woman like Phebe, who in<br />
Rosalind’s opinion was very ugly, would speak down to a man of such worth and love as Silvius. “’Tis not<br />
your inky brows, your black silk hair, / Your bugle eyeballs, nor your cheek of cream / That can entame<br />
my spirits to your worship” (3.5.46-48). The way that Rosalind acts demonstrates to the audience that she<br />
is no longer under anyone else’s control and that she feels free to do as she pleases.<br />
Beyond the cues taken from Rosalind’s change in costume and mannerisms on stage, McAnuff’s<br />
blocking of Rosalind demonstrates to the audience the transformation that she undergoes from timid to<br />
courageous. In the beginning of the play, Rosalind appears to be very needy; she is never alone, for she is<br />
always with Celia because of their inseparable bond. Rosalind expresses great fear when her uncle enters,<br />
which is seen in the way that she moves clear across the stage to her cousin’s side to get away from him. In<br />
these scenes, she is very dependent on her cousin and is never far from Celia. However, after she meets<br />
Orlando, her blocking begins to change. She is more apt to sighing over her love, like the scene in the<br />
sauna, because she has fallen head over heels for him. This love continues to have an effect on her as they<br />
enter the forest in their new personas. Rosalind still comes across as very feminine and she has the<br />
disposition of a weak woman. However, when she comes across Orlando and decides to trick him, she<br />
surges with a newfound confidence. Her movements are much grander and animated, and the closeness to<br />
her cousin is no longer noticed as physically. Rosalind gets closer to Orlando in the forest, physically and<br />
emotionally. The audience can note how close she feels to Orlando when she tells him the signs of a lover,<br />
for she touches his face as she describes his appearance. She is very confident and it seems as though she<br />
feels more able to be in an intimate situation with him. Rosalind’s new attitude is noted in McAnuff’s<br />
394
locking, as she stands across the stage from Orlando when she is upset. Her anger is seen in the distance<br />
that she maintains from Orlando. When he steps forward to be near her, she moves across the stage to get<br />
away from him. After telling him that he would not die from being in love, they are close and they touch,<br />
but she snatches her hands away from him and stuffs them in her pockets and walks about like she is trying<br />
to return to her masculine ways. She again moves clear across the stage because Orlando tells her that he<br />
must leave. These things indicate that love transformed her, that she is freed from any restrictions of the<br />
court, and that she is not afraid to express herself.<br />
McAnuff’s production of Shakespeare’s As You Like It gives rise to the development of Rosalind’s<br />
character. Although she begins as a fearful, dependent woman, she blossoms through the experiences that<br />
she has in the forest, particularly those with Orlando. This growth is noted in the changes that occur with<br />
Rosalind’s costume and mannerisms on stage. The love that she finds in Orlando is believed to have opened<br />
her up to a world where she is free to think for herself, for after her meetings with him she is full of<br />
confidence. The audience is able to see that she will not let others control who she is and that she is quite<br />
capable of making decisions for herself and even others in the forest. The Rosalind that McAnuff creates is<br />
one of a women finding strength in love after living under a repressive regime.<br />
Works Cited<br />
As You Like It. By William Shakespeare. Dir. Des McAnuff. Stratford Festival Theater,<br />
Stratford, Canada, 12 Oct 2010.<br />
Shakespeare, William. As You Like It. Barron’s Educational Series: Hauppauge, NY, 2009.<br />
395
Elizabeth Wayne<br />
Alma College<br />
<strong>Volu</strong>ntourism: A Discourse Analysis through Zambian Case Study<br />
The development of the voluntourism industry has flourished, but there has been little theoretical<br />
analysis of the implications of such an industry. This paper analyzes whether voluntourism is benefitting the<br />
volunteer or the host communities through the lens of discourse analysis, as well as Allport’s Contact<br />
Hypothesis and post-structuralism. It will discuss how the language of the volunteers and host community<br />
members indicate the power relations voluntourism subtly endorses, what these power relations mean in<br />
practice, and whether these relationships are to be promoted or discouraged. This will be done through<br />
analyzing the operations of African Impact, a non-governmental organization in Livingstone, Zambia.<br />
Findings were obtained through interviews with Zambian and foreign employees of African Impact,<br />
community members, and volunteers. Six months after the trip, volunteers completed a questionnaire,<br />
providing brief summaries of their perceptions and reactions since their time in Zambia. While participants<br />
provide some valuable service to the host communities, it is evident in participant’s language that they are<br />
not truly cognizant of the unequal power relation between themselves and the local residents. Such an<br />
exposure is a key step in critical theory’s proposed path to human emancipation, and without it the<br />
inequality between those with and those without power increases.<br />
<strong>Volu</strong>ntourism<br />
The rapid growth of volunteer tourism, or “voluntourism,” signifies a new direction in the<br />
evolution of tourism, as well as a change in the desires of the public. The new industry provides<br />
volunteering opportunities for tourists, with a globally-minded clientele from developed-countries.<br />
According to a study conducted by GeckoGo, Bradt Travel Guides, and Lasso Communications, the<br />
voluntourism industry gained its momentum after the 2001 September 11 attacks on the US and the 2004<br />
396
Indian Ocean Tsunami. These tragedies served as a spark for citizens around the world to look at ways to<br />
make their vacations more meaningful by contributing to the solution of a global tragedy: of the 2,481<br />
respondents to GeckoGo‟s volunteer tourism study, 38% listed their top motivation for volunteering was<br />
“to be useful” and 21% said their highest motivation was to have a personal learning experience.<br />
The development of the voluntourism industry has been met with an array of critiques. The new<br />
travel option provides much room for positive impacts on the participant and host community.<br />
<strong>Volu</strong>ntourism experiences provide unique opportunities for cross-cultural interactions and experiences, and<br />
can also be mechanisms for providing skills and fiscal support to communities in need. At the other end of<br />
the continuum, voluntourism has already had some ominous implications. Reports have surfaced of<br />
volunteer projects which draw in tourists, their sympathy, and especially their money--but in reality are<br />
disturbing exploitations of the locals. One such story is of the fake orphanage, Phnom Penh‟s Cambodian<br />
Light Children Association, whose „orphans‟ were children who had been abandoned, sold, or employed to<br />
dance and interact with tourists. The children were beaten for refusing to play the part of tragicimpoverished-orphan,<br />
and tourist donations went to the corrupt organizers of the scam rather than to the<br />
care of the children.<br />
Along with alarming tales of scamming and misuse of volunteer funds, voluntourism may not be<br />
beneficial in other ways. Firstly, if the goal is to provide a service to the community through the financial<br />
and technical resources of citizens from developed countries, then a participant spending $2,000 on airfare<br />
to be the one delivering the service on the ground is a contradiction. Using part of the available funds to<br />
bring under-qualified, privileged individuals to these sites is arguably a very inefficient donation. The<br />
problem of qualification is another major concern with the development of the voluntourism sector. Many<br />
participants are students with little training or education for tasks like teaching, delivering medical care, or<br />
building. Additionally, regardless of training, there is the concern that bringing in outsiders to do work<br />
397
takes employment opportunities away from highly-unemployed and impoverished communities. If the<br />
international community claims to be focused on sustainable development, then relying on foreign<br />
voluntourists to teach, build, and heal is counter-productive.<br />
Supporters of vountourism argue that the goal is to stimulate local economy and provide financial<br />
support for host community needs. Traditional tourism injects money and jobs into a local community:<br />
tourists come with an appetite for local trinkets, sight-seeing, and cuisine. <strong>Volu</strong>ntourism does the same,<br />
with an added condition that the voluntourists are provided volunteer opportunities. Industry supporters<br />
hail this volunteer work as a method to increase cross-cultural interaction, teaching both the voluntourist<br />
and the host community about people from completely foreign societies. For voluntourism’s critics, the<br />
effectiveness this intercultural education is still to be determined.<br />
Integrating volunteer work with traditional tourism provides much room for ethical debate. While<br />
many recognize tourism’s objective to be fulfilling the needs of the consumer-tourist, volunteer work also<br />
receives critique concerning its’ goals: is volunteering truly altruistic, or is it driven by more selfish factors?<br />
Some argue that volunteer work cannot truly be considered altruistic when the volunteer gains selffulfillment,<br />
self-esteem, and happiness, as discussed by Haidt (2006). The implications of categorizing<br />
volunteering as self-serving can pose several questions. If volunteering is not conducted with completely<br />
altruistic motives, is the value of the volunteer work lessened? And, the less obvious, is it wrong to<br />
volunteer to satisfy one’s own needs? Alexander, Bakir, and Wickens (2010) pointed out that a volunteer’s<br />
draw to these self-oriented benefits can be explained by human effort to satisfy Maslow’s hierarchy of<br />
needs. In the developed world, the majority of individuals easily meet their physiological needs and safety.<br />
These two basic levels are followed by four psychological levels: love and belonging, esteem, selfactualization,<br />
and self-transcendence. <strong>Volu</strong>nteers are often looking to satisfy these latter levels of needs.<br />
398
This debate is much the same concerning voluntourism. According to <strong>Volu</strong>nTourism.org,<br />
voluntourism is “<strong>Volu</strong>ntary service experiences that include travel to a destination in order to realize one's<br />
service intentions.” It expands, “The integrated combination of voluntary service to a destination with the<br />
traditional elements of travel and tourism - arts, culture, geography, history, and recreation - while in the<br />
destination.” These definitions show that the purpose of the work clearly focuses on the volunteer: neither<br />
mentions the recipients of the volunteer service.<br />
The Study of Linguistics<br />
Taking a closer look at the definitions of voluntourism, the emphasis on the volunteer is even<br />
clearer. In “voluntary service” there are two parties, the servers and the served, each with needs and<br />
objectives. The evaluation of the statement thus critiques how each party is addressed. The server’s<br />
objective is to gain the self-benefits of volunteering. The served’s objective is to have a service provided<br />
proficiently. In the first definition, the server is mentioned and his objective is being fulfilled. The served,<br />
on the other hand, is completely omitted--both as a subject, and in addressing needs. The neglect of one<br />
party’s needs--the omitted served--is evidence that the server is in a position of empowerment, dominance,<br />
and control, according to the definition’s author. The author’s objective was to create an accurate and<br />
appealing definition for the industry, thus this placement of power with the server shows the writer and,<br />
indirectly, the industry’s attitude and values.<br />
As displayed in the example above, the study of linguistics can be a useful vehicle for analyzing the<br />
power relations and attitudes of verbal and written communications. Since the development of study of<br />
linguistics in the 18th century, many theories have arisen to explain language. Linguistics can either focus on<br />
individual words or grouping of words, and can analyze a wide array of perspectives, from the construction<br />
of speech to evolutionary origins to psychological influences. As was used to dissect the above excerpt, this<br />
paper will utilize discourse analysis.<br />
399
Discourse Analysis<br />
Utilizing discourse analysis provides a much more effective means of determining the relations,<br />
effects, and perspectives of participants and host communities than linguistic analysis of single words.<br />
Discourse analysis relies on the actions, values, and language of the subjects--integrating thoughts and<br />
experiences with verbal language. Discourse analysis draws connections between the speaker’s attitudes,<br />
thoughts, feelings, and words, as described by Hample.<br />
In analyzing phrases used by travel industries, Santos (2006) theorized that travel writing attempts<br />
to fulfill a reader’s need for a distinct otherness. This draw to the otherness is based on human desire for the<br />
mysterious and exotic, which the tourism industry capitalizes off of. The otherness is also founded in the<br />
hypothesis that humans naturally posses a drive to conquer or dominate new frontiers, a label which<br />
developed citizens may subconsciously apply to the developed world. The otherness draws in travelers,<br />
who inject their culture into the “other,” and thus dilute the otherness: tourism often injects foreign culture<br />
into host communities--usually meaning the cultural ideals of the developed world are introduced and begin<br />
to penetrate local communities.<br />
Contact Hypothesis<br />
Allport’s Contact Hypothesis is often referenced in cross-cultural studies. It began as a hypothesis<br />
that the continuation of racism in the US was due to white ignorance about blacks, predicting that<br />
interaction between blacks and whites would decrease that ignorance and reduce racism. Today’s<br />
interpretation of the Contact Hypothesis has expanded to apply to any cross-cultural interaction, relying on<br />
the prediction that as interaction between two groups increases, prejudice decreases. Allport based his<br />
theory on the idea that prejudice was based on antipathy and ignorance: it is a perspective socially ingrained<br />
in individuals and based on false preconceptions, not an active, malicious belief. Thus contact between two<br />
400
individuals of different groups would provide a way for them to learn about each other and realize the<br />
baselessness of their prejudices.<br />
In order for the contact to be effective it must meet all of Allport’s conditions. The context of the<br />
contact cannot be competitive. It must be sustained contact, as sporadic interaction is not sufficient for<br />
enlightenment. To effectively decrease prejudice through contact, the contact must be personal and<br />
informal, contact must have approval and support from the authorities, and most importantly, the contact<br />
must be in a context which provides equal status to both groups.<br />
The hypothesis has received both supporting and refuting empirical research. Tropp and<br />
Pettigrew’s research analyzed a wide array of studies, compiling results from various contact hypothesis<br />
experiments. They found little success of contact improving the prejudiced relations, finding that there was<br />
less prejudice when there was high inter-group contact--but contact did not necessarily lead to a change in<br />
the level of prejudice. Sigelman and Welch found that prejudice only decreases when the inter-group<br />
contact meets all of Allport’s conditions completely and parties are particularly open to learning about one<br />
another. Their findings, overall, were skeptical of placing confidence in the theory.<br />
Post-Structuralism<br />
A wide range of ideas comprise post-structuralism, creating a large framework through which to<br />
interpret our world. It focuses on the self, history, meaning, and philosophy, paying special attention to<br />
power relationships and domination. According to May (1995) post-structuralism views power relations as<br />
a vast network that cannot and should not be destroyed, but rather critically assessed to determine “which<br />
relations of power are acceptable and which unacceptable” (p. 8). Sarup (1993) explained that poststructuralists<br />
believe these power relations are revealed through the creation of language. Words are<br />
comprised of a signifier and the signified. The signifier is the sound made by the word, whereas the signified<br />
401
is the meaning attached to that word. According to post-structuralism, the signified is developed through<br />
language’s evolution within a society, and grows to reflect that society’s attitudes.<br />
African Impact, Zambia: Case Study<br />
Africa Impact is a non-governmental organization (NGO) working throughout Africa. Their site in<br />
Zambia opened in 2005, and employs 15 Zambians in addition to international staff. The site offered several<br />
teaching volunteer opportunities, and a medical program, conducted in the six neighborhoods of<br />
Livingstone. The perspective of Zambians on the volunteers varied, but the majority of those interviewed<br />
supported African Impact’s work in the community, and had positive feelings about the volunteers that<br />
came. Christine, a Zambian 54-year-old who volunteered her time as a community health worker, thought<br />
highly of the volunteers. “They are not stigmatizing; they are just very kind. They just feel the same level as<br />
we are.” Christine’s description of the volunteers clearly shows her belief that the foreign voluntourists<br />
held a position of equality with members of the host community. She mentioned her pleasure in the<br />
voluntourist’s willingness to sit on the ground during home-based care visits, and the meaningful non-verbal<br />
communications: “When person touched me, they feel very good, yes, they do not feel stigmatized or<br />
discriminated.” Christine was describing behavior between foreign volunteers and the patient, many of<br />
whom suffered discrimination from their peers due to a positive HIV status. When volunteers visited a<br />
patient as part of the home-based care project, he or she would shake the hand of the patient, clasping both<br />
hands and slightly bowing at the knees in the traditional Zambian practice. This small gesture was<br />
appreciated by Christine, who took it as an indication of the foreigner’s willingness to place himself on an<br />
equal level with the host community, as well as a sign of humility.<br />
This perception of humility was noted by another Zambian, Andrew Zulu, who said: “They are<br />
humble. They humble themselves among the people.” He continued to describe the affect that having<br />
volunteers working next time him in the health clinic had on him: “They motivate me, they challenge you<br />
402
to work as a volunteer. So if they can manage and give of themselves, then I can really commend them to<br />
say that they do a good job and a great one.” For Andrew, seeing people from a wealthier class willingly<br />
devote time to working side-by-side with him meant that they cared enough about him and his culture to<br />
want to contribute to the improvement of his community‟s hardships. He gave them a position of power,<br />
but not dominance, in his language: “They motivate me.” The volunteers had the power to motivate him,<br />
but their power was not one of fulfilling their own objectives or needs. Rather, the power of the volunteers<br />
was one which worked to empower Andrew. The word “motivate” implies activity from both the motivater<br />
and the motivatee, and thus it indicates power-sharing and transfer.<br />
Not all of the Zambians interviewed had such high opinions of the volunteers. Alex Chimuka, a<br />
Zambian volunteer in one of the local health clinics, was frustrated by the behavior of volunteers. He felt<br />
that the volunteers brought valuable experience and education to the community, but did not try to share<br />
or teach any of this to Zambians. He illustrated this through the example of blood pressure cuffs: “We<br />
didn‟t have one for the past years. We didn‟t have those things, but you brought those. Instead of you using<br />
them, just tell them „Well, you can use this BP machine like this, like this, like this.‟ Then, you see, I know.<br />
But, instead of me doing that project, then I step down, I say, „No, she will do it.‟” Alex was explaining that<br />
volunteers brought blood-pressure cuffs, but did not teach the reast of the clinic workers how to use them--<br />
an action they should have taken.<br />
Alex‟s theme was repeated in other interviews: most of the Zambians interviewed made at least<br />
one reference to how the influx of volunteers had effected local work. Several commented on their desire<br />
for African Impact to employ more Zambians, a desire not surprising for citizens of a country with a 50%<br />
unemployment rate according to the CIA World Factbook. The volunteers also referenced the effects their<br />
presence had on the local community‟s employment and volunteer work, especially in Nakatindi.<br />
403
When African Impact opened its’ Zambian site, they sent the manager to the Nakatindi community<br />
to observe and learn about the successful home-based care program there. However, once African Impact<br />
started regularly sending volunteers, the Nakatinidi community health workers expected to be paid a salary<br />
by African Impact. When African Impact refused, citing their lack of budget, the Nakatindi community<br />
volunteers began to stop participating in the program. Today, only one single Zambian regularly guides<br />
African Impact volunteer, meaning the home-based care in Nakatind is completely dependent on these<br />
African Impact volunteers. Allie, a 19-year old American volunteer, gave a very clear opinion on the<br />
matter: “I think we should stop doing home-based care in Nakatindi, that would make the community do it.<br />
I think that would set an example, too, for the other areas, that that’s what happens. The only way to get<br />
these people to do the work is to not do it.” Allie’s phrasing placed the people in the host-community in a<br />
position of submission--she implied that African Impact had control over the community. An action by<br />
African Impact would make the community act in a certain way. The obligation signified by “make” creates<br />
the domination. Additionally, the phrase “set an example” is only used by those in authoritative positions,<br />
and thus its’ use here by Allie reinforced the under-lying implication of control over the local population.<br />
Equality perception varied within the interviews. <strong>Volu</strong>nteers typically noted a situation of<br />
inequality, while the Zambians interviewed perceived a more symbiotic relationship. Andrew Zulu said:<br />
“Where they don’t know, we help. Where we don’t know, they help. We help one another, and therefore<br />
we look forward to be all work as one.” Here, both parties are equally represented, and the needs of both<br />
parties are being met. One volunteer said, “One of the things I’ve realized is just kinda how no matter<br />
where you are, kids are kids and adults are adults and it doesn’t matter is you’re in China or if you’re in<br />
Ecuador of the States or Zambia--if you give a kid a soccer ball they’re gonna play soccer. If you put a kid in<br />
a classroom their gonna be fussy unless their doing something fun. Like, you know there’s crazy differences<br />
across the world, but everyone’s gonna end and we’re all human and we’re all similar.” The description<br />
404
places clear equality on all parties. This contrasted with most of the descriptions of volunteers, who often<br />
used phrases which placed the host community in a position of submission or dependence. Jessica, another<br />
19-year old American volunteer, was asked whether she thought African Impact was assisting the<br />
community and responded: “We are helping them. It’s not great strides, by our means, but I mean for<br />
them.” What is implicit here is that the standards which we evaluate improvement are different for<br />
developed and developing communities, which indicates inequality between the two.<br />
<strong>Volu</strong>nteer perspectives on the local culture varied. Judy, a 32-year old nurse from the United<br />
Kingdom, said, “Respect the fact that it is different from home, that people hold different views, but to<br />
allow people to hold those views. It’s about freedom, isn’t it?” Judy described the local culturea as having a<br />
strong sense of community, and emphasis on the family. Her phrasing had a tone of admiration, saying<br />
Zambian community “shows very much how, if they really come together, it can really benefit themselves<br />
and each other.”<br />
However, not all of the volunteers gained an understanding of the culture. When asked to describe<br />
the local culture, one volunteer described the economic conditions of two classes she encountered during<br />
her volunteer work with the community schools. Her description detailed how one group had televisions<br />
and plaster houses, and the other group bathed in puddles and lived in mud homes. It did not include any<br />
reference to social practices, value-systems, art, mannerisms, or traditions.<br />
Conclusion<br />
In the Zambian case study of voluntourism, the language showed that the majority of volunteers<br />
viewed themselves, at least subconsciously, in a position of power or dominance over members of the host<br />
community. And, while the experience had long term effects on the volunteers and was deeply moving for<br />
many, the interaction with local culture did not effectively alter these power relations to be more<br />
reciprocal. As May argued, these power relationships cannot and should not be destroyed--but they must<br />
405
certainly be shifted to become more equal. Additionally, in some cases, the experience did not imbue a<br />
deeper understanding of the local culture.<br />
<strong>Volu</strong>ntourism has had some major benefits for local economies and in creating inspiring and<br />
awareness raising experiences for volunteers. However, these experiences still fall short of improving<br />
Western perspectives on the developing world. As this becomes more evident, voluntourism providers<br />
should strive to provide opportunities for volunteers to think deeper and examine their experiences during<br />
their time at the location. Through self and group analysis, volunteers can adjust their attitudes to give the<br />
host communities a higher position of power. Through probing their thoughts and feelings on the<br />
community, culture, and events volunteers see when partaking in voluntourism, the volunteer can glean a<br />
more accurate perception of the culture and the issues being faced by those living in the developing world.<br />
Creating power relationships with more equality and deeper understanding of foreign cultures must<br />
be an objective of the voluntourism industry. If voluntourism can ensure that participants truly engage in<br />
their volunteer projects, then it can achieve much more than “voluntary service experiences that include<br />
travel to a destination in order to realize one's service intentions.” <strong>Volu</strong>ntourism could be a means to<br />
positively develop the under-lying power relations between developed and developing countries, first at the<br />
micro-level, and one day at the macro-level.<br />
406
Al Jazeera. (2008, November 7). Cambodia‟s „fake‟ orphans. Youtube.<br />
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=emYlQf7piA<br />
Alexander, Z., Bakir, B., & Wickens, E. (2010). An Investigation into the Impact of Vacation Travel on the<br />
Tourist. International Journal of Tourism Research, 12, 574-590.<br />
CIA World Factbook. (2000). Economy: Zambia. Retrieved from<br />
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/za.html<br />
Geckogo!. (2009). <strong>Volu</strong>nteer Travel Insights 2009. Retrieved from<br />
http://www.geckogo.com/volunteer/report2009/GeckoGo-<br />
<strong>Volu</strong>nteer_Travel_Insights_2009.pdf<br />
Gee, J. P. (1999). An Introduction to Discourse Analysis Theory and Method. London: Routeledge.<br />
Haidt, J. (2006). The Happiness Hypothesis. New York: Basic Books.<br />
Hample, D. (2007). The Arguers. Informal Logic, 27(2), 163-78.<br />
Jackman, M. R., & Crane, M. (1986). “Some of My Best Friends Are Black...”: Interracial Friendship and<br />
Whites‟ Racial Attitudes. The Public Opinion Quarterly, 50(4), 459-486.<br />
May, T. (1995). The Moral Theory of Poststructuralism. <strong>University</strong> Park: Pennsylvania State <strong>University</strong><br />
Press.<br />
Santos, C. (2006). Cultural Politics in Contemporary Travel Writing. Annals of Tourism Research, 33(3),<br />
624-644.<br />
Sarup, M. (1993). An Introductory Guide to Post-Structuralism and Postmodernism. Athens: The<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Georgia Press.<br />
Sigelman, L., & Welch, S. (1993). The Contact Hypothesis Revisited: Black-White Interaction and Positive<br />
Racial Attitudes. Social Forces, 71(3), 781-795.<br />
Tropp, L. R., & Pettigrew, T. F. (2005). Relationships between Intergroup Contact and Prejudice among<br />
Minority and Majority Status Groups. Psychological Science, 16(12), 951-957.<br />
<strong>Volu</strong>nTourism. (n.d.). What is <strong>Volu</strong>nTourism? Retrieved March 14, 2011, from<br />
http://www.voluntourism.org/inside.html<br />
407
Yvonne P. Wood<br />
<strong>Purdue</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Calumet</strong><br />
The Narrative Effect: Omniscient Narrative in Kiran Desai’s Inheritance of Loss<br />
When reading Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss, one may be struck by the endless disruption and<br />
exchange of narratives. Throughout the book, Desai jumps from present, to past, to near future, to near<br />
past. She also moves through time using flashbacks and flash-forwards, and leaps across oceans to different<br />
continents and settings without warning. The effect of this type of narration may seem haphazard and can<br />
confuse a reader who is not careful. However, these narrative shifts have a very important function in the<br />
text. Desai’s omniscient and shifting narration emphasizes the importance of all her characters, the<br />
connections between their lives, and the post-colonial effects they have experienced.<br />
In Inheritance, Desai’s narrator is omniscient, which means that this narrator can see the motives and<br />
read the thoughts of every character. At first, it may seem that she is limited in that ability; however, when<br />
the perspective of one character is related, the point of view easily transfers to the thoughts and perspective<br />
of another. This omniscience not only bridges characters, but also extends over time. In a series of shifts,<br />
Desai covers a time period of nearly 65 years (from the judge’s birth in 1919 to the Ghorkha protests that<br />
occurred in the mid-1980’s). This recounting allows for the narrative to uncover the separate and intimate<br />
stories and thoughts of all the main characters, and it also allows for a deeper evaluation of the conflict<br />
experienced by each of them. She does all of this in a span of only 357 pages.<br />
Desai’s telling of the story with this complicated narrative causes readers to respond in two ways:<br />
thematically and mimetically. James Phelan, in his book Experiencing Fiction, defines the thematic response<br />
as involving “an interest in the ideational function of the characters and in the cultural, ideological,<br />
philosophical, or ethical issues being addressed by the narrative” (5-6). This response is evident in the way<br />
that readers react to the post-colonial allusions and references throughout the story. Readers judge not only<br />
408
the practice of colonization but the ethics and responses of the characters. The intricate narrative also<br />
allows readers to respond mimetically. This response involves a very personal reaction to the characters as<br />
people and involve our “evolving judgments and emotions, our desires, hopes, expectations, satisfactions,<br />
and disappointments” (5). In allowing for an uncensored look into the hearts and minds of many of the<br />
characters, Desai permits readers to experience her characters with a greater degree of intensity that makes<br />
this story, at times, more felt than read. This narrative technique emphasizes that no one person is more<br />
important than any other. No single character is central to the meaning of this story, and the narrator<br />
illustrates this by spending time exploring other characters and narrating their personal stories separate<br />
from the accounts of the rest.<br />
There are five main individuals explored in depth throughout this story. Jemubhai Popatlal Patel, a<br />
lonely and retired Indian judge trained in England, lives in a crumbling estate with his orphaned<br />
granddaughter Sai, his cook, and his dog Mutt. His granddaughter, Sai, is a teenager who is dissatisfied with<br />
the life that she is living with her grandfather and longs for more. Gyan, Sai’s second tutor and her first<br />
love, is a young man facing the hard reality of being unable to find a job despite his education. The judge’s<br />
cook, Panna Lal, is not named until the end of the book and is a man preoccupied with the lowly perception<br />
of his station in life. The cook’s son, Biju, is a young man who is trying to make his way in the United<br />
States but finding it more difficult than he had anticipated.<br />
Desai moves easily between the United States and India as she tells the story of Biju and his father.<br />
The narrator spends ample time looking at life through Biju’s perspective exploring his ideas and his<br />
problems and then brings readers back to India showing them the differing ideas and problems of his father,<br />
the cook. When Biju is in America, readers see the complex view that he has of himself and of what he is<br />
doing in his new country. He at first believes that he will be able to go to the United States and become<br />
someone, but he quickly learns that things are not the way he expects and hopes. He spends time working<br />
in mostly seedy restaurants that care nothing for him or any of their other workers. Eventually, Biju finds<br />
409
work at an “...all-Hindu establishment” (Desai 155). Even though he expects the work conditions to be<br />
better than the other restaurants, he soon finds out that America changes even the most “authentic Hindu.”<br />
The employers decide to room their employees in the basement so that they could “cut the pay to a quarter<br />
of the minimum wage, reclaim the tips for the establishment, keep an eye on the workers, and drive them<br />
to work fifteen-, sixteen-, seventeen-hour donkey days” (162).<br />
The life Biju is living is a far cry from the life that his father imagines his son is experiencing. The<br />
father believes that in America his son is swiftly moving up in society, and this makes him feel more<br />
important than other people and his own living conditions tell him that he is. He is constantly telling others<br />
about his son in America and beaming with pride. By delving into Biju’s and his father’s lives<br />
independently, the narrator opens up the reader to the emotional and perceptual divide between the<br />
characters.<br />
The same is true with Sai and the judge. Desai explores each of them separately, moving rapidly<br />
from story to story in a way that is omniscient but again seems limited. As the narrator spends time with<br />
Sai’s character, readers realize that she can see the actions of the judge but cannot know his thoughts and<br />
motivations. Because of this, Sai cannot see the judge’s inability to relate to her as well as his extreme<br />
loneliness. Instead of being able to sympathize or relate to him, she sees only the coarse side of the judge<br />
and assesses him as a crass old man instead of one who has suffered immensely from his time spent in<br />
England.<br />
As the narrator spends time with the judge’s perspective, the narrator seems unable to see the<br />
thoughts and desires of his wife, Nimi. After having been alone in England for so long and shunning the<br />
company of others, the judge is no longer able to truly relate to another human being as he was able to<br />
relate to his wife before he left India for his schooling. In fact, he is barely able to relate to his fellow<br />
Indians and even felt that “An Indian girl could never be as beautiful as an English one” (185). By the time<br />
410
he returns to India, he has begun to wash himself repeatedly and powder his face in an effort to be more like<br />
the British – becoming only a shell of the man he was before.<br />
However, as only an omniscient narrator can, the perspective jumps to his wife, and readers are<br />
then able to learn about her intense loneliness and despair through her thoughts and reactions. Through the<br />
omniscience of the narrator, readers are fortunate to be able to know Nimi more intimately than her<br />
husband ever would. It is only as Desai is telling the individual story of these characters that it is understood<br />
who they are and their importance to the story. In the end, there is not one character that is left only to<br />
interpretation through objective comments by the narrator; each has been laid bare before and judged by<br />
the reader.<br />
Post-Colonial Literature exposes the iniquities of the colonial powers and tells the story of the<br />
natives of lands destroyed by the practice of colonialism. Desai uses this narrative to depict the effects of<br />
colonialism on her native India. A predominant effect of the colonial experience explored throughout the<br />
book is the resulting Diaspora of countries that have been colonized. Diaspora, the displacement of people<br />
from countries colonized by the British and the other Imperial powers, was experienced on a large scale by<br />
Indians. According to Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, Post-Colonial scholars, “Indian populations formed<br />
(and form) substantial minorities or majorities in colonies as diverse as the West Indies, Malaya, Fiji,<br />
Mauritius and the colonies of Eastern and Southern Africa” (69). The people of once-colonized countries<br />
were left in extreme poverty with hardly anything left for them to do but leave their homeland and try to<br />
find education and/or work somewhere else.<br />
Nearly all characters in this book have been affected by this Diaspora; and as she narrates her story,<br />
Desai makes obvious this fact through the travels of her main characters. As a part of an older generation,<br />
the judge was the first to study in England and was able to return to an English-ruled India and find a good<br />
job. Sai’s parents, offspring of the older generation, meet in India while going to the university, but leave<br />
for Russia for better opportunities. Sai’s first tutor, Lola, has a daughter in England who is working for the<br />
411
BBC, and a neighbor’s daughter is in the United States working for CNN. But Biju, the disillusioned<br />
product of a different class, struggles to make a living when he leaves India and arrives in the United States.<br />
However, he quickly learns that without money, education, and class to begin with, an Indian may never<br />
find his fortune in the States; or in any other part of the world for that matter.<br />
Of course, Desai could just tell readers about the travels of her characters, but she chooses to take<br />
her readers to most of these places as they are being visited and explored by her characters. This gives life to<br />
the misery and confusion that they experience in other lands so different from India. By bringing these<br />
situations to life using flashbacks, flash-forwards and changes in setting, she makes readers care and feel the<br />
troubling problem of displacement in a real way. Not only does she show readers the transcontinental<br />
spread of a people displaced by colonialism, but she also delves into the dilemma of place, homeland, and<br />
belonging.<br />
Through her narrative, readers become aware of the reality of each character and of the fact that<br />
each of them has felt the effects of post-colonialism; some more than others. By bringing readers into the<br />
homes and lives of the characters separately, Desai shows how these effects are felt differently but intensely.<br />
Gyan’s situation is such that we notice the differences between his upbringing and Sai’s immediately, yet we<br />
also notice the similarity of despair and unhappiness in their current circumstances. Both are poor, but they<br />
suffer differing levels of poverty. Gyan lives in a miserable home that seems on the edge of falling apart in a<br />
poor section of the city of Kalimpong near Cho Oyu. Sai and the judge wear their poverty in a different<br />
way by living on an estate that seems brilliant to Gyan’s eyes but in reality is falling apart. Gyan’s misery<br />
resides in his inability to find a job like so many other Indians. Sai’s unhappiness lies in the absence of a real<br />
parent and the reality of a failed relationship with a young man who leaves her because of his feelings of<br />
inferiority and desire to join the Ghorkha protests. The judge’s wretchedness is rooted in his loneliness; in<br />
his inability to build a relationship with anyone besides his dog, Mutt.<br />
412
The confusion of culture, another major consequence of British colonialism in India, is a striking<br />
commonality raised in this book. The British arrive in India and force their cultural rules of education and<br />
business on the inhabitants. What results is a mixture of British and Indian culture that is confusing and<br />
incompatible with Indian values. A paradoxical hate and desire for English things and culture can be seen<br />
through Sai and Gyan’s relationship. Sai introduces Gyan to British ways at the dinner table, and what<br />
disgusts Gyan most is not that he has eaten British food, but that he enjoys it.<br />
Other characters, like Biju, hold on to their Hindu values zealously. Desai’s narrative consistently<br />
brings readers back to America where, sickened by the practice of Indians eating beef, Biju turns to a purity<br />
of Hinduism that he had not previously practiced. As he works at a restaurant in America, he watches as<br />
many Indians reject their religion in efforts to be more American. Biju reflects: “Holy cow unholy cow.<br />
Job no job. One should not give up one’s religion, the principles of one’s parents and their parents before<br />
them. No, no matter what” (Desai 151). He decides that, in order for an uneducated and poor Indian to<br />
get ahead in America, the rejection of traditional Hindu values is required. This is something he is<br />
unwilling to do, and when he returns to India, he is more Hindu than when he left it. Readers could not<br />
have seen this dilemma of culture, faced by so many of the characters, without these shifts in narrative.<br />
Through showing and not telling the story through the eyes of each character, Desai creates a threedimensional<br />
view of an Indian life heavily influenced and complicated by the vestiges of British colonialism.<br />
The quality of life and love in a post-colonial country is seen through Desai’s artful omniscient<br />
narrative. Her technique allows her to fully develop each of the main characters in such a way that readers<br />
feel for them and hope for them. Desai makes readers realize that human beings are all connected and are<br />
part of a human narrative. In realizing that her sadness was for herself only, Sai understands that she is not<br />
alone in her despair. At the end of the book, Sai grasps the idea that despair and loss are everywhere and<br />
that they affect everyone: “Never again could she think there was but one narrative and that this narrative<br />
belonged only to herself, that she might create her own tiny happiness and live safely within it” (355). She<br />
413
ecognizes not only that everyone has been affected by this same colonial experience and heartbreaking loss,<br />
but that she will never be able to regain what has been taken from her. Sai has lost Gyan, the judge has lost<br />
Mutt, and the cook has lost the pride of having a son in America. What results is a book that, like life, lacks<br />
closure. Nothing has ended completely, and this ending portrays the idea that the effects of postcolonialism<br />
are still alive and affecting Indians. Readers are left reeling with the rediscovery that loss is<br />
irreversible. Nothing will ever be the same for the characters in this book, just as nothing is the same for<br />
every country affected by colonialism.<br />
Works Cited<br />
Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. Post-Colonial Studies: The Key Concepts. New York:<br />
Routledge, 2005. Print.<br />
Desai, Kiran. The Inheritance of Loss. New York: Groove Press, 2006. Print.<br />
Phelan, James. Experiencing Fiction: Judgments, Progressions, and the Rhetorical Theory of Narrative. Columbus:<br />
The Ohio State <strong>University</strong> Press, 2007. Print.<br />
414
Heather Workman<br />
<strong>University</strong> of Michigan-Flint<br />
“Lord, what fools these mortals be!”: Bottom’s Both Foolish and Noble Role in<br />
Grindley’s Production of A Midsummer Night’s Dream<br />
In David Grindley’s production of William Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream Bottom is a<br />
complex character that is both silly and intelligent. In order to bring director Grindley’s vision to life, Actor<br />
Geraint Wyn Davies, who plays Bottom, transforms Bottom into a character that not only can be laughed at,<br />
but sympathized with and listened to. Bottom is implied to be foolish with his sloppy style and animated<br />
behavior, and is made completely ridiculous when he performs as Pyramus in the artisan’s play with the<br />
other laughable actors. But the production also offers that Bottom is not only silly and childlike, but<br />
charismatic and intelligent. Bottom holds the attention of his group, assuming a natural leader position, and<br />
offers insight about love. Grindley’s portrayal of Bottom in A Midsummer Night’s Dream varies from<br />
the idiotic Bottom to the more intelligent and noble Bottom. Bottom can be seen as foolish<br />
throughout the play and in his performance of Pyramus and Thisbe, which is only complimented by<br />
the other artisans, but also as a nobler version of himself in different stages of the play.<br />
Grindley first introduces his audience to Bottom, who is foolish in both his dress and<br />
behavior. When Bottom enters the stage for the first time late in the first act his appearance gives the<br />
impression that he is a silly man. His belt fails to hold his pants up and instead sits below his round stomach,<br />
while his face is covered by bushy sideburns and a wide smile. The lack of structure in his clothing, as while<br />
his lighthearted attitude that he carries himself with, implies that Bottom is incapable of being serious and<br />
ignorant of his image. Bottom is also seen as childlike in his expressions. Wyn Davies portrays a Bottom<br />
that is very animated in his face<br />
and hands; his face lights up when he smiles and he is quick to use hand motions when acting as the various<br />
roles he wants to play. His gestures combined with his voice variations, which allow him to “roar you as<br />
415
gently as any suckling dove” with his hands flying as such, support the humorous image of Bottom that<br />
Grindley has provided (1.2.79-80). This laughable image is further created when Bottom is refused the<br />
parts of the play; he reacts by gently sobbing and digging his head into his friend Peter Quince’s chest.<br />
Because Grindley directs Bottom to have no restraint for his emotions he is seen as the opposite of<br />
structured, rational society. Instead of being stiff and proper like the Duke or other Athenians, his motions<br />
are fluid, and he shows his emotions without thinking.<br />
Later in the play, the portrayal of the Pyramus and Thisbe makes Bottom and his fellow<br />
artisans appear as complete fools in Grindley’s production of A Midsummer Night’s Dream. Here,<br />
any respect for the artisans the other Athenians had held is lost. While Peter Quince, the director of the<br />
production, introduces the actors he also introduces his friends as fools; the actors dive out from behind the<br />
curtain and quickly run back for cover. This stage business, directed by Grindley, shows their pure<br />
excitement and their inability to control it. Even their costumes suggest their sloppy nature; Snug the joiner<br />
is a lion dressed in long underwear, and Flute, who plays Thisbe, wears a makeshift dress that is held up by a<br />
belt. Once the artisans begin to act, they only appear more foolish as the men are anxious, with the<br />
exception of Bottom, and they stutter their lines wrong. Their appearance is only made worse when their<br />
props prove they use do not always think things through; Snout the tinker was made to be a wall in the play<br />
with a hole through costume in which Bottom and Flute were suppose to kiss. The actors had not previously<br />
noticed the hole was placed between Snout’s legs. Grindley’s vision of the silly men materializes as actors<br />
remain true to their roles and awkwardly approached the hole to make the kiss. Just as Quince had<br />
suggested in his prologue, the artisans came “to show (their) simple skill” but the “delight” the experienced<br />
was fueled by mockery (5.1.116).<br />
Bottom, as the most outspoken and confident of the actors, is showcased by Grindley as the<br />
leading fool in the performance. In the beginning of their performance of Pyramus and Thisbe Bottom is<br />
seen without his pants as he exits the cover of curtain proudly. His heroic role has now diminished into a<br />
416
laughable character and continues to throughout their performance. When dying Bottom shouts “Die!” and<br />
crawls around the floor, making sure to look into the faces of the Athenian audience, until he returns to the<br />
middle of the stage to finally die. The Athenian audience critiques, saying “with the help of a surgeon he<br />
might yet recover and yet prove an ass” as what is supposed to be a lamentable death scene has transformed<br />
into a “lamentable comedy” like the rest of their performance (5.1.327-328). The seriousness of the tragedy<br />
Pyramus and Thisbe is also lost when Bottom breaks from character, such as when he flings himself upright<br />
to address the Duke after his death. As directed by Grindley, Wyn Davies answers the audience with<br />
sincerity, as if Bottom cannot understand the commentary was really sarcastic and cruel.<br />
Although Bottom often falls into the foolish ass-like creature he has been turned into by the<br />
fairy world, Bottom can also be seen as noble and intelligent in Grindley’s production of A<br />
Midsummer Night’s Dream. From the very beginning of the play, Grindley’s blocking of the character<br />
features Bottom in the middle. Whether his fellow actors are sitting and looking up to him, or surrounding<br />
him, they see Bottom as their leader. Even as the characters are walking away from Bottom, when he speaks<br />
they turn and gravitate back towards him. In the third act, when Bottom is transformed into an ass, his<br />
appearance does not alter to the extent that he literally takes the form of a donkey. Instead of giving Bottom<br />
a fake head and snout, Grindley allows the audience to see his expressions as the costume change only gave<br />
Bottom shoe-made ears, buck teeth, and hooves. Because his face is still visible, Bottom remains on a human<br />
level that permits the audience to connect with him, and implies that his character is worth connecting to.<br />
While still an ass, Bottom next shows his intelligence when he speaks with the Fairy Queen about love. As<br />
Bottom says “reason and love keep little company together” Wyn Davie smiles and seems to blush, nodding<br />
his head coyly (3.1.145-146). The actor’s presence suggests that Bottom understands the effects love has on<br />
the heart.<br />
After the Fairy Queen’s love has disappeared for Bottom, he returns to his crew while<br />
Grindley suggests that he is enlightened by the change in costume, behavior, and his position.<br />
417
Towards the end of the fourth act Queen Titania no longer has love for Bottom and his ass-head is removed.<br />
Bottom wakes to his normal state, unaware he had been transformed at all. Bottom is no longer dressed like<br />
an ass; his shoe-ears have been removed, and his hands are visible. Now released from Titania’s doting,<br />
Grindley shows that Bottom has safely ventured in and out of the fairy world and is now able to return to<br />
human company. Bottom thinks he had dreamed the past events, and he ponders this, smiling nostalgically.<br />
As Wyn Davies says his lines he acts in awe, and shows the audience that Bottom has been uplifted. His<br />
fellow actors enter below him, as he is still on the balcony, and they call out searching for him. He sits<br />
dangling his legs, watching over them, as Grindley alludes to the fact that Bottom has glimpsed inside<br />
another world and is therefore more experienced than his fellow actors and himself at the beginning of the<br />
play. He makes his descent down the stairs to rejoin his friends on the lower level of the stage, symbolizing<br />
Bottom making his return to Athenian company. The artisans rejoice “O most courageous day!”, embracing<br />
their previously absent leader and welcoming him back to a world that is ignorant to the secret lives that<br />
exist in the wood (4.2.27).<br />
Although Bottom is often seen as a simple, foolish character he is presented in Grindley’s<br />
production of A Midsummer Night’s Dream as a more complex person. Bottom is childlike, foolish and<br />
emotional when the audience is introduced to him with his expressive face and animated nature. His<br />
laughable character conforms to the company he keeps with the artisans who display their foolish behavior<br />
before the Duke of Athens as they use their poorly thought of prop. Bottom is the lead of the play though,<br />
and confidently controls the stage despite the fact his audience is not taking him seriously. Not only does<br />
Grindley suggest Bottom’s childlike qualities, but also Bottom’s nobler traits. Actor Wyn Davies often shows<br />
a composed, thoughtful Bottom with his actions. Later in the play, blocking and a change of costume bring<br />
Bottom back from the fairy world and allude to the fact that he has been enlightened. Grindley’s vision of<br />
Bottom is not one-sided, and suggests a complex Bottom who is both childlike and silly, and noble and<br />
insightful.<br />
418
Works Citied<br />
A Midsummer Night’s Dream. By William Shakespeare. Dir. David Grindley. Stratford Festival Theater,<br />
Canada. 13 October, 2009.<br />
Shakespeare, William. A Midsummer Night’s Dream. New York: Folger Shakespeare Library, 1993. N. pag.<br />
Print.<br />
419