Living Arrangements and Care Receipt Among Older People - SFI

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Living Arrangements and Care Receipt Among Older People - SFI

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2003 CONFERENCE OF ESPANET, CHANGING EUROPEAN SOCIETIES –

THE ROLE FOR SOCIAL POLICY

SESSION SOCIAL POLICY AND AGEING CONVENORS AND CHAIRS:

ANDREAS HOFF AND HANS-JOACHIM VON KONDRATOWITZ.

LIVING ARRANGEMENTS AND CARE RECEIPT AMONG OLDER PEOPLE:

AN OVERVIEW OF TRENDS

Cecilia Tomassini, Karen Glaser, Emily Grundy

Cecilia Tomassini, Office for National Statistics, Tel. +44-20-75335222

Email: Cecilia.Tomassini@ons.gov.uk

1. Background and purpose

Population ageing has significant social and financial implications for families and

governments, and this has led to considerable interest in the future care needs of elderly

people and the availability of family support. In addition, changes in patterns of family

related behaviour and in the economic activity of women, have raised concerns regarding

the future availability of family support for older people in need of assistance. For

example, rises in female employment may reduce women’s ability to look after older

relatives, especially in their own homes; and increases in childlessness may influence coresidence

by reducing the pool of kin with whom older people can live. Although these

trends are observable, to varying degrees throughout Europe, multigenerational

households continue to remain much more common in Southern than in Northern Europe.

Trends and determinants in the choice of living arrangements in later life have attracted a

large research effort, but still differences between European (and other OECD) countries

in indicators of intergenerational exchange, including living arrangements, are not fully

understood. In this study we investigate trends in two measures of family support, living

arrangements and receipt of care, and examine trends in cultural, socio-economic and

demographic factors across several countries participating in an European Scientific

Foundation (ESF) network, ‘Family support for older people: determinants and

consequences’ (FAMSUP). Such a comparative analysis will provide a greater

understanding of the relationship between different demographic regimes, cultural

traditions, and policy contexts and family support for older people.

2. Data and methods

We use data from a variety of nationally representative data sources from several

FAMSUP countries (Austria, Italy, Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, UK and U.S.), as well

as data from OECD, Eurostat’s New Cronos database and the Eurobarometer Surveys.

Demographic information is collected from: New Cronos, Council of Europe, Rowland

1998, Santini 1974, US Census International DataBase, FAMSUP DataBase.

Information on living arrangements and institutions is based on: Sündstrom (1994),

FAMSUP DataBase, Iacovou 2000, OECD, special tabulations from national statistical

institutes. Attitudinal data are from the Eurobarometer surveys (1993, 1998, 1999).

Finally socio-economic indicators are based on the following sources: ILO, OECD,

Eurostat ESSPROS, ECHP.


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3. Living arrangements

3.1 Living Arrangements up to 1990: An Overview

During the post-World War II period there has been a dramatic rise in the proportion of

older people living alone in Europe, as well as in other industrialised countries (Kobrin,

1976, Pampel, 1992, Sundström, 1994). This increase in the proportion of older people

living alone has been accompanied by a general decline in the number of individuals

living with relatives, particularly children, or non-related individuals (Grundy, 2000,

Kobrin, 1976, Keilman, 1987, Murphy and Berrington, 1993, Wall, 1995, van Solinge,

1994).

While historically in Britain, for example, it was never common for married older people

to live with their children, more elderly persons in pre-industrial times lived with a child

than they do today (Wall, 1995). About forty percent of elderly men and one third of

elderly women lived with a child in the pre-industrial communities studied by Wall

(Wall, 1995). By contrast, never more than around 5% of men and 16% of women aged

65 years and over lived alone (Wall, 1995). The percentage of elderly people living

alone appears to have remained fairly constant until the 1960s, when it rose dramatically.

Data from the ONS Longitudinal Study showed that between 1971 and 1991 the

percentage of men aged 65 and over living alone increased from 13 to 19%, and for

women from 34 to 43% (Grundy, 1996).

Some of the changes responsible for this trend toward greater residential independence

among elderly people, such as greater financial independence and possible improvements

in health, are positive developments which may enable more older individuals to meet

aspirations for ‘intimacy at a distance’ rather than having to co-reside with family

members (Grundy, 1997, McGarry and Schoeni, 2000). There are, however, other factors

which have also had an impact on the household composition of elderly people, such as

low fertility rates among older cohorts, which have reduced the number of kin with

whom older people can co-reside; increasing female employment, which may have

reduced women’s willingness to look after older relatives, and rises in divorce and single

motherhood, which may have weakened family ties and hence perceptions of felt

obligation toward older relatives (Glaser, 1997).

3.2 Living Arrangements 1990s: Recent Evidence

This trend toward solitary living among the older population in Britain and other

industrialised nations described above has been well established in the literature. Recent

work in the U.S. and Italy, however, has shown a reversal of these earlier trends

(Macunovich et al., 1995, Tomassini and Wolf, 2000a). This reversal has been attributed

to the following factors: 1) rises in the proportions of older people living in a couple only

household, due to both the increased survivorship of partners, and rises in the proportions

married among the young elderly age groups; 2) increases in the availability of kin with

whom older people may co-reside, a result of the ageing of the baby boomer’s parents;


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and 3) later ages at leaving the parental home among the younger generation, a result of

longer periods of education, later marriage and a later stable working career.

3.3 Trends in the living arrangements of elderly people in Britain and Italy

Figure 1 shows trends over 30 years (i.e., 1970-2000) in living alone in Britain and Italy.

In both countries there has been a slowdown in the trend toward solitary living. Table 1

shows in greater detail the household composition of men and women aged 65 years and

over in Britain. In this table data from the General Household Survey (GHS) shows that

the proportions of men living alone have stagnated in the 1990s, whereas the proportions

living with a spouse have increased. In addition, the proportion of older individuals

living with children or in ‘other’ types of households has declined. Trends for women are

similar to those for men. Stagnation in the trend of older people living alone is also

observed in Sweden and the Netherlands (the latter country has experienced a

considerable decline) (FAMSUP DataBase).

Even though most European countries have experienced considerable rises in the

proportion of older people living alone significant differences across countries remain

with lower proportions of elderly individuals living in multigenerational households in

Northern Europe when compared with their Southern European counterparts (Figure 2).

3.4 Trends in the proportion of older people in communal establishments

The proportion of older people resident in communal establishments, although low

compared to other Northern European countries, has been fluctuating in Britain, for

demographic reasons and as a result of government policy changes. At the 2001 Census

4.1 per cent of people aged 65 and over were resident in communal establishments, a

smaller proportion compared to the 5.1 per cent found in the 1991 Census. A similar

decline occurred among people age 85 and older, with 18.1 per cent in 2001, against 23.4

per cent found in 1991 (Figure 3). Women are more likely to live in institutions in old

age: among women 65 and older, 5.4 per cent were resident in communal establishments,

against just 2.4 per cent of men in the same age group. The differences are even more

striking among very old people: 20.9 per cent of women older than 85, against 11.3 per

cent of men, were living in communal establishments. An important factor for the higher

presence of women in communal establishment is the different marital status

composition: women are more likely to be widowed and so without a spouse to care for

them. Another important factor is the higher level of disability reported by women at any

given older age. Declines in institutionalisation among older people have also occurred

in the Netherlands and Sweden (FAMSUP DataBase). In Britain this follows an

expansion in the use and provision of institutional care during the 1980s, an unintended

consequence of policy changes which increased financial help available for those moving

to residential and nursing homes. The policy response to this expansion was new

legislation implemented in 1993 which was intended to reaffirm the objective of allowing

older people to remain in their own homes as long as possible. Sweden, the Netherlands

and a number of other countries also now have explicit policy objectives to reduce

institutional care use. Is the observed decline in institutionalisation a result of policy

changes aimed a reducing the availability of institutional care or a result of the greater

proportion of individuals with a surviving spouse in old age?


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4. Contacts with family members

The notion of the familistic culture has been used in the past in order to explain strong

family ties in Southern Europe (Banfield, 1958, Reher, 1998). In a familistic society,

personal utility and family utility are the same: the structure of the family and the

relationships among the family members are influenced by the strong ties that link them

together. For example, intergenerational co-residence in Italy tends to continue until

children leave the parental home to get married; and even then they normally live close to

their parents (Dalla Zuanna, 2001). In Northern Europe there is a stronger individualistic

culture, involving looser and less geographically close family ties, more emphasis on

voluntaristic relationships (for example, recent research has shown that friends are

becoming more important in older people’s ‘personal communities’: (Phillipson et al.,

2001)) and greater preference for independent living. Figure 4 shows that 71% of elderly

people in Italy reported daily contact with family members compared with only 14% in

Denmark. There is less variation in the percentage of elderly people who report

infrequent or no contact with family members and the proportions reporting loneliness

appear, if anything to be inversely associated with the extent of contact (Figure 4). The

same survey also found that the proportion of very isolated old people - those reporting

few contacts with anyone - ranged from 2% in Nordic countries to 6% in Greece (Walker,

1993). These apparently counter-intuitive findings are consistent with results from other

studies which found high rates of loneliness among elderly people living with relatives

and high rates of life satisfaction and self esteem among elderly people with networks of

friends rather than, or as well as, networks of relatives (Wenger, 1984). Possibly too, in

societies with high levels of family interaction, it is harder for those who lack such

networks, whether from demographic mischance or choice, to forge and maintain

alternative bonds (de Jong Gierveld and van Tilburg 1999).

5. Receipt of care among older people

The increase in the proportion of older people living alone has led to concerns regarding

the future of family care for frail elderly relatives. In Britain, for example, although the

needs of carers were explicitly recognised in the community care reforms in the 1990s

(NHS and Community Care Act 1990, and the Carers Recognition and Services Act

1995), it remains unclear what impact these reforms have had on informal carers. In

Britain, while the intention of the reforms was to address inadequate service provision,

recent evidence shows a decline in the level of service support for those individuals who

have an informal carer (Rowlands, 1998). Nevertheless, only a small portion of care

received by older people is provided by public social services in most industrial societies,

the great majority of the care continues to be provided by family members including

other elderly people, particularly spouses (Arber and Ginn, 1993, Walker, 1995). The

norm of family care, however, may not be the ideal situation for either the caregiver or

recipient. There is growing evidence to suggest that older people may prefer professional

assistance in some circumstances, especially with tasks such as personal care (Daatland,

1990). In the 1997 British ONS Omnibus Survey, 40% of men and 33% of women aged

65 years and over stated that they would prefer a mixture of family support and

professional care in their own home if in the future they were no longer able to manage


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on their own (Glaser et al., 1998). In addition, 28% of women and 23% of men aged 65

and over stated that they would prefer the assistance of a only professional carer in their

own home in such a situation (Glaser et al., 1998).

Table 2 shows that, with the exception of Denmark, in most countries in the European

Union (selected countries shown), the great majority of care received by older people is

provided by family members. There is, however, considerable variation across countries,

with a higher proportion of older people receiving care from family members in Southern

European countries.

6. Demographic trends

6.1 Marital Status

In the last three decades the proportion of married men and women aged 65 and over

increased in almost all countries considered (Figure 5). The increase in the proportion of

older married women from 1971 to 2001 has been small in some countries (Netherlands,

Sweden, Denmark and France), while it has been over 7 per cent in others (Spain, Italy,

Portugal, Austria and Germany). The increase in the number of married men is less

marked, and for some countries is negligible (e.g. for Sweden). It is useful to stress that

changes in marital status of the older population are determined by demographic and

other factors. Improvements in life expectancy have resulted in an increase in the joint

probability of spouses surviving together into old age. It is important to remember that

for some countries divorce was not introduced until the 1970s (e.g., Italy and Portugal).

Furthermore remarriage among the older people has increased: in 2001, among married

people aged 50 and over in the UK, remarried persons represented 15.7 per cent of the

total for men and 14.3 per cent for women. Additionally, a higher proportion of older

cohorts never-married: for example, 12 per cent of English women born in 1910 nevermarried

compared with only 5 per cent of those born in 1936 (Haskey, 1993).

According to these trends the proportion of older women who have a spouse is higher

today compared to 30 years ago, while for men it has not changed significantly. In the

future we may expect a higher proportion of never-married persons, and a higher

proportion of divorced people, even if remarriage is more common than in the past.

6.2 Fertility

In many Northern European countries (e.g., Belgium, Sweden, Germany and England and

Wales) cohorts born in the 1920s and in the 1930s are characterised by lower fertility

combined with higher levels of childlessness (Figure 6). In other countries the proportion

of childless women has not varied greatly across cohorts, even if increases in the

percentage of women without children is a common feature among Western European

countries for those cohorts born after the 1950s. So very old people today may experience

greater scarcity of support from children when compared with those cohorts born in the

40s and 50s who experienced higher fertility levels.

When the cohort fertility rate is considered, there is a similar trend across the countries:

the rate dropped more dramatically in Portugal (from 3.0 to 1.9 children per woman for

the cohorts born in 1930 and 1960 respectively) while it remained basically unchanged in


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Sweden (Figure 7). Numerous studies have shown that individuals with more children are

less likely to live alone at older ages than those with fewer children (Mutchler, 1992,

Wolf, 1994). In addition, kin availability has been demonstrated to be an important

predictor of changes over time in the pattern of solitary living among older women

(Wolf, 1995). The equation fewer children = increase in solitary living has been used as

a basis for the concern in the future about the possible increase in the demand for formal

care services for frail older people lacking intra-household informal support. It is possible

though that, despite a smaller number of children with whom the older parent can

coreside, the outcome “living with children” may be achieved through different

strategies. Declines in fertility may have an important effect on co-residence only if the

number of childless women increases, as having one child may be sufficient for

coresidence (Palloni, 2001). Furthermore fewer children may imply a smaller “crowding”

effect behind decisions concerning leaving the parental home or children may receive

more economic benefits in staying with their parents, postponing their decision to live

independently. Parents may also invest more in their only child in order to keep him/her

closer to them. A recent study in Italy showed that parental housing assistance played an

important role in later life proximity between parents and children and the effect was

mitigated when other children were available (Tomassini, 2003).

If we consider the timing of fertility, again similar patterns occur across European

countries. Recent cohorts show very similar mean ages at fertility of cohorts born in the

1930s (Figure 8). This pattern shows how the mean generation length (i.e., difference

between mother’s and child’s age) among older women will be similar to that

experienced by generations born in the 1960s (even though these cohorts had fewer

children). The timing of fertility (i.e., age of the mother at the last birth) determines to a

large extent whether or not young adult children are still in the parental home when

parents reach their 50s and 60s, although trends in home leaving are also important.

Additionally later ages at childbirth may mean that adult children are still relatively

“young” when their parents begin to experience poor health and disability.

6.3 Female labour-force participation

Rising female labour-force participation has led to concerns that increasing commitments

outside the home will conflict with women’s ability and willingness to continue as

important sources of care for elderly relatives, thereby potentially increasing the

dependence of frail older people on state support (Dooghe, 1992). Among women aged

45-60 in Northern European countries more than a half are economically active (88.2 per

cent in Sweden and 76.9 in Denmark) with a similar, though slightly lower figure (55.4

per cent) for Portugal (Figure 9). In addition, whilst the vast majority of employed

women in this age group in Northern Europe are working part-time (77.8 in the

Netherlands and 47.5 per cent in the UK), the majority of employed women in Italy (84.8

per cent) and in Portugal (79.7 per cent), even within this age range, are working fulltime

(New Cronos).

6.4 Life expectancy

Lack of comparable health measures has been one of the key factors influencing the use

of mortality indicators as proxies for the general well-being of older people. According to


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the most recent estimates life expectancy at age 65 ranges from 16.7 years in Denmark to

20.9 years in Sweden, with Southern European countries in better shape than Northern

European countries (both Spain, France and Italy have a value greater than 20 years)

(New Cronos). In the 1970s instead, life expectancy at older ages was higher for Northern

European countries.

With regard to health, the European Community Household Panel collected information

on several dimensions of health, including self-perceived health status; limitations in

activities of daily living; any physical or mental health problem, illness or disability; cutdown

in activities over the past two weeks because of health problems. These indicators

have such different meanings for respondents in different European countries that they

are unlikely to reflect real differences in health status but are more likely to reflect

differences in attitudes to health or slight differences in question wording.

7. Attitudinal trends

Another interesting point raised in many studies about older people is different attitudes

among family members toward the care of frail older people. According to the

Eurobarometer survey, there is still a strong feeling of reciprocity and altruism among

both young adults and older people: a third of the young people interviewed in the

European Union think that that their generation has a responsibility towards older people

and just 5% say that they would not like to have to take care of elderly relatives

(European Commission 1997). Figure 10a and b shows the proportion of people aged 40

and under and aged 40 to 64 who report that older people should go into a residential or

nursing home when they are no longer able to manage on their own. Young Northern

Europeans were more likely to consider the option of a residential or nursing home for

frail older people (41% of the Swedes against just 2% of the Italians) (Figure 10 a and b).

There has been little change in these attitudes over time (i.e., 1992-1999) and there are

few differences between the generations (i.e., those aged 40 and under compared with

those aged 40 to 64).

Despite the common feeling of responsibility toward older people, younger generations

have different ideas about the potential provision of assistance to their own frail elderly

parents. Figure 11 shows that 73% of Spaniards and 51% of Italians would help their frail

elderly parents by going to live with them compared with 34% of British and 10% of

Danish children (Figure 11).

8. Principle component analysis

The aim of this analysis is to investigate how European countries are grouped according

to the demographic, health, attitudinal measures used in this paper to describe the living

conditions of older people. The idea is to synthesise the multidimensional space into a

smaller one, in order to detect an underlying structure in the relationships between

variables. The variables used in this analysis are:

• demographic (proportion 65+ in 1970 and 2000, female life expectancy at 65 in 1970

and 2000, childless in cohort 1930, TFR for cohort 1930, mean age at fertility for


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cohort 1930, % women 65+ married in 1970 and 2000, % women 65+ divorced in

2000, % 65+ living alone in 1970s, % women living alone in 2000)

• health (% 65+ with severe disabilities, % of 65+ in institution)

• labour force participation (women 45-60 in LFS in 2000)

• attitudinal (% 65+ with daily contacts with children, % people aged 45-64 that think

that parents should move to a nursing home if they become frail, % of older people

receiving family care only, % of older people receiving public care only)

• policy and socio-economic context (expenditure on pensions as a % of GDP,

expenditure on health care as a % of GDP, Women 65+ at risk of poverty - 60% of

median equivalent income after social transfers)

The first three components explain 75 per cent of the total variance, indicating a good

synthesis of the matrix containing 22 variables and 12 countries. We used a VARIMAX

rotation to better plot the results.

The first factor, which explains 41 per cent of the total variance, is highly correlated with

attitudinal characteristics, contrasting countries with a high proportion of family

exchange (contacts and care) with those with high proportions of: adults who think that

parents should go into institutions if they became frail; older people in institutions; and

older people receiving only formal care (Figure 12a). Additionally the first factor is

positively correlated with high life expectancies in countries at age 65 in 1970 (i.e.,

countries with better living conditions for older people in the 1970s).

The second factor is characterised by past age structure (i.e., a high proportion of people

aged 65 and over in 1970) and living arrangements (i.e., high levels of older people living

alone in the 1970s and in the late 1990s) (Figure 12a).

Figure 12b shows the countries’ position on the factorial plane that has the first factor on

the x-axis and the second on the y-axis. As expected Sweden and Denmark are close

together in the 1 st quadrant (the one characterised by a high proportion of: older people

in institutions and receiving formal care; divorced older people; adults who think parents

should go to institutions if they become frail; older people living alone in the past and

recently). Germany and Austria are in the 2 nd quadrant which is characterised by

countries with relatively high proportions receiving family care and of GDP spent in

health care. In the 3 rd quadrant we find Southern European countries and Ireland (even if

the latter and Italy are weakly associated with the second factor), and in the 4 th we find

the Netherlands. The positions of Belgium and the U.K. (and France to a lesser extent) in

this plane are not strongly defined, as these countries demonstrate an “average” level for

the variables used in this analysis.

9. Summary and Discussion

Fertility declines responsible for population ageing have lead to concerns among policy

makers that family support for older people may decline. However, changes in marital

and family patterns do not always imply adverse consequences for family support. For

example, Italy’s low fertility rate (a total fertility rate per woman of 1.24 compared with

1.66 in Britain in 2003) does not appear to have led to a reduction in the availability of


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family care and support for older people (Tomassini and Wolf, 2000b). The factor

analysis shows that “cultural” factors (in addition to “demographic” and “health and

welfare” factors) are one of the most important components explaining variance across

the countries studied (these three factors explain close to 74% of the variance). However,

there has been little change in attitudes over time according to Eurobarometer Survey

data.


Fig.1 Proportion of women aged 65 plus living alone. 1970-2000

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60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000

I GB NL SWE

Source: FAMSUP Database


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Table 1. Population aged 65+ by Living Arrangements and Sex, Britain (percentages)

1980 a 1991 b 1998 c

M W M W M W

Living alone 17 45 24 47 24 47

(one-person hhld)

Living with partner 62 33 61 36 64 41

only

Living w off-spring 13 5 9 5 7 3

and spouse*

Living w off-spring 4 10 3 9 2 7

but without spouse*

Other arrangements + 4 6 2 4 2 2

N 1842 2674 1580 2205 1337 1745

* With or without other persons

+ e.g. living with siblings, other relatives or non relatives

Note: Off-spring is a child (biological, step or adopted) regardless of marital status.

Sources: a ONS. GHS 1980 published tables, Table10.2; b Goodard, E., & Savage, D. (1994). People aged 65

and over. London: HMSO, Table 4; c Bridgwood, A. (2000). People aged 65 and over. London: ONS, Table

3.Table


Fig.2 Living arrangements of older people – ECHP 1994

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Men

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%

DK NL UK I

Living alone Just partner Partner and children other

Women

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%

DK NL UK I

Living alone Just partner Partner and children other

Source: Iacovou 2000


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Figure 3: Proportion of people aged 85plus resident in communal establishment in

Britain, Netherlands and Sweden by gender, 1991 and 2001

50

40

%

30

20

10

0

Women Men Women Men Women Men

GB NL SWE

1990/91 2000/01

Note: For Great Britain a resident in communal establishment is any person who has been living, or intends

to live, in the establishment for six months or more. It excludes visitors and staff family members. People

visiting the establishment on Census day who do not have a usual address elsewhere are also classified as a

resident.

Sources: For Great Britain 1991 and 2001 Censuses


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Fig.4 Contacts with family and reported loneliness among people aged 65+

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

Italy Great Britain Denmark Netherlands

Daily contacts Contacts less than monthly Often feel lonely

Source: (Eurobarometer 37.2 1992)


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Table 2: ‘Who gives you regular help or assistance?’ Among respondents who get

regular help or assistance with personal care or household tasks because they find it

difficult to do these by themselves,

Persons aged 65 and over

GENDER AND DENMARK GREAT NETHERLANDS ITALY PORTUGAL

WHO RECEIVE

BRITAIN

HELP FROM

Family only 21.2 53.2 29.4 77.2 86.1

Public social 40.4 14.0 21.9 1.7 2.5

service only

Other 38.4 32.8 48.7 21.2 11.5

N 103 97 152 109 189

Source: 1992 Eurobarometer 37.2


Fig.5 Changes in marital status distribution over time – Women 65+

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Single Widowed Divorced/separated Married

100%

90%

80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0%

71 91 01 70 90 00 75 90 00 71 91 01

Italy Netherlands Sweden UK

Source: FAMSUP Database


Fig.6 Proportion of childless women by cohort

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20

16

12

%

8

4

0

1930 1932 1934 1936 1938 1940 1942 1944 1946 1948 1950 1952 1954 1956 1958 1960

Cohort

Italy Netherlands Portugal Sweden England&Wales

Source: New Cronos


Fig.7 Cohort Total Fertility Rate

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3.2

2.8

2.4

2

1.6

1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960

Italy Netherlands Portugal Sweden England & Wales

Source: New Cronos


Fig. 8 Mean age at fertility by cohort

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30

29

28

27

26

25

1930 1932 1934 1936 1938 1940 1942 1944 1946 1948 1950 1952 1954 1956 1958 1960 1962

D I NL A PT SWE E&W

Source: New Cronos


Fig. 9 Trends in women’s labour force participation (women aged 40-64)

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90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010

Austria Germany Italy Netherlands Portugal Sweden

Source: ILO


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Fig.10 a Proportion of people younger than 40 thinking that older people should go to

residential/nursing homes

25

20

15

10

5

0

DK S NL GB I

1992 1999

Fig.10 b Proportion of people aged 40-64 thinking that older people should go to

residential/nursing homes

25

20

15

10

5

0

DK S NL GB I

1992 1999


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Fig. 11 “How to help a frail parent who can no longer manage alone?” Respondents aged

40-64

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%

SWE NL GB I

Parent should move to a child's hoouse

A child should move to the parent's house

One should move closer to the other

Parent should move to nursing home

Parent should stay at home, and receive visits It depends/DK

Source: Eurobarometer 1998


Fig. 12a

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Source: FAMSUP Database


Fig 12 b

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Source: FAMSUP DataBase


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