Speech at the Youth Conference on Nation Building Centurion City ...

<strong>Speech</strong> <strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Youth</strong> <strong>Conference</strong> on N<strong>at</strong>ion Building
Centurion City Hall: June 16, 2000
Chairperson,
Presidents, leaders and members of <strong>the</strong> Afrikanerbond and ANC <strong>Youth</strong> Leagues,
Distinguished participants,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Friends:
First of all, I would like to extend my warmest congr<strong>at</strong>ul<strong>at</strong>ions to <strong>the</strong> leadership both of <strong>the</strong> Afrikanerbond
<strong>Youth</strong> League and <strong>the</strong> ANC <strong>Youth</strong> League for convening this important conference.
I am certain th<strong>at</strong> in times to come, our country will come to realise how critical your initi<strong>at</strong>ive was to <strong>the</strong>
process unfolding before our very eyes of <strong>the</strong> birth of a new n<strong>at</strong>ion.
Our country faces many problems and challenges. But it also has <strong>the</strong> advantage of many opportunities to
achieve <strong>the</strong> common objective we all pursue of transforming itself into a common homeland th<strong>at</strong> we can
all be proud of.
To transform those opportunities and possibilities into a positive reality requires th<strong>at</strong> all of us, black and
white South Africans, <strong>the</strong> young and <strong>the</strong> old, act toge<strong>the</strong>r for <strong>the</strong> realis<strong>at</strong>ion of <strong>the</strong> goal of a better life for
all.
It is from this th<strong>at</strong> your conference derives its importance. I hope th<strong>at</strong> by <strong>the</strong> time you conclude your
deliber<strong>at</strong>ions, you will have agreed on <strong>the</strong> steps you will take toge<strong>the</strong>r to contribute to <strong>the</strong> historic
objective of n<strong>at</strong>ion building.
To do this, you will have to undertake a frank and open assessment of <strong>the</strong> major elements th<strong>at</strong>
characterise our society, encompassing both <strong>the</strong> positives and <strong>the</strong> neg<strong>at</strong>ives.
You will <strong>the</strong>n have to address <strong>the</strong> question of wh<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> correct policy responses should be to all of <strong>the</strong>se
factors.
Having decided this important issue, obviously you will have to determine <strong>the</strong> joint programme of action in
which you will engage, and encourage <strong>the</strong> youth of our country to particip<strong>at</strong>e in, to ensure <strong>the</strong> success of
<strong>the</strong> vision you will have elabor<strong>at</strong>ed toge<strong>the</strong>r.
In this rel<strong>at</strong>ively short address, I will <strong>the</strong>refore try to make a contribution to your discussions by speaking
on some of <strong>the</strong> issues I believe your conference should consider.
I would, however, like to suggest th<strong>at</strong>, if you have <strong>the</strong> time, you should critically assess my comments.
You are free, and indeed have <strong>the</strong> oblig<strong>at</strong>ion, to reject wh<strong>at</strong>ever you might consider wrong and
nonsensical in my remarks.
I will <strong>the</strong>refore proceed to speak my mind and will say some things th<strong>at</strong> might be discomfiting to some of
us. I must however assure you th<strong>at</strong> I am not, in any way, trying to be controversial.
I will speak as honestly as I can because of <strong>the</strong> respect I have for you and <strong>the</strong> youth of our country and
because I am convinced th<strong>at</strong> we will not do <strong>the</strong> right things unless we speak and act in an honest manner.

The first point I would like to make is th<strong>at</strong>, in reality, we have not as yet developed a sense of common
n<strong>at</strong>ionhood. We are all South African by n<strong>at</strong>ionality and according to <strong>the</strong> Identity Documents and
passports we carry.
But in our social psychology, our instincts and our perception of ourselves, we see ourselves as distinct
elements of an agglomer<strong>at</strong>ion of different racial and ethnic groups whose interests we believe might very
well be mutually exclusive.
As a result and an expression of this, we have differing and different perceptions of one ano<strong>the</strong>r and wh<strong>at</strong>
being South African means.
Consequently, we respond differently to various events and developments in our country, including
processes brought about by new policies introduced by <strong>the</strong> government.
Accordingly, we provide different answers to <strong>the</strong> question - wh<strong>at</strong> is it th<strong>at</strong> I need to do as a South African
to contribute to <strong>the</strong> larger goal of helping to cre<strong>at</strong>e a new society!
As a result of all of this, when Nelson Mandela called on all of us to develop and adhere to a new
p<strong>at</strong>riotism, <strong>the</strong>re could not be an immedi<strong>at</strong>e mass response because <strong>the</strong> common and unifying answer to
<strong>the</strong> question - wh<strong>at</strong> shall I be p<strong>at</strong>riotic about - was not easy to come by.
If you are a black South African, you are most likely to have welcomed <strong>the</strong> end of apar<strong>the</strong>id rule in our
country in 1994 with gre<strong>at</strong> enthusiasm. You would have seen this as an historic fact of liber<strong>at</strong>ion, indeed
opening up <strong>the</strong> prospect of a better life.
If you are a white South African, you are most likely to have welcomed this change with a certain degree
of unease. Some would have wondered whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y, <strong>the</strong>ir families and properties were safe from black
hordes th<strong>at</strong> might go on <strong>the</strong> rampage.
These would have thought th<strong>at</strong>, among o<strong>the</strong>r things, <strong>the</strong> blacks might seek to inflict revenge for <strong>the</strong>
wrongs th<strong>at</strong> previous white minority governments and <strong>the</strong> white popul<strong>at</strong>ion in general might have caused
<strong>the</strong>m.
Indeed, around <strong>the</strong> election period in 1994, many white households built up supplies of various food and
o<strong>the</strong>r necessities, convinced th<strong>at</strong> mayhem and chaos were <strong>at</strong> hand.
O<strong>the</strong>rs left <strong>the</strong> country temporarily so th<strong>at</strong> when <strong>the</strong> troubles broke out, <strong>the</strong>y would, <strong>at</strong> least, save <strong>the</strong>ir
lives.
This behaviour was based on certain perceptions born of our particular history in which racism, racial
discrimin<strong>at</strong>ion and oppression have occupied pride of place.
More than ten years ago, <strong>the</strong> former Chairperson of <strong>the</strong> Broederbond, Prof Pieter de Lange told me th<strong>at</strong>
<strong>the</strong> apar<strong>the</strong>id system was put in place because <strong>the</strong> Afrikaners felt th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir very security was <strong>at</strong> risk if
<strong>the</strong>y did not institute a system th<strong>at</strong> separ<strong>at</strong>ed black from white and ensured th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> whites held sufficient
power to enforce such separ<strong>at</strong>ion.
The racism th<strong>at</strong> informed this view defined <strong>the</strong> black majority as sub-human, barbaric, incapable of
sharing <strong>the</strong> same moral norms as <strong>the</strong> white minority, incapable of being civilised - and <strong>the</strong>refore
menacing, requiring to be w<strong>at</strong>ched, contained and tamed <strong>at</strong> all costs.

After centuries of oppression, some among <strong>the</strong> black community began to believe in <strong>the</strong>ir own inferiority.
These lost all sense of self-esteem and confidence in <strong>the</strong>mselves, repe<strong>at</strong>ing as a m<strong>at</strong>ter of course -
umlungu mdala! <strong>the</strong> whites are n<strong>at</strong>urally superior!
O<strong>the</strong>rs, again from <strong>the</strong> black community, took <strong>the</strong> view th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> whites, viewed as foreigners who had
come from across <strong>the</strong> seas, were <strong>the</strong> very incarn<strong>at</strong>ion of <strong>the</strong> devil. Accordingly, <strong>the</strong>y would say, within <strong>the</strong>
'priv<strong>at</strong>e' confines of <strong>the</strong> black community - drive <strong>the</strong> whites to <strong>the</strong> sea!
But fortun<strong>at</strong>ely for all of us, <strong>the</strong> black majority held to <strong>the</strong> view th<strong>at</strong> its white comp<strong>at</strong>riots were comp<strong>at</strong>riots
who needed to learn about <strong>the</strong> need to live toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong>ir black comp<strong>at</strong>riots as equals.
I think th<strong>at</strong> one of <strong>the</strong> questions you should ask yourselves is whe<strong>the</strong>r wh<strong>at</strong> I have said is correct. If it is,
you will have to assess wh<strong>at</strong> progress we have made since 1994 to defe<strong>at</strong> everything th<strong>at</strong> is neg<strong>at</strong>ive in
our common history.
This is important because if we have not yet overcome this legacy, <strong>the</strong>n we continue to carry perceptions
of one ano<strong>the</strong>r th<strong>at</strong> milit<strong>at</strong>e against <strong>the</strong> development of a shared sense of n<strong>at</strong>ionhood and <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong>
evolution of a new p<strong>at</strong>riotism.
Let me illustr<strong>at</strong>e <strong>the</strong> implic<strong>at</strong>ions of wh<strong>at</strong> I am saying by referring, as an example, to a m<strong>at</strong>ter th<strong>at</strong>
preoccupies all of us on a daily basis.
This is <strong>the</strong> serious issue of crime in our country.
In this regard, let me st<strong>at</strong>e unequivocally th<strong>at</strong> crime in South Africa is indeed, a serious m<strong>at</strong>ter and must
continue to be dealt with very firmly and as one of <strong>the</strong> principal challenges th<strong>at</strong> faces our government and
people.
Never<strong>the</strong>less, difficult as this may be to accept among some of us, <strong>the</strong> fact of <strong>the</strong> m<strong>at</strong>ter is th<strong>at</strong>, in many
c<strong>at</strong>egories, to say <strong>the</strong> least, crime in our country has decreased since 1994.
The assertion th<strong>at</strong> is constantly made th<strong>at</strong> South Africa is <strong>the</strong> crime capital of <strong>the</strong> world and th<strong>at</strong> all areas
in our country are crime-infested is very wrong.
But equally, <strong>the</strong> incidence of violent crime in <strong>the</strong> white areas of our country has increased while crime,
which became endemic in many black urban areas during <strong>the</strong> apar<strong>the</strong>id years, has not moved in <strong>the</strong>
same direction.
The fact of <strong>the</strong> increase of crime in white areas has led to <strong>the</strong> propag<strong>at</strong>ion of <strong>the</strong> falsehoods both th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>
incidence of crime in <strong>the</strong> country has increased since 1994 and th<strong>at</strong> we are <strong>the</strong> crime capital of <strong>the</strong> world.
Wh<strong>at</strong> makes it difficult for <strong>the</strong> facts to speak for <strong>the</strong>mselves is <strong>the</strong> simple reality th<strong>at</strong> many of our
comp<strong>at</strong>riots, and o<strong>the</strong>rs outside our country, carry in <strong>the</strong>ir heads <strong>the</strong> subjective view th<strong>at</strong> black people are
inherently criminally violent.
Recently, I read an article by a white South African journalist which argued th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> culture, religion and
traditions of <strong>the</strong> Africans made all African men instinctively and inherently rapist.
In case I get accused of misrepresenting <strong>the</strong> journalist, let me quote directly from <strong>the</strong> relevant article.
"Here, (in South Africa), (HIV) is spread primarily by heterosexual sex - spurred by men's <strong>at</strong>titude
towards women. We won't end this epidemic until we understand <strong>the</strong> role of tradition and religion

- and of a culture in which rape is endemic and has become a prime means of transmitting <strong>the</strong>
disease, to young women as well as children."
Among o<strong>the</strong>r untruthful and preposterous things, <strong>the</strong> journalist claimed th<strong>at</strong>, because of <strong>the</strong> predilection of
African men to rape, determined by <strong>the</strong>ir tradition, religion and culture, one out of every two women in our
country would be raped <strong>at</strong> least once during <strong>the</strong>ir lifetime.
This article was an intensely passion<strong>at</strong>e argument for <strong>the</strong> provision of AZT and o<strong>the</strong>r anti-retroviral drugs
by our public health system, among o<strong>the</strong>r things to enable <strong>the</strong>se drugs to be prescribed to rape victims.
I have also seen disturbing comments about <strong>the</strong> completely unacceptable incidence of violent <strong>at</strong>tacks of
white farmers.
These comments have suggested th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>se <strong>at</strong>tacks constitute an orchestr<strong>at</strong>ed racist offensive against
white people.
This is seen as an expression of <strong>the</strong> long-awaited revenge onslaught which led some whites in our
country to doubt <strong>the</strong> permanence of <strong>the</strong> so-called miracle we achieved in 1994 and subsequent years.
It is <strong>the</strong> waiting for this apocalypse th<strong>at</strong> resulted in <strong>the</strong> marketing of <strong>the</strong> idea domestically and
intern<strong>at</strong>ionally for some time after 1994, th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>re was uncertainty about <strong>the</strong> future political stability of our
country, especially once President Mandela retired.
When racism has become as deeply entrenched as this, <strong>the</strong> question arises n<strong>at</strong>urally - wh<strong>at</strong> is it th<strong>at</strong> you
must do, as <strong>the</strong> youth of our country, to cre<strong>at</strong>e <strong>the</strong> possibility for all of us to recognise <strong>the</strong> fact th<strong>at</strong>, after
all, we are all human beings who, in reality, behave very much in <strong>the</strong> same way!
None among us, whe<strong>the</strong>r black or white, are born murderers, rapists, thieves with no conception of wh<strong>at</strong>
is meant by priv<strong>at</strong>e property, liars, and n<strong>at</strong>ural and original carriers of HIV!
Nei<strong>the</strong>r is <strong>the</strong>re a view among <strong>the</strong> majority of black people th<strong>at</strong> our liber<strong>at</strong>ion has opened any door for
<strong>the</strong>m to murder, rape, steal, and lie or spread disease!
I think it would be good if this conference, out of its own convictions, could come out with this message.
Thus you would make <strong>the</strong> affirm<strong>at</strong>ion th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> overwhelming majority of our people, again both black and
white, are decent, law abiding and moral people who want nothing more than happiness for <strong>the</strong>mselves,
<strong>the</strong>ir families and <strong>the</strong>ir fellow citizens.
Thus would you also make <strong>the</strong> call th<strong>at</strong> all our people must tre<strong>at</strong> one ano<strong>the</strong>r as decent, law abiding and
moral people and not wild animals th<strong>at</strong> must be feared and caged.
We must also make <strong>the</strong> point toge<strong>the</strong>r, th<strong>at</strong> we are all opposed to crime and criminals and those who
particip<strong>at</strong>e in corrupt practice, wh<strong>at</strong>ever colour or race <strong>the</strong>y might be, recognising th<strong>at</strong> nei<strong>the</strong>r race nor
colour are determinants who shall end up being a criminal.
The o<strong>the</strong>r reality which I think you should reflect upon is th<strong>at</strong> our country is, as I have said before, divided
into two n<strong>at</strong>ions, one white and rel<strong>at</strong>ively prosperous and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r black, and poor.
In this context, you will also have to consider <strong>the</strong> import of <strong>the</strong> argument th<strong>at</strong> has been advanced more
recently by some in our country th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> disparity in wealth and income between <strong>the</strong> black rich and <strong>the</strong>
black poor has, in fact, become <strong>the</strong> distinguishing fe<strong>at</strong>ure of <strong>the</strong> new South Africa.

It is obvious th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> removal of racial barriers as a consequence of <strong>the</strong> establishment of a democr<strong>at</strong>ic
society, will result, among o<strong>the</strong>r things, in enabling more black people to <strong>at</strong>tain <strong>the</strong> same standard of
living as o<strong>the</strong>r South Africans who were privileged because <strong>the</strong>y are white.
Never<strong>the</strong>less, personally, I consider <strong>the</strong> propag<strong>at</strong>ion of <strong>the</strong> argument about <strong>the</strong> implic<strong>at</strong>ions of <strong>the</strong> class
distinction among <strong>the</strong> black people as a dishonest <strong>at</strong>tempt to hide <strong>the</strong> fundamental reality of <strong>the</strong> racial
division of our country in order to avoid dealing with this reality.
You may, of course, have a different view about this m<strong>at</strong>ter.
I hope th<strong>at</strong> th<strong>at</strong> different view would not lead you to deny <strong>the</strong> fact of <strong>the</strong> defining fe<strong>at</strong>ure of our society,
which says to all of us th<strong>at</strong> race continues to describe <strong>the</strong> disparities in our country in terms of <strong>the</strong>
distribution of wealth, income, opportunity and skills.
Apart from any o<strong>the</strong>r consider<strong>at</strong>ion, <strong>the</strong> fact of this reality assumes gre<strong>at</strong> importance because if we do not
address <strong>the</strong>se disparities, which, like <strong>the</strong> land question in Zimbabwe, were central to <strong>the</strong> struggle for
liber<strong>at</strong>ion in this country, <strong>at</strong> some point in future we will experience an enormous and angry explosion by
those who remain disadvantaged.
We are determined to fight against such an eventuality and are convinced th<strong>at</strong> toge<strong>the</strong>r we will win. But
we also have a common oblig<strong>at</strong>ion to ensure th<strong>at</strong> we do indeed address <strong>the</strong> racial disparities we all
inherited from <strong>the</strong> apar<strong>the</strong>id system.
We are fortun<strong>at</strong>e th<strong>at</strong> we have many South Africans, both black and white, who have responded well to
this challenge.
I would also like to acknowledge <strong>the</strong> support we are receiving from foreign governments, companies and
non-governmental organis<strong>at</strong>ions to help us bridge <strong>the</strong> racial and gender disparities we still have to
contend with.
If I am correct about this m<strong>at</strong>ter of inherited racial gaps, you will <strong>the</strong>n have to discuss wh<strong>at</strong> steps we
should take to close those gaps.
Accordingly, you will have to consider <strong>the</strong> sometimes controversial question of affirm<strong>at</strong>ive action. This
must include both <strong>the</strong> facts about whe<strong>the</strong>r, in truth, hostile discrimin<strong>at</strong>ion is being practised especially
against Afrikaner males as well as <strong>the</strong> assertions th<strong>at</strong> are repe<strong>at</strong>edly made th<strong>at</strong> we are experiencing a
white 'brain drain' especially because of affirm<strong>at</strong>ive action and crime.
Since none of us would support or desire any anti-white discrimin<strong>at</strong>ion and would not like to lose any
skilled people, while being committed to do everything to end <strong>the</strong> racial disparities and racial
discrimin<strong>at</strong>ion, you will have to consider how we should handle this complex situ<strong>at</strong>ion.
Wh<strong>at</strong> is clear is th<strong>at</strong> we cannot say th<strong>at</strong> we are committed to n<strong>at</strong>ion building and, <strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> same time, seek
to marginalise any section of th<strong>at</strong> popul<strong>at</strong>ion.
At <strong>the</strong> same time, it is equally clear th<strong>at</strong> we cannot speak of n<strong>at</strong>ion building while doing nothing decisive
to end <strong>the</strong> disadvantaged position of those whom <strong>the</strong> apar<strong>the</strong>id system deliber<strong>at</strong>ely sought to
disadvantage.
I am also convinced th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> non-racial future of our country depends to a gre<strong>at</strong> degree on wh<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> youth
of our country <strong>the</strong>mselves do to bring about this result.

You have chosen a very eloquent slogan to express wh<strong>at</strong> you feel and think - yesterday was a foreign
country: tomorrow belongs to us!
It is precisely because tomorrow belongs to you th<strong>at</strong> you must determine wh<strong>at</strong> tomorrow should look like.
You will <strong>the</strong>refore have to decide wh<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> youth of our country must do, itself to ensure th<strong>at</strong> we
reconstruct our country, our common heritage, into an entity th<strong>at</strong> will be entirely different from wh<strong>at</strong>
previous gener<strong>at</strong>ions made it to be.
I am convinced th<strong>at</strong> this requires th<strong>at</strong> you yourselves make certain determin<strong>at</strong>ions.
The first of <strong>the</strong>se is th<strong>at</strong> you will refuse to perpetu<strong>at</strong>e any racist prejudices th<strong>at</strong> previous gener<strong>at</strong>ions,
including your parents, might have sought to implant into your minds.
The second is th<strong>at</strong> you will work hard to ensure th<strong>at</strong> you actually interact with one ano<strong>the</strong>r, across <strong>the</strong>
colour line, to engage in common action to bring about <strong>the</strong> social changes you will have decided are
necessary.
The third is th<strong>at</strong> you will agree th<strong>at</strong> tolerance of different views and acceptance of different languages and
cultures among yourselves are fundamental to <strong>the</strong> success of your common struggle to fashion
yourselves into joint force for <strong>the</strong> birth of <strong>the</strong> new South Africa.
The fourth is th<strong>at</strong> you will work to build a strong spirit of solidarity and comradeship among yourselves to
enhance your capacity to defe<strong>at</strong> those forces in our society th<strong>at</strong> will argue th<strong>at</strong> yours is an unn<strong>at</strong>ural
marriage.
The fifth is th<strong>at</strong> you will base your programmes of action on <strong>the</strong> actual challenges facing <strong>the</strong> youth and
people of our country, including such issues as racism and sexism, educ<strong>at</strong>ion and training, employment,
crime and substance abuse, sports and culture.
For many years, our country was an outcast among <strong>the</strong> n<strong>at</strong>ions because of <strong>the</strong> policy of apar<strong>the</strong>id. But
precisely because of our experience, we have <strong>the</strong> possibility to make an important contribution to <strong>the</strong>
African and worldwide struggle to overcome problems of ethnicity and racism.
In this regard, I would also like to remind you of <strong>the</strong> forthcoming <strong>Conference</strong> on Racism organised by <strong>the</strong>
Human Rights Commission and scheduled for August. This conference is an important stepping stone
towards <strong>the</strong> success of th<strong>at</strong> initi<strong>at</strong>ive.
Whe<strong>the</strong>r we succeed in achieving this goal in our own interest and in <strong>the</strong> interest of humanity as a whole
will depend on wh<strong>at</strong> you, <strong>the</strong> youth of our country do. I am certain th<strong>at</strong> you will not fail us.
We meet today, on our N<strong>at</strong>ional <strong>Youth</strong> Day, in tribute to <strong>the</strong> youth of our country who made many
sacrifices to bring freedom to all our people.
In <strong>the</strong> same way th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir sacrifices brought us our common victory, so are we convinced th<strong>at</strong> your
sacrifices will help us to overcome <strong>the</strong> legacy of <strong>the</strong> past and ensure th<strong>at</strong>, indeed, tomorrow belongs to all
our people, both black and white.
Thank you.