1. During the war auxiliary factories were set up and workers were forced to 20. Moravia's recent novel Io • Lui (He and I) is a dialogue between the inwork under the threat of being sent to war. "industrial Mobilization Cam- dividual and his penis. mittees were set up in the factories to oversee production, and union representatives participated in these committees! "In compensation for these 21. The word "classe" as it is usecl by the Italian left has the generic meaning of serious restrictions, the workers were allowed to have Internal Com- "radical"; "class demands" are radical demands tending towards greater missions." Battisfia Santhis', Con Gramsci all'Ordine Nuovo, Editori Riunti, democracy in the ship, etc. Absolutely alien to Marx's concept of the working 1956, p.52ff, class as a totality the term has thus been used to indicate every tiny fragment 2. Paolo Splrano, L'Oecupazione delle Fabbriche: Settembre 1920, Einaudi, 1964, pp. 17-18. For details of the distribution of different working class strata of the class under capitalism, including workers in one factory, as is the case of the "Zanussi working class", etc. into the union organizations, see "11 Problema del Potere." in "Ordine 22. Fidia Sassano,"Guardierossealla Spezia," II Pente, op. cit.,p. 1362. Nuovo," Nov. 29, 1919, in Antonio Gramsci, "L'Ordine Nuovo 1919-t928, Einaudi, 1970, pp. 56-60. 23 Antonio Oberti, "All' Ansalsdo di Torino," II Ponte, ibid., p. 1374. 3. Paolo Spriano, "L'Ordine Nuovo" e i Consigli di Fabbrica, Einaudi, 1971. 24. ivan Tognarini, "Toscana: crisi siderurgica e potere in fabbrica," II Pante, op. cit., pp. 1342-3. 4. Ibid., p. 84. 25. Massimo Sani, "Testimoni del Settembre," II P()nte, op. cit., p. 1453. 5. Ibid., p. 54. 26. "Aventi!", Piedmontese edition, September 2, 1920, quoted by Spriano, 6. At the February 1921 CGL congress, many delegates complained of this L'Occupazione, p. 67. "excessive" growth, Spriano, L'Occupazione, p. 21. 7. Spriano,L'Occupazione, oh. 6. 8. Sprlano, L'ON • i Consigli, pp. 97-98. 27. Spriano, ibid., p. 69, note 4. 28. Oberti, op. cit., p. 1374. 9. Gramsci appears to have considered the strike a success. In an article attributed to him in "Avanti!" May 1, 1920, he wrote: "The Turinese proletariat 30. Ibid., p. 68. 29. Spriano, L'Occupazione, pp. 99-100. has been beaten locally but has won nationally, because its cause has become 31. "The first day there were squads of workers who subjected themselves to the cause of the whole national proletariat. The Italian revolution finally has a staying at their places of work for 24 hours running!" Angelo Faggi, member concrete program, a real goal to achieve, the control of production and ex- of the U.S.I. in an article published in "La Voce Proletaria", Feb. 1920, quoted change." Sprlano, ibid., p. 100, note 4. by Andrea Viglongo, "Momenti della Lotta di classe nella prima meta' del 10. The figures quotecl by Spriano, L'Occupazione, pp. 36-37, notes 3 and 1 give 1920," II Ponte, pp. 1310-1. some indication of the gravity of the inflationary crisis on working class in- 32. Sani, op. cit., p. 1455. comes. A family of five spent the following weekly: 120.05 lire in June 1919, 109.24 in July, 108.07 in August, 118.53 in November, 124.67 in January 1920, 33. Ibid., p. 1457. Bruno Fortichiarl, a Milanese worker, disagrees and in 176.25 in August and 189.76 in December. Milan daily wage minimums for the unashamed chauvinist terms insists, "The real center, regardless of what the same period were the following: printers, 27.20 life; woodworkers, 18.96; Turinese say, was Milan. Milan had a symbolic value." p. 1460.. tramworkers, 24; coachbuilders, 23; electrical workers, 19; mecahnics, 13.30. 34. Spriano, L'Occupazione, p. 70. In the monetary crisis, the dollar exchange rose from 6.34 lire late in 1918 to 13.07 in 1919 to 28.57 in late 1920. Spriano, Ibid., p.40. 35. Tognarini, op. cit., p. 1349. 11. Gianni Bosio, La Grande Paura, Settembre 1920: L'Oecupazione delle 36. Oberti, op. cir., p. 1375. fabbriche nei verbali inediti delle riunioni degli Staff genera!i del movimento operaio, Samona e Savelli, 1970, p. 107. 37. Spriano, L'Oecupazione, p. 70. 12. Spriano, L'Occupazione. 38. Ibid., p. 66. 13. Masslmo L. Salvadorl, in "Cinquant' Anni Dopo," in a special issue of the 39. Viglongo, op. cir., pp. 1311-1312; the worker quoted is Angelo Faggi. magazine II Ponte, October 31, 1970, dedicated to the occupation of the fac- 40. Cesare Bermani, "11 Settembrea Novara," II Ponte, p. 1385. torles, writes: "...Giolitti...tried with every means possible to prevent a head- 41. According to Togliatti, only on the third Sunday were family visits allowed. on clash policy from encouraging a political centralization and revolutionary Another amusing detail Togliatti furnishes emphasizes again the egalitarian, outcome of the workers' movement." See also Spriano¢ L'Occupazione, Ch. V self-sacrificing mood of the occupations: "A noteworthy detail: all the auto and VII. factories were in the workers' hands, and yet the working class and socialist 14. "Nor had the FIOM excluded the possibility of accepting the industrialists' leaders did not travel by car but by tram or on foot." Conversando con Tagliatti, note biografiche a cure di Marcella e Maurizio Ferrara, Rome, point of view, that wages should be raised only relative to productivity, as long Edizioni di Culture Socila, e 1953, p. 78. as there were valid means by which to know what the situation of management really was. Buozzi, for his part, had gone so far as to accept a 42. Spriano, L'Occupazione, p. 72. Gramsci's editorial on "Red Sunday" was discrimination, as far as wages were concerned, between industries that published in "Avanti!" Piedmontese edition, Sel_tember 5, 1920 and appears 'aren't doing so well' and others that 'are in great condition'..." Valerio in L'Ordine Nuovo 1919-1920, op. cir., pp. 163-167. Castronovo,"La Grande Industria: Giochi INternl e Linea di Fondo, in II Pante, ibid., pp. 1206-1207. 43. Spriano, L'Occupazione, p. 68, note 1. 15. Sprlano, L'Occupazione, p. 112. 44. Ibid., p. 125. 16. Turati saw control in terms of "collaboration of labor with the firm (and not 45. Ibid., p. 101. antagonism and devastating political struggle); and collaboration of labor 46. Ibid., p. 71, 75. and management with public interest and consumer interest, more or less represented by the State," G. De Rosa, Storia del Partita Popolare, quoted by 47. Ibid., pp. 124-5. Spriano, ibid., p. 123. 48. Ibid., p. 101. 17. M. Rlsso, "The Influence of Magical World Views on the Formation of Mental Disturbance in South-Italian Patients". 49. Maria Montagnana, Ricordi di uo Operaio Torinese, ed. Rinascita, Rome, 1952, p. 137. 18. Ibid. 50. Giovanni Parodi, "L'Occupazione delle Fabbriche," Fascismo • An- 19. It is in this connection that the later Gramsci's intuitions into the nature of tifascismo (1919-1936): Leziooi e Testimonianze, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1962, p. language are immediately to the point: "If it is true that every language 91. (linguagglo) contains the elements of a conception of the world and of a culture, then It is also true that the greater or lesser complexity of one's world 51. Fidia Sassono, op. cit., p. 1370. view can be ludged by one's language. A person who speaks only in dialect or 52. Spriano, L'Occupazione, p. 154. understands the national language in varying degrees, necessarily particJpates tn an intuition of the world which is more or less narrow and 53. Ibid., p. 156. provincial, fossilized, anachronistic, compared to the great currents of thought that dominate world history. His interests will be narrow, more or less corporatJvistic or economistic, not universal." li Materialismo Stori¢o, Riunifl, 1971, p. 5, Note ill. 55. Cesare Bermani, op. cit., p. 1386. 54. "La Fiat Centro in mano agli operai," p. 655, quoted by Spriano, ibid., pp. 156-7.
56. Note Bruno Buozzi's position on the back pay question in the General Staff 80. "11 programme delle Ordlne Nuovo," Ordine Nuovo, op. cit., p. 147. meeting minutes. 81. Ibid. 57. Massimo Sani, op. cit., p. 1463... 82. Bordiga, "Fermiamo il Soviet?" in II Soviet, September 21, 1919, quoted by 58. Battiste Santhla, Con Gramsci all'Ordine Nuovo, Ed., Riuniti, 1956, p. 94. Franco DeFelice, Serratim Boodiga, Gramsci • tl problema dellarlvoluzieae in Italia 1919-1920, DeDonato, Beri, 1971, p. 191. 59. Enzo Camerlenghi, "Consigli di Cascina e compartecipazioni nelle Padana irrigua," II Ponte, pp. 1294-1301. Miglioll led the peasant occupations of 1920 83. Spireno, L'Ordine Nuovo, op.cit. into coperticipation schemes consolidated in the "Lodo Bianchi" pact signed 84. "Democrazia Operaia," Ordine Nuovo, op. cat., p. 13. on August 10, 1921, which gave farm laborers the right to look over accounts and the "right" to contribute to a fund making up part of the agricultural 85. "11 Consiglio di Fabbl'ica," Ibid., p. 124. firm's capital. Massimo Seni, op. ctt., p. 1454, records the attitudes of industrial workers who saw the peasants as "pigs" who "had made money" 86. "L'Operaio di Fabbrica," ibid., p. 325. during the war and therefore couldn't be trusted. 87. "Sindecati e Conslgll," 'Ibid., p. 37.38. 60. Andrea Viglongo, op. cir., pp. 1303-1309. 88. Ibid., p. 39. 61. Tognerini, op. ctt., 1336. 89. "11 Programme dell'Ordine Nuovo'", ibid., pp. 151-152. 62. Santhia', op. cat., p. 124. 90. "Sindacati • Consigli," p. 38. 63. Malice Kecin-Wohinz, "L'Eccezione' della Venezia Giulia," II Ponte, p. 1439. 91. "Ai commlssari di reparto delle offlcine Fiat Centro e Brevetti," ibid., pp, 64. Boslo, La Grande Paura, op. cat., p. 96. 32-33. 65. "The Great Fear" is the title BOSJOgives to his publication of the General 92. "E proprio solo stupidaggine?" Ibid., p. 168. Staff meeting minutes and is often used to characterize the two-year period of 93. "'Cepecita Politica," Ibid., p. 170. revolutionary ferment under consideration. What emerges from the edited version given here of those talks is a more precise understanding of Bosio's 94. "11 Programme dei commissari dl reparto," Ibid., p. 197. title; it was not, as historians would have it, the bourgeoisie that was thrown 95. The way in which the whole council theory actually led to corporatlam under into fear but the working class itself, in particular the would-be "leaders" of the revolution. Mussolini is documented in Part II of the present essay. 66. Repeatedly during the talks, CGL spokesmen remind non-CGL members of 96. "Federico" (Leo Valiana), "Esperienze internazlonall del movimento their lack of voting rights; these include raiwroad workers, ship and dock- operaio tra le due guerre mondiali," in Quadernl dell'Italia LJbera, Partito workers -- the USI was not even allowed to take part in the meetings! d'Azione, no. 29, pp. 7.8. 67. It must be remembered that even the corporativist control bill remained a dead letter, until years later Mussolini imposed full-scale corporetivism. 98. Ibid. 97. Ordine Nuovo, p. 487. 68. Buozzi, "L'Occupazione delle Gabbriche," Almanacco 5ocialista, ed. dal 99. On the top of the Milanese Gothic cathedral, the Duomo, a gold Madonna P.S.I., Paris, 1935, p. 82. stands, aptly symbolizing the opressive power of the Mother-figure in italian 69. ibid., p. 83. llfe and politics. 70. Serreti, "11 Dovere dell'era presente," in Communismo, 1-15 Ottobre 1920, pp. 2-3. Note that Serrati had no plans for the revolution; TogHatti recalls. 100. Atl biographical material used here is taken from Giuseppe Fiorl's VIti, op. cat. 71. Lenin, Sul Moviemtno operaio italiano, ed. Riuniti, Rome, 1970, p. 222. Lenin 101. Gramsci, letter to his sister.in-law, Sept. 7, 1931, Lettere dal Garcere, prefaced this comment by saying that "The Italian communists are not Einaudi, Turin, 1972, p. 479. always communist enough" end correctly characterized the ferment in 1920 102. Ibid. as "anarchy, but certainly not Marxist communism." 103. Flora, p. 17. Togliatti recalls the details of the plan: "The revolution was to be made in seven days, like the creation of the world. Each day, beginning from the first, 104. Lettere, passim. the movement was to be extended to a new category, until becoming, on the seventh day, general and national. It was however simply a strike, it lacked 105. Flora, p. 29. political slogans and precise orders for action. The only military preparation 116. ibid., p. 25. on a national scale consisted of one airplane bought secretly and hidden where few people knew where to find it. On the seventh day, or the sixth, Giolitti, 107. Ibid., p. 129. without losing his calm, was supposed to call the reformist parliamentary 108. Ibid., p. 60. leaders and what were they to do? Were we supposed to take up arms in the meantime? Nothing was said about this part. The most serious thing, was that 109. Ibid., p. 30. this plan was supposed to become operative only if it were decided that the movement passed from a union terrain to the political field...The 110. Ibid., p. 85. revolutionary plan that had been written in such clear handwriting on e few 111. Ibid., p. 105. pieces of paper bearing the Chamber of Deputies heading, was put aside." Conversando con Togliatti, op. cat., pp. 80-81. 112. Ibid., p. 115. 72. L'Ordine Nuovo, op. cat. p. 478; the quote refers to the interruption in April. 113. Gremsci wrote to his sister-in.law on March 6, 1933, describing the sense of In September this notice was recalled to the readers' attention, at p. 486. dual identity or dissociation he suffered from in prison; Lettere, pp. 757.759. 73. Santhle', op. cat., p. 116. 114. Flora., p. 83. 74. Ibid., p. 121. 115. Ibid., p. 30. 75. Ibid., pp. 117-8. 116. Ibid., p. 119. 76. Quoted by G. Bosio in the Introduction to La Grande Paura, op. cat., pp. 22-23. 117. Letter to Zino Zini, January 10, 1924, II Ponte, p. 1488. 77. Massimo Sani, op. cat., p. 1461. 118. Fiorl, D. 184. 78. Giuseppe Fiord, Vita di Anonio Gramsci, Laterza, Roma-Bari, 1973, pp. 154- 55. 79. At the II congress of the International in Moscow in July, Lenin had explicitly approved the criticisms made in Gremsci's document "Per un ran. novamento del Partito Socialist" (in Ordine Nuovo, pp. 116-122) and stated that the criticism end proposals made "correspond fully to all the fundemental principles of the II Internationa ." Lenin, op. cat., p. 194.