Institute insists, "Turin was the center of the sly by workers who saw nothing in their future but more revolutionary vanguard." [33 ] And it was in Turin that payless workdays. workers put up the greatest show of militancy. By organizing work shifts, cafeterias, defense and When in the first weeks of the occupation workers exchange, the councils and commissions believed they uncovered secret documents in the factory proving the were "organizing production," and the majority of existence of an internal Fiat espionage and blacklist militant workers swelled with pride and enthusiasm. system, the war cry went up in a fiery telegram sent to the Having booted out the oppressive bosses, they were Milan agitation committee: "Workers' Fiat Centro doggedly determined to show the grown-ups just how intend only negotiate on condition that exploiting good, efficient and responsible they could be. dominating class be abolished, otherwise immediate war The occupation was a rebellion, a collective helluntil total victory."  (emphasis added) raising session, at the expense of the capitalists to be Capturing the essence of the cazzista mentality behind sure; but the rebellious, fearful militants were the occupaton, the telegram promises that workers will preoccupied with declaring their independence in the bargain for pay raises, on condition tht the revolutionary form most acceptable to their stern, austere capitalist rhetoric and mask be religiously respected -- both by guardians. A man must indeed break away from old ties capitalists and by union and party bureaucrats, to test his virility, but in the midst of the hell-raising he That the workers had no serious intention of taking must after all give evidence of his ability to perform well. over the economy and running it was evident not only in Thus the anarchosyndicalist dance followed precise the decision to work in order to get paid after the patterns and steps. In the factory, "in every corner there occupation, but also in the way the food problem was are inscriptions reflecting strictly socialist principles: He handled, who doesn't work, doesn't eat; honesty and labor, that's After occupying the food storerooms of the factories our aim; let's break our chains and nooses; we don't themselves and setting women employees to the task of want wealth in gold but in freedom. The factory comcooking, they looked to the local shopkeepers and missars recommend economy of materials and saving citizens for help. In Piombino, Tuscany, the occupying electricity."  And, in the evening, one should "sleep steelworkers joined ranks with the local mayor to raise not outside but in the places indicated by the factory funds from the townspeople; after joint deliberation the committee, observe personal hygiene, and dedicate one's shopkeepers decided to open credit to workers who time to reading instead of spending most of the time in would use coupons provided them by the Agitation fruitless amusements."  The central idea of the Committee to purchase goods. Payment on such forms of workers, as one of them stated was this: "to give proof of credit was "guaranteed by the 19 days of production their technical maturity, demonstrating the fact that which were to be paid."  In Turin, the militant they know how to organize and run the biggest and most FIOM took out a loan for 25 million lire from the local modern plants in all their various kinds of production ... capitalist bank, the Istituto di Credito, to finance to prove that the workers by now know how to get along cooperatives, and arranged for a loan from the Alleanza by themselves."  Cooperativa Torinese in coupon form to provide workers One technician, one of the very few who ignored and their families with compensation for the duration of industrialists' pleas and bribes to stay out of the the occupation, agitation and who participated actively in the factory Clearly, the workers, their organizations and the local council's direction of the occupation, had this to say: shopkeepers all took it for granted that the occupation Production was normal, because I as a leader saw to it would end with the timely return of the generous that we cut a good figure (fare bellafigura). I registered production figures daily to show that even without the industrialists, and that the work done in the occupied bosses everything was normal and to make a good imfactories would be rewarded by the industrialists in the pression (fare bella flgura) from the organizational point form of the good old pay envelope! of view too: if the workers _stopped work for an hour In the meantime, the councils and commissions set up because there was a conference, the registers showed a kitchens and cafeterias to fill the mouths of hungry, work stoppage for this motive; if there was a machine that kept breaking down, the regiSters showed fhat the exhausted workers. The sale of goods produced was machine lost so many hours of production because of firmly discouraged by the FIOM with the explanation breakdown...not because the workers weren't workthat "Production belongs to the collectivity and as such ing .... I made it my business to go and see what was must be administered by the superior organs going on in other departments even though I wasn't directly involved in those areas, but did so to coordinate representing the interests of everyone,"  although a the work. During the occupation, some police came to considerable amount of material was in effect sold on the see what was going on. We were at the entrance, we
eceived them with respect and said, "There's no need' necessarily carried, by the intimate dialectic of the for police here, because the worl_ers here are fighting the historical development, to confederate, to organize bosses for union reasons, for wage reasons."(40) unitarily to counterpose its own power to the central Fare beUafigura was the major preoccupation: make a power of the bourgeois state? The problem of the constitution of the urban soviet poses itself Concretely today good show, come on strong. Happily, for the workers, for the working class. this did not exclude having a good old time of it. If this is born, it must have at its disposal an armed On the first Sunday, dubbed "Red Sunday," festivities force ...These problems must be discussed today by the were in the making, with visits from various socialist workers inthe factories, in general'assemblies, organs of power and soverignty of the proletarian republicas of the luminaries, songs, etc., although work did not stop for factories. Propaganda work and work for the preparation the day.  At the Fiat Centro plant the Factory of the nomination of worker deputies must be done in Council communicated this to the workers: "Sunday, no such a way that, at a certain moment, when the holiday, no sprees; let the workers show they know how development of events has carried 'history to the favorable moment for new and original facts to break 'out, to prove their seriousness," and at the Fiat Brevetti plant from every factory or group of factories the articulation of a similar communique was published: "Show that you proletarian vower will arise for the struggle for emanknow how to disdain fatigue, discomfbrt, danger for the cipation...Today, Red Sunday, for the metalworkers, emancipation of humanity from capitalist cliques."  the first historical cell of the proletarian revotution must be built by the workers themselves and must spring from Sunday a workday therefore, but with special the general situation, with the irresistable force of attractions. The leaders of the revolution were to come to natural lahenomena. (emphasis added) speak to the workers in flesh and blood, to The workers applauded Gramsci and celebrated the commemorate the holy event with words of wisdom and existence of these "proletarian republics" with flagencouragement. Even Gramsci celebrated the day. In his waving, music, and dances. But the irresistible force of "Red Sunday" address, ., he had this to say to the natural phenomena went in quite another direction. The workers: workers, by themselves in the factories, could do nothing A new fact was created immediately by'the new method except produce for the capitalist bosses. And in so doing of struggle: when the workers fought for economic imthey could only fall irresistibly, lawfully, into the depths provements by striking, their task in the struggle was limited to having confidence in their faraway leaders, of demoralization. limited to developing the virtue of solidarity and Signs of worker demoralization were evident in some resistance on the basis of this generic confidence, areas rather early in the occupation. On Sept. 3 Avanti, But if the workers in struggle occupy the factories and the PSI daily, published a notice stating that workers want to continue production, the moral position of the mass immediately assumes new value and character: the who did not report for duty would be fired after the first union leaders no longer lead; they disappear in the day's absence  At the Fiat Centro and Ansaldo immensity of the picture, the mass must solve by itself plants, the same punishment was dealt out after two with its own means and its own men the problems of the days' absence.  Absenteeism became such a serious factory...Today with the worker occupation the despotic power (of the capitalists) is broken; the rights of suffrage problem that CGL leader D'Aragona later admitted that for the choice of industrial leaders has passed _nto the the union had to move groups of workers from one hands of the workin_ class, factory to another to make up for those who had deserted Every factory is an illegal state which lives from day to the cause; this was done, he said, "to have a small day. awaiting the development of events. But if considerable uncertainty still reigns over the future of these nucleus that gave the impression that inside there were proletarian republics, since the enemy forces are not still workers running things."  showing themselves and are not making known their Absenteeism was not, however, the only sign of a intentions, the very fact that these republics "live" has rapidly deteriorating situation. Already in the first week an inestimable historical weight and importance. Life has a logic and an intimate energy of its own that of the occupation it became necessary for the councils to goes beyond the arbitration and caprices of the in- conduct searches of workers whenever they left the plants dividual. Since these proletarian republics exist, they see to reduce theft of materials and tools, and in Milan a problems arise that are characteristic of an autonomous, prison was quickly set up for house offenders.  independent power exercising its sovereignty over a certain territory. Here what is being tested is the political As the occupation wore on and the initial ferment, capacity, the revolutionary capacity for initiative and deprived of any possible outlet for expansion, lawfully creation of the working class. The first problem, the developed into a spiralling ebb, isolated acts of violence basic problem that necesarilv oresents itself to the became more frequent. The workers, tired, hungry and citizens of the factory-state is that of military defense .... This problem of military initiative is linked to demoralized, began to clamor for more adequate means another: will the multiplicity of the proletarian republics of subsistence, and the unions had to think fast to keep constituted by factories and guarded by workers be the situation under control.