Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
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semantic representation <strong>and</strong> computation. S<strong>in</strong>ce elementary trees are the basic syntactic build<strong>in</strong>g<br />
blocks, it is possible to assign complex semantic representations to them without necessarily<br />
deriv<strong>in</strong>g these representations compositionally from smaller parts of the tree. Hence, there is no<br />
need to reproduce the <strong>in</strong>ternal structure of an elementary syntactic tree with<strong>in</strong> its associated semantic<br />
representation (Kallmeyer & Joshi 2003). In particular, one can employ ‘flat’ semantic<br />
representations along the l<strong>in</strong>es of Copestake et al. (2005). This approach, which supports the<br />
underspecified representation of scope ambiguities, has been taken up <strong>in</strong> LTAG models of quantifier<br />
scope <strong>and</strong> adjunction phenomena (Kallmeyer & Joshi 2003; Gardent & Kallmeyer 2003;<br />
Kallmeyer & Romero 2008).<br />
The fact that elementary trees can directly be comb<strong>in</strong>ed with semantic representations allows<br />
for a straightforward treatment of idiomatic expressions <strong>and</strong> other non-compositional phenomena,<br />
much <strong>in</strong> the way proposed <strong>in</strong> Construction Grammar. The downside of this ‘complicate<br />
locally’ perspective is that it is more or less unconcerned about the nature of the l<strong>in</strong>guistic constra<strong>in</strong>ts<br />
encoded by elementary trees <strong>and</strong> about their underly<strong>in</strong>g regularities. In fact, a good part<br />
of the l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>vestigations of the syntax-semantics <strong>in</strong>terface are concerned with argument realization,<br />
<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g argument extension <strong>and</strong> alternation phenomena (e.g. Van Val<strong>in</strong> 2005; Lev<strong>in</strong><br />
& Rappaport Hovav 2005; Müller 2006). Simply enumerat<strong>in</strong>g all possible realization patterns<br />
<strong>in</strong> terms of elementary trees without explor<strong>in</strong>g the underly<strong>in</strong>g universal <strong>and</strong> language-specific<br />
regularities would be rather unsatisfy<strong>in</strong>g from a l<strong>in</strong>guistic po<strong>in</strong>t of view.<br />
The mere enumeration of basic constructional patterns is also problematic from the practical<br />
perspective of grammar eng<strong>in</strong>eer<strong>in</strong>g (Xia et al. 2010): The lack of generalization gives rise to redundancy<br />
s<strong>in</strong>ce the components shared by different elementary trees are not recognized as such.<br />
This leads to ma<strong>in</strong>tenance issues <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>creases the danger of <strong>in</strong>consistencies. A common strategy<br />
to overcome these problems is to <strong>in</strong>troduce a tree description language which allows one to<br />
specify sets of elementary trees <strong>in</strong> a systematic <strong>and</strong> non-redundant way (e.g. C<strong>and</strong>ito 1999; Xia<br />
2001). The l<strong>in</strong>guistic regularities <strong>and</strong> generalizations of natural languages are then captured on<br />
the level of descriptions. S<strong>in</strong>ce LTAG regards elementary trees as the basic components of grammar,<br />
the system of tree descriptions is often referred to as the metagrammar. While the details<br />
of the approaches of C<strong>and</strong>ito (1999) <strong>and</strong> Xia (2001) differ, they both assume canonical or base<br />
trees from which alternative constructions are derived by a system of lexical <strong>and</strong> syntactic rules.<br />
Crabbé (2005), by contrast, proposes a purely constra<strong>in</strong>t-based approach to metagrammatical<br />
specification (see also Crabbé & Duchier 2005), which does not presume a pr<strong>in</strong>ciple dist<strong>in</strong>ction<br />
between canonical <strong>and</strong> derived patterns but generates elementary trees uniformly as m<strong>in</strong>imal<br />
models of metagrammatical descriptions. We will adopt the latter approach for our framework<br />
because of its clear-cut dist<strong>in</strong>ction between the declarative level of grammatical specification<br />
<strong>and</strong> procedural <strong>and</strong> algorithmic aspects related to the generation of the elementary trees.<br />
Exist<strong>in</strong>g metagrammatical approaches <strong>in</strong> LTAG are primarily concerned with the organization<br />
of general valency templates <strong>and</strong> with syntactic phenomena such as passivization <strong>and</strong><br />
wh-extraction. The semantic side has not been given much attention up to now. However, there<br />
are also important semantic regularities <strong>and</strong> generalizations to be captured with<strong>in</strong> the doma<strong>in</strong><br />
of elementary constructions. In addition to general semantic constra<strong>in</strong>ts on the realization of<br />
arguments, this <strong>in</strong>cludes also the more specific semantic conditions <strong>and</strong> effects that go along<br />
with argument extension <strong>and</strong> modification constructions such as resultative <strong>and</strong> applicative constructions,<br />
among others. In order to capture phenomena of this type, the metagrammatical descriptions<br />
need to <strong>in</strong>clude semantic constra<strong>in</strong>ts as well. In other words, analyz<strong>in</strong>g the syntaxsemantics<br />
<strong>in</strong>terface given by elementary constructions that goes beyond the mere enumeration<br />
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