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A Parametric Account of Chinese and<br />

English Synthetic Compounds<br />

Xuhui Freddy Hu<br />

Department of Theoretical and Applied Linguistics<br />

University of Cambridge<br />

<br />

JeNom 5, <strong>Universitat</strong> <strong>Pompeu</strong> <strong>Fabra</strong>, 21/07/2013


1 Chinese Syn-Compounds: Data & Issues<br />

a. The unavailability of the nominalizing functors<br />

(1) English Syn-Compound:<br />

Truck repairing<br />

(2) Chinese Syn-Compound:<br />

Qi-che xiu-li<br />

Truck repair<br />

‘truck repairing’


1 Chinese Syn-Compounds: Data & Issues<br />

b. Compatibility with the external argument,<br />

contra Roeper and Siegel (1978), Selkirk<br />

(1982), Borer (2012, forthcoming)<br />

(3) English Syn-Compounds:<br />

truck driving VS. *man driving (of trucks)<br />

(4) Chinese Syn-Compounds:<br />

Qi-che xiu-li VS. Xiaowang xiu-li<br />

Truck repair VS. Xiaowangrepairing<br />

‘truck repairing’ ‘repairing conducted by<br />

Xiaowang’


1 Chinese Syn-Compounds: Data & Issues<br />

c. Word order<br />

Unlike the English Syn-Compounds, which invariably<br />

exhibit the N-V order, Chinese have two orders, N-V and V-<br />

N:<br />

(6) V-N order<br />

Xiu che xiu che gong<br />

Repair truck<br />

repair truck labourer<br />

‘trucking repairing’ ‘truck repairer’


1 Chinese Syn-Compounds: Data & Issues<br />

d. Optional ORIGINATOR interpretation<br />

Borer (2012, forthcoming) points out that for the<br />

English ING Syn-Compounds, if the non-head is the<br />

internal argument of verb, then the verb should have a<br />

transitive reading. But this is not the case in Chinese:<br />

(7) No one knows when the boat sinking happened.<br />

(8) Ta jingli guo chen chuan<br />

he experience Perf. sink boat<br />

‘He once experienced the sinking of the boat’ (the<br />

boat either sank by itself or was sunk by someone.)


2 The Theoretical Framework <br />

Borer’s (forthcoming) XS model is taken in this<br />

research. The following points are relevant to our<br />

purpose:<br />

2.1 The function of C(ategorial)-functors<br />

Lexical items are only phonological indices with no<br />

categorial features (thus are “roots”), and the C-functor<br />

plays the role of providing categories to the roots. The<br />

root can take categories via two ways.<br />

The first way is to take a C-functor. For example,<br />

beautiful is an adjective due to its C A -functor “ful”.


2 The Theoretical Framework <br />

The second way is to resort to the Category<br />

Complement Set (CCS). A C-functor projects a syntactic<br />

node, which divides a categorial space (CCS). A root<br />

will get a corresponding categorial value due to the<br />

CCS determined by the C-functor. For example, the C-<br />

functor ING will on the one hand project a N node,<br />

which means that the output of the syntactic<br />

computation from this projection will take a N category,<br />

and also, it will define a V type CCS, which basically<br />

means that the item put in the CCS takes a V category.


2 The Theoretical Framework <br />

ING is thus put as ING N (V). Two possibilities will occur for the<br />

derivation to converge: firstly, an item with a C V -functor will be<br />

qualified. For example, enable takes a C V -functor en, and can be<br />

merged in the complement of ING N (V) . Secondly, an acateogrial root<br />

can be merged in the complement position, and in this case, the<br />

syntactic environment will make this root V-equivalent, that is, this<br />

root will take a V category:<br />

<br />

Borer (forthcoming)


2 The Theoretical Framework <br />

2.2 On Syn-Compounds<br />

Borer argues that the Syn-Compound is in nature identical like other<br />

simple event nominals (R-Nominal) such as class, lecture, etc. This<br />

type of compound is formed via two steps: N and V are combined first,<br />

and then the non-head part N is moved to the left side of V, so that V<br />

can combine with the C-functor (ING/ER), with the whole compound<br />

being nominalised.<br />

Borer also assumes that ING/ER in Syn-Compounds take an<br />

ORIGINATOR function, which explains why when the non-head part of<br />

the compound is taken as the internal argument of the verb, the verb<br />

has to be transitive.


3 Accounting for Chinese Syn-Compounds<br />

3.1 The N-V type<br />

The two issues have to be explained. The first one is how<br />

Chinese Syn-Compounds are nominalised, considering that<br />

there is no ING type nominaliser in Chinese.<br />

Follwoing Borer’s XS model we assume that Chinese roots<br />

are categorised in the relevant syntactic environment. For<br />

example, a root will become A(or ADV)-equivalent when<br />

preceded by hen (very), N-equivalent in [Spec TP] or<br />

complement of V , and V-equivalent in the complement of<br />

little v (or complement of Asp in Borer (2005a,b)) .


3.1 The N-V type<br />

This predicts that a root might have different<br />

categories, in line with the real data in Chinese:<br />

(9) Tade fengge hen Jay Chou.<br />

His style very Jay Chou<br />

‘His style is very much of Jay Chou’s type.’<br />

(10) zhebu dianying hen da (Chinese Wu dialect).<br />

This movie very fight.<br />

‘This movie is full of fighting.’


3.1 The N-V type<br />

Unlike English which takes ING to provide the N<br />

category, Chinese Syn-Compounds get their<br />

categories from their syntactic positions, such as<br />

[Spec TP] and the complement of V:<br />

(11) ta meitai douzai gao qi-che xiu-li.<br />

He every day always do truck repair.<br />

‘Every day, he is engaged in truck repairing.’


3.1 The N-V type<br />

Another issue is the ‘compatibility with the external<br />

argument’.<br />

Borer’s analysis implies that interpretation is from the<br />

language-specific affix ING, not from the abstract and<br />

perhaps universal structure of Syn-Compounds.<br />

Since Chinese Syn-Compounds are categorised in the<br />

syntactic environment, not from C-functors, the immediate<br />

consequence then is that no obligatory ORIGINATOR<br />

interpretation is required.


3.2 The V-N Type Compound <br />

A question to be addressed:<br />

If roots can get their categories from the syntactic<br />

environment, why are C-functors required anyway?<br />

A theoretical foundation:<br />

Only those lexical items with independent phonological<br />

forms can attain content via encyclopedia search (ensearch)<br />

(Borer forthcoming).<br />

So if a root has no independent phonological form, it can<br />

only appear with a C-functor to take a full phonological<br />

realization, with content being assigned via en-search.


3.2 The V-N Type Compound <br />

(12) A tentative parameter of roots:<br />

The language on the end of extreme syntheticity does<br />

not have roots with independent phonological<br />

realizations; the roots of the language on the end of<br />

extreme analyticity always have independent<br />

phonological realizations.


3.2 The V-N Type Compound <br />

(12) predicts that<br />

ª in a highly synthetic language, the root has to take<br />

a C-functor, because the lack of the independent<br />

phonological realization will block the en-search of the<br />

root for content;<br />

ª in a highly analytical language like Chinese, a root<br />

can be categorised without a C- functor, because<br />

the root already has independent phonological<br />

realization, thus C-functors are not necessarily needed;<br />

ª if a language is in between the two ends of the<br />

parameter, only some roots can realise different<br />

categorial features, confirmed by the data in English.


3.2 The V-N Type Compound <br />

The parameter in (12) also predicts that root<br />

incorporation is productive in Chinese, with the<br />

perspective of head movement in Roberts (2010).<br />

<br />

(13) Head Movement Conditions <br />

X and Y are minimal categories.<br />

The features of Y are a proper subset of the features<br />

of X.<br />

Roberts (2010)<br />

Head movement and incorporation also take place if<br />

neither X nor Y has feature, which is the case of<br />

roots.


3.2 The V-N Type Compound <br />

So we assume a new root can be created via root<br />

incorporation with the following conditions:<br />

a. The root in Chinese has independent phonological<br />

realization and thus can provide content for further<br />

content combination.<br />

b. Roots in general have no categorial feature.<br />

ROOT+ROOT = A New ROOT


3.2 The V-N Type Compound <br />

The new root has the following properties:<br />

a. Its content is based on the combination of the content<br />

of the atomic roots.<br />

b. Its content is not a sole result of the content<br />

combination, but can have idiosyncratic meaning via ensearch<br />

c. There is no clear boundary between the two atomic<br />

root (i.e. we can’t determine which is head or non-head, it<br />

is indivisible)<br />

d. The syntactic (or perhaps morphological ) rules in the<br />

sense of Roeper (1999), Ackema & Neeleman (2004) etc.<br />

involved in compounding do not hold in root incorporation.


3.2 The V-N Type Compound <br />

Examples:<br />

(14)a. Qiu zheng zhejian shiqing<br />

seek proof this fact<br />

“prove this fact”<br />

b. he jiu (Chinese Wu dialect)<br />

drink wine<br />

‘attend a wedding ceremony’


3.2 The V-N Type Compound <br />

Why are the N-V type Syn-Compounds still attested?<br />

Both N and V in this type consist of two roots, i.e. both<br />

N and V are the result of root incoporation.<br />

We assume recursive root incorporation is banned. So<br />

when the N and V are the outcome of root<br />

incorporation, the other way is to resort to the strategy<br />

of N-V compounding, which is also allowed by the<br />

syntactic principles.


Conclusion <br />

ª All the variation can be reduced to a single factor: the status of the<br />

root, which is accompanied with the availability of C-functors.<br />

ª Chinese roots always have independent phonological realization,<br />

and thus can be categorially valued in syntactic environment<br />

without resorting to C-functors.<br />

ª The lack of ING C-functor thus explains the optional<br />

ORIGINATOR interpretation.<br />

ª A new lexical ROOT can be formed whose content is attained via<br />

en-search based on the combination of the roots’ contents, and<br />

syntactically acategorial nature of the roots enables the head<br />

movement and incorporation. This explains why Chinese has the<br />

V-N type Syn-Compounds.<br />

ª This analysis is also in line with the general spirit of Borer-<br />

Chomsky Conjecture (Baker 2008), and the “Hierarchy of<br />

Parameters” in the sense of Roberts & Holmberg (2010).


References<br />

Ackema, P. & A. Neeleman (2004) Beyond Morpology. Oxford: OUP.<br />

Baker, M. (2008) The syntax of agreement and concord. Cambridge: Cambridge<br />

University Press.<br />

Borer, H. (2005a) Structuring Sense, Vol. 1. In Name Only. Oxford: OUP.<br />

Borer, H. (2005b) Structuring Sense, Vol. 2. The Normal Course of Event. Oxford: OUP.<br />

Borer, H. (forthcoming) Structuring Sense, Vol 3. Taking Form. Oxford: OUP<br />

Roberts, I. (2010) Agreement and Head Movement: Clitics, Incorporation and Defective<br />

Goals. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. <br />

Roberts, I. & A. Holmberg (2010) Introduction. In T. Biberauer, A. Holmberg, I. Roberts &<br />

M. Sheehan (eds.). Syntactic Variation in the Minimalist Program: the Null<br />

Subject Parameter. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1-58.<br />

Roeper,T. (1999) Leftward movement in morphology. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics<br />

34, 35-66.<br />

Roeper, T. & D. Siegel (1978) A Lexical Transformation for Verbal Compounds, Linguistic<br />

Inquiry 9, 199-260.<br />

Selkirk, E. (1982) The Syntax of Words. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.

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