Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
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Chapter 20<br />
forecasts about the growth in the obesity problem.<br />
Whilst several writers in the 1990s 2,3 noted that such<br />
“ cost of illness ” ( COI ) studies were not particularly<br />
common in the area of obesity, more recently,<br />
authors 1,4 have referred to the growing literature documenting<br />
the economic costs of obesity. Since our<br />
earlier documentation of such COI studies of obesity, 1<br />
there have been more studies, including for non -<br />
Western jurisdictions.<br />
5,6<br />
Whilst such COI studies vary in their methodology,<br />
they generally measure costs within a prevalence -<br />
based framework. 3 The annual cost burden stemming<br />
from all cases of obesity - related disease (new or pre -<br />
existing) is measured, as the study purpose is generally<br />
to inform cost control or financial planning. This contrasts<br />
with incidence - based studies, 7 which measure<br />
the lifetime costs associated with new cases only, as a<br />
baseline against which new measures can be assessed.<br />
Most studies confine the cost burden to direct health<br />
sector costs arising from the current prevalence <strong>and</strong><br />
treatment of obesity, 8 with few taking into consideration<br />
indirect costs arising from lost productivity 9 or<br />
diminished social functioning <strong>and</strong> quality of life. 10 The<br />
lack of consensus about obesity - related illnesses is evidenced<br />
by differences between studies in terms of the<br />
range of co - morbidities included. Studies vary in<br />
terms of the BMI cut - off points used to define obesity,<br />
as well as the perspective employed from which to<br />
measure costs. Most studies assume a national health<br />
system perspective, while some assume a narrower<br />
reference frame in terms of geographical jurisdiction 11<br />
or target group. 12<br />
However, regardless of their choice of methods,<br />
these COI studies comprise essentially “ descriptive ”<br />
research focusing on the size of the obesity problem.<br />
They quantify the magnitude of the issue <strong>and</strong> estimate<br />
the associated disease burden in monetary terms. Such<br />
studies are premised on the basis that knowledge of<br />
the costs stemming from an illness will be important<br />
in informing decision making around resource allocation.<br />
They are considered a valuable tool when advocating<br />
for the deployment of additional resources<br />
towards obesity prevention, <strong>and</strong> have been employed<br />
by agencies such as the World Bank <strong>and</strong> the World<br />
Health Organization.<br />
However, COI studies have also been the centre of<br />
active debate among economists. 13 – 15 While acknowledging<br />
that they may serve three purposes (to justify<br />
budgets, to help set funding priorities <strong>and</strong> to develop<br />
intervention programs), Rice 13 argues that the methods<br />
need to be sufficiently detailed to permit transparency<br />
<strong>and</strong> to enable the reader to assess whether the results<br />
are “ fact or fiction ”. Byford et al 14 pose three key arguments<br />
against the conduct <strong>and</strong> use of COI studies:<br />
first, high costs do not necessarily indicate inefficiency<br />
<strong>and</strong> waste; second, the supposed “ cost savings ” of<br />
either fully or partially preventing a disease are likely<br />
to be overstated <strong>and</strong> partly illusory; <strong>and</strong> third, the condition<br />
may not necessarily be amenable to treatment.<br />
More recently, there has been similar questioning<br />
about the value of such studies among economists<br />
working in the obesity field. 4,16 Roux <strong>and</strong> Donaldson 4<br />
are highly critical of the economic credentials of such<br />
studies <strong>and</strong> conclude that they add little to the obesity<br />
debate, apart from confirming that obesity is a serious<br />
societal issue. In an earlier publication, 1 we took a<br />
more positive yet cautious approach to COI studies.<br />
While acknowledging that descriptive cost estimates<br />
can be of value to planners, we also stressed that COI<br />
estimates should not be overinterpreted. More importantly,<br />
used sensibly <strong>and</strong> carefully, COI estimates<br />
could also have a role beyond simple description <strong>and</strong><br />
monitoring, as an input into evaluation studies <strong>and</strong><br />
broad - based priority setting exercises.<br />
The third task of health economics, explanation<br />
of obesity, is a relatively new <strong>and</strong> underdeveloped<br />
field. Rosin 17 recently surveyed the growing economic<br />
literature on the causes of obesity epidemic, <strong>and</strong><br />
concluded that the key economic influences on obesity<br />
prevalence are food prices, working mothers, urbanization<br />
<strong>and</strong> technological change.<br />
Box 20.1 Glossary of e conomic<br />
t erms<br />
Cost – benefit analysis: An analytical tool for estimating<br />
the net social benefit of an intervention as the incremental<br />
benefit less the incremental costs, with all<br />
benefits <strong>and</strong> costs measured in monetary terms.<br />
Cost –effectiveness analysis: An analytic tool in which<br />
costs <strong>and</strong> benefits of a program <strong>and</strong> at least one<br />
alternative (usually current practice) are calculated<br />
<strong>and</strong> presented in a ratio of incremental cost to incremental<br />
benefit. Effects are measured as physical<br />
health outcomes (such as weight lost, BMI units<br />
saved or life years saved).<br />
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