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Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf

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Chapter 20<br />

forecasts about the growth in the obesity problem.<br />

Whilst several writers in the 1990s 2,3 noted that such<br />

“ cost of illness ” ( COI ) studies were not particularly<br />

common in the area of obesity, more recently,<br />

authors 1,4 have referred to the growing literature documenting<br />

the economic costs of obesity. Since our<br />

earlier documentation of such COI studies of obesity, 1<br />

there have been more studies, including for non -<br />

Western jurisdictions.<br />

5,6<br />

Whilst such COI studies vary in their methodology,<br />

they generally measure costs within a prevalence -<br />

based framework. 3 The annual cost burden stemming<br />

from all cases of obesity - related disease (new or pre -<br />

existing) is measured, as the study purpose is generally<br />

to inform cost control or financial planning. This contrasts<br />

with incidence - based studies, 7 which measure<br />

the lifetime costs associated with new cases only, as a<br />

baseline against which new measures can be assessed.<br />

Most studies confine the cost burden to direct health<br />

sector costs arising from the current prevalence <strong>and</strong><br />

treatment of obesity, 8 with few taking into consideration<br />

indirect costs arising from lost productivity 9 or<br />

diminished social functioning <strong>and</strong> quality of life. 10 The<br />

lack of consensus about obesity - related illnesses is evidenced<br />

by differences between studies in terms of the<br />

range of co - morbidities included. Studies vary in<br />

terms of the BMI cut - off points used to define obesity,<br />

as well as the perspective employed from which to<br />

measure costs. Most studies assume a national health<br />

system perspective, while some assume a narrower<br />

reference frame in terms of geographical jurisdiction 11<br />

or target group. 12<br />

However, regardless of their choice of methods,<br />

these COI studies comprise essentially “ descriptive ”<br />

research focusing on the size of the obesity problem.<br />

They quantify the magnitude of the issue <strong>and</strong> estimate<br />

the associated disease burden in monetary terms. Such<br />

studies are premised on the basis that knowledge of<br />

the costs stemming from an illness will be important<br />

in informing decision making around resource allocation.<br />

They are considered a valuable tool when advocating<br />

for the deployment of additional resources<br />

towards obesity prevention, <strong>and</strong> have been employed<br />

by agencies such as the World Bank <strong>and</strong> the World<br />

Health Organization.<br />

However, COI studies have also been the centre of<br />

active debate among economists. 13 – 15 While acknowledging<br />

that they may serve three purposes (to justify<br />

budgets, to help set funding priorities <strong>and</strong> to develop<br />

intervention programs), Rice 13 argues that the methods<br />

need to be sufficiently detailed to permit transparency<br />

<strong>and</strong> to enable the reader to assess whether the results<br />

are “ fact or fiction ”. Byford et al 14 pose three key arguments<br />

against the conduct <strong>and</strong> use of COI studies:<br />

first, high costs do not necessarily indicate inefficiency<br />

<strong>and</strong> waste; second, the supposed “ cost savings ” of<br />

either fully or partially preventing a disease are likely<br />

to be overstated <strong>and</strong> partly illusory; <strong>and</strong> third, the condition<br />

may not necessarily be amenable to treatment.<br />

More recently, there has been similar questioning<br />

about the value of such studies among economists<br />

working in the obesity field. 4,16 Roux <strong>and</strong> Donaldson 4<br />

are highly critical of the economic credentials of such<br />

studies <strong>and</strong> conclude that they add little to the obesity<br />

debate, apart from confirming that obesity is a serious<br />

societal issue. In an earlier publication, 1 we took a<br />

more positive yet cautious approach to COI studies.<br />

While acknowledging that descriptive cost estimates<br />

can be of value to planners, we also stressed that COI<br />

estimates should not be overinterpreted. More importantly,<br />

used sensibly <strong>and</strong> carefully, COI estimates<br />

could also have a role beyond simple description <strong>and</strong><br />

monitoring, as an input into evaluation studies <strong>and</strong><br />

broad - based priority setting exercises.<br />

The third task of health economics, explanation<br />

of obesity, is a relatively new <strong>and</strong> underdeveloped<br />

field. Rosin 17 recently surveyed the growing economic<br />

literature on the causes of obesity epidemic, <strong>and</strong><br />

concluded that the key economic influences on obesity<br />

prevalence are food prices, working mothers, urbanization<br />

<strong>and</strong> technological change.<br />

Box 20.1 Glossary of e conomic<br />

t erms<br />

Cost – benefit analysis: An analytical tool for estimating<br />

the net social benefit of an intervention as the incremental<br />

benefit less the incremental costs, with all<br />

benefits <strong>and</strong> costs measured in monetary terms.<br />

Cost –effectiveness analysis: An analytic tool in which<br />

costs <strong>and</strong> benefits of a program <strong>and</strong> at least one<br />

alternative (usually current practice) are calculated<br />

<strong>and</strong> presented in a ratio of incremental cost to incremental<br />

benefit. Effects are measured as physical<br />

health outcomes (such as weight lost, BMI units<br />

saved or life years saved).<br />

168

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