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Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf

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Chapter 24<br />

by examining why policy is important for obesity<br />

prevention. Our analysis covers the food system<br />

<strong>and</strong> physical activity environment but with more<br />

emphasis on the former. A brief review of policy<br />

instruments <strong>and</strong> how evidence is incorporated into<br />

policy - making is presented. Then two case studies of<br />

how evidence is, <strong>and</strong> is not, used in policy - making are<br />

outlined to provide a practical perspective on evidence<br />

- based policy development. Finally, we discuss<br />

those features that are especially important for helping<br />

to build the policy backbone for preventing childhood<br />

obesity.<br />

Why is policy important for<br />

preventing childhood obesity?<br />

There is a variety of competing views about the importance<br />

<strong>and</strong> role of policy for preventing childhood<br />

obesity. Certain stakeholders claim that there is little<br />

need for government policy because the food marketplace<br />

<strong>and</strong> physical activity environment is managed<br />

democratically, with people being able to dem<strong>and</strong><br />

the food <strong>and</strong> physical activity choices they want to<br />

consume or adopt, <strong>and</strong> the market then efficiently<br />

provides these for them. For instance, they point out<br />

that food manufacturers now provide abundant, safe<br />

<strong>and</strong> relatively cheap food — so what is the problem?<br />

Conversely, others (including ourselves) argue that<br />

government policy is very important because the<br />

community has an expectation that the state has a role<br />

in protecting <strong>and</strong> promoting the food system <strong>and</strong><br />

physical activity environments as community goods.<br />

There are three particular reasons why policy is<br />

important for preventing childhood obesity.<br />

Food system failure<br />

Despite the impressive efficiencies of the modern food<br />

system in producing, processing <strong>and</strong> distributing<br />

food, its operation ignores the ecological fundamentals<br />

of the food <strong>and</strong> environment cyclic relationship<br />

<strong>and</strong> functions in a non - sustainable linear fashion. 2<br />

The modern food system does not have sufficient<br />

checks <strong>and</strong> balances in place to ensure that detrimental<br />

over - consumption <strong>and</strong> environmental impacts do<br />

not happen. Indeed, the warning signs of food system<br />

failure are amply illustrated by increasing environmental<br />

damage, staple food shortages, rising food<br />

prices <strong>and</strong> increasing obesity prevalence. This assessment<br />

is consistent with Moodie et al ’ s observation that<br />

obesity is a sign of commercial success (increasing<br />

food sales) but a market failure because the market is<br />

failing to deliver the best outcomes for people. 3 <strong>Policy</strong><br />

provides a statement <strong>and</strong> intentions regarding the<br />

food system structure <strong>and</strong> operation that can help<br />

avert <strong>and</strong>/or correct system failure.<br />

People are not able to dem<strong>and</strong><br />

unencumbered what they want<br />

to consume<br />

Generally it is an illusion that people have “ free<br />

choice ” <strong>and</strong> are able to dem<strong>and</strong> unencumbered what<br />

food they want to consume or what physical activity<br />

they wish to participate in. In other words, all our<br />

choices are determined by individual free will. People<br />

are rarely actively involved in how the food system<br />

operates <strong>and</strong> what food products are made available<br />

or marketed to them. For instance, it is estimated that<br />

there are over 320,000 food products available in the<br />

US marketplace, 4 many of which people would not<br />

have dreamed of dem<strong>and</strong>ing before being persuaded<br />

by marketers. By labeling people as “ consumers ” we<br />

perpetuate a way of thinking about how the food<br />

system operates in terms of three “Cs ” —consumption,<br />

commercialization <strong>and</strong> commodification. 5 <strong>Policy</strong> can<br />

be used to build a more engaged <strong>and</strong> informed citizenship<br />

in relation to the food system <strong>and</strong> the way it<br />

operates.<br />

The vulnerable members of society need<br />

to be protected<br />

Nutrition <strong>and</strong> obesity prevalence data consistently<br />

reveal that it is the most vulnerable in society <strong>and</strong><br />

those least able to engage with the food system that<br />

are most at risk of food insecurity <strong>and</strong> obesity. 6<br />

Engagement with the food system needs to be considered<br />

against democratic principles <strong>and</strong> rights such as<br />

participation <strong>and</strong> transparency in decision making. In<br />

this regard, Lang has also coined the term “ food<br />

democracy ” to refer to “ the dem<strong>and</strong> for greater access<br />

<strong>and</strong> collective benefit from the food system ” . 5 These<br />

democratic principles <strong>and</strong> attainment of food democracy<br />

can only be pursued within a food policy framework<br />

<strong>and</strong> not left to market forces <strong>and</strong> consumer<br />

dem<strong>and</strong>.<br />

204

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