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derived from Turkish transfer payments. Even prior to 1969/70, once people started
earning an independent income their financial assistance stopped. From mid 1964,
when shops in the enclaves began operating again, financial assistance was given on
the basis of need; only those without independent means were entitled to it. Wealthy
merchants received nothing except food stuffs when other supplies were
unavailable.
Some Turkish-Cypriots still lived outside the "Provisionai
Administration's"
control, particularly in areas within or close to the two large British Sovereign Base
Areas 55 . Therefore some economic activity still continued as part of the economic
life of the Republic of Cyprus. Despite periodic disruption during periods of tension
(when Turkish-Cypriots were glad to see their harvest safely loaded on Greek-
Cypriot lorries for the protection it offered) grape production in the Limassol and
Paphos régions (a major Turkish-Cypriot activity prior to 1974) generally went on,
with only periodic disruption throughout most of the period after 1964. Through
inter-communal co-operation, Turkish-Cypriot grape production became Cypriot
wine and spirit products. Patrick mentions four carob processing plants in the
village of Zyyi, an exclusively Turkish-Cypriot village. Greek-Cypriot managers
and foremen would commute into Zyyi on a daily basis to co-ordinate the
exclusively Turkish-Cypriot workforce 56 . Much other large-scale agricultural
production was not bi-communal and therefore did not always register in the
national income accounts of the Republic of Cyprus. Turkish-Cypriot wheat
production from villages in the Mesaoria Plain and the greater Nicosia enclave, was
often diverted from the Grain Commission and delivered directly to the new flour
mill in the Turkish Quarter of Nicosia (built after much haggling in 1962) 57 . After
55 Patrick 1976. op. cit., pp.302 & 307.
56 ibid., p.300.
57 Interview with Suleyman Kiryagdi, op. cit.
142