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Freud's Free Clinics

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“THE CONSCIENCE OF SOCIETY”—INTRODUCTION<br />

modern psychology, but it was, even so, the most complex and controversial.<br />

At the Vienna Ambulatorium on Pelikangasse psychoanalysis was practiced<br />

daily by clinicians closely linked to Red Vienna’s changing medical<br />

and sociopolitical agenda. And on Potsdamerstrasse in Berlin the Poliklinik<br />

offered the city’s psychiatric patients a compassionate alternative to the<br />

Charité Hospital’s institutional care, taking in those whom the medical and<br />

psychiatric establishments were ready to dismiss.<br />

Although by 1938 the Nazis had so depleted psychoanalysis that one could<br />

walk through the academic centers of Berlin or Vienna without meeting an<br />

analyst, let alone a Jew, Otto Fenichel and his group of exiled colleagues argued<br />

their beliefs more fiercely than ever. The Berlin clinic was ended in 1933,<br />

Sex-Pol in 1934, the Vienna Ambulatorium in 1938. Even then Fenichel encouraged<br />

his former colleagues to preserve a critical, political attitude even<br />

though the Poliklinik had been aryanized (not technically closed) in 1933. In<br />

the Rundbriefe, an extraordinary series of circular letters written to and<br />

among his circle of activist analysts, Fenichel articulated the confrontation<br />

between those who faithfully held to the humanist Freud and a new kind of<br />

clinician aligned with ego psychology. Over the next ten years Fenichel<br />

would come to view the ego psychologist Heinz Hartmann’s new theory of<br />

adaptation as neo-Freudian at best and, at worst, conformist and eerily pre-<br />

Freudian. Fenichel’s group argued consistently, along with their colleagues<br />

in Ernst Simmel’s Association for Socialist Physicians, that the importance of<br />

psychoanalysis lay precisely in its social, even Marxist, dimension. “We are<br />

all convinced,” Fenichel wrote from Oslo in March of 1934, “that we recognize<br />

in Freud’s Psychoanalysis the germ of the dialectical-materialist psychology<br />

of the future, and therefore we desperately need to protect and extend<br />

this knowledge.” 17<br />

That the history of political activism in psychoanalysis has been consistently<br />

withheld from public view is puzzling. The careers of the second generation<br />

of psychoanalysts were exemplary. Freud’s students were leaders in<br />

academia and medicine and even the military. Archival and oral history evidence,<br />

fragmented as it is, confirms that the early psychoanalytic movement<br />

was built around a progressive political core, closely allied to the cultural<br />

context of central Europe from 1918 to 1933, and that the free outpatient clinics<br />

were a practical implementation of that ideology. This narrative comes<br />

into focus once psychoanalysis is located in relation to the twentieth century’s<br />

alternately reformist and conformist social movements of modernism,<br />

socialism, democracy, and fascism. Today Otto Fenichel’s 119 Rundbriefe survive<br />

as eloquent documentation of the historical link between psychoanaly-<br />

8

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