Education Resource(small).indd - Department of Arts and Museums

23rd Telstra
National Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander
Education Resource
Bark Painting

The Telstra National Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Art Award attracts hundreds of entries from
established and up-and-coming Indigenous artists from which about one fi fth are preselected for
the Award judging. The exhibition showcases classical and contemporary art styles and shows
developments and experimentation taking place by artists utilising highly individual styles or those
shared regionally eg Balgo artists, Lockart River and Arnhem Land.
Indigenous Australian art is one of the oldest continuing art forms in the world. It is generally agreed
that Indigenous Australians have been making art in this country for about 60 000 years. However
the art has not remained static, but has shown a great resilience and ability to absorb techniques,
mediums and styles as different cultures and groups have impacted upon Indigenous Australians.
Many artists now utilise western techniques such as ceramics, printmaking, glassmaking,
photography, cast metal sculpture and batik to name a few. The art produced is highly prized by
collectors from all over the world and is considered fi ne art as well as unique cultural expression.
But Indigenous art is also culturally signifi cant and is a way to express a variety of messages
ranging from people’s identity, their relationship to Ancestral Beings and to the land. It also provides
commentary on actual events from the past and present and political messages concerning issues
such as the Stolen Generations, Reconciliation, Native Title and Deaths in Custody.
This Teacher Resource Kit explores themes using selected artworks from the 23rd Telstra National
Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Art Award exhibition. These themes are Bark Painting; Totems;
Fibrecraft and Urban Artists. Teachers and students are invited to extend the activities and artworks
presented in this Kit and to build on the suggested activities and selected artworks.
This Kit is also a companion for activities from previous Art Awards and Aboriginal art appearing on
the Museum and Art Gallery of the Northern Territory’s website
www.magnt.nt.gov.au

Bark paintings are used in closed and restricted ceremonies to represent and embody the presence
and power of Ancestral characters and events. They are made in northern Arnhem Land and have
also been made in Victoria and Tasmania.
The bark used for bark paintings is cut from the stringybark tree (Eucalyptus tetrodonta). The bark is
stripped from the tree in one sheet during the wet season when the sap is rising and the bark is pliant.
It is fl attened by being dried out under logs or hot sand, or over hot coals.
The red and yellow pigments used for the paintings are made from natural minerals called ochres.
Crushed charcoal is used to make black paint and clay is used for white. Ochres are ground, mixed
with glue (sap or egg were used before commercial glue became available) and water to make paint.
The paint is applied with a brush that is sometimes made from human hair tied to a twig.
In northern Arnhem Land, paintings on bark shelters are stylistically similar to rock shelter paintings
from the region. They were used to illustrate stories which were told to young people during the long
hours of the wet season when people were confi ned to the shelter.
Missionaries and anthropologists started to collect these art forms and encouraged the production of
these bark paintings which they were able to sell and raise revenue for the missions. In Milingimbi,
Reverend T T Webb encouraged bark painting from the late 1920s. At Yirrkala, Reverend W
Chaseling encouraged the production of bark paintings for sale from 1935.
In subsequent years demand for the paintings grew and mission shops became their primary outlet.
Today bark painting is an important industry particularly for artists in Arnhem Land, and art centres
based in these communities or regions that conduct business on behalf and for the artists.
In north-east Arnhem Land the bark painting is quite distinctive. These paintings are different to
those of western Arnhem Land in that the background instead of being plain ochre consists of many
varied sections of geometric patterns. The cross-hatching used on these paintings indicates the clan
associations to the subjects. These patterns belong to particular clans and symbolise ancestral power.
The paintings are often divided into segments by borderlines somewhat like a cartoon. Each of these
segments illustrates a particular part of the story. In this way, artists can narrate as much or as little
of their clan stories as they require. The composition identifi es relationships between the Ancestral
beings and between the features of Ancestor created landscape.
In western Arnhem Land bark artists paint a variety of images similar to those found in rock art
sites of the region. Mimi fi gures, rainbow serpents and other spirit beings are depicted on a plain
background. Other common subjects include the X-ray images of animals painted onto a plain
ochre background. Artists also incorporate cross-hatched designs known as rarrk which they use on
paintings of Ancestral beings.

Banduk Marika
Rulyapa
Natural pigments on bark
This miny’tji (sacred clan design) represents Rulyapa, the rough saltwater country between Nhulunbuy
and the large island of Dhambaliya, ballooning up from the secret depths around the sacred rock
Manhala, which can be a manifestation of Daymirri. Daymirri is the whale (or perhaps sea monster),
that according to Rirratjingu and Djambarrpuyngu clan manikay (sacred song) pertains to the
saltwater country close to Yirrkala. The dome-shaped rock Manhala exposes itself at the low tide
above the rang (tide marks) bleached white, a patina of brine and weather.
Manhala is one of many names given to the rock. Djambarrpuyngu and Rirratjingu clans have many
‘deep’ names that are intoned by the ritual specialists at the culmination of appropriate ceremony.
The sea surrounding the rock, its tidal movements, differing states and the effect it had on Yolngu
visiting this site in ancestral times is all recorded in the sacred song as are all the totemic species
of marine life that have these ancestral connections to the Rirratjingu and Djambarrpuyngu. Often
painted in this design is Daymirri (whale), Balpa (rock cod), Djumbarr (red emperor), Darrpa (king
brown snake) and Mutjalanydjal (dolphin). All of these things and all of their meanings are implied
simply by the presence of the miny’tji for the water.
It’s not just Manhala and the power associated with deep seated knowledge that makes this area
both sacred and dangerous to those entering without authority. There are three other rocks in the
area of similar qualities but these ones - Wakwakbuy, Mulnguwuy and Dharrpawuy are submerged.
(Buku-Larrnggay Mulka Centre)

Keith Lapulung
Untitled
Natural pigments on bark
This painting is by Keith Lapulung who has been assisted by his younger brother Djundu Djakala.
It contains an important cultural link between two countries, which belong to the Djambarrpuyngu
clan nation of north-east Arnhem Land. The two countries represented are Garrata (top layer) and
Ngurruyurrtjurr (bottom layer). The middle layer with the roundel depicts two salt water Rengitj (song
cycles) classifi ed as the rulyapa and murrupu, ocean currents meeting together.
The depiction of Garrata features the Mana or ancestral shark dreaming, gut-gut (ceremonial
headband) and a yininya or ceremonial spear belonging to the Yirritja peoples. The ‘U’ shaped object
inside the shark is the djukurru (fat) which has great cultural signifi cance. Just beneath is the warrngul
or stingray barbed ceremonial spear belonging to Dhuwa people of the Dhamalamirr clan.
The two Namal (stingray) represent the importance of the cultural connection between the shark,
the Djambarrpuyngu people of the Dhamalamirr clan whose nation is at Garrata. The rarrk (crosshatching)
symbolises the current of the two waters meeting and forming one current. The roundel
itself represents the Garma (meeting place for ceremony). An assembly area and common ground
for both Djambarrpuyngu clan nations, the Dhamalamirr clan and Dhabunba clan.
The bottom layer of the painting depicts the Mutuldja Nyapili (mythical king brown snakes) who rest
at Ngurruyurrtjurr. Two bawung (native yams) in fl ower are depicted inside, again emphasising the
importance of the country. In the centre is a barala (sand bar) which the snakes rest under. Two
warrarri (ceremonial spears) belonging to the Dhabunba clan are depicted on the outer edges.
(Milingimbi Arts and Craft)

Paul Nabulumo Namarinjmak
Creek at Kubumi
Natural pigments on bark
This painting refers to a creek at Kubumi near the outstation Yikarrarkkal where Paul Nabulumo
Namarinjmak lives with his family and father Mick Kubarkku. This creek is associated with Ngalyod
(the rainbow serpent).
The rainbow serpent is a powerful mythological fi gure for all Aboriginal people throughout Australia.
Characteristics of the rainbow serpent vary greatly from group to group and also depending on the
site. Often viewed as a female generative fi gure, the rainbow serpent can sometimes also be male.
She has both powers of creation and destruction and is most strongly associated with rain monsoon
seasons and of course the colour seen in rainbows which arc across the sky like a giant serpent.
For Aboriginal people in northern Australia the rainbow serpent is said to be active during the wet
season. Known as Ngalyod in the Kuninjku language of western central Arnhem Land, the rainbow
serpent is mostly associated with bodies of water such as billabongs, creeks, rivers and waterfalls
where she (Ngalyod) resides. Therefore she is responsible for the production of most water plants
such as water lilies, water vines, algae and palms, which grow near water. The roar of waterfalls in the
escarpment country is said to be her voice. Large holes in stony banks of rivers and cliff faces are
said to be her tracks. She is held in awe because of her apparent ability to renew her life by shedding
her skin and emerging anew.
Aboriginal myths about the rainbow serpent often describe her as a fearful creature that swallows
humans only to regurgitate them, transformed by her blood. The white clay used by artists to create
the brilliant white for bark paintings, body decoration and in the past, rock art, is said to be the faeces
of the rainbow serpent.
Aboriginal people today respect and take care of sacred areas where the rainbow serpent is said to
reside. Often certain activities are forbidden at these places for fear that the wrath of the great snake
will cause sickness, accidents and even tempests. This is not always the case however and there are
many rainbows.
(Maningrida Arts and Culture)

Years T-7
At the Exhibition
1. What colours are used in the featured bark paintings
2. In the painting called Creek at Kubumi, what things can you learn about the Rainbow Serpent
3. Which bark painting do you like and why
At School
1. Use paints that are close to the ochres used in Aboriginal bark paintings. On a piece of
cardboard paint you own cross-hatched painting of your favourite animal.
2. Experiment at school using different natural items such as soil, ash, rock etc to make earth
colours by grinding them and adding water or glue.
3. Stage your own bark painting exhibition by choosing an animal to paint. Write the story about
your animal and place your paining and text panel around the classroom.
Years 8-10
At the Exhibition
1. Make a summary of the explanations given by the featured artists about their bark paintings.
2. Compare and contrast the techniques, colours, forms and patterning of these three artworks.
3. Can you fi nd the different symbols used by each featured artist to depict natural forms in
their paintings
At School
1. Design a symbol with more than one meaning. As a class discuss each others’ symbols.
2. Divide a piece of paper in three sections and using the cross-hatching method of painting
produce three cartoons about your life so far.
3. Research the importance of bark painting to people in Arnhem Land. List the differences
between western Arnhem Land bark paintings and those from north-eastern Arnhem Land.

23rd Telstra
National Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander
Education Resource
Totems

Some works of Indigenous art are accessible to ‘white eyes’; however others aren’t and are diffi cult
to place. The hollow log bone coffi n is one of the latter. During the sixties, when Aboriginal art
was ‘discovered’, installations of so-called ‘totem poles’ were popular, though rarely placed in the
prominent places which they deserved.
These ‘totems’ have signifi cance within their community and are an important part of the mortuary
ceremonies which have occurred for thousands of years. In north-eastern Arnhem Land, the Yolngu
people continue many age old ceremonies and rituals. One of these is the Hollow Log or Bone
Coffi n ceremony.
When a person dies, the body is washed, painted with relevant totemic designs, sung over, mourned
and placed on an burial platform. Some time later the bones of the deceased are recovered and
distributed to relatives in a small ceremony. After a period, this may be years, the relatives hand over
the bones to ceremonial leaders for them to hold a Hollow Log ceremony.
A log hollowed out naturally by termites is found, cleaned and painted with relevant designs, like the
body, amidst singing and dancing in a special ceremony for those completing the ritual. The bones
are cleaned, painted with red ochre and placed in the log during special dances. When a set series
of songs and dances has been completed, the log is then carried and danced into the main public
camp and stood upright. It is then left.
Full-size versions minus the bones are made and sold today as sculptures. These works are art
pieces in their own right
The Tiwi people of Bathurst and Melville Islands also follow a mortuary tradition which involves burial
poles. Found around the graves of Tiwi people, the poles known as pukumani poles, also called
Tutini, can be as high as 4m. They are usually made from ironwood trees and painted with elaborate
designs representing the deceased.
The Pukumani Mortuary Ceremony celebrates the life of a person who has died and ensures their
spirit’s safe journey to the land of the dead. The ceremony involves making large carved decorated
poles which may take weeks. Techniques utilised during the making of the poles include painting
patterns using ochres, singing and cutting ‘windows’ into the poles.
During the ceremony, dancers will make payments to the carvers as a sign of their appreciation.
Artists are encouraged to be original in their designs and take great pleasure in the fi nal appearance
of the carvings. Bark baskets called Tunga, are placed over the top of the posts to signify the end of
the food obligations to the deceased person.
While they still carve stylised pukumani poles for use in ceremony, they also produce fi gurative
carvings of birds and human sculptures for sale.

Baluka Maymuru
Dhakandjali
Natural pigments on wood
These Dhakandjali are memorial poles for Manggalili clan people.
The poles each have two jaws. One of these is shorter than the other. There are deep meanings
behind this symbolism that distinguish this log as a Manggalili vessel. It is generally conceived that
the larrakitj used by Yolngu are an ancestral skin or body for bones that are essentially components
of the Creation. Once the fl esh has dissolved the unhelpful emanations dispersed and the elemental
spirit of the deceased has merged with its clan’s reservoir of souls the bones are ready to wear a new
protection. The Manggalili place their bones inside a creature that is not known to non-Yolngu. This
clan and the Wangurri recognise this creature which sometimes manifest as a log and other times
as Mulmirri (a sea monster). This log/being can traverse the journey of the spirit through the various
states of water depicted. Only a log imbued with mangrove worms that died when the log passed
into freshwater causes the breakage which distinguishes Manggalili identity.

The references to Manggalili sites, ancestral forces and ceremony are so dense that they are hard to
outline here. One of the panels of this hollow log is a depiction of Yingapungapu - the elliptical shape.
It relates to the drowning death of canoe hunters whose spirits transfer to the Milky Way.
The Yingapungapu is a low relief sand sculpture used in the context of mortuary for the Yirritja clans
of Manggalili, Madarrpa and Dhalwangu. Its primary traditional function is to keep the contamination
of death within the confi nes of the sculpture. Placement of the deceased within the Yingapungapu
on the associated clan land in days before contact had been reserved originally for the Creator
Ancestors. In these areas and by way of permanence for perpetuity, Yingapungapu sites denoted
indisputable land ownership.
Baluka has painted Yingapungapu at Djarrakpi and icons that have reference to the events of the
original Manggalili deaths. It is a saltwater image therefore having reference to Nyapalingu (Creator
Woman) and her involvement as a mother earth fi gure when it comes to mortuary. The ‘X’ shape in
this pole is also a manifestation of Nyapalingu.
The sacred design throughout is of the Manggalili clan, denoting Djarrakpi. The wavy lines have
reference to saltwater and turtle tracks in the sand dunes. Gunyan the ghost sand crab has its hole in
the same sand. Out of his hole the crab seeks carrion that has a cleansing effect on the beach and
is thus a metaphor in that the body is cleansed in preparation for fi nal rites outside the Yingapungapu.
Often this is painted by Manggalili in placing the fi sh caught by Ancestral Hunters - Lalu or Yambirrku
the parrot fi sh within the Yingapungapu to be utilised as an area for food scraps, thus taking away
some of the power illustrated here for the main event. The round ‘stations’ can be seen as holes
within the Yingapungapu used to bury food remains and/or places where specifi c relatives of the
deceased administer mortuary rites.
Nguykal (Greater Trevally or Turrum) is adorned with the clan miny’tji (design) of the freshwater in the
Wayawu River that contains the corm of the yoku (water lily). This indicates the embodiment of the
feminine, the yoku the yothu or child within. Ngukal follows out of the freshwater in the panel below. This
is also depicted in the anvil shapes (one black, one white) which fl ow back to the Yingapungapu above.
Nguykal from the waters of the sea (of Djarrakpi) venture up to this point in the Wayawu River. They
are depicted here carrying the miny’tji of the saltwater country of Djarrakpi to mix with the fresh. There
is held by Yolngu mythology of ancestral hunting of Nguykal from the rock, revered as sacred here
also as this water source is a font of Manggalili soul.
One pole has a ‘fertile’ area where the freshwater coming down meets the natural dry season barriers
of sand bars that halt the tidal surge. It is known as maywundji. This is where the lightning serpent
Gayitj stays. The freshwater is running a new season has begun and the wet is imminent. Gayitj on
tasting the infl ux of freshwater coming down from the sacred lands stands up on its tail from its lorr
(hole) to herald the event to kin by spitting lightning into the skies. At the top of that pole the dead
and fallen leaves of the mangrove called motu gather on the surface of the serpent’s waterhole,
banking up at the barrage to be fi nally spilled out to sea. A metaphor of the yothu (child) being
released and the procreative qualities of these sacred waters. The ‘X’-shapes can also be seen as
feminine wet season cloud.
A cycle of events is complete. The sacred songs tell of the rains and freshwaters travelling through
the lands to meet the sea to then be mixed on the shore by the action of in and out tides before being
taken up with the currents. Out at sea they will be further imbued with the Ancestral powers at sacred
sites before being taken up by the forces of the storm clouds that rain all the way back across the sea
to the land and the rivers that run back to sea.
(Buku-Larrnggay Mulka Centre)

Ian Waldron
Bloodwood Totem from Kurtijar Country in the Gulf of Carpentaria
Synthetic polymer paint on canvas
“The Bloodwood is a totem of Kurtijar people, from my Aboriginal ancestors down through to me - an
urban Aborigine. My artistic interpretation of this tree is fl oated on the canvas to remind me of our
close connection to the land.
The fl oating of the trees represents the transition of the trees from the land to spiritual form, then to
me and back to the land. To me the totem parallels the Christian belief of “from dust we come, to
dust we return” and we must remember our spiritual connection to land. Through artistic activity a
man can communicate with his Dreamtime.”
(Ian Waldron)

Irenie Ngalinba
Lorrkon
Natural pigments on stringybark
The Lorrkon or bone log coffi n ceremony was the fi nal ceremony in a sequence of mortuary rituals
celebrated by the people of Arnhem Land. This ceremony involves the placing of the deceased’s
bones into a hollow log which was decorated with painted clan designs and ceremonially placed into
the ground where it remained until it slowly decayed over many years.
The log is made from a termite hollowed stringybark tree (Eucalyptus tetradonta) and is decorated
with totemic emblems.
The western Arnhem Land version of the Lorrkon ceremony involves the singing of sacred songs to
the accompaniment of karlikarli, a pair of sacred boomerangs used as rhythm instruments.
During the fi nal evening of the ceremony, dancers decorate themselves with kapok down or today
cotton wool and conduct much of the fi nal segments of the ceremony in the secrecy of a restricted
men’s camp. The complete ceremony may stretch over a period of two weeks but on the last night
the bones of the deceased which have been kept in a bark container or today wrapped in cloth and
kept in a suitcase are taken out then painted with red ochre and placed inside the hollow log. This
ceremony may take place many years after the person has died.
At fi rst light on the fi nal morning of the Lorrkon ceremony, the men appear coming out of their secret
bush camp carrying the pole towards the women’s camp. The two groups call to each other using
distinct ceremonial calls. The women have prepared a hole for the pole to be placed into and when it
is stood upright, women in particular kinship relationships to the deceased dance around the pole in a
jumping/shuffl ing motion. The Lorrkon is then often covered with a tarpaulin and left to slowly decay.
(Maningrida Arts and Culture)

John Martin Tipungwuti
Pukumani Pole “Tutini”
Natural pigments on Ironwood
The Pukumani ceremony is the culmination of ritual mourning for a deceased person. Several months
after burial the family commission in-laws of the deceased to carve and decorate elaborate tutini.
These are then placed at the gravesite during an elaborate performance of song and dance, tunga
(bark bags) are placed upside down on top of the poles to signify the end of life. These sculpturally
beautiful ‘artworks’ are left to the elements returning to the bush from which they are made.
Traditionally Tiwi use the bloodwood tree for tutini but cured ironwood is the preferred timber for
commercial carvings thanks to its durability. Current practice of carving Pukumani poles is an
expression of the artist’s cultural heritage through contemporary art. They are created as an artistic
form of expression to be viewed and appreciated by a broader public with the intention to maintain
and share Tiwi cultural knowledge.
Tutini carved with a pronged or forked apex represent the fi ght between Purukuparli and his brother
Taparra the moon man. Diamond and curved shapes are a female embodiment, but each pole
represents all and everything that is Tiwi culture.
(Jilamara Arts & Crafts Association)

Years T-7
At the Exhibition
1. Find the totems featured and write each artist’s name and where each artist lives. Can you fi nd
the different names given by each artist for their totem
2. Describe what the three totems featured are made from. Choose a symbol from each, copy it
and then write what you think it is.
3. Can you fi nd any other totems in the Art Award
At School
1. Using butcher’s paper cut out the shape of either a Pukumani pole or Log Coffi n, making each
pole at least one metre in height. Use designs or symbols to decorate your totem pole and
display them around the classroom.
2. Using toilet rolls or similar cardboard cylinders paint it showing your favourite animal. Place
some messages, drawings or photos that are special to you in the cylinder. Display these in your
classroom or the library.
3. Research ceremonies that are used in other cultures, ancient and present day that deal with
laying a person to rest after they have passed away.
Years 8-10
At the Exhibition
1. Find the totem poles selected in this section. Choose one of them and write a newspaper story
about the artwork and the artist.
2. Compare and contrast the three featured totems, starting with the artist’s name and location.
What makes each of these totems different and what similarities do they have
3. Make a rough sketch of your favourite totem pole so that you can recreate it at school and add
this to your newspaper story.
At School
1. Using blocks of balsa wood carve a totem pole and decorate it to show the place where you live
and the place where your parents lived as children.
2. Research different ceremonies carried out by different cultures relating to mortuary rites or death
rites. Compare and contrast your fi ndings as a classroom activity.
3. Research “The Aboriginal Memorial” produced in 1998 and featured at the National Gallery of
Australia. Where was this artwork created and why is it signifi cant as a piece of Australian art

23rd Telstra
National Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander
Education Resource
Fibrecraft

Fibre plays an important role in the life of Indigenous people. The diverse range of techniques
includes coiling, twining and looping. Plant fi bre is the most common material used to make a
diverse range of functional items. The objects produced are signifi cant in practical and spiritual ways.
Fibre objects are directly connected with the Ancestral Beings.
The age old practice of weaving bags, baskets and mats from the leaves of the Pandanus and the
bark of the Kurrajong continues today. Producing the magnifi cent weavings is labour intensive and
involves a number of steps. This is almost always done by women in groups.
The younger generation, taught the skills of fi brecraft by elders, also learn about the natural
landscape and the local and seasonal availability of materials. Weaving time is also a sharing time for
stories and cultural knowledge.
Patterns on baskets can be changed using different textures but usually they are achieved by
changing colour. Women from western Arnhem Land use combinations of different materials,
technique and colour to produce their range of baskets. In older baskets the patterning was achieved
by painting ochres on to the fi bres and incorporating feathers into the weaving of the basket often
resulting in geometric or fi gurative patterns.
With the coming of European settlers, commercial dyes were able to be used as the settlers
brought containers that allowed boiling of mashed dye plants. In western Arnhem Land colours
were achieved using different plants eg yellow was achieved by collecting the roots of Pognolobus
reticulatus. The roots are washed, pounded or scraped and then added to water. The leaves of the
plant, pandanus are added to the water once it has boiled.
Until very recently in Maningrida, the fi bre craft produced by Aboriginal artists, both men and women,
has generally been overlooked. From a western perspective fi bre was viewed as craft rather than art
even though it plays an important role in ceremony and in daily life. Growing interest in fi bre work
has stimulated innovation from twined dilly bags and the conical pandanus mats (associated with the
Djang’kawu creator beings) to the fi sh traps usually made by men.
The weavers of central Australia have a limited tradition of fi bre as the majority of items are made of
wood. However with the establishment of the Ernabella Missionary, spinning wool, weaving and rug
making were introduced.
In 1995 a new fi bre movement emerged, triggered by the basketry technique of coiling. The women
have been highly innovative with the materials used and the objects produced resulting in a new
genre of fi bre sculpture emerging.
The winners of last year’s Telstra First Prize, the Blackstone Tjanpi Weavers created a life sized grass
Toyota. The judges in making their decision commented, “Tjanpi Grass Toyota by the Blackstone
Tjanpi Weavers is a wonderfully witty, well-crafted and relevant work. In one sense it takes us to the
heart of community life and its tradition of weaving from grass that belongs to the women’s country.
On the other hand this work not only recognizes but also celebrates the four-wheel drive as central to
desert living for Aboriginal people.”

Nora Campbell
Vivian
Raffi a, wire, wool, feather
“The art work is of a woman named Vivian. She has a Coolamon. Vivian is looking for bush tucker.
For many years women of Tijikala would go out bush to collect bush tucker to feed the whole family.
Vivian represents many Aboriginal women who work very hard to provide food for their families.
Aboriginal women are very strong and very proud.”
(Nora Campbell and Cora Meruntji)

Jill Nganjmirra
Mat with Floral Design
Pandanus, natural dyes
The fl oral design, ‘kunngobarn mannguy marnbuyindanj’ in Kunwinjku is a rare but beautiful motif used
by the weavers situated in Gunbalanya and nearby outstations.
It was created by Jill Nganjmirra who developed it as a decorative feature of coiled mats and baskets.
This twined mat takes the design a step further utilising the rich natural dyes to defi ne each element of
the design.
(Injalak Arts and Crafts)

Elizabeth Djakurrurr
Untitled
Pandanus, natural dyes

Years T-7
At the Exhibition
1. Find the featured artworks in this section. Describe each one, how it has been made and what
has each artist used to produce their artwork
2. Do you think people would use these artworks If so, how would people use them
3. For each of the artworks list the colours used. Do you think you know where each weaver would
have started their work
At School
1. Use different materials: wool, string, cardboard, rope or raffi a to create a woven object. You
many like to coil or stitch a basket, or weave a mate or make a doll.
2. In class research how baskets are made in Arnhem Land. Make a fl ip chart to show how the
weaving process starts eg collect the material etc.
3. Bring a woven object to class and do a ‘show and tell’ about the item, its use and its importance
to you.
Years 8-10
At the Exhibition
1. Describe each of the featured woven objects. Do they all have a functional use
2. Can you identify all the colours used in each woven object How do you think these colours
have been achieved
3. What do these three different woven objects tell us about Indigenous weavings
At School
1. Research the signifi cance of weaving in Arnhem Land. Create a booklet to show the process
involved in weaving beginning with the collection of the material.
2. Experiment with different dyes commercial and natural to see what colours can be achieved
using white wool, string or raffi a or any other fi bre.
3. Explore other types of fi brecraft methods practised eg tatting, knitting, crocheting, fi nger knitting,
plaiting and macramé and try one of these methods to create a fi bre object.

23rd Telstra
National Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander
Education Resource
Urban Indigenous Artists

Indigenous art takes on a different form when the artist is an urban-based Indigenous artist. They
may use the same technique of cross-hatching or dots and circles, they may use classic shapes.
However these artists are not necessarily painting the special Dreaming stories that only artists from
a particular region can paint because it is their country. The urban artist often paints about the things
that stand between them and the country that has been taken away from them.
Djon Mundine writing in Aboriginal Art in the Public Eye states, “The problem of contemporary
innovations versus classical Aboriginal art has vexed art historians since at least the turn of the
century. This has happened in two ways: the refusal to see classical Aboriginal art (bark paintings and
sculpture, and ‘dot’ paintings) in a contemporary sense, and the refusal until the last ten years to see
non-classical, so called ‘urban’ Aboriginal Art as true Aboriginal work”.
Until recently, authenticity was equated with tradition and the value of the object lay in its expression
of a time and a culture that has passed rather that in its relevance as a refl ection of contemporary
circumstances. The ‘urban’ artist may sometimes use terms which are generic and regional to
describe their Aboriginality eg ‘Murri’ in the north-east and ‘Koori’ in the south-east of Australia,
‘Nunga’ in coastal South Australia and “Nyoongah’ in south-western Australia. Artists may further use
a language group to show the country with which they identify.
Urban artists live in those areas of the country where the initial impact of colonisation was most
strongly felt. Many of them are self taught, though an increasing number have participated in formal
training at art schools. Their work looks to Aboriginal sources for inspiration and is informed by
Western art, and occasionally, other art traditions.
The various styles evident from these artists represent social and political viewpoints eg the issues of
dispossession, broken families, ‘stolen’ children, and racism were strong themes explored by urban
artists in the second half of the twentieth century.
Urban Aboriginal artists are breaking through the barriers of prejudice to establish themselves as
artists in their own right. Their work is at the leading edge of Australian art and refl ects perspectives
on Australian society which previously had been rarely acknowledged.
Urban artists have experimented in a wide variety of media and modes of expression - ranging from
paintings, prints and pottery to photography, digital work and installations. While the attraction of
traditional work is strong, it must be acknowledged that other forms are just as legitimate as examples
of Indigenous art, and certainly the artworks of ‘urban’ artists are gaining acceptance eg urban
artist Richard Bell was the winner of the Telstra First Prize in 2003 with his work entitled, Scientia E
Metaphysica (Bell’s Theorem).

Archie Moore
Maltheism
Paper
“The work is made with paper, from a Bible. The passage is from Deuteronomy and within its text
is the endorsement from God to Moses for invasion of other nations. It says that you have the right
to invade, take all their resources, kill all the men (non-believers) and make no treaty with them.
The church is modelled on one of the very fi rst churches built in Australia. I found this in a book of
early buildings in Australia and I made a plan of it and transferred it to paper to make the sculpture.
The sculpture rises out of the Bible and is made of folds with no extra paper being added (glued or
otherwise).
I couldn’t help but think that the Christians on the fi rst fl eet must have had some of Deuteronomy’s
sentiments in their minds as they landed, invaded and conquered. The right-wing contender for
Prime Minister in Israel’s recent election also quoted segments of Deuteronomy in his campaign. I
think it also echoes religious/cultural intolerance elsewhere in the world; it has a universal meaning,
not only with Indigenous Australians. The innocuous paper sculpture of the church belies the true
message/s that inhabit it.”
(Archie Moore)

Tony Albert
Race Invader
Synthetic polymer paint on canvas
Race Invader explores ideas about the human condition, as it relates to a constructed ‘National
Identity’. This work was painted shortly before 26 January 2006: Australia Day, a day of celebration
for many Australians, but also Invasion Day, a day that symbolises dispossession and death for many
Aboriginal people.
The work asks the viewer to think about cultural defi nitions that are bestowed upon people through
the mass media and the jingoistic nature of the ‘Australian Identity’ construct. Using popular culture
imagery to portray an alien invasion and a limited colour pallet of green and gold, Race Invader
satirises the idea of Australia’s settlement.
(Tony Albert)

Yhonnie Scarce
‘Enee, Meanee, Minee, Mo’
Glass and mixed media
“As an Indigenous child growing up in a small town I often heard the rhyme ‘Enee, meanee, minee,
mo…catch a nigga by the toe’ etc.
It wasn’t until I grew older that I realised how derogatory this rhyme was to myself and other
Indigenous Australians. So with this piece I have tried to encapsulate this feeling of entrapment by
producing hand blown bush food that are indicative of Indigenous Australians and their/my culture.
These pieces are held inside a glass jar with the British fl ag restricting any chance of escape, giving
an impression of catching an insect.
There is also the representation of how Indigenous Australians were forced from their homelands and
contained in the one area, away from their land, culture and family unit.”
(Yhonnie Scarce)

Judy Watson
a preponderance of aboriginal blood
Etching
“I was compelled to make this series of works after listening to a lecture by Loris Williams and
Margaret Reid at the University of Queensland on Indigenous people and the Right to Vote in
Queensland. Along with other artists I had been commissioned by the State Library of Queensland to
produce an artist’s book celebrating the Queensland Centenary of Women’s Suffrage and Forty Years
of Aboriginal Suffrage. I had decided however, I didn’t want to do this project. I had a lot on my plate
already with two young kids and other work related deadlines in front of me. But, when I heard Loris
use the term ‘a preponderance of aboriginal blood’, I was in, and I knew what I was going to make the
work about. I dedicated this artist’s book to Loris and I’m sorry she never got to see it completed.
Loris sent me material from her lecture and Margaret Reid sent me copies of some of the original
documents in the archives. It is this material, that is so potent and so oppressive, that is the work.
Its heaviness dictates an era of constriction and control for all Aboriginal people caught within its
web. My dedication goes not only to Loris and Margaret but to all those writers, artists, researchers,
educators, and librarians etc who have helped to reveal the whitewash of our history.
The matrilineal side of my family is Aboriginal; our country is in north west Queensland. My father’s
family have Scottish and English ancestry. I fi t somewhere in between, I am Indigenous and non
Indigenous. I embody the notion of two cultural frameworks occupying the same cultural space.
My Aboriginal Grandmother, Grace Isaacson, was born on Riversleigh Station in north west
Queensland in 1912. This is an area important in the study of palaeontology, fossils. Not far from
here is Lawn Hill Gorge, a beautiful place, lush with plenty of water, plant and animal life. In 1990 and
2001 I went on a trip to Riversleigh Station and Lawn Hill Gorge with some of my family. It wasn’t the
fi rst time I’ve been there but to go back again is to see something new each time and is an affi rmation
of identity, ancestral links and connection with country. Being with family, talking to my Grandmother,
absorbing her memories, gaining an insight into her life and the way she sees the land, being shown
bushfoods and sites is some of my major research as an Indigenous visual artist. The strength of
these experiences sustains me and is the touchstone for my work.
When I see the sort of material I researched for this project I am outraged that my own family
especially my wonderful Grandmother, Grace Isaacson, were subjected to this sort of treatment and
classifi cation by the white authorities in this country. I view this material with a deep, personal hurt for
my family and for all Aboriginal people.
The work is in a way very simple. I present copies of the original documents, overlaying them with
images of blood. The printing process is chine collé in which thin paper; in this case photocopies
onto banana fi bre paper are backed with acid free glue, a rice paste. They are placed face down
onto etching plates, rubbed with a dark red ink, a dampened sheet of white cotton rag paper is
placed over the top and then fed through the printing press which is like an old clothes mangle,
squashing the paper into the surface of the plate so that it can pull the ink out. The pressure adheres
the sticky glue on the back of the thin sheet of paper so that it becomes a part of the heavier white
paper, collaging them together.
Because this material from the archives already has a latent power, I didn’t want to change this very
much. Its leakage onto the printed page is enough. My background is as a printmaker, so it was a
natural progression to work with this medium for the artist’s book.”
(Judy Watson)

Years T-7
At the Exhibition
1. Choose one of the featured artworks. What is it made from What do you think the artist is trying
to show us
2. List each of the featured artworks and list the materials used to make it.
3. Can you fi nd any other artwork made by an artist from an urban area Write their name, title of
their work and what the work is made from and their language group (if that is recorded).
At School
1. Archie Moore has chosen folded paper made from the pages of the Bible. He has chosen
to sculpt a church out of paper. Choose some special paper from a magazine and follow
instructions to make an origami paper sculpture.
2. Tony Albert has chosen the boxing kangaroo; a symbol of Australia’s fi ghting spirit to create his
work. Draw a number of other Australian symbols that you know.
3. Make your own artwork about something that is special to you about where you live and what
happens there.
Years 8-10
At the Exhibition
1. Study each of these featured artworks. List the author’s name, the material used and a
paragraph about what the artist is trying to convey to us.
2. What symbols have been used in each of the featured artworks
3. Choose one of the featured artworks and profi le it by discussing its subject matter, style,
composition, medium and form.
At School
1. Think of a viewpoint that you hold. Create an artwork to express this. Write a text panel
explaining your artwork and display it in the classroom or library.
2. Research the various viewpoints expressed in these featured artworks. How is the way the artist
chose to present their viewpoint important in conveying their viewpoint
3. Make a list of the urban Indigenous artists practising in Australia today. You might like to
consider Trevor Nickolls, Tracey Moffat, Judy Watson, Ian Abdulla, Danie Mellor, Ian Waldron,
Richard Bell, Christian Thompson, Brenda L Croft, Avril Quaill, Lin Onus, Ellen Jose, Fiona Foley
and Sally Morgan.

Bibliography
Ronald M Berndt & Catherine H Berndt with John E Stanton, Aboriginal Australian Art: A Visual
Perspective, Sydney, 1982,
Djon Mundine, Two hundred burial poles: The Aboriginal Memorial, The Oxford Companion to
Aboriginal Art and Culture – Sylvia Kleinert and Margo Neale, Oxford University Press, Australia, 2000,
pp142 – 143
Sylvia Kleinert. ed, Aboriginal Art in the Public Eye, an Art Monthly Australia Supplement, Canberra,
1992-93
Caruana, Wally, Aboriginal Art, Singapore, 1993
Internet Sites
http://www.didgeridoos.net.au/burial-coffi n-hollow-log.html
http://www.ingarnendi.samuseum.sa.gov.au/db/features/story.phpprimKeyPost=22
http://learnline.cdu.edu.au/units/aht214/topend/diversity.html
http://www.maningrida.com/mac/exh_cover.phpid=17
http://www.aboriginalartonline.com/regions/urban.php
http://www.yirrkalaprints.com/about.html
http://www.samuseum.sa.gov.au/aacg/speakingland/story18/18_story.htm
The 23rd Telstra National Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Art Award is supported by the Visual Arts and Craft Strategy, an initiative of the
Australian, State and Territory Governments.