Theorizing Sovereignty in Empty Land - Contested Global Landscapes
Theorizing Sovereignty in Empty Land - Contested Global Landscapes
Theorizing Sovereignty in Empty Land - Contested Global Landscapes
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European development advocacy groups have expressed reservations about the solar plan, rais<strong>in</strong>g<br />
concerns about the technical and f<strong>in</strong>ancial viability of the project as well as its equity implications<br />
(Hickman 2011). The idea that Morocco is tak<strong>in</strong>g out billions of dollars <strong>in</strong> loans to produce energy for<br />
export to Europe when the economic viability of the <strong>in</strong>itiative is hardly assured raises questions about<br />
externaliz<strong>in</strong>g the risk of Europe's renewable energy strategy to Morocco and other struggl<strong>in</strong>g economies<br />
around the region. Advocates also wonder whether local people will benefit from the regional strategy to<br />
export energy to Europe, as when a representative of Greenpeace Germany warns that "we have to avoid<br />
European companies gett<strong>in</strong>g their hands on local resources" (Hickman 2011). The po<strong>in</strong>t of entry for their<br />
critique is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g, perhaps reflect<strong>in</strong>g their positionality as European-based observers analyz<strong>in</strong>g<br />
DESERTEC's plan from the standpo<strong>in</strong>t of published materials from DESERTEC itself and <strong>in</strong>ternational<br />
f<strong>in</strong>ance <strong>in</strong>stitutions support<strong>in</strong>g the project. The plan is new and sprawl<strong>in</strong>g and little research has been<br />
conducted on the ground about its possible implications. The plan also elicits a more ambivalent response<br />
from advocates than other perceived resource grabs or development policy <strong>in</strong>iquities. One report that<br />
specifically addresses the Ouarzazate project, term<strong>in</strong>g it an "EU energy grab," exemplifies this<br />
ambivalence. It warms of "pump<strong>in</strong>g money <strong>in</strong>to a mega-project whose purpose is to generate electricity<br />
for export to the EU <strong>in</strong>stead of <strong>in</strong>vest<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> enhanc<strong>in</strong>g energy access" but goes on to note that "such<br />
concerns should not be mis<strong>in</strong>terpreted: there is a clear need for a rapid transition to solar and other forms<br />
of renewable energy globally. To the extent that this is prioritised above fossil fuel <strong>in</strong>frastructure, that is a<br />
welcome development. However, this laudable end does not necessarily justify the means by which it is<br />
achieved" (Reyes 2012:4). For the World Development Movement that released the report, the primary<br />
concern is a Moroccan energy policy based on an "energy export and competitiveness-led model, to<br />
which the goal of widen<strong>in</strong>g access and address<strong>in</strong>g poverty is subord<strong>in</strong>ated" (11). In this context, the<br />
Ouarzazate project is misplaced because of the f<strong>in</strong>ancially and technically dubious decision to embark on<br />
has been the largest recipient of EU aid for over a decade as part of the EU's Neighborhood Policy. Advanced status<br />
<strong>in</strong>cludes preferential relations <strong>in</strong> terms of trade and other forms of cooperation and political dialogue. See<br />
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/where/neighbourhood/country-cooperation/morocco/morocco_en.htm for an official<br />
description of this relationship.<br />
8