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July 31, 2013QualitativeSociologyReviewVolume IXIssue 3Cultures of Narrative andNarratives of CulturebyAntony J. Puddephatt, Steven Kleinknecht& Carrie B. Sanders&Special Summer EditionAvailable Onlinewww.qualitativesociologyreview.org

QSR QualitativeSociologyReview©2013 QSR • ISSN: 1733-8077EDITOR-IN-CHIEFQualitativeSociologyReviewPatricia A. AdlerPeter AdlerEDITORIAL BOARDStephen HesterJudith HoltonRobert PrusGeorge PsathasKrzysztof T. Konecki, University of LodzEXECUTIVE EDITORSŁukasz T. Marciniak, University of LodzMagdalena Wojciechowska,University of LodzVolume IXIssue 3Mahbub AhmedMichael AtkinsonKate BaconHoward S. BeckerDomenico JervolinoBenjamin KellyRobert A. KenedySteven KleinknechtAntony J. PuddephattAnne Warfield RawlsJohanna Rendle-ShortBrian RobertsASSOCIATE EDITORSAnna Kacperczyk, University of LodzSławomir Magala, Erasmus UniversityAPPROVING EDITORSSteven Kleinknecht,Cultures of Narrative andNarratives of CultureLaura BisaillonNicolette BramleyAttila BruniMarie BuscattoHubert KnoblauchJoseph A. KotarbaIreneusz KrzemińskiMargarethe KusenbachRoberto Rodríguez-GomezBernt SchnettlerWilliam ShaffirPhyllis N. SternBrescia University CollegeGeraldine Leydon, Southampton UniversityAntony J. Puddephatt, Lakehead UniversityBOOK REVIEWS EDITORby Antony J. Puddephatt,Steven Kleinknecht & Carrie B. SandersTanya CassidyKathy CharmazCatherine A. CheslaRiitta KyllonenStaffan LarssonGeraldine LeydonAntonio StratiJoerg StruebingAndrzej SzklarskiDominika Byczkowska, University of LodzEDITORIAL ASSISTANTAnna Kubczak, University of LodzONLINE CONTENT EDITOREdyta Mianowska, Zielona Gora UniversityLINGUISTIC EDITOR&Special Summer EditionCesar A. Cisneros PueblaAdele E. ClarkeJan K. CoetzeeJuliet CorbinMichael DellwingLyn H. LoflandJordi Lopez SintasMichael LynchChristoph MaederBarbara MisztalMassimiliano TarozziRoland TerborgVictor ThiessenJan TrostJonathan H. TurnerJonathan LillyNorman K. DenzinSetsuo MizunoDennis D. WaskulSTATISTICAL EDITORPiotr Chomczyński, University of LodzMANAGING EDITOR, DTPMagdalena ChudzikCOVER DESIGNERAnna Kacperczyk, University of LodzQSR Editorial OfficeUniversity of LodzFaculty of Economics and SociologyInstitute of SociologyThe Sociology of Organization& Management DepartmentRewolucji 1905 r. 41/4390-214 Lodz, Polandtel. (4842) 635 52 63email: office@qualitativesociologyreview.orgwww.qualitativesociologyreview.orgNoteThe journal and all published articles are a contributionto the contemporary social sciences. They are available withoutspecial permission to everyone who would like to usethem for non-commercial, scientific, educational, or othercognitive purposes. Making use of resources included inthis journal for commercial or marketing aims requiresa special permission from publisher. Possible commercialuse of any published article will be consulted with the authorbeforehand.It is forbidden to charge for access to this journal or to putany limitations on the accessibility of published papers.The authors are responsible for obtaining the necessarypermissions for publication of materials which are protectedby a copyrights owned by other persons.Robert DingwallAgata DziubanRosalind EdwardsPeter EglinGary Alan FineSilvia GherardiBarney GlaserGiampietro GoboJaber F. GubriumTony HakScott R. HarrisPaul ten HaveLorenza MondadaJanusz MuchaElena NeitermanPeter NugusTony O’ConnorSandi Michele de OliveiraDorothy PawluchEleni PetrakiConstantinos N. PhellasSusan PickardJason L. PowellAndrea PressShalva WeilFred WesterIngrid WestlundPatrick WilliamsRuth WodakKiyomitsu Yui2©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 3

CONTENTSCultures of Narrative and Narratives of CultureSpecial Summer Editionby Antony J. Puddephatt, Steven Kleinknecht & Carrie B. SandersEditorialAntony J. Puddephatt, Steven Kleinknecht, Carrie B. SandersIntroduction to the Special Issue.Qualitative Analysis Conference 2012: Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of Culture 8ArticlesRobert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysisof Intimate Relations 124ArticlesDonileen R. LosekeKeynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Life 12Deborah K. van den HoonaardTelling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative Research 32Michael SalterThrough a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized Abuse 152Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosure 168Paul SargentReluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and The Reproduction of Hegemonic Masculinity 188Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Explorationof Stalinist Oppression 46Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri,Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatar 74Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén, Lena BorellManaging Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Child 204Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User Profiles 220Rosemary Ricciardelli, Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian ProvincialCorrectional System 964©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 5

Cultures of NarrativeandNarratives of CulturebyAntony J. Puddephatt,Steven Kleinknecht& Carrie B. Sanders

Introduction to the Special Issue. Qualitative Analysis Conference 2012: Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of CultureAntony J. Puddephatt,Lakehead University, CanadaSteven Kleinknecht,Brescia University College, CanadaCarrie B. Sanders,Wilfrid Laurier University, CanadaIntroduction to the Special IssueQualitative Analysis Conference 2012:Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of CultureAntony J. Puddephatt is an Associate Professorin the Department of Sociology, Lakehead University,Canada. His main research interest is in the philosophyof George Herbert Mead, and its relevance for contemporarydebates in social theory. He has also studied thecompetitive culture of amateur chess, as well as variousissues facing the discipline of sociology in Canada. WithSteven Kleinknecht and William Shaffir, he is the Editorof the volume Ethnographies Revisited: Constructing Theoryin the Field (Routledge 2009), which centers on first-handreflections about ethnographic “theory-work” from topqualitative researchers, including Norman Denzin, LoïcWacquant, Harry Collins, Kathy Charmaz, Trevor Pinch,Donileen Loseke, Patricia and Peter Adler, and LaurelRichardson, among many others.email address: apuddeph@lakeheadu.caSteven Kleinknecht is an Associate Professor ofSociology at Brescia University College in Canada. Hisresearch interests lie in the study of deviance, subcultures,online interaction, and cultural continuity. He hasresearched computer hackers and Old Order Mennonites.With Antony Puddephatt and William Shaffir, he has coeditedEthnographies Revisited: Constructing Theory in the Field.email address: skleinkn@uwo.caCarrie B. Sanders is an Associate Professor ofCriminology at Wilfrid Laurier University. Her theoreticalareas of interest are social constructionism, symbolicinteractionism, social shaping of technology, andcritical criminology. Her research interests includequalitative methodologies (specifically, the role of emotionalityin the research process) and policing, witha specific interest in intelligence-led policing practices.Her ethnographic research on police information technologiesand the shift toward intelligence-led policingin Canada is funded by the Social Sciences and HumanitiesResearch Councils of Canada. Her research has appearedin journals such as Sociology, International Journalof Policing and Society, Canadian Review of Sociology, SocialScience and Medicine, Qualitative Health Review, and Scienceand Public Policy.email address: csanders@wlu.caThis conference marks the 29 th year of a growingtradition of qualitative research and analysisin Canada. As well as drawing several Canadianethnographic and qualitative scholars, both juniorand senior, we attract more and more internationalresearchers each year. We have also enjoyed excellentfunding support from the Social Sciences andHumanities Research Council (Canada’s nationalfunding body), as well as a number of partneringuniversities from across Canada (see www.qualitatives.cafor more information). This past year,we held workshops on practical considerations inqualitative research, narrative methodology, actornetworktheory, and autoethnography. We alsowelcomed featured speakers who discussed differentissues related to qualitative research. These includedBeverley Diamond on the problematic silencingand censoring of First Nations collaborators,Andrea Doucet on the concept of reflexivity, andDeborah van den Hoonaard on combining narrativeinquiry and symbolic interaction in researchdesigns. We were pleased to welcome DonileenLoseke as our keynote speaker, who gave an enlighteningtalk about how to study and analyzenarrative patterns in social life.The editors of the Qualitative Sociology Review (QSR)were again most gracious in permitting their journalto serve as a forum for some of the researchpresented at our 2012 conference. Readers may bedirected to volume VIII, issue I, of the QSR for anotherfeature in this journal, which showcased papersfrom our conference in the previous year. Wecertainly extend our thanks to the editorial teamhere for what is growing to be a journal for qualitativeresearch with a truly international reputation,endorsed by the contributions of some world renownedscholars. The Qualitative Sociology Reviewremains committed to publishing important qualitativeresearch from a wide range of perspectives,is completely free and open-access, and maintainssolid standards of peer review. Indeed, this shouldbe a model for other journals to follow in the growingfuture of electronically mediated scholarlypublishing.This special issue features two papers that arebased on our keynote and featured presentationsfrom the 2012 conference, as well as three excellentpapers from the regular sessions. This issue,much like the conference, contains a strong narrativetheme, considering the potential of this forbuilding on existing qualitative traditions. Wealso include other papers that did not correspondto this theme but were very strong qualitative researchpapers and hence, excellent contributions tothis issue. As usual, we received many papers forconsideration, but we were only able to select thesefive for inclusion in the special issue.Our first paper is based on the keynote address byDonileen Loseke, entitled “Empirically ExploringNarrative Productions of Meaning in Public Life,”and asks how to best interpret and decode narrativemeanings in the context of our increasingly diverseand fragmented modern society. Building on her researchabout stories of family violence, this paper putsforth a methodology for narrative inquiry, and usesthe concepts of emotion codes and symbolic codes tothink about how characters, plots, morals, and storiesare interpreted by different social groups accordingto specific logics. The result is a truly inspiring agendafor those interested in pursuing narrative inquirywith qualitative research, but from an analytical andempirical framework, that strives to make the complexbecome clear rather than vice-versa.8©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 9

Antony J. Puddephatt, Steven Kleinknecht, Carrie B. SandersIntroduction to the Special Issue. Qualitative Analysis Conference 2012: Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of CultureOur second paper is based on a featured presentationby Deborah K. van den Hoonaard, entitled“Telling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionismin Narrative Research.” Building onher research on the contrasting experiences andstories of widows and widowers, as well as thetales from Iranian Bahá’í refugees to Canada, vanden Hoonaard considers how narrative inquirymight be adopted from a specifically symbolicinteractionist standpoint. She aims to take theseemingly idiosyncratic stories individuals tell,and, using sensitizing concepts and hunting forlatent meanings, consider their patterning acrosscases, eventually “telling the collective story” ofthe marginalized populations she studies. Thispaper is as fascinating as it is emotionally gripping,providing deep insights not only into herresearch strategy but also the touching personalreflections of her respondents.Third, Elizabeth Krahn has provided an informativeresearch paper entitled “Transcending the‘Black Raven’: An Autoethnographic and IntergenerationalExploration of Stalinist Oppression.”Her study focused on Russian Mennonite womenand their sons and daughters who lost male familymembers to Stalin’s oppressive regime, and fledRussia in WWII to settle in Canada. Bringingtogether narratives from 16 individuals, she buildsa collective narrative for each generation, exploringhow they deal with the trauma of these pastevents. The narrative work they do in the presentmatters for how they remember and give meaningto the past, for example, emphasizing resilienceduring the events while downplaying emotionsand weakness. But, the pain and insecurity thatwas not talked about in this history had damaginglong-term effects, and the second generationexperienced a certain emotional unavailability onthe part of their mothers. Krahn argues convincinglythat instead of dealing with trauma on anindividual basis, these intergenerational narrativescan help bring collectively experienced traumato the surface, and allow for greater understandingand emotional healing. This paper is a truemodel for both the importance of autoethnographicresearch that is rigorously grounded inthe narrative experiences of multiple others, andfor the advantages and practical gains made possibleby intergenerational research strategies likethis one.The fourth article, by Behrokh Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly,Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, AmbreenMohammad, and Nish Petal, is entitled“Contextual Factors Influencing BreastfeedingPractices Among Arab Women in the State ofQatar.” Noting the significant health benefits ofbreastfeeding, Nikaiin and her colleagues considerhow social factors and women’s knowledgeof breastfeeding affect the choice to breastfeed.In-depth interviews with 32 Arab mothers provideinsight into how these factors operate inthe social context of Qatar. Supportive parents,husbands, healthcare professionals, and workschedules are particularly influential. In consideringtheir findings, the authors offer suggestionsfor promoting breastfeeding. For instance, theyargue for increased education of mothers and employerson the benefits of breastfeeding and theneed for government to oversee the developmentand implementation of supportive workplacepolicies. In carefully situating women’s perspectiveson breastfeeding within the local context ofQatar, Nikaiin and her colleagues have developeda study that is demonstrative of how qualitativeresearch can help inform state, cultural, and individualthreat, such as presenting a confident and authorisionpractices pertaining to healthcare provitativeself-presentation, building positive relation-and decision-making.ships with colleagues, and maintaining respectfulrelationships with the prisoners.Finally, Rosemary Ricciardelli and Amber Gazso’spiece, entitled “Investigating Threat Perception We had a fun time working as guest editors, overseeingAmong Correctional Officers in the Canadianthe development of the diverse papers that makeProvincial Correctional System,” provides an insightfulup this special issue. We thank our peer review-analysis of the ways in which violence, ers and the authors for their hard work throughoutor threats of violence, shape correctional officers’ the revision process, as well as the editorial staff atsense of self and self concept over time. In this account,Qualitative Sociology Review. We invite the readershipRicciardelli and Gazso draw attention to of QSR to consider joining us in Canada for a futurea social world in flux – a space where correctional Qualitative Analysis Conference, and until then, weofficers serve as protectors to others (such as the hope you enjoy this special issue.general public and offenders), as well as to self.Through in-depth interviews with correctional officers,the researchers illuminate how threats extendKind regards,beyond physical and mental victimization toAntony J. Puddephattone’s ever evolving self concept. Finally, throughtheir analysis, they uncover the strategies correctionalSteven Kleinknechtofficers employ to mitigate victimization andCarrie B. SandersPuddephatt, Antony J., Steven Kleinknecht, and Carrie B. Sanders. 2013. “Introduction to the Special Issue. QualitativeAnalysis Conference 2012: Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of Culture.” Qualitative Sociology Review9(3):8-11. Retrieved Month, Year (http://www.qualitativesociologyreview.org/ENG/archive_eng.php).10©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 11

Keynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public LifeAbstractKeywordsDonileen R. LosekeUniversity of South Florida, U.S.A.Keynote Address: Empirically ExploringNarrative Productions of Meaning in Public LifeBecause socially circulating stories are key vehicles producing shared meaning in globalized,mass-mediated, and heterogeneous social orders, it is important to understand how somestories – and only some stories – can be evaluated by large numbers of people as believable andimportant. How do stories achieve widespread cognitive and emotional persuasiveness? I arguethat understanding narrative persuasiveness requires a cultural-level analysis examiningrelationships between story characteristics and two kinds of meaning: Symbolic codes whichare systems of cognitive meaning and emotion codes which are systems of emotional meaning.Persuasiveness of narratives is achieved by using the most widely and deeply held meanings ofthese codes to build narrative scenes, characters, plots, and morals. I demonstrate my argumentusing the example of the codes embedded in the social problem story of “family violence,”and I conclude with some thoughts about how sociologists might approach the productionof socially circulating stories as topics of qualitative research and why there are practical andtheoretical reasons to do so. My central argument is that examining relationships betweencultural systems of meaning and the characteristics of narratives is a route to understandinga key method of public persuasion in heterogeneous, mass-mediated social orders.Narrative; Symbolic Code; Public Communication; Emotion; PersuasionDonileen R. Loseke is a Professor of Sociologyat the University of South Florida. Her books includeThe Battered Woman and Shelters: The Social Constructionof Wife Abuse (recipient of the Charles Horton CooleyAward from the Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction),Thinking About Social Problems: An Introduction toConstructionist Perspectives, and Methodological Thinking:Basic Principles of Social Research Design. She has servedas chair of the Theory division of the Society for theStudy of Social Problems and President of the Societyfor the Study of Symbolic Interaction. Her long-term interestshave been in exploring relationships among culture,narrative, and emotion from social constructionistperspectives.email address: dloseke@usf.eduDecember, 2012: A 20-year-old walks into anelementary school in Newtown, Connecticut,U.S.A. and guns down 20 six- and seven-year-oldchildren and six teachers. There is a united definitionof the event throughout the Western world:This is unthinkable, it is grotesque, it is a “massacreof the innocent.” Many Americans and Canadianshaving no personal ties to the people of Newtownnonetheless travel great distances to attend the funeralsof the young children, the Wall Street Journalreports that this event was so emotionally devastatingthat it decreased Christmas shopping throughoutthe United States.Consider this event as evidence of a puzzle: Fromtime to time enormous numbers of people sharinglittle in the way of practical experiences or worldviews unite in cognitive and emotional evaluationsof events that lie outside their own lives.Such events are not personally experienced andthey involve strangers, so meanings must be basedon some form of public communication. How canpublic communication encourage particular waysof thinking and feeling among mass audiences?My focus is on the persuasive work of sociallycirculating narratives. These narratives – stories– about particular people or about types ofpeople are used by politicians to sell themselvesand their policies, by advertisers to sell products,by preachers and teachers to demonstrate moralprinciples, by social activists to inspire moral outrage,by textbook writers and journalists to generateattention. My interest is in understandinghow such stories work and the work these storiesdo in encouraging shared meaning in globalized,cyber-mediated worlds characterized by extraordinarysocial, political, and economic heterogeneityand moral fragmentation. 1The topic of relationships between socially circulatingstories and shared meaning has two centraldimensions: There are questions about howstories create meanings, and there are questionsabout how practical actors use their understandingsof these meanings as sensemaking tools intheir own lives. While questions about meaningconstructions and consumptions are inextricablyrelated; here, I will primarily focus on the productionof stories and bracket questions about theirconsumption. My basic questions are practicaland straightforward: While many stories are told,only some circulate widely, and very few achieve1I benefited enormously from the comments and suggestionsof Antony Puddephatt on an earlier draft of this paper.widespread evaluations that they are believableand important. How is it that some stories – andonly some stories – are cognitively and emotionallypersuasive to more than a few people?I will begin with briefly summarizing the consequencesof socially circulating stories. Thisjustifies my claim that such stories do importantwork in both private and public life so researchersshould examine questions about their production.I will continue by exploring how systems ofideas, called symbolic codes and emotion codes,furnish the building blocks to construct narrativescenes, plots, characters, and morals. Then, usingthe exemplary social problems story of “familyviolence,” I will demonstrate my claims that cognitiveand emotional persuasiveness are encouragedwhen the story contents reflect how audiencemembers make sense of the world aroundthem. My central argument is that the more storyelements reflect widely and deeply held systemsof cognitive and emotional meanings, the morestories have potential to be widely evaluated asbelievable and important and, therefore, to go onto do important work in private and public life.I continue by outlining some possible questionsfor sociological, qualitative researchers about theproductions of meaning in socially circulatingstories, and I end with reflecting upon some practicaland theoretical reasons why such studies areneeded.The Importance of Socially CirculatingStories in Private and Public LivesPublic life is awash with stories. There are thoseof particular people, the individual heroes andvillains and victims, and there are those types12©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 13

Donileen R. LosekeKeynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Lifeof people, such as “the alcoholic,” “the terrorist,”tiple consequences for practical actors in their pri-can stories in public spaces achieve cognitive and/ter if the story does not make sense given what“the soldier.” Stories circulating in the media, invate lives.or emotional persuasiveness? This is an especiallyaudience members “think they know, what theycourts, speeches, textbooks, sermons, and adver-important question within modern environmentsvalue, and what they regard as appropriate andtisements do a great deal of work in both privateSocially circulating stories also do considerablewhere social, political, and economic heteroge-promising” (Davis 2002:17-18). This leads to ques-and public life.Socially circulating stories are important in privatelife. For example, individuals in modern environmentsmust craft their own stories to createa sense of a coherent self (Gergen 1994; McAdams1996), and, to be evaluated as believable, thesework in public life. It is stories, not statistics, thatsustain war as culturally and morally acceptable(Smith 2005), and stories define the meaning of“national identity” (Shenhav 2009). Stories told inpublic policy hearings define moral landscapes ofproblems (Whittle and Mueller 2012), and thesestories justify social policy (Schneider and In-neity and moral fragmentation discourage widespreadagreement about the cognitive or emotionalmeanings of particular events and people.Yet, we know that social life – especially withindemocracies – depends upon shared meaning. Ifstories encourage shared meaning, it is importantto understand how they do so.tions about relationships between culture and theproductions and contents of narrative meanings.“Culture” comprises a range of ideas and objects,including norms, myths, traditions, rituals, materialartifacts, and so on. Socially circulating systemsof meaning that are used by story authors tostories must “at least partially reflect the kindsof stories that prevail in…culture” (McAdamsgram 1993) and the institutional arrangementsthat result (Alexander 1992). Because stories mo-The Cultural Contexts of Narrativecompose story scenes, characters, plots, and moralsare of particular interest in understanding the1996:301). Further, it is not uncommon for peopleexperiencing troubles, such as illness or divorce,to scan the social environment for stories to helpbilize social activists (Polletta 1997), and activistsuse stories to persuade the public to supportsocial causes (Loseke 2003), narratives have beenProduction: Symbolic Codes andEmotion Codespersuasive possibilities of stories. Symbolic codesare systems of meaning surrounding culturalways of thinking; emotion codes are about culturalthem make sense of their experiences, to offer imagesof who they are, of who they might become(Plummer 1995). Still further, there is evidencethat socially circulating stories function in thebackground of thinking in daily life. For example,women who are raped sometimes categorize theirown experiences based on their understandingsof the archetypical story of “rape” (Wood andRennie 1994), battered women sometimes refuseto define their own experiences as those of “wifeabuse” because they believe their own experiencesdo not match that socially circulating story(Baker 1996). Still further, women relying on welfare(Seccombe, James, and Battle Walters 1998)and mothers who are teens (Kirkman et al. 2001)believe others respond to them not as unique in-called a foundational characteristic of movementsfor social change (Davis 2002). Socially circulatingstories of types of people with different types ofproblems also serve as templates for social serviceworkers to make sense of the unique people usingservice agencies (Santiago-Irizarry 2001; Rains,Davies, and McKinnon 2004), pattern the work ofcourts of law (Amsterdam and Bruner 2000), andshape political campaigns and presidential communications(Smith 2005). Critically, while thenarrative form is apolitical in its structure, storiescan be very political in their consequences: Storiescan be used to support or challenge the status quo,to support or challenge calls for social change, tosupport or challenge political agendas, laws, organizationalprocedures, and so on (Ewick andMuch is known about the characteristics of storiesthat tend to be evaluated by relatively large audiencesas believable and important (see Loseke2007 for a review). For example, in the not-so-distantpast, before the so-called “new media,” themost common way for a story to become widelyknown was for it to circulate through mass media(television, radio, newspapers, magazines) andthis required conforming to a certain media logic,which privileges stories characterized by dramaand flash (Altheide 2002). In addition, observerstraditionally have argued that storytellers matter:Stories told by experts or other advantaged peopletend to be evaluated as more believable and moreimportant than stories told by people who are socially,politically, economically, or sexually mar-ways of feeling. The more widely shared, the morethese systems of meaning can be understood as animportant aspect of the “collective consciousness”(Durkheim 1961), or as an “impersonal archipelagosof meaning…shared in common” (Zerubavel1996:428).Symbolic codesI will follow Jeffrey Alexander (1992) and call thefirst type of meaning system “symbolic codes,” althoughthis concept has much in common withsimilar ideas such as discursive formations (Foucault1980), semiotic codes (Swidler 1995), interpretivecodes (Cerulo 2000), cultural coherencesystems (Linde 1993), cultural themes (Gamsondividuals but as instances of the narrative char-Silbey 1995).ginalized (Loseke 2003).1988), and symbolic repertoires (Williams 2002).acters found in socially circulating stories aboutWhile larger theoretical frameworks lead to dif-“welfare queens” and “teen mothers.” While hereAcademics claim that the narrative form is perva-Behind these often mentioned factors influenc-ferent kinds of questions and assumptions aboutI am bracketing questions about how social actorssive throughout social life because it is persuasive,ing audience evaluations of narrative believabil-these systems of meaning, all share a basic concep-understand the meanings of particular stories, itand this form is persuasive because it has poten-ity and importance lies something much less dis-tualization of these codes as densely packed, com-is clear that socially circulating stories have mul-tial to appeal to both thinking and to feeling. Howcussed: Story flash and story tellers do not mat-plex, and interlocking visions of how the world14©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 15

Donileen R. LosekeKeynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Lifeworks, how the world should work, and of rightsfragmentation, and resulting personal insecurities,of the United States to the present, American pres-systems of feeling. Particular cognitive images ofand responsibilities of people in this world. Ob-have led to more emphasis on emotional conscious-idents have used “war rhetoric,” a particular typepeople (such as victims, mothers), events (such asservers have de-constructed the contents of manyness where what we feel can be judged as more im-of communication whose goal is persuading citi-war, floods), places (such as home, country) aresymbolic codes, among the most central are theportant than what we think (McCarthy 1989). Notzens that war is necessary. Historians and othersassociated with expectable emotional reactions“Standard North American Family” (Smith 1999),surprisingly, observers note increasing appeals tohave found that, throughout all eras, such com-toward such people, events, and places. We feelmothering (Gazso 2012), family values (Williamsemotion in public communication (Waddell 1990;munication blends appeals to logic justifying theabout family every bit as much as we think about2002), individualism (Bellah et al. 1985), Ameri-Altheide 2002; Richards 2004). This brings me topracticality and expediency of war with appealsfamily, we feel about war every bit as much as wecan values (Hutcheson et al. 2004), the Americana second type of cultural meaning system, “emotionto emotions such as national pride (Murphy 2003),think about war, and so on (see Irvine 1997 for anway of life (Johnson 2002), citizens and enemiescodes.”the joys of victory (Moerk and Pincus 2000), angerexample of how “co-dependency” is both a sym-(Alexander 1992), victims (Holstein and Millertoward and/or fear of the enemy (Burkitt 2005),bolic code and an emotion code).1990; Best 1997; Lamb 1999), violence (CeruloEmotion Codesand sympathy for American casualties (Coles1998), the deserving poor (Loseke and Fawcett2002). Others have argued that the narrative abil-Second, there are multiple variations in code con-1995), good health (Edgley and Brissett 1990 ), theWhat I am calling emotion codes goes by otherity to appeal to emotion is critical in social prob-tents. There are predictable national variationsStockholm Syndrome (Adorjan et al. 2012), andnames such as emotion schemas (White 1990),lems advocacy (see Loseke 2003 for a review) and(see Safdar et. al. 2009 for an example) and con-emotion (Lutz 1986).emotional cultures (Gordon 1990; Stearns 2010),in encouraging support for public policy (Waddelltents tend to vary over time. For an example, theemotionologies (Stearns and Stearns 1985), and1990). For example, the 1996 welfare reform hear-symbolic code of “mothering” has changed in theConsiderable research has shown how symbolicfeeling rules, framing rules, and expression rulesings in the United States can be understood as re-recent past with consequences for social policycodes are consequential. For example, the codes(Hochschild 1979). These codes are complexes offlecting the “politics of disgust” toward women(Gazso 2012), and there have been important his-of “welfare recipient” (Gring-Pemble 2001) andexpectations, standards, and ideals surroundingwelfare recipients (Hancock 2004).torical changes in the code of jealousy (Stearns“deserving poor” (Small, Harding, and Lamontemotion; they are cognitive models about which1989). Third, there are differences in the social2010) shape public policy toward poor people inemotions are expected when, where, and towardGeneral Characteristics of Symbolic andstrength and importance of codes. Some codes arethe United States, and the justification of the civ-whom or what, as well as about how emotionsEmotion Codesknown by relatively small numbers of people (tip-il rights clause in the Violence against Women’sshould be inwardly experienced, outwardly ex-ping etiquette in New York City apartment build-Act drew on the “victimhood” code (Picart 2003).pressed, and morally evaluated. These systemsAs analytic concepts, symbolic codes and emo-ings), while others are known to much larger au-In addition, the code of “romance” discouragesof meaning are the “structuring and constitut-tion codes have several characteristics that definediences (individualism, patriotism). Some codesyoung women from using condoms to preventing resources which we utilize in expressing ourtheir usefulness, as well as their limitations. First,are centrally important (the innocence of youngdisease (Kirkman, Rosenthal, and Smith 1998),own emotional states and in responding to thosealthough symbolic codes and emotion codes arechildren, freedom), while others are superficialand media in the United States constructed theof others” (Tudor 2003:241). Although there hasanalytically distinct, they are inextricably inter-(Christmas gift giving, weddings). Finally, theremeanings of the events of September 11, 2001 inbeen far more interest in examining the contentstwined in practice. Although Western scholars tra-are major variations in how the contents, mean-terms of the codes of “victims,” “villains,” andof symbolic codes, some emotion codes have beenditionally argued for a body-mind dualism, rel-ings, and importance of codes are understood by“heroes” (Anker 2005).deconstructed. Among them are codes surround-egating emotion to the body and cognition to theindividuals. In addition to unpredictable individ-ing jealousy (Stearns 1989), sympathy (Clark 1997),mind, observers now argue that it is not possibleual differences, there are predictable variationsSymbolic codes are systems of thinking. As suchlove (Swidler 2001), fear (Altheide 2002), and clo-to separate thinking from feeling in embodiedin how people understand codes associated withthey can be useful in constructing narrative scenes,sure to grief (Berns 2011).experience (see Loseke and Kusenbach 2008 forplaces (national, regional, and urban/rural differ-plots, characters, and morals that persuade througha review). Furthermore, thinking and feeling can-ences), as well as with social and demographic char-appeals to logic. While important, observers noteThere are many empirical examples demonstrat-not be separated in their discursive formationsacteristics: Consequences of race/ethnicity, class,that characteristics of the modern social order, suching the importance of emotion codes in publicbecause symbolic codes – systems of thinking –gender, and religiosity can encourage people toas loss of faith in institutions, rapid change, moralcommunication. For example, from the beginninginvariably are accompanied by emotion codes –see the world in very different ways (see Karasz16©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 17

Donileen R. LosekeKeynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Life2005 for an example of variability in understand-ings (see Abiala 1999; McCoyd 2009; Keys 2010 foropinion polls, the understandings and decisionsmy students’ lack of concern with violence thatings of “depression” and how these influenceexamples).of police, judges, juries, child protective servicedoes not seem too severe (such as slaps, pushes, orhelp-seeking). In brief, when I claim that codesworkers, and shelter workers, only some storiesshoves), or with violence that might be evaluatedcan be “shared,” this is a shorthand of sayingThus, while the concepts of symbolic code andcognitively and emotionally persuade audienceas done for a good reason (such as self-defense),“more or less shared by a greater or lesser” num-emotion code cannot predict individual subjectiv-members to evaluate violence as morally intol-as not intentional (accidental), or as yielding nober of people.ity, they are a part of the cultural context that pro-erable and therefore, as something that must beinjury is predictable: Their lack of concern reflectsvides the material from which actors shape theircondemned and eliminated.the cultural code surrounding the meanings andEmphasizing variability is important in order toown understandings of the meanings of objects,evaluations of all violence.avoid conceptualizing practical actors as “culturalexperiences, events, and people. The more widelyUnderstanding how stories of family violencerobots” who somehow “apply” codes to whateverneeds evaluating. That image cannot be correctbecause an important characteristic of our modernworld is the presence of many, often contradictory,meanings. Stories that present gay marriage asa simple civil right circulate alongside stories ofgay marriage as a sin; stories containing a “poorperson” character who seems a victim of an unjusteconomic system circulate with other storiescontaining a “poor person” character who seemslazy and morally suspect.shared and the more deeply held these codes are,the more available and potentially important theycan be in shaping evaluations of meaning and experience.This leads to a prediction that the persuasivenessof socially circulating stories will beencouraged when story elements – scenes, plots,characters, and morals – more-or-less reflect audiencemembers’ understandings of the symboliccodes and emotion codes that shape story contents.I will demonstrate this with a story of my experienceteaching a course about “family violence.”do – or do not achieve – cognitive or emotionalpersuasiveness requires examining four principalsymbolic codes that shape story contents:violence, family, victims, and villains, which, inturn, are associated with a variety of emotioncodes including anger, hate, and disgust towardvillains and violence, compassion and sympathytoward victims.First, stories of family violence feature particularplots that revolve around violence. While diction-On a case-by-case basis, individuals evaluate themoral meanings of particular instances of violenceand they do this by drawing from commonsenseassumptions about what is and what is notintentional, justified, and excessive, and aboutwhat does and what does not constitute seriousinjury. Therefore, it is to be expected that therecan be major differences in individual evaluationsof the moral status of any particular instance ofviolence. What is a “good reason” to one personmight not be a “good reason” to another, what isBecause symbolic codes and emotion codes areThe Scenes, Characters, Plots, and Moralsaries define “violence” as a synonym of “force,”these behavioral descriptions are morally neu-“serious injury” to one person might not be a “seriousinjury” to another, and so on. As a conse-macro-level concepts, they neither explain norpredict how particular people cognitively and emo-of the Story of “Family Violence”tral while courses in family violence – as well aspublic concern with violence – is about violencequence, stories that are successful in encouraginga widespread evaluation of violence as morallytionally evaluate socially circulating stories. Yet,these codes nonetheless are important becausethey are aspects of a “cultural toolkit” (Swidler1986), a “scheme of interpretation” (Schütz 1970),“interpretive structure” (Miller and Holstein1989), or a “membership categorization device”(Sacks 1972). The more widely circulating, themore codes are available for social actors to use– or decide to reject or to modify – to serve practicalpurposes. As an obvious example, we havemultiple examples of how codes, what Hochschild(1979) calls feeling rules, framing rules, and ex-For many years I have taught an undergraduatecourse called “family violence.” What I havefound is that students are not very interestedin many violent behaviors – they do not care ifadult couples slap, push, or shove one another,nor do they care if parents spank their childrenor if siblings fight or throw toys at one another.Critically, what is not interesting is, simultaneously,not morally troubling. What is interesting,what is morally troubling is extreme violence experiencedby the most morally exemplary victims,especially when this violence is done by morallyevaluated as abuse, a term that is a moral evaluationrather than a behavioral description. Not allviolence or force is typically evaluated as abusive.Indeed, Karen Cerulo (1998) found that very fewAmericans are true pacifists who condemn all violence.Most people tend to approve of – or at leastare willing to tolerate – some kinds of violencewith some kinds of consequences on some kindsof occasions by some kinds of people. A specificinstance of violence tends to be labeled as abusivewhen – and only when – it is evaluated as intentionallydone and as done for no “good reason”intolerable abuse rather than morally tolerableviolence tend to emphasize its intentionality, unreasonableness,excessiveness, and harmful consequences(Loseke 2003).Second, stories of family violence take place withina particular scene – the family. At first glance,the juxtaposition of the codes “family” and “violence”seem contradictory within industrializedWestern countries where family and childbearingare increasingly less understood as mandatoryobligations and are more embraced as voluntarypression rules (what I call emotion codes), actual-reprehensible offenders. This evaluation tenden-and as involving behaviors that sound severe andrelationships valued for their emotional supportly shape individual experiences and understand-cy is not just about my students: As reflected inas creating serious injuries (Cerulo 1998). Hence,(Thornton and Young-DeMarco 2001). Although18©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 19

Donileen R. LosekeKeynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Lifethe symbolic code of family is incompatible with– forgivable. The kind of violence that is not toler-good people who are greatly harmed through noAll of this is quite complicated. On a case-by-casethe morally pejorative behaviors of abuse, expec-ated is “instrumental violence” which is violencefault and for no good reason. Therefore, to evalu-basis in daily life we accomplish categorizations oftations about family relationships allow for, andjudged as intended and done in order to achieveate a person as a victim is, simultaneously, to eval-violence, victims, and villains – and all else. In somight even predict, the presence of the non-pejo-a goal (Cerulo 1998). Given these ideas, it is under-uate the person as worthy of sympathy. Further-doing, we simultaneously evoke systems of ideasrative behaviors of violence.standable that stories encouraging audience mem-more, Clark maintains that the code of sympathyabout expectable emotional responses. Symbolicbers to evaluate violence as abusive often tend toincludes the expectation that sympathy shouldand emotion codes link victim characters with sym-For example, while not as pronounced as in ear-emphasize that, while victimizers often claim theybe accompanied by the behavior of “help”: Goodpathy, and sympathy with help; they link villainlier eras, many Americans continue to believe thatparents have the right – indeed, the obligation –to “socialize” their children and that this mightrequire “punishment.” Within this symbolic code“lost control,” in reality they use violence in orderto terrorize their victims into submission.Third, for a story of violence to be evaluated aspeople who are greatly harmed through no faultof their own should be helped. Therefore, socialservices help women leave their abusive partners,they help abusive children by taking them awaycharacters with condemnation, and condemnationwith punishment. Likewise, evaluating violence asabuse simultaneously leads to a range of emotions,from disdain to anger to disgust, and so on.of parenting behaviors known as “spanking” becomemorally tolerable because they are done fora “good reason.” Stories encouraging evaluatingviolence as abusive must circumvent the tendencyto evaluate parents’ violence toward childrenas morally neutral “punishment,” and a commonway to do this is to construct plots containingthe most extreme violence yielding the most extremeconsequences. Stories of such extreme behaviorsand extreme consequences – particularlywhen victims are infants – lead my students to thestrong emotions of moral outrage.important and persuasive it must contain a victimstory character. The code of victim has beenmuch examined (Holstein and Miller 1990; Best1997; Lamb 1999), and observers agree that beingevaluated as experiencing harm is necessary, butnot sufficient, to be accorded the status of victim.Victim is a designation for a person evaluated asa (1) good person (2) who has been greatly harmed(3) for no good reason and (4) from no fault of theirown. Again, because individuals have very differentstandards for judging moral worth, extent ofharm and responsibility, and the adequacy of rea-from abusive parents, and so on. This is a verypractical reason why stories containing persuasivevictims are especially important: Linkingvictim to sympathy and sympathy to help is thejustification for social intervention.Fourth and finally, persuasive stories of family violencemust have a villain, a type of character evaluatedas an (1) immoral person who (2) intentionally(3) does great harm and (4) who does this harm forno good reason. The cultural code of villain is associatedwith particular emotional reactions andIn summary, my claim is that symbolic codes andemotion codes are the building blocks to constructstory scenes, plots, characters, and morals.The more stories incorporate the most widelyheld and centrally important codes, the more theyhave the potential to be cognitively and emotionallypersuasive to large audiences. Conversely, themore stories contain contentious, debated codes,the more likely they will not receive widespreadsupport. Under these generalities lie countlessempirical questions, to which I now turn.Our images of family as people whose lives arephysically and emotionally intertwined can alsolead to expectations that family relationshipsson, stories that achieve widespread persuasivenesswill tend to dramatize victim morality, lack ofresponsibility, extent of harm, and lack of reasonfor the harm. The most persuasive stories of childbehaviors: A villain can be hated or despised, and,within the logic of emotion codes, if villains arecondemnation worthy then they also deserve thebehavior of punishment. Not surprisingly, just asEmpirically Examining Productionsof Narrative Meanings in Public Lifeshould include deep emotional attachments, expectations,and experiences that, from time totime, might be experienced as emotionally overwhelming.In popular understandings – and inabuse tend to feature babies and toddlers ratherthan teens, and stories of wife abuse tend to featurewomen who are portrayed as saintly in theircharacteristics, motivations, and behaviors. It ispersuasive stories of the social problem of familyviolence contain the purest of victims, they containvillains who are most clearly evil. One of the intriguingcharacteristics of common stories of fam-Because publicly circulating stories are an importantsource of meaning creation, they are worthyof empirical examination. I will start with someobservations about stories as a topic of research,practical experience – the emotions of family canabusive violence on these types of characters thatily violence is that the villainy of villains often isand conclude with some types of questions thatoverpower logic. This assumption is so commonleads to moral outrage.dramatized by describing it as hidden; to outsid-might be asked.that there is a term for violence evaluated as re-ers, family violence villains often seem to be mor-sulting from unplanned, unintended, and un-The symbolic code of victim is inextricably linkedally exemplary people. Their atrocious behaviorNarratives as Topics for Qualitative Researchcontrollable emotional overload: “expressive vio-to the emotion code of sympathy. According totoward their family members is unexpected. Thislence.” This type of violence is often evaluated asCandace Clark (1997), sympathy is the expectedcommon twist in villain characters makes thesePeople interested in stories as topics of researchunfortunate, yet understandable, and thereforeemotional response toward people evaluated asstories particularly interesting.agree that such studies require qualitative data and20©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 21

Donileen R. LosekeKeynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Lifeanalytic techniques (Stalker 2009). However, my in-only briefly explore some of the potential types ofdoes this story promote? A careful examination ofJust as problematic is when analysts do shareterest in developing methodologies for such ex-questions that might be asked about the produc-the contents of stories – scenes, plots, characters,codes of the story’s author, there is a tendency toaminations is not a project supported by all mem-tion of socially circulating stories.morals – often can show the subtle meanings andnot recognize systems of meaning as systems ofbers of the community of narrative scholars: Somemoral evaluations that are being carried by themeaning but rather to gloss over them as if theypeople believe that analysis must be so inductiveQuestions about Story Productionstory. In other words, this kind of analysis cannotwere simple “factual” statements about the world.and allow for so much variation and creativitybe done by “coding” words or phrases in the sto-Codes such as race/ethnicity and gender are par-that efforts to specify, much less codify, methodsThe first questions in examining any particularry; it is not about what is obvious in the story. Atticularly prone to be unanalyzed. Codes that areare counter-productive (Josselson 2003). My ownsocially circulating story must be about context:times, whole systems of moral values and moralnot recognized as codes are particularly powerfulbeliefs are with others who argue that the poten-Who authored the story? Why was the story au-evaluations lurk under explicit story contents, atprecisely because they are invisible and do theirtial for narrative research to yield useful insightsthored? Where is the story located? Who is thetimes, it is more important to examine what is notwork outside of conscious awareness (Hall 1999).about social life will not be realized without anal-intended audience? What consequences would bein the story than what is in it (see Loseke 2012 foryses that are more systematic than what now isexpected from these story characteristics? Withinan example of how a story of the “teen mother”Consider, for example, the American obsessioncommon (Atkinson and Delamont 2006). Statedour mass mediated world these can be difficultcontains such subtle lessons).with “good health.” When de-constructed (Edgleybluntly, while a hallmark of qualitative, interpre-questions because the sources – authors – of sto-and Brissett 1990), what sounds so positive – goodtive research is its insistence on the importance ofries can be hidden, stories often have multipleQuestions about Story Persuasivenesshealth – is a system of ideas that has multiplecontext, this leads to an inability to generalize andauthors, these authors often tell stories that seemnegative consequences. This includes assuminghence, to continued accumulation of case studiesonly slightly different, but which lead to majorHere, I have focused on the importance of under-that “health” is under individual control, whichthat are not easily combined. While remainingdifferences in their morals, stories can be repeat-standing persuasiveness for the obvious reasonimplies that people are responsible for any “badtrue to our understanding of the importance ofedly transmitted from one site to another, theythat persuasive stories can go on to do a greathealth” they suffer. “Good health” also leads tocontext, we nonetheless need to move away fromcan be mis-attributed, maliciously or unintention-deal of work in private and public life. Becauseexpectations about lifestyles – such as the neces-the “relativism, subjectivism, and fetishization ofally modified, taken out of the original context ofsymbolic codes and emotion codes are the socialsity to eat high quality food and to engage in for-the uniqueness of each setting” (Smith 2005:35).their telling, and so on. While locating answersstructures of meaning that allow stories to bemal exercise programs – that can be met only byto questions about the contexts of story produc-evaluated as believable and important by morepeople with considerable money and leisure time.Within this contested terrain, methodologies fortion can require considerable detective work, es-than a few people, unpacking the contents ofFurther, “good health” is both a symbolic codeexamining personal narratives, the stories peopletablishing story background is critical becausecodes contained in stories is an especially impor-and an emotion code because good health is tak-tell about themselves, have been the topic of con-without context it is not possible to say anythingtant task. Yet, most certainly, this is very difficulten as a sign of moral goodness which should besiderable attention (see Riessman 2008; Gubriumabout the possible or probable processes behindwork. There are obvious problems when analystspraised, while bad health is taken as a sign of mor-and Holstein 2009; Holstein and Gubrium 2012).the creation of stories.and story authors do not share meaning systems,al weakness that should be condemned. My pointYet, there has been little interest in developingparticularly when meaning systems structur-here is because the goodness of “health” seemsmethods for examining questions about sociallyOnce context is established questions about storying particular stories are antagonistic to those ofobvious, analysts might well not even see this ascirculating stories. As a consequence, publishedcontents can be asked: What is the scene? Who arethe analyst. The more systems of meanings con-a code, as a system of ideas containing multipleworks on these topics tend to include only thethe primary characters and what types of peopletained in stories challenge those held by analysts,layers meaning, not all of which have uniformlythinnest of descriptions of the data, as well asare they? Are there victims, villains, and/or he-the more difficult it is to grasp the internal logicspositive consequences.little or no attention to the techniques used toroes? Are story characters particular people orof these systems. Any project of de-constructinganalyze data. My project is to develop qualitativeare they types of people? Where is agency andsystems of ideas requires sustained attention toWhile I have been focusing on how analysts canmethodologies that, while recognizing the valuewhat can it do? What is the story plot? What isthese predictable problems when analysts do notexamine systems of meaning embedded in social-of creativity, nonetheless, promote the value ofcentral to the plot and what is mere detail? Whatshare a belief in the meaning systems encoded inly circulating stories, it is critical to distinguishsystematic explorations (Loseke 2012). Here, I willare the morals of the story? What kind of a worldthe stories being examined.between analysts’ understandings and those of22©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 23

Donileen R. LosekeKeynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Lifeaudiences. We know a great deal about narrativeessarily understandings shared by disadvantagedhow my examples here have been focused on sto-While my question about apparent persuasiveconsumption – how stories are used by social ac-segments of the population.ries and codes circulating in the United States.abilities of socially circulating stories is only onetors to justify policy, sell politicians and products,Portions of my rendition of the social problemsof several questions about the interrelated pro-mobilize publics, and so on. We need more atten-While qualitative researchers often have the skillsstory of family violence might make little or nocesses of the productions and consumptions oftion to how audience members understand narra-to recognize subtle meanings contained in so-sense to those embracing different understand-narrative meaning, this is an important questiontive meaning. All too often sociological analystscially circulating stories, it is nonetheless criticalings of the symbolic codes of violence, victim,for practical and theoretical reasons.focus on understanding what is most commonto explore and understand narrative meaning asvillain, and family. How much of what I claimedand therefore, questions about “outliers,” the lessperceived by audience members. Who is persuad-is particularly American and therefore, limitedUnderstanding the organization and work of vehi-common, are not in sharp focus.ed by particular stories? Who is not persuaded?to one country? This is a demonstration of whatcles of public persuasion is of practical importanceWhat are the social and political implications ofhas been called the primary need for direct cross-in our world increasingly characterized as global-Consider, for example, the story of “September 11,patterns of persuasion? Important projects about-cultural and historical comparisons (Stearnsized and cyber-mediated, where vast differences2001” told by American President George W. Bush.the production of meaning should be in the form2010). The problem of cross-cultural communica-in experiences and life chances yield extreme het-Public opinion polls show that Bush’s speechesof audience reception studies: How do differenttion, that traditionally was a concern primarilyerogeneity and moral fragmentation, even whenabout the events of September 11 were remark-groups of people make sense of socially circulat-for academics, tourists, and foreign diplomats,people are sharing space and engaging in joint ac-ably effective in both calming the great majorityof Americans, as well as in encouraging them tosupport what was to become known as the “waron terror” (see Loseke 2009 for a review of thisliterature). However, not all Americans were per-ing stories? How does story persuasiveness varyby race/ethnicity, social class, immigration status,political identification, and so on? How doimportant stories – those justifying policy, socialarrangements, and so on – reflect or ignore thehas been transformed into a global problem createdby global communication, global economics,and global politics. Understanding the internallogic of meaning systems is a necessary step inachieving cross-cultural understandings.tivities. Under these conditions, meaning becomesa problem: The meaning of events, objects, orpeople is not given; meaning can rapidly change.When meaning is a problem, shared meaning isparticularly difficult: The meanings of any particu-suaded by this melodramatic story featuring morallypure Americans as victims who now had theopportunity to become heroes and save the civi-understandings and needs of various sub-populations?How are the meanings of these importantstories understood by particular groups of immi-Conclusionslar object, event, or person are often multiple andhighly contested. What is the meaning of abortion?What is the meaning of Islamic head scarves? Whatlized world from the evil terrorists. Cheryl Mattinglyand her colleagues (Mattingly, Lawlor, andJaccobs-Huey 2002) talked with poor minoritymothers and found that the poverty and racismgrants? Given the social and political work thatstories do it is critical to understand whose meaningsare embedded in stories and how stories areunderstood by those whose meaning is not reflect-I have focused on one question in this manuscript:How is it possible for socially circulatingstories to achieve cognitive and emotional persuasivenessin large, heterogeneous, and morallyis the meaning of immigration? The problems withmeaning become particularly important in democracieswhich require debate and compromise. Considerthe current political condition in the Unitedpatterning these women’s lives led them to re-ed in them.fragmented audiences? I argued that persuasive-States where divisions between Democrats and Re-ject the truthfulness of the “America as victim”ness can be encouraged when story scenes, plots,publicans are so great that the federal governmentstory. The daily harshness and deprivation theseFinally, stories are built from symbolic and emo-characters, and morals reflect the world viewshas been all but paralyzed for over the last twowomen faced because of their race and povertytion codes, and these codes are culturally situated.and moral reasoning of audience members whoyears. While this is a continuing source of materialled them to find it amusing that the events of Sep-Given the rapid, worldwide circulation of stories,evaluate story believability and importance. Thefor comedians, it is serious: The work of governingtember 11 had led privileged, pampered middle-it should be expected that stories of all kinds willmore stories are built from the systems of mean-is not being done. Consider also the social prob-class Americans to experience “psychologicalbe associated with mis-communications and mis-ing contained in the most widely circulating andlems throughout Europe that are being createdtrauma.” In brief, the general persuasiveness ofunderstandings. While cross-cultural communi-the most deeply held symbolic codes and emotionby vast immigrations of people who do not neces-Bush’s speeches was accomplished by construct-cation always involves such potentials, stories arecodes, the more persuasive the story potential is.sarily share a Western, Christian/Jewish vision ofing a story reflecting the underlying assumptionsespecially prone to be misunderstood because soConversely, the more stories are built upon con-the world, and who do not perceive they are beingof the politically central portion of the total popu-much of what is conveyed in them is in subtle im-tested codes, the smaller the approving audiencetreated fairly, and so on. These are the problems oflation in the United States. Yet, these are not nec-ages rather than in explicit statements. Considerfor that story likely will be.meaning in our modern world.24©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 25

Donileen R. LosekeKeynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public LifeAlthough questions about meaning are importantfor very practical reasons, these questions arealso theoretically important. Indeed, sociologistsare also stories embedded in particular sets ofsocial meaning (Stone 1997; Fisher 2003). Likewise,observers note that politicians must justifyAtkinson, Paul and Sara Delamont. 2006. “RescuingNarrative from Qualitative Research.” Narrative Inquiry16(1):164-172.Fisher, Frank. 2003. Reframing Public Policy: DiscursivePolitics and Deliberative Practices. New York: Oxford UniversityPress.argue that questions about the cultural productionsand consumptions of meaning must be centralin explorations about the organization andstructures of the social world (Lamont 2000). Concernsabout the process of meaning making andthe contents of this meaning are visible in severallines of research.For example, observers interested in the workingsof culture have been examining how social actorsgo about categorizing people, objects, and eventsand how these conceptual distinctions can becomeobjectified as forms of unequal access to andunequal distribution of social resources (Lamontand Molnár 2002). Observers of public policy arguethat understanding the process and contentsof social policy require examining how policieswar by constructing a “cultural mandate” (Smith2005), that we cannot understand political speechwithout knowing the underlying structures ofmeaning from which this speech draws (Alexander2010), and that if we want to understand politicaldivisions, we must explore relationships betweenpolitical platforms and underlying visionsof morality upon which these platforms are built(Lakoff 1996).These examples are merely instances of the generalpoint: We cannot take meaning in our modernworld for granted. We know that a common vehiclefor meaning making is socially circulating storiesand we know a great deal about the work these storiesdo in public and private lives. 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Telling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative ResearchAbstractKeywordsDeborah K. van den HoonaardSt. Thomas University, CanadaTelling the Collective Story: SymbolicInteractionism in Narrative ResearchRecent years have seen tremendous growth of interest in narrative approachesto research in both the social sciences and the humanities. Much of this researchfocuses on the stories of individuals and how they tell them. This article addressesthe contribution of a symbolic interactionist approach to develop the “collectivestory” (Richardson 1990) through the use of sensitizing concepts. It focuses onresearch on the experience of widows, widowers, and Iranian Bahá’í refugees toCanada to demonstrate how one can use sensitizing concepts to craft a collectivestory of members of marginalized populations that sit at the bottom of the “hierarchyof credibility” (Becker 1967).Narrative Research; Symbolic Interaction; Sensitizing Concepts; Widowhood; Bahá’í;Marginalized PopulationsDeborah K. van den Hoonaard is CanadaResearch Chair in Qualitative Research and Analysisand a Professor in the Gerontology Departmentat St. Thomas University in New Brunswick, Canada.Her research interests lie in studies of members ofmarginalized social groups, such as old widows,widowers, and non-European immigrants to AtlanticCanada, as well as how they interact as researchparticipants. She is the author of The Widowed Self:The Older Woman’s Journey through Widowhood (2001),By Himself: The Older Man’s Experience of Widowhood(2010), and Qualitative Research in Action: A CanadianPrimer (2012). With Will C. van den Hoonaard, shehas co-authored The Equality of Women and Men: TheExperience of the Bahá’í Community of Canada (2006)and Essentials of Thinking Ethically in Qualitative Research(2013).email address: dkvdh@stu.caIwork in a Gerontology Department with two ofthe best internationally known writers on narrativegerontology. Both work in a theoretical realmand a practice realm (narrative therapy) (e.g., Kenyon,Bohlmeijer, and Randall 2011) rather than a sociologicalarena. Their approach centers more uponindividual life stories and narratives and how to usethe process of life-story telling in a therapeutic settingthan mine as a sociologist. My first impressionof narrative was that it was too individualistic to beuseful for a sociologist, that it did not encompass anunderstanding of community and social forces. Itturned out I was wrong. Catherine Kohler Reissmanhas written about narrative: “[t]o the sociologicallyoriented … studying narratives is … useful for whatthey reveal about social life-culture ‘speaks itself’through an individual’s story” (1993:5).As a symbolic interactionist and student of HowardS. Becker (1967), I have been heavily influencedby the concept of the hierarchy of credibility thatacknowledges that there is a tendency to considerthat those with higher status have the right to definethe situation. I also use the concept of genericsocial processes (Prus 2005), which suggests thatsocial processes may be consistent across differentsocial settings. These approaches have informedmy decision to study members of socially marginalizedgroups whose voices are often silent and silenced.Hence, I have focused most of my researchon widowhood among older people, older women,and Iranian Bahá’í refugees who live in AtlanticCanada.I would like to start this discussion of telling thecollective story with a story of my own. This storystarts when a student in my Sociology of Agingclass lent me When Things Get Back to Normal byM. T. Dohaney (1989). This short book was comprisedof the author’s personal journal that she hadkept for the first year after her husband’s suddendeath following a game of senior hockey. I tookthe book home and spent two hours engrossedand deeply moved. Having studied with HelenaZ. Lopata, the first sociologist to study widowhood(1973; 1979), I had focused on the experiencesof widowed persons in a Florida retirement communityfor my PhD. I already had an interest inwidows. The power of this woman’s narrative wasstriking. The literature on widowhood up to thatpoint tended to be quite dry, and no widow wouldsee herself in it. By the time I had put the bookdown, I knew that my first post-PhD study wouldbe an analysis of published autobiographical accountsby widows about their experience with losingtheir husband. In other words, even though in1993 I did not have the vocabulary to describe it,I had been captured by the widows’ narratives.People “narrativize particular experiences in theirlives, often where there has been a breach betweenthe ideal and the real, self and society” (Reissman1993:3). These breaches encompass the day-to-dayexperiences of those who inhabit socially marginalizedspaces (Reissman 2001). My analysis of widows’personal narratives allowed me to study systematicallythe social meaning, as well as the enormityof the disjuncture and emotional side of becominga widow. I came to refer to the “breach between theideal and real self” for new widows as “identityforeclosure” (van den Hoonaard, D. K. 1997):[i]t is almost as if [the widows’] identity were composedof a pyramid of elements, and their husband’sdeath has resulted in a bottom block’s being removed– the other elements may still remain, but they needto be reassembled in a new way on a new foundation.It is the recognition of identity foreclosure thathas allowed these women to construct a new identitybrick by brick. (p. 547)Further, telling a “collective story” allows one tobring in a more critical understanding. Laurel Richardsonexplains that a collective story “displays anindividual’s story by narrativizing the experiences ofthe social category to which the individual belongsrather than by telling the particular individual’s storyor by simply retelling the cultural story” (1990:25).In this way, she argues we can “give voice to thosewhose narratives have been excluded from the publicdomain and civic discourse … we convert privateproblems into public issues, thereby makingcollective identity, and collective solutions possible”(1990:28).32©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 33

Deborah K. van den HoonaardTelling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative ResearchSince Laurel Richardson introduced the idea of collectivestories, researchers across a variety of disci-ows, widowers, and Iranian Bahá’í refugees to AtlanticCanada.was only a word in the English language. Now it wasme… (1989:6-7 as cited in van den Hoonaard 1997)friends, they have to “be fairly cheerful and upbeat”and not talk about their husbands too much:plines have used collective stories to communicatethe experiences of individuals who inhabit a varietyof social categories. Ayala Aylyn (2010) developeda collective story to communicate the experiencesof individuals who had undergone trauma intheir lives and who identified themselves as resilient.Richard Pringle (2008) used collective storiesof men’s experience with a rugby union in NewZealand, where rugby is ubiquitous and dominatesthe formation of masculinities, as a pedagogicaltool to communicate to his students the link betweenmasculinities and rugby. Although Richardsonconceived of the collective story to address thesituation of people in socially marginal positions,Middleton, Anderson, and Banning (2009) developeda collective story of how members of sociallydominant groups encountered and were transformedby recognizing their own privilege.Using the model of a collective story responds toHoward Becker’s classic question: “Whose side arewe on?” (1967). We are on the side of those whobelong to social categories that are marginalized orstigmatized in some way.One way to make collective stories meaningful isto identify sensitizing concepts within them. Sensitizingconcepts are constructs “derived from theresearch participants’ perspective, use their languageor expressions [that] sensitize the researcherto possible lines of inquiry” (van den Hoonaard,W. C. 1997:1). In other words, sensitizing conceptshelp researchers to understand their participants’worldview (van den Hoonaard 2012). The next sectionsexplain a number of sensitizing concepts thatI developed to write the collective stories of wid-Sensitizing Concepts in Widow’sNarrativesIn much of the literature on widows (even today)and in much of their portrayal in the public domain,widows are depicted as sad, lonely, and the victimsof life’s problems. Their collective story recognizesthe challenges they face but also depicts them ascreative, resilient, and courageous. The following isa sample of the sensitizing concepts I “found” in mydata and developed: “identifying moments,” “keepingup appearances,” “couples’ world,” “makingdo,” and “my children have their own lives.”I start with “identifying moments” because it isa sensitizing concept that I adopted from KathyCharmaz’s work on chronic illness. She definesidentifying moments as “telling moments filledwith new self-images … telling because they sparksudden realizations [and] reveal hidden images ofself” (1991:207). Having read Good Days, Bad Days,I immediately recognized the concept of identifyingmoments in the autobiographical accountsI read for my first study of widows. For example,M. T. Dohaney wrote in her journal:I was called a widow today. “Sign here” the girl inthe office of vital statistics said when I went to pickup a copy of your death certificate … “Right here.In the block that says widow of the deceased.” Theword pierced me like a lance and my sharp intakeof breath was audible … Later, as I walked home,I tried to give voice to my new label. Widow! Widow!I mouthed the word over and over and althoughI could hear it thundering in my head, no soundwould leave my lips … Until two weeks ago, widowIn interviews with widows, the intensity of the identifyingmoment is a central part of the narrative:All of a sudden it occurred to me, “I am a widow.” Eventhough my mail may come to me as Mrs. ________,I am a widow… And it was like all of a sudden I realizedit… It hadn’t occurred to me…at the time ofdeath or at the funeral… Just all of a sudden, it hit me,“Hey, I am a widow.” (van den Hoonaard 2001:37) 1It hit me so hard, it almost turned me sick for the moment.Somebody said, “You’re a widow.” And, it almostmade me feel sick to my stomach. That was the firsttime – I had never thought of myself as a widow. (p. 38)These stories of the discovery of a new identity,the identifying moment, carry a power in the tellingthat far exceeds a third-person description.Through the shock and sudden recognition describedalmost like being punched in the stomach,the story demonstrates that being a widow is anunwelcome identity that carries with it stigma andlower status. In fact, most widows say that they dislikethe term. Even one of the reviewers of my articleentitled “Identity Foreclosure,” herself a widow,commented on her discomfort with the term.As all research has shown, when a woman becomesa widow, she loses many of her friends. The womenI interviewed concurred. They also knew that theyhad lower status as single women and particularresponsibilities, one of which was “keeping up appearances.”This sensitizing concept refers to widows’understanding that if they want to keep their1All quotations in this section, unless otherwise noted, arefrom van den Hoonaard (2001).Well, you’re going to go away from here thinking thatI’m fine and I feel fine. Maybe you won’t be at the endof the road ‘til I’ll be weeping, but that’s all right. (p. 65)If I’d have wept and wailed and howled [in myfriend’s] soup for the last six months…[my husband]would be very upset with me… Very disapproving…ashamed of me. (p. 64)Part of “keeping up appearances” is conforming tofeeling rules by doing the emotion work (Hochschild1979) necessary to succeed:I just decided I have to pull myself together, youknow, take the bull by the horns. I have always triedto be very cheerful about the whole thing. (van denHoonaard 2001:65)The way widows talk about the importance ofkeeping up appearances communicates their lowerstatus. If they do not succeed, they will lose anyfriends who did not desert them at the start.A related sensitizing concept is “couples’ world”which refers to the widows’ feeling of not fittinginto society in a comfortable way. When friends invitethem out:And much as they say, “Well you’re welcome to comewith us,” you always feel like the third person out. (p. 73)I know that there’s always going to be parties…thatwe used to go to that I’m not going to be included…I tell you, it’s a couples’ world. (p. 74)Another aspect of widows’ collective story relatesto their relationship with money. For most, “making34©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 35

Deborah K. van den HoonaardTelling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative Researchdo” or “getting by” is the concept that captureshow they interpret their financial situation eithertive to their needs, their adult children have “theirown lives.” These mothers need to make sure theybe down to watch TV. And he watches the house…He checks to make sure everything’s all right. (p. 56)are central to the story highlight that they must“keep up appearances,” adapt to living as a singlebecause they are “on a strict budget” or “don’t careabout money” (p. 104). This sensitizing conceptdemonstrates older widows’ reluctance to appear tofeel entitled to more than the minimal income manyof them receive. They compare themselves favorablyto women who do not know how to handle moneythrough narratives of the inability to write a check 2 :Like I have a friend whose husband died suddenly,she’d never written a check. She didn’t have a clue…and it was dreadful for her. She had no idea howmuch money there was available, where it was, andon top of having all the emotional things to dealwith is really, really too much. (p.106)This situation of not being able to write a checkcame up in many of the stories women told abouttheir friends or acquaintances even though they,themselves, knew how to write checks. It symbolizedthe relationship (or lack thereof) that womenof their generation often had with money whilethey were married. The reference to not being ableto write a check allowed the women to comparethemselves positively to women who were not aswell prepared. In fact, learning about finances whiletheir husbands were still alive is the most commonadvice these widows had for other women.do not overstep an invisible boundary that wouldresult in invading privacy, crowding, or expectingtoo much. Several women demonstrated much creativityin establishing a new relationship characterizedby reciprocity.One story of a successful negotiations comes fromone of the very few women who go south for thewinter. She started by explaining:And my family, well, they’re just wonderful; they’refriends, as well as family. If I need anything, I onlyhave to make a phone call. And if I don’t want themaround, they don’t crowd me. (p. 55)In return, this woman feels comfortable calling onher children if there’s something she needs helpwith, but she usually tries to fix things herself. Shetold the story of installing window blinds. She putup one set of venetian blinds, which took her overan hour to accomplish. Her son came to visit, andshe went into another room for just a few minutes,and when she returned, he said:“Your blind’s up.” He said, “I could have done that thefirst time, but I knew you wanted to do it.” So he letme try it. (p. 56)This widow’s story of her relationship with herchildren exemplifies successful negotiations ofa reciprocal relationship that protects an olderwidow’s sense of herself as a competent adult andrecognizes that her children have their own lives.Not all stories are of equal importance. Kenyon andRandall (1997:46-47) have developed the concept of“signature story,” a tale people like to tell about themselvesor situations that they like to narrate. Similarly,a collective story may include a signature story. In thestudy of widows, the signature story communicateschallenge, perseverance, and the development ofa sense of competence and confidence, all of whichcharacterize the accomplishments of widows and area central part of their collective story:Well, there’s one thing, for instance, and it’s so simple…whenthe hydro goes out on the VCR and theclock…it’s blinking, twelve o’clock, twelve o’clock.I never, now this is so simple, I never adjusted thatthing, and I just didn’t even know how to open thislittle box there… I left it for about…a week, blinking.Well, I put up a book so I wouldn’t see it… Yeah, I puta book up and said [to myself], “I don’t know howto do it.” So, one day, I went downstairs and I tookmy glasses and I said, “I’m going to fix this thing orwoman in a “couples’ world,” find pride in “makingdo” with little money, and accept that their children“have their own lives.” Nonetheless, the collectivestory also reflects creativity, resilience, and strengththat belie the stereotype of older widows as helpless.Sensitizing Concepts in Widowers’NarrativesFor older men who become widowed, the collectivestory is different. 3 One of the first questions peopleask when they find out that I’ve studied both widowsand widowers is whether women’s and men’sexperiences are very different from one another.And how! When asked to describe in a very generalway what it is like to become a widow, manywomen talked about how they met their husbandsand what their marriages were like. They couldnot tell their story without including informationabout what was lost, as well as what had happened.In response to a similar question, men often talkedabout whether or not they wanted to get marriedagain or observed that women are “after them” aswidowers. 4 It is not surprising, then, that the sensitizingconcepts that construct widowers’ collectivestory are different.The last sensitizing concept in the widows’ storiesis “they have their own lives.” The women usedthis phrase to describe their place in their children’slives. It recognizes that although most widowsexpect their children to be aware of and sensi-This same woman needed someone to pay her billswhile she was in Florida and to keep an eye on herhouse in the winter. Her daughter pays her bills,and her son checks on her house. She developeda novel system of reciprocity:it’s going to be unplugged.” So, I sat down and I gotthe instructions out and I just went step by step andI thought this was a major, oh did a major job. Finally,I got it. And it was just the idea, I had never done it,and I had never even looked at the instructions. Anda child, of course, could do it. But, it was a big achievementthere. (van den Hoonaard 2012:123)The story, for men, revolves around the challengeswidowhood presents to their identity as masculine,adult men. I had not expected to approach the widowers’collective story in terms of masculinity, but3Unless otherwise specified, all quotations in this sectioncome from van den Hoonaard (2010).2The interviews took place in the mid 1990s. Today, widowswould more likely talk about ATM’s or internet banking. I amcurrently doing a new study to see how the collective story ofolder widows has changed in the last 20 years.Yeah, well, my son is very fond of ice cream, and hecan’t get cable [TV]…and he loves TV. So, I fill thefreezer downstairs with ice cream, and I know he’llThe collective story of older widows makes visibletheir lower status, and the sensitizing concepts that4In fact, while I was working on the widower study, I wasinterviewed by Anne Kingston for an article she was writingabout widowers for Maclean’s Magazine entitled: “The SexiestMan Alive” (2007).36©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 37

Deborah K. van den HoonaardTelling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative Researchthe theme of being a real man was ubiquitous in theready gotten the man. Alinde Moore and DorothyI’ve played senior hockey; I’ve played senior basket-what was wrong, things simply progressed untildata. Instead of looking at the men’s style of interactionas a problem, I used Holstein and Gubrium’s(1995) active-interview approach and used the interactionas data. I went back and listened to all the recordingsagain to be sure that then men were “doinggender” throughout the interviews. 5 The followingStratton (2002) report a similar phenomenon, the“casserole ladies” who also turn up in John Bayley’sbook about his experience as a widower. Bayley,widower of author Iris Murdoch, opens his memoirewith: “‘[n]ow, eat it while it’s nice and hot,’ orderedMargot, putting a lump of casserole on my plate”ball; I’ve played volleyball; I’ve played softball. Now,of course, I spent nine years coaching hockey at allthe provincial levels; I coached baseball, you name it,and got involved with it, and I’d say, “Hey, come onhome, I’ll cook you a steak.” So that to me was enjoyable,it still is enjoyable. (van den Hoonaard 2010:151)their wife died. They summarized this process as“downhill from there.” The inevitability of the finaloutcome stands out as a crucial aspect of the story.There is a similar lack of details in the stories theAtlantic Canadian widowers who were repartneredis a sample of the sensitizing concepts that emergedfrom an analysis of the data: “casserole brigade,”“nothing fancy,” “all downhill from there,” “onething led to another,” and “getting out of the house.”The most obvious example is the “casserole brigade”which is comprised of single women whoare lonely and seem almost predatory to the menin their attempts to attract a widower to a romanticrelationship. This response came from a man wholived in a small town. He was replying to a questionabout whether or not anything had surprised himas a widower.Yes, about a month after my wife passed away. [Thetown I lived in]…is a small village of about 350 people,and I swear, 200 of them are widows – all livingalone. So the “casserole brigade” started, and I hatecasseroles. So, I had…a commercial freezer full ofcasseroles… And [they] would start pounding on thedoor. That kind of frightened me. (p. 95)In an earlier study, a widow who lived in a Floridaretirement community remarked that if you showedup with a casserole while a widower is sitting shiva, 6it is too early. But, if you wait until shiva is over, youwill be too late – some other woman will have al-5For an in-depth discussion of widowers’ strategies of selfrepresentation,see van den Hoonaard (2009).6During this week of confinement from routine duties, thewidow or widower allows herself or himself to be cared for byfamily and close friends (Marcus 2004:216). At the end of themourning period, the person rejoins society with the new status.(2001:3). Bayley (2001) writes about his own sense ofbeing pursued by women as a “fantasy”:[t]here was really no need to feel threatened and disquieted.No doubt widowers’ weakness, as it mightbe called, was a well-known phenomenon in circleswhich widowers…frequented. They misunderstoodthe kindness women bestowed on them in their trouble.(p. 45-46)A telling counterpoint in this collective story isthe reaction of the widowers to the question aboutwhether they knew how to cook and clean beforetheir wife died. The concept of “nothing fancy” characterizestheir story. Most of the men explained thattheir cooking was quite simple; they did not knowhow to make casseroles or desserts. Here, the menused their story to distance themselves from womenand their traditional tasks by claiming not to makethe very kind of dish that women make when theyare in pursuit of men as romantic partners.Men who could cook often listed masculine dishes,such as steak cooked on a George Foreman Grill,or associated their cooking with masculine activities.This man provided a list of sporting activitiesas part of his discussion about cooking. The storyof cooking steak for other athletes is an importantpart of the story:I enjoyed cooking, enjoyed it, really. And yet, despitethe fact, and I used to tell a lot of people, you know.The need to claim their masculinity was also evidentin the way the widowers told the story of theirwife’s death. Notably, the men appear as central actorsin these narratives. These stories have a particulartrajectory that includes: the woman’s hiding ordownplaying symptoms, an initial misdiagnosis orminimizing of the ailment on the part of the doctor,a great deal of detail in the descriptions of thewife’s symptoms, and a truncated description ofwhat happened after the diagnosis into the phrase“it was all downhill from there.”The men appear as central characters in the storiesof what happened when their wife first became ill.For example, this man explained that the doctor initiallythought his wife had an allergy. He recounted:After a time, I didn’t think so. And I had a conversationwith the doctor… I told him why…because of whatI said, he sent her for some X-rays. [Later when his wifehad severe headaches] I thought it was connected becausethey’d found a spot on her lungs… I thought it hasspread… So, I talked to the doctor about that. (p. 99)This type of agentic speech – in which the narratorportrays himself as an independent actor (Kirsi,Hervonen, and Jylhä 2000) – characterized many ofthe stories the men told of their wife’s death (vanden Hoonaard, Bennett, and Evans 2012).In these widowers’ narratives, the terminal diagnosiswas a singular moment in the story. Once they knewtold about how they got together with their new wifeor permanent girlfriend. In this situation, the sensitizingconcept is “one thing led to another.” This manfrom Atlantic Canada told how he met his girlfriend:And there’s this lady next to me, and I asked her howlong the boardwalk was… And she was kind of chatty,got talking to her…it sounded like her husbandwas something like my wife… So, one thing led toanother. (p. 36)Compare his story to this American widower’s. In thisstory, he initially approached his “friend,” but then:After, she decided that she liked me… She came overa lot more than I realized. I didn’t mean to makea regular routine of it. I just asked her out once, andbefore I knew it, here she’s coming in like she’s mygirlfriend… Actually, she pushed herself into it. (p. 98)As noted in the introduction, narratives often reflectthe culture of the teller. This potential is realizedin the widowers’ stories about developing relationshipswith women, which reflected strong culturaldifferences between Atlantic Canadians and bigcity,Jewish Americans. The Canadians’ stories havea fatalistic flavor captured in the concept, “one thingled to another.” The Jewish American stories alsoinvolve a lack of agency on the men’s part, but, incontrast, they emphasized their friend’s assertivenessin establishing a relationship. There were someassertive women in the Canadian widowers’ stories,38©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 39

Deborah K. van den HoonaardTelling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative Researchbut in these stories, the men rebuffed or were frightenedby the women’s forwardness. These differencesreflect very different, culturally-based definitionsof the situation.For the widowers, getting out was also the alternativeto wallowing in one’s misery. Hence, themirror image of the concept of getting out is sittingaround. The men equated staying home withsitting around, with giving up on life:reluctance to have too many commitments, freedomand independence are two things that they appreciateabout being single. These quotes communicatethe spontaneous nature of the men’s activities:stuff.” … And I said, “Well, does she owe you anymoney?” They wouldn’t tell me that either. So finally,I said to the girl, “Well, I hope she does… You’re goingto have to find her to get it.” And I never heard fromthem about that. (p. 59)The last sensitizing concept in the widowers’ collectivestory is “getting out of the house.” The absenceof their wife as a companion was a frequenttheme, and being busy was a notable antidote forloneliness and being alone, which the widowersI’m not just sitting around the house, moping. It’s betterto be busy than sitting around doing nothing, sittingaround and thinking. Now, I don’t sit around,kind of, ”What am I going to do with myself?” (p. 127)We usually call one another up and “Meet you on theriver,” or something like that. Usually ski up and downthe river and go across the road there. Don’t have todrive anywhere. Just put on my skis and go. (p. 133)Like I say, the pool [in the retirement community] isThis and other stories the men recounted have thetheme of “winning” that is familiar in stories whichportray a man as a “lone hero pitted against theodds” (Coates 2003:196).talked about as if they were synonymous. Thesolution for these widowers was “getting out ofthe house.” This sensitizing concept encompassesAccording to this widower, having nothing to do isequivalent to not getting out:a meeting place. You meet everybody there, eventually.So, if I want…people, I go down to the pool in the morning.If I want to be left alone, I just stay away. (p. 132)The collective story of older widowers illustratesthe challenges around masculinity for older men.The sensitizing concepts that fill out the storyhow uncomfortable the men felt when they werealone in their house and the imperative to keepbusy that is often seen as a panacea to life’s problemsfor older people (Ekerdt 1986).When the widowers’ wife died, the meaning ofbeing at home changed. They found it challengingto spend time in their empty house. For example,one man told the story of the first time heentered his house after his wife’s death:From a home point of view, for the first few monthsafter her death, and particularly the first timeI opened the door. I looked in to see if she was playingSolitaire at the table…and she wasn’t there. Andso, the house was like a big, empty cavern, canyon,cave, anything you want to express is. There wasan emptiness there, and I was looking for her, andI couldn’t find her. And then, gradually, I acceptedthe fact… I got this storey and a half house all tomyself, and I’ve got to live with it. (p. 126-127)This man’s alliterative description captures thediscomfort of being home alone. The only solutionis to “get out of the house.”[Were there any times that were more difficult thanothers?] [When] you’ve got nothing to do… Like an olddog, you go out [to] the road and look up and down theroad and say, “Which way am I going to go today?”… Like I say, you just have to pick up and go somewhere…Just get in the truck, head for town. (p. 128)Put succinctly:I go out as frequently as I can… So, what I do is go out– get the hell out of the house. (p. 128)The importance of “getting out” is related to themen’s reluctance to have guests in their home. Theircollective story of keeping socially connected bygoing out suggests that they are not likely to inviteguests in:I rattle around this house like a pea in a box. I get outquite a lot. Try to mix and socialize. (p. 128)I like to have people around. I hate being alone. That’swhy I’m gone all the time. (p. 129)“Getting out” is also a mechanism for informal andunplanned socializing. It reflects many widowers’Finally, community events provide opportunitiesfor some widowers to maintain a full social life:I got to quite a few concerts… Meet friends there…I keep myself busy… Everybody asks me where thechurch suppers are for the weekend. So, I start lookingabout Wednesday…and I’ll go to a church supperon Saturday… And, you meet a lot of friendsthere… So, it almost got to the point where peoplego to the supper and say, “Oh, I wonder if Patrickwill be here.” (p. 132)Just as there was a signature story for the collectivestory of widows, there is also one that communicatesthe challenge of older widowers to preservetheir masculinity. This story involves a widower’sattempt to get customer loyalty points fromtwo different stores:Like I went to [the store]; I knew she used to have[their] credit card. And she had [their customer-loyaltycard]. So, I went in one day…to transfer her…pointsto my name. No way in hell. No, they wanted a copyof her will… They wanted her death certificate… So,that kind of ticked me off… They say, “Well, maybeyou kicked her out, and you’re trying to take all herbring attention to areas that challenge widowers’masculinity, such as lack of control and developingnew skills that were traditionally done bywomen. If there was one statement that sums upthe men’s collective story, it is: “I was the man.”Iranian Bahá’í Refugees in AtlanticCanadaThe last collective story is that of Iranian Bahá’írefugees who settled in Atlantic Canada. TheBahá’í faith originated in Persia (now Iran) inthe mid-19 th century when a young man, the Báb,announced himself a prophet of God and the Harbingerof a Manifestation of God who would bringin a new era in human history. Baha’u’lláh proclaimedhimself to be this messenger and spentthe last 39 years of his life as a prisoner and exile. 7Bahá’ís have been persecuted in Iran since that time.After the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the persecutionbecame a severe and systematic attempt to stranglethe community.7Bahá’í social teachings include the unity of humanity, theequality of women and men, and the elimination of racial andother prejudices, among others.40©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 41

Deborah K. van den HoonaardTelling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative ResearchThe Bahá’í community of Canada has existed foralmost 100 years and has about 33,000 members.Many Bahá’í refugees arrived in Canada in theting there…it was great. We stayed at his house for twomonths, and that is the time I felt that being a Bahá’íwas the most incredible thing in life. (p. 4)The Bahá’í refugees used hospitality and creativityto address these issues:socially marginalized. In his book, Working withSensitizing Concepts, Will van den Hoonaard (1997)says that sensitizing concepts move us toward1980s through a cooperative program between theGovernment of Canada and the National Bahá’íCommunity of Canada. Most of the Bahá’ís whocame through that program now live in major urbancenters, such as Vancouver and Toronto, buta small number have stayed in Atlantic Canada. Itis the collective story of that small group, numberingabout 200, that this article addresses.The sensitizing concepts that arose in the newcomers’stories are: “not knowing what to expect,”“being treated like family,” and “using creativityand hospitality to neutralize blame and overcomeprejudice.”The story of settlement in Canada starts with thenewcomers’ not knowing what to expect. Theyhad no idea how rural Atlantic Canada is:Yeah, there were no tall buildings. When I came toCanada… I thought we were going to a place likeNew York…tall buildings, you know. And we flewinto Halifax…nothing but trees. (p. 2) 8Nonetheless, even though they were unpreparedfor life in Atlantic Canada, the Canadian Bahá’íswelcomed them like family:And I remember, Mr. R. told me that, “You go [by train]and meet the gentleman called Bill.” And that was it.No last name… So, we were supposed to stay at theirhome… And, when we came to the train station, thetrain stopped…all the Bahá’ís were there… Very excitingtime… And a few minutes later we were at Bill’s sit-8Unless otherwise noted, all quotations in this section arefrom van den Hoonaard and van den Hoonaard (2007).Like members of a family, I had no idea who theywere and they didn’t have any idea who I was. But,they accepted me with open arms, and we becamealmost like a family, and being here twenty years…we still feel like a family. (p. 5)The warm reception from the local Bahá’ís wasa contrast to the reception the Persian newcomersreceived from the broader community. The implicitprejudice they faced made it hard for themto find work or make friends other than Bahá’ís:It was really hard to get a job. And everybody was fearful,“Is this guy a good guy to work for me and is hegoing to be able to talk in a [way] that I can understandit? Is he going to drive my customers away?” You know,you’re either white, Canadian people or you were notpart of them. So, it was kind of hard to break into. (p. 6)The newcomers chose to avoid taking the rebuffspersonally:You know, it’s very obvious [that I was being passedover for promotion]… I don’t [take it] personally. If wedo…we never improve ourselves. You know, don’t getpersonal… That is life, and I’ve never been Canadian,even after 100 years… I am [an] immigrant. You know,I have to accept that and do my job. (p. 8)They explain that, given the circumstances in theworld, no one should be blamed for fearing strangers,especially dark-skinned ones:Not that I blame them because there are so manythings going on in the Middle East that you don’tknow, “Should I trust this guy or not?” (p. 8)They’re scared… But, we showed our love, we showall of it, we show all our love, and, “How are you?Good morning.” (p. 8)The collective story includes a combination of creativityand hospitality. Here is a signature story ofPersian Bahá’í refugees in Atlantic Canada:[I heard from a neighbor that] “people think thatyou have a rifle in your basement, and you arewaiting for some good opportunity to attack”… I said, “No [we don’t have such things], youcan come and visit us.” Later on, they came overand, on purpose, I said, “Okay, I want to give youa tour of my house.” You know, let’s see the bedroom,and… I take them to the basement, and hereis the laundry room, here is the workshop…justshow them everything, and now they are very,very friendly. When they have any family problemthey come over here, and they ask us to solve theirproblem. (p. 10)The collective story of the Iranian Bahá’í newcomersincludes the persecution that drove them out oftheir homeland and tells how they were welcomedto their new homes, the barriers they faced, andtheir efforts to overcome those barriers. The sensitizingconcepts provide an entry to understandinghow these immigrants interpreted and dealt withtheir situation.ConclusionThis article has focused on three studies to demonstratehow sensitizing concepts can assist us toconstruct the collective story of groups who aremore abstract or general theorizing. This articlesuggests that they can also be the building blocksof a collective story.Laurel Richardson writes that although a collectivestory is about a category of people rather thanindividuals, “the individual response to a welltoldcollective story is, ‘That’s my story. I am notalone’” (1990:26). She argues that the collectivestory should be written in language that is accessibleto members of the social category it involves(1988) as a means of constructing a “consciousnessof kind…a concrete recognition of sociologicalbondedness [which can] break down isolation[and potentially] alter the system” (Richardson2000:336).It appears that the widows’ collective story, told inThe Widowed Self (van den Hoonaard 2001), has metthis standard. When an article about my new researchon widowhood appeared in the local newspaper,one of the volunteers for the study said thatshe had read the book, found it very helpful, andwanted to be interviewed for the new study to helpother widows.This article has demonstrated the usefulnessof sensitizing concepts in the construction andtelling of a collective story. Because sociologistsdevelop these concepts inductively and use thelanguage of research participants to name andformulate them, they have a unique potential tocontribute to collective stories that are both powerfuland accessible to scholars and members ofcategories whose story is being told.42©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 43

Deborah K. van den HoonaardTelling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative ResearchAcknowledgementsA Meta-Narrative Approach.” Journal of TransformativeEducation 7:294-311.pressed in Autobiographical Accounts.” Ageing & Society17:533-551.The study of widows was funded by a CommunityResearcher Award from the Seniors’ Independence ResearchProgram of Health Canada and a Grant to SmallUniversities from the Social Sciences and HumanitiesResearch Council of Canada. The study of widowerswas funded by a Social Sciences and HumanitiesResearch Council Standard Research Grant, and thestudy of Iranian Bahá’í refugees was funded by grantsfrom the New Brunswick and Atlantic Studies Researchand Development Centre and Metropolis.Moore, Alinde J. and Dorothy C. Stratton. 2002. ResilientWidowers: Older Men Speak for Themselves. New York:Springer.Pringle, Richard. 2008. “No Rugby, no fear: Collectivestories, masculinities, and transformative possibilities inschools.” Sports, Education & Society 13(2):215-237.van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K. 2001. The Widowed Self:The Older Woman’s Journey Through Widowhood. Waterloo,ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K. 2009. “Widowers’ strategiesof self-representation during research interviews:A sociological analysis.” Ageing & Society 29:257-276.ReferencesAylyn, Ayalah. 2010. Resurrection Ferns: Resiliency, Art,and Meaning Constructs Among Survivors of Trauma or DifficultLife Events. PhD dissertation, University of Alberta.Bayley, John. 2001. Widower’s House: A Study in Bereavementor How Margo and Mella Forced me to Flee My Home.New York: W. W. Norton & Company.Becker, Howard. 1967. “Whose Side are We on?” SocialKenyon, Gary, Ernst Bohlmeijer, and William L. Randall.2011. Storying Later Life: Issues, Investigations, and Interventionsin Narrative Gerontology. New York: Oxford UniversityPress.Kenyon, Gary and William L. Randall. 1997. RestoryingOur Lives: Personal Growth through Autobiographical Reflection.Westport, CN: Praeger.Prus, Robert. (2005) “Studying Human Knowing andActing: The Interactional Quest for Authenticity.” Pp.7-13 in Doing Ethnography: Studying Everyday Life, editedby Dorothy Pawluch, William Shaffir, and Charlene Miall.Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.Reissman, Catherine K. 1993. Narrative Analysis. NewburyPark, CA: Sage.Reissman, Catherine K. 2001. “Analysis of Personal Narratives.”Pp. 695-710 in Handbook of Interview Research:Context and Method, edited by Jaber F. Gubrium andJames A. Holstein. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Richardson, Laurel. 1988. “The Collective Story: Postmodernismand the writing of sociology.” Sociological Focus21(3):199-208.van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K. 2010. By Himself: TheOlder Man’s Experience of Widowhood. Toronto: Universityof Toronto Press.van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K. 2012. Qualitative Researchin Action: A Canadian Primer. Toronto: Oxford UniversityPress.van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K., Kate M. Bennett, andElizabeth Evans. 2012. “I was there when she passed:older widowers’ narratives of the death of their wife.”Ageing & Society / FirstView Article:1-18. Retrieved June20, 2013 (http://www.liv.ac.uk/~kmb/MyPublishedPapers/vandenHoonaardBennettEvans2013.pdf).van den Hoonaard, Will C. 1997. Working with SensitizingConcepts: Analytical Field Research. Thousand Oaks, CA:Problems 14(3):239-247.Charmaz, Kathy. 1991. Good Days, Bad Days: the Self inKingston, Anne. 2007. “The Sexiest Man Alive.” Maclean’s,November 22.Richardson, Laurel. 1990. Writing Strategies: Reach DiverseAudiences. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.Sage.van den Hoonaard, Will C. and Deborah. K. van denChronic Illness and Time. New Brunswick, NJ: RutgersUniversity Press.Coates, Jennifer. 2003. Men talk. Stories in the making ofmasculinities. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.Dohaney, Myrtis. 1989. When Things Get Back to Normal.Porters Lake, NS: Pottersfield Press.Kirsi, Tapio, Antti Hervonen, and Marja Jylhä. 2000.“A Man’s Gotta Do What a Man’s Gotta Do: Husbandsas Caregivers to their Demented Wives, A DiscourseAnalysis.” Journal of Aging Studies 14(2):153-169.Lopata, Helena Z. 1973. Widowhood in an American City.Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.Richardson, Laurel. 2000. “The Metaphor is the Message:Commentary on Arthur Frank’s ‘Illness and the InteractionistVocation’.” Symbolic Interaction 23(4):333-336.van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K. 1997. “Identity Foreclosure:Women’s Experiences of Widowhood as Ex-Hoonaard. 2007. “The Poignant Accomplishments ofBahá’í Newcomers from Iran.” Paper delivered at theNew Brunswick and Atlantic Studies Research and DevelopmentCentre Conference: Town and Country: ExploringUrban and Rural Issues in New Brunswick. St. ThomasUniversity, June 22-23, Fredericton, Canada.Ekerdt, David. 1986. “The Busy Ethic: Moral Continuity BetweenWork and Retirement.” Gerontologist 26(3):239-244.Hochschild, Arlie. 1979. “Emotion Work, Feeling Rules,and Social Structure.” American Journal of Sociology85(3):551-575.Holstein, James A. and Jaber F. Gubrium. 1995. The ActiveInterview. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Lopata, Helena Z. 1979. Women as Widows: Support Systems.New York: Elsevier.Marcus, Ivan G. 2004. The Jewish Life Cycle: Rites of Passagefrom Biblical to Modern Times. Seattle: University ofWashington Press.Middleton, Valerie A., Sharon K. Anderson, and James H.Banning. 2009. “The Journey to Understanding Privilege:van den Hoonaard, Deborah K. 2013. “Telling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in NarrativeResearch.“ Qualitative Sociology Review 9(3):32-45. 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Transcending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist OppressionAbstractKeywordsElizabeth KrahnUniversity of Winnipeg, CanadaTranscending the “Black Raven”:An Autoethnographic and IntergenerationalExploration of Stalinist OppressionMany of Canada’s aging immigrants were displaced persons in Europe post-WWII andhave internalized psychological effects of their traumatic past within a society that tendsto marginalize or pathologize them. While early collective trauma literature focuses onindividualized, psychotherapeutic approaches, more recent literature demonstrates theimportance of externalizing and contextualizing trauma and fostering validating dialoguewithin families and community systems to facilitate transformation on many levels. Myresearch is an autoethnographic exploration of lifespan and intergenerational effects oftrauma perceived by Russian Mennonite women who fled Stalinist Russia to Germanyduring WWII and migrated to Winnipeg, Canada, and adult sons or daughters of thisgeneration of women. Sixteen individual life narratives, including my own, generateda collective narrative for each generation. Most participants lost male family membersduring Stalin’s Great Terror, verschleppt, or disappeared in a vehicle dubbed the Black Raven.Survivors tended to privilege stories of resilience – marginalizing emotions and mentalweakness. The signature story of many adult children involved their mother’s resilience,suppressed psychological issues, and emotional unavailability. Results underline theimportance of narrative exchange that validates marginalized storylines and promotesindividual, intergenerational, and cultural story reconstruction within safe social and/orprofessional environments, thus supporting healthy attachments.Autoethnography; Collective Trauma; Displaced Persons; Aging; Attachment; NarrativeApproachesElizabeth Krahn completed her MSW at theUniversity of Manitoba in 2011. In addition to privatepractice and independent research, she is currentlyalso part of a research project at the Oral HistoryCenter, University of Winnipeg – her focus being onaging WWII refugees and displaced persons.email address: ewkrahn@hotmail.comThe Black Raven has long been a symbol ofdeath in certain cultures and, during the periodof collectivization and political terror in StalinistRussia, was a colloquialism used at many levelsof Soviet society to refer to the vehicles driven byStalin’s state police – then known as the NKVD (Ziolkowski1998). In the case of Russian Mennonites, itwas never certain when the Black Raven (SchwarzerRabe) might appear, but, when it did, it was in thedead of night and all would awaken as it madeits way through the village, fearing that dreadfulknock on the door which meant the arrest ofa loved one, never to be seen again. My mother toldme about this dark period, known by historians asthe Great Terror (Epp 2000). She would tremble inbed as she heard the Black Raven approach, terrifiedthat my father would be taken. He was sparedthat fate, but my five uncles were not as fortunate.The earliest narratives I recall from my childhoodwere incomplete storylines of my mother’s life, toldwith little coherent context or feeling. The beginningof my life coincided with the first decade ofmy mother’s fifty-year separation from her sisters,who had all been sent to labor camps in northernRussia and Siberia. Not all survived. Only decadeslater did I grasp more deeply her hidden pain andhow it had unconsciously affected my own mentaland emotional wellbeing. I also began to recognizethis in other Mennonite families.In my role as a geriatric mental health social worker,I witnessed evidence of unresolved effects of politicaltrauma in some clients, and its effects on familymembers. As emotional or mental health issues hadoften been left hidden or suppressed until a triggeringhealth crisis engaged these survivors with thehealth care system, standard biomedical and psychiatrictreatment often dominated an overall planof care. Additionally, the needs of adult childrenwere addressed only as they pertained to the caregivingneeds of their parents (Mental health practiceexperience, 1998-2007).My worlds merged when I met my mother’s survivingfamily members for the first time in 2003and journeyed to Russia, Siberia, and Ukrainein 2005. These experiences, juxtaposed with mymother’s death, stimulated deep reflection that ledto my current research focus. I was curious howRussian Mennonite survivors, particularly women,and adult sons and daughters of survivors wouldreflect on their personal and intergenerationallife experiences and possible emotional or mentalhealth needs.The following central research question emerged(Krahn 2011):How do Russian Mennonite women who immigratedto Canada after the Second World War, andtheir adult children, perceive the effects of Soviettrauma on their quality of life and emotional ormental health today, and what do they identify asstrengths and possible areas of emotional need thatrequire greater understanding and support fromthe...[social, cultural, and/or professional communitieswith which they are linked]? (p. 3-4)As both researcher and participant in this collectiveRussian Mennonite experience, I was drawnto an autoethnographic approach. But, first of all,let me take you through my process with the literature.The Discourse on Collective TraumaResearch evidence from various disciplines, includingpsychology, sociology, social work, andneuroscience, was explored to gain an understandingof the evolving discourse on collective traumaand its lifespan and intergenerational effects.The study of collective trauma has, to a large extent,focused on Holocaust survivors and war46©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 47

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionveterans, although literature relating to other cul-internationally (Porter and Haslam 2005), there isels of stress to clinical diagnoses, including the re-around the significance of the earliest attachmenttural groups has been emerging particularly with-little acknowledgement in the literature (corrobo-triggering of unresolved trauma due to significantbonds between parent and child (Bowlby 1979),in the last two decades (Danieli 1998). Much ofrated by Durst 2005) of long-term mental healthtransitions or losses in old age (e.g., King et al. 2007;accounts for difficulties in parent-child relation-the literature addresses lifespan effects of trauma,effects on the nearly 250,000 European displacedKuwert et al. 2012).ships due to traumatic experiences and losses ofas well as intergenerational transmission, a verypersons and/or refugees of the WWII era who im-one or both parents (Weingarten 2004). A growingstrong focus generated by the Holocaust literaturemigrated to Canada between 1947 and 1962 (sta-Reynolds, in her exploration of psychological ef-body of literature acknowledges the role of ear-as early as the 1960s (Danieli 1998). There is alsotistics from Kelley and Trebilcock 1998). There isfects in a non-clinical sample of 67 Russian Men-ly attachment in the quality of attachments overa growing amount of literature on the effects of mi-a sense that WWII immigrants are a silent, invis-nonites who fled to Canada following the Bolshe-the lifespan (Merz, Schuengel, and Schulze 2007).gration on mental health (e.g., Grinberg and Grin-ible minority, assumed to have successfully assimi-vik Revolution, found that anxiety, somatic com-The attachment experience can also be consideredberg 1989; Berry 2001).lated into the dominant culture.plaints, and PTSD were exhibited at “significantwithin the concept of familial transmission, whichlevels above the norm” (1997:70) over seventy yearsrelates to family patterns, rules, expectations, se-Cumulative Trauma: Political Oppression, War,Historical, ethnographic, and/or oral history pub-post-trauma. This quantitative study was the onlycrets, silences, and parenting styles that contrib-Migration, and Displaced Personslications presenting culture specific displacementresearch found that specifically addressed theute to issues and concerns of children of survivorsand refugee experiences of Poles, Lithuanians, Es-question of lifespan effects of trauma in relation to(Weingarten 2004).In her classic book, Trauma and Recovery, Judith Her-tonians, Latvians, Ukrainians, Mennonites, EthnicMennonites, although Epp (2000), in her compre-man (1992) speaks to the experience of prolongedGermans, and other groups (e.g., Aun 1985; Danyshensive ethnography of Russian Mennonite femaleSocietal transmission has been linked to forced ortrauma due to political oppression, war, and/or1986; Plakans 1995; Werner 1996; Epp 2000; Isajiw,refugees of WWII, provided a rich qualitative ac-unconscious silencing of groups who can bearcaptivity, which may contribute to a host of mentalBoshyk, and Senkus 2002; Patalas 2003) may pro-count of women’s experiences of oppression, war,witness to the past (Connerton 1989; Danieli 1998;health issues. Related migration or displacementvide personal anecdotes but rarely refer to men-and immigration.Volkan 2001). As Volkan (2001) further suggested,is an additional crisis that compounds the entiretal health effects. It is in presenting my researchcultural transmission may involve the silencing oftrauma experience (Grinberg and Grinberg 1989).to social workers in geriatric settings that I haveIntergenerational Transmissioncertain cultural stories and privileging of othersDrachman (1992) provides a stage-of-migrationreceived professional confirmation of the potentialfor the purpose of protecting and repairing groupframework to contextualize three primary stagesfor long-term effects of trauma and displacementThe literature affirms the experience of intergen-identity. Rousseau and Drapeau (1998) stated thatof refugee migration – pre-migration, transit, andon European immigrants of diverse ethnicities.erational transmission of collective trauma withinanthropological and sociological research regardsresettlement stages – all of which tend to involvethe context of many oppressed cultural groups,society as the bearer of social trauma, contribut-traumatic experiences and the ultimate challengesLifespan Implications of Traumathough little research has been conducted with theing to change in the web of human relations andof adaptation and acculturation.families of displaced persons of post-WWII Europecollective representations, and influencing futureThe literature related to lifespan implications ofbesides Holocaust survivors. Psychological; famil-generations.Kuwert and colleagues (2012) found that displacedcollective trauma suggests three main trajectoriesial; cultural and societal; and biological modes ofpersons of the WWII era, who currently reside in(that at times overlap): (1) resilience based on inter-transmission are presented (see Danieli 1998).In the case of Russian Mennonites, Taves suggestsGermany, are significantly more affected by post-nal and external resources that promote the abil-that it was the men who disappeared or were killedtraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and somatoformity to go on with life despite adversity (e.g., Aya-Psychological transmission was verified by Reynoldsthat gained the “sacred status” of martyrdom,symptoms than non-displaced participants, andlon 2005); (2) post-traumatic growth which extends(1997) who reported that children and grandchil-while the suffering and degradation of their sur-that symptom intensity is related to the amountbeyond resilience and involves reconstructing lifedren of Russian Mennonites who immigrated toviving wives and children merely “symbolized theof trauma experienced during displacement. Al-meaning and value beyond being a victim (Janoff-Canada in the 1920s demonstrated levels of anxi-decline of the Soviet Mennonite people” (1998:114)though increasing attention is being given to theBulman 2004) and transcending pre-trauma levelsety and depression significantly higher than thedue to lack of male leadership. Epp (2000), in hermental health of recent immigrants and refugeesof adaptation (Tedeschi and Calhoun 2004); and (3)national norm. She also found evidence of attach-ethnography of Russian Mennonite women whoin Canada (Khanlou 2010; Kirmayer et al. 2011) andpsychological effects ranging from non-clinical lev-ment issues. Attachment theory, which centersimmigrated to Canada post-WWII, also challenges48©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 49

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressioncultural and religious narratives that marginalizeand that genetic expression is dependent uponlogical symptomatology that can arise in old agetext and underlines the importance of respect-women’s experiences.one’s ever evolving lived experience (Lickliter(Tedeschi and Calhoun 2004; Walsh 2007). Viewingful social relationships and supports, as well as2008; Siegel 2012). Moreover, as it is a relationalthis through the lens of neuroscience, we see thatstructural community change to enhance wellbe-As Mennonite history is rooted in the Radicalphenomenon (Siegel 2012), as well as a culturalauthentic and validating narrative dialogue withing and quality of life.Reformation of the 16 th century (in The Nether-one (Ivey, D’Andrea, and Ivey 2011), groups ofthose who have experienced trauma and insecurelands) when thousands were severely persecuted,people may be neurobiologically shaped by com-attachment, on an individual and a collective lev-I have used a life course approach to contextualizetortured, and killed by Catholic and Protestantmon lived experiences and narratives over time orel, facilitates neurobiological adaptations that, inthe multi-faceted experiences of survivors acrossauthorities over the course of a century (Loewengenerations. Thus, it is important to be cognizantturn, support more positive human developmentthe lifespan (Hooyman et al. 2002). Also, view-2003), Russian Mennonite suffering has been lik-of the relationship between post-traumatic growththroughout the lifespan and intergenerationallying these lived experiences through the lens ofened by some Mennonites to that of 16 th centuryand the quality of individual and collective expe-(Jordan 2008; Lickliter 2008; Ivey et al. 2011; Siegelcritical gerontology situates individual scenarios“martyrs” (Smith 1981 as cited in Loewen 2003)rience, memory, and narratives.2012). Thus, we have a scientific explanation forwithin socio-cultural and political conditions,and the escape from Russia portrayed as a modernthe tremendous importance of qualitative, inter-both past and present, that point to a systemicequivalent of Moses’ exodus (Kroeker 2000). SuchBeyond Individualizing Traumapersonal, and narrative processes in stimulatingproblem rather than the sole problem and respon-powerful religious metaphors and a long traditionpositive individual and social change.sibility of the individual (Chambers 2004). Criti-of piety, stoicism, and pacifism have marginalizednarratives not befitting of Mennonites (Kroeker2000). In the case of women, this included stories ofAlthough various psychological perspectives regardingtrauma assessment and treatment mayhave a place in human service, an overview of theTheoretical and Conceptual Frameworkcal gerontology and feminist perspectives on agingwithin a life course framework suggest that earlylife events, such as traumatic experiences, cannotrape or other forms of abuse, as well as unresolvedemotional or psychological issues. Epp (1997) concludesthat such experiences were often internalizedas a personal rather than a collective tragedyand judged by others as personal frailty or evenpathology.Regarding biological transmission, empirical researchreveals a relationship between maternaltrauma and cortisol levels in children born posttrauma,resulting in lower stress thresholds andexaggerated stress responses to environmentalstimuli (Yehuda et al. 2005). Empirical researchalso points to the underlying neurobiology of lifeliterature demonstrates the importance of movingbeyond individualizing trauma and, rather,contextualizing it, thus, working with communitysystems to facilitate dialogue, healing, andchange on many levels (e.g., Walsh 2007; Denborough,Freedman, and White 2008). Earlier researchfocusing on individual traumatic memoriesdoes not account for broader social and culturalmemories or the impact of social discourseon individual meaning-making, narrative, andsense of identity (Hunt and McHale 2008). Thistakes the process beyond the domain of individualor even group therapy and into that of social orcommunity dialogue (e.g., Denborough et al. 2008).There appears to be a common societal perception,reflected in social policy, of homogeneity with regardto older adults – a perception that can be insensitiveto differences in ethnic origin, history,lived experience, and needs, as well as the fact thatour social construction of old age blurs multiplegenerations of individuals ranging in age from 65to 100 or more years (MacCourt 2004). The subjectof older adults seems most often linked withthe rise of Alzheimer’s disease and the decline ofhealthcare dollars.When older adults experience physical, emotional,and/or mental health issues related to earlybe understood merely in simple cause and effectterms. They are part of multiple, complex interactingfactors across long periods of time linked toparticular cultural, political, and historical contextsthat often affect men and women differently(Hooyman et al. 2002).Autoethnography provides the qualitative lensand framework for soliciting marginalized voicesof women survivors and their adult children andconstructing, from their individual narratives, richcollective narratives that shed light on personal, familial,socio-cultural, and political factors relatedto lifespan outcomes of collective trauma.experience, parenting behavior, and attachment– contributing to intergenerational transmissionIt has been demonstrated that adequate socialsupport and validating witnesses to one’s livedlife trauma, this tends to be viewed within thehealthcare system as a personal pathology requir-Autoethnographic Methodologyof either healthy or insecure attachment (Strat-experience pre- and post-trauma on an inter-ing individual treatment – which often privilegeshearn et al. 2009) and thus, impacting quality ofpersonal, family, and community level can sup-a primarily biomedical approach. This researchWhile classical ethnography interprets in-depthlife across the lifespan. Neuroscience also informsport adaptation that transcends pre-trauma lev-recognizes the need for greater emphasis on a so-accounts of human social activity within particu-us that our neurobiological system is constantlyels of functioning, and/or counter or amelioratecial model of health and care (MacCourt 2004), whichlar cultural or social groups (Wolcott 2008), nativeadapting to its internal and external environmentlate-onset stress, loss of meaning, and psycho-sees the individual within his or her social con-autoethnography involves the study of one’s own50©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 51

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionculture, which integrates the researcher role withphenomena. Anderson has identified the capacityData collection involved participant observation,and trust. Thus, data not only emerged from pastthat of insider and, from this dual vantage point,of autoethnography to facilitate self-understand-interviewing, and archival research (Wolcott 2008).experiences of participants but also from this mu-highlights the voices of marginalized groups, oftento challenge dominant oppressive discourse abouttheir lived experience (Reed-Danahay 1997). It wasHayano (1979) who first advocated a shift fromthe detached outsider status of colonial anthropologiststo a more subjective insider one. Thus,with the interpretive turn (Adler and Adler 2008)and concern about the representation of the otherby outsiders, ethnography began to adopt a morepost-modern constructivist view (O’Byrne 2007)and, in keeping with a transactional and subjectivistepistemology, findings are said to be constructedduring the research process itself (Gubaand Lincoln 1994), emphasizing that the othercan only be understood in relation to the self andthat meanings emerge through social interactioning “that stands at the intersection of biographyand society...self-knowledge that comes from understandingour personal lives, identities, andfeelings as deeply connected to and...constitutedby – and in turn helping to constitute – the socioculturalcontexts in which we live” (2006:390).Having stood between two or more worlds of experience,I resonate strongly with this statement,and identify with native autoethnographers whohighlight issues concerning exile, memory, and/orshifting multiple identities, which lead to ambiguousinsider/outsider status (Reed-Danahay 1997).This autoethnographic process has facilitated inme a personal shift from being an island betweenthe worlds of others to being a bridge.Participant observation occurred within the contextof scheduled interviews, and insider statusprovided an understanding and sense of Mennoniteculture and experience. One-on-one tapedinterviews were conducted with six survivors andseven adult children. One survivor was apprehensiveabout the use of a tape recorder, while an outof-provinceparticipant provided me with a previouslytaped interview (the latter approved bythe Chair of the Psychology/Sociology ResearchEthics Board). Eight participants were membersof mother-child dyads, and remaining participantswere unrelated. Though two older womendemonstrated early signs of dementia, consultationwith family members provided full supportof their participation.tual sharing (Coffey 1999).The examination of archived documents, historicalwritings, and biographical literature sensitized meto the magnitude and weight of the story carriedby Russian Mennonite women, but discussion ofthis material is beyond the scope of this paper.Data analysis involved description, analysis, andinterpretation (Wolcott 1994; 2008). Description involvedthe writing of a collective narrative accountfor each generation of participants, allowing theirvoices to stand on their own with as little interpretationas possible. In accordance with conditionsspecified in the Consent to Participate, I haveused pseudonyms in the current paper in order to(Atkinson and Hammersley 1994).Applied MethodologyTwo one-on-one interviews (approximately twoprotect the identity of participants. Participants ofeach generational cohort were given the opportu-Hammersley and Atkinson (2005), in Ethnography:Principles in practice (2 nd ed.), suggested thattraditional ethnography and autoethnographycan exist within each of three paradigms – classical,critical, and postmodern (as cited in O’Byrne2007). Attentiveness to research goals, personalbiases and assumptions, and what is best for thecultural group under study is critical in the selectionof compatible paradigms and approaches thatmaximize the research process. For the purposesof my research, I used the analytical autoethnographicapproach proposed by Anderson (2006),which integrates classical ethnography and nativeautoethnography and emphasizes analytic reflexivity,narrative visibility of the researcher’s self,dialogue with informants beyond the self, andThis research project was endorsed by Mennonitecommunity leaders in the city of Winnipeg.Recruitment information was provided to pastorsof ten Mennonite churches, which had becomehome to post-WWII Russian Mennonite immigrants.Personal announcements, in both Englishand German, were welcomed at three churchesand provided the familiarity necessary for womenand adult children to approach me and feel safe toparticipate. Nine respondents participated as a resultof my church presence – five older women andfour adult children. Two additional churches werethe source of three more respondents, and remainingparticipants learned about the research projectfrom others who had informed them. Survivorshours each) were conducted with most respondentswho were invited to share their life storiesin relation to the research question outlinedabove. Specifically, participants were asked toreflect on how their (or their mother’s) Soviet experiencehad affected them across the lifespanphysically, mentally, emotionally, and spiritually.All participants were asked to reflect on their ownand/or their mother’s personal needs and howthese might best be served at this time. Additionalquestions were asked as required for furtherclarification. I was interested not only in narrativecontent but in the subjectivity of the narrativeexchange. Just as I witnessed participants’stories and their meaning-making process, theyalso witnessed elements of my own family story,nity to read their collective narrative to ensure thatthey felt adequately represented and to provideoverall feedback. Data analysis occurred throughoutthe research process and involved organizingthe descriptive narrative account, as well as codingand identifying prominent themes. Althoughpreconceived ideas and theories that emergedfrom the literature, to some extent, guided datagathering and description, the latter tended to bean inductive process, with themes emerging orbecoming clear during the course of the researchthrough careful observation and the privileging ofparticipants’ voices (Anderson 2006; Wolcott 2008).Dominant themes highlighted in this paper wererelated to matters of identity, emotional or mentalhealth and agency, culture, religion, gender, andcommitment to the use of empirical data to devel-were between the ages of 78 and 96 years old, whilethough to a limited extent, and, particularly, earlypower (Reed-Danahay 1997; Fraser 2004). I wasop theoretical understandings of broader socialadult children were between 51 and 67.in the interview process, to establish connectionparticularly interested in patterns and themes that52©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 53

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionemerged within and between each generation. Al-of Mennonites to Canada; no further migrationtended family members. Ella, Liese, Martha, andcamps. Anna’s sister and niece also disappeared,though I integrate certain guiding concepts intowas permitted after 1930, when Stalin began theNeta spoke of the intensity of the work on the col-never to be seen or heard from again. Liese andthe discussion and interpretations of the results,exile of community leaders, collectivization, andlective. Liese commented: “...we were alone forMartha were also being evacuated, but wereI do so only when these concepts are in resonanceSovietization of the school system. The remain-days that we didn’t see mom. We were in bed al-saved from this fate because the areas they werewith what I have heard from participants. This em-ing six participants – Frieda, Helga, Liese, Mar-ready when she came home from work... In thein were already under heavy German militaryphasis on participants’ voices counters the risks oftha, Neta, and Sara – were born between 1926 andmorning when we got up she was gone already.”fire. Martha painted a heroic picture of her veryresearcher bias or the privileging of my own per-1932. The year 1933 brought a widespread man-Both Liese and Martha had been given responsi-anxious but resilient mother fleeing a bombed outsonal experience (Anderson 2006).made famine due to the forced export of all grainbility at a very tender age (seven and eight yearstrain with four young children, no home to returnFindingsgrown on collectives. All women experienced andspoke of the chaos of this period.old) to care for siblings younger than themselves.Liese further commented, “I would...pick mushroomsand fry [them], and if we had other stuff.to and nowhere to go; armed only with faith, shehad found a home in an empty village that had alreadybeen evacuated. Frieda reported how closeA presentation of the findings includes (1) high-By the mid-1930s, Stalin called for mass arrests byI built me a stove outside...and so I would cookshe had come to being shot as a Jew by Germanlights of the collective narrative account of eachthe NKVD. Seven of the eight women interviewedthen for our brother, my two sisters, the baby, too,troops and expressed her empathy for the Jewishgeneration and (2) an interpretive discussion ofhad lost fathers tragically, primarily throughyou know, and that’s how we existed.” Martha’spopulation in Ukraine during that dark period.these narratives, with a focus on the lived expe-these NKVD arrests. Anna, who had lost her fa-comment appeared to cloak an underlying child-rience of participants. Their reflections on helpfulther during the revolution, now lost her husband,hood fear about her mother’s state of mind: “...theWomen’s narratives moved fairly quickly to thesocial and/or professional supports are beyond thestep-father, and other extended family members.cream of wheat wasn’t sweet...and we...told every-drama of the flight to Germany with the retreat-scope of this paper. The collective narrative of sur-In the case of Frieda and Helga, both parents werebody mom wanted to poison us... We didn’t eat any-ing German army, with the majority en route dur-vivors includes a chronology of historical eventsarrested. Ella stated, “Das war so eine unheimlichething that day.”ing the fall and early winter of 1943. Two modesseen through their eyes. Intra- and intergenera-Zeit, so unheimlich. Dann wurde bloß so geflüstert:of transit were used, with half of the women trav-tional themes are discussed and viewed in relation‘Dem haben sie geholt, dem haben sie geholt, demFrieda and Helga, who had each at 11 years ofeling in horse-drawn wagons and half in freightto relevant literature.haben sie geholt,’ und nie mehr gesehen.” [Trans.:age lost both parents and been taken to a Soviettrains. Most were women, children, and elderly as“That was such a sinister time, so sinister. You con-orphanage, were shown images of people beingmany men had already been lost. The pursuingRussian Mennonite Women: The Collectivestantly heard whispers: ‘So-and-so was taken,killed and pushed into mass graves and informedSoviet army was a constant threat. Neta’s aunt,Narrativeso-and-so was taken, and so-and-so was taken,’that this was the fate of their parents. “We had towhose husband had been taken in 1941, was soand never seen again.”] This was one of the dark-denounce our parents...say they were traitors,” saidemotionally distraught that she expressed the fol-For each participant, life on Russian soil, from theest periods experienced by these women and, forHelga. Frieda recalled, “They told us...forget aboutlowing: “Waut soll etch met [miene Tchinga]? Sollmoment of birth, was steeped in war, political un-most, the fate of their fathers, and husband, hasyour parents, [they] are enemies of the state and...etch dei dautschlone?! [Trans.: “What should I dorest, and/or oppression. The year 1914 and WWIremained a mystery.Father Stalin is going to take care of you.”with [my children]? Beat them to death?!”] Greatmarked the dramatic beginning of one partici-pain also resulted from the loss of loved ones topant’s life, a woman I will call Anna. During theMothers had to be very resourceful in order toWith the German invasion in 1941, participantsso-called natural causes exacerbated by condi-Bolshevik Revolution, all males in her father’s andsurvive with their children. The loss of the malecame under German occupation and thus, pro-tions of war, and the inability to ever revisit theirgrandfather’s generations were violently killedhead was accompanied in three instances by thetection from Soviet forces. However, several weregraves. Ella lost her 18-year-old brother to tuber-and their families dispossessed of their land.family’s eviction from their home or even the vil-separated from family members who had beenculosis and Anna’s mother died due to a poorlyA widespread typhus epidemic and famine fol-lage – in Anna’s case having resulted in a moverelocated to eastern parts of the Soviet Uniontreated bowel obstruction.lowed, bringing us to 1922 and the birth of Ella. Byto a large urban center post-revolution and, inprior to the German invasion – losses still deep-this time, a tremendous climate of insecurity andthe cases of Liese and Martha, finding shelter inly mourned today. Young men, including Neta’sIn addition to the terror of bombings and survivalterror had set in, stimulating a massive migrationmakeshift accommodations with the help of ex-uncle, were “herded like cattle” and sent to workin a war zone, several women also spoke of the54©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 55

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionongoing risk of remaining in East Germany or Po-early years, and long-term effects involved spinalOnly two women – Helga and Sara – discloseding her middle age and onward. Anna’s sisterland during the Russian invasion, which includedstenosis for Neta, and osteoporosis, as well as ar-having had severe emotional distress during theand the mothers of Liese and Martha developednot only the threat of repatriation but also a highincidence of rape by Russian troops. Martha’sthritis, for Sara.post-migration period; in both cases, the absenceof family of origin and an adequate support net-dementia in older age, and each of these experiencesreportedly unleashed unresolved emotions,words reflected the constant fear they lived in:“...group rape...it was traumatic, and my mother...Emotional Themeswork were primary factors. Remaining women reportedfew emotional concerns during their perioddelusions linked to the past, and/or agitated behavior.As Martha said about her mother: “Shewas so afraid...that that would happen to us. That’swhy she was very, very anxious to get us out of,and when we were in Germany it was just touchand go, whether it would go to the Americans orthe Russians.” Helga described the Angst of thesetimes as follows: “...displaced persons didn’t wantto go back to Russia; there were suicides, they justslashed their wrists...hung themselves, whatever,because the liberators weren’t really sending themto their homelands, they were sending them to Siberia.”Sara had suffered the fate of repatriationand, at the age of 16, had been forced to work asa logger. In 1967, she, her husband, and their childrenwere sponsored to Canada by her mother--in-law who had lost contact with her son duringthe chaos of war and immigrated to Canadawith her other children soon thereafter. Ella hadinitially immigrated to Paraguay with her familyas Canadian immigration policy had rejected allAlthough the emotional element could be felt andwas, to some extent, articulated in women’s narratives,it was not given much emphasis. Severalwomen attributed most of the emotional burdento their mothers who had lost, or had been at riskof losing, their men, and whose biggest concernhad been the survival and cohesiveness of thefamily unit during the war that followed. BothLiese and Martha expressed that their mothershad provided little affection and emotional validation,being focused on survival. Liese’s motherhad minimized the loss of her husband, constantlyreminding her children that “every[one] had experiencedthe same thing,” as he had been one ofseventeen men “taken” that night. Liese was stilldeeply hurt by her mother’s unsympathetic parenting,and feels a degree of shame and guilt forfeeling this way about her mother, now deceased.of acculturation into Canada, but, in several cases,referred to friends or family members who hadunresolved emotional issues such as “bad nerves,”unresolved grief and loss issues, and bitterness orresentment about the past.Mental ThemesThe majority of participants placed a high valueon mental strength to cope with the challenges theyfaced. Their stories reflected incredible resourcefulnessand agency – they were “doers.” Liesestated matter-of-factly, “If you keep working, youeat!” The corollary of this was that women couldnot afford to be “mentally weak,” too engaged withtheir emotions. Such women were regarded aslacking in character, will, or even faith. Liese initiallydescribed her grandmother as having been“weak,” but later decided that she “might havewould hit...kick...and bite...people – she was fighting,fighting against what had happened in herlife...” Her mother would frequently pile all of herpossessions onto her walker and announce it wastime to leave, as if preparing to “flee.”Spiritual ThemesA universal theme among all participants was thatof gratitude for having escaped the Communistregime and survived in the midst of bombing andwarfare – having been “protected.” As Neta putit, “[The Russians] were always behind us [duringthe flight]...we had no passports, nothing, wejust had faith.” Their faith enabled them to draw“strength and...courage to face whatever [was]coming [their] way.” Neta likened the escape tothe biblical Exodus and Hitler’s army was acceptedfor its role in this great escape, though Friedaapplicants with health issues. As her brother wasterminally ill, it fell on Ella to help her father cleartwelve hectares of land, as well as produce thebricks to construct their new home!Physical ThemesOlder women tended to project an image of lifelongphysical strength and resilience and providedfew examples of physical repercussions of theirFrieda had adapted to her circumstances andmanaged her emotional Angst by focusing on theeducation that was available to her in the orphanageand, later, on every opportunity that facilitatedher escape to Germany. Even when she learnedof her mother’s survival in a labor camp, and itbecame possible to write letters, she remainedemotionally detached; it was only after the birthof her own children in Canada that she realizedbeen a little bit depressed” as “several” of her sonshad been “taken.” Martha referred to an extendedfamily member – who had been sexually abusedpost-immigration, kept the abuse largely hiddenfor the duration of her life, and been diagnosedwith schizophrenia – as having been mentallyweak.Some participants spoke of mothers or extendedfamily members who had demonstrated tremen-and Helga had experienced conflicting feelingsabout the German army because of its actionsagainst Ukrainian Jews. In general, all women acceptedtheir powerlessness in relation to politicalforces and relied on their faith in a higher powerto keep them resilient.Women also expressed gratitude for the freedomwhich they enjoyed in Canada – to raise and providefor their families in a safe political environ-Soviet experience. Some did acknowledge the is-how “my mother’s heart must have been absolute-dous faith and strength throughout their lives,ment. They were grateful for the simple thingssue of food shortages and nutritional deficiencyly broken.... [I] feel more what my mother mustyet, had suffered emotionally as they got older.in life. Ella put it this way: “Ich bin so reich wiecoupled with physical over-exertion during thosehave gone through.”Martha’s mother had required “nerve pills” dur-eine Königen! Ich kann jetzt essen was ich will,56©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 57

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionich hab anzuziehen, ich hab ein Haus, ich braucher’s repatriation (Susanna). Edna, Lydia, Marten,den from him. Fortunately, though injured, theEmotional undercurrents were picked up vicari-kein Wasser raustragen und keins rein tragen....”and Susanna are the children of Ella, Lena, Mar-children survived. Adult children also reportedously by adult children within a context that did[Trans.: “I’m as rich as a queen! I can eat whatI want, have clothes to wear, a house, I don’t needto haul water...”]In Canada, women adapted to the norms of theexisting Mennonite community, which, accordingto some participants, had not fully graspedthe depth of the traumas they had experienced,though this was not stated as a criticism. Of significanceis the fact, mentioned by Ella, Liese, andMartha, that women who had lost their husbandswere initially not allowed to remarry because itwas not certain that their husbands had, in fact,died. Indeed, participants recounted bittersweetstories of women who had remained true to theirhusbands only to learn decades later that they hadsurvived in Siberia and remarried.The majority of participants relied almost exclusivelyon family and church networks to meetsocial needs and appeared to be secure in theirreligious life. However, a few comments suggestedthat some Mennonite women may experienceguilt in later life related to childhood choices influencedby Communist propaganda. In Liese’scase, this had involved the refusal to pray withher parents or to believe in God.Adult Children: The Collective NarrativeTwo sons and six daughters contributed to thisnarrative. Four of us were born in Canada (Lydia;Martin; Diane; Dorothy); two in South America(Edna; Darlene); one had been an infant duringthe escape from Ukraine in 1943 (David); and onetha, and Sara respectively. Diane, Dorothy, Darlene,and David make reference to mothers whowere not participants in this study. Adult childrentended to be more introspective, actively reflectingon physical, mental, emotional, and/or spiritualeffects of their mothers’ experiences on theirlives.Traumatic Events Experienced by our MothersAdult children provided brief accounts of the familystory in abbreviated snippets as the story hadbeen imparted to us. For Lydia, Martin, Darlene,and Dorothy, this involved the arrest and permanentdisappearance of grandfathers and the impacton the family. In other cases, the terror of theBlack Raven had been no less palpable as womenhad lost extended family members. Diane lost fiveuncles and, in another dramatic case, Darlene’suncle had been informing on male relatives in orderto protect himself; ultimately, he was also arrested,never to be seen again.In addition to anecdotes about the loss of lovedones during the Revolution, famine, collectivization,exiles, arrests, and flight, Edna, David, andDarlene reported that their fathers had been conscriptedinto the German army – two having spentseveral years in prisoner-of-war camps. Withoutthe protection of her husband, David’s motherhad been the victim of multiple rapes while onthe eastern front, protecting herself from grouprape by submitting herself to one Russian soldier.Efforts to avoid his advances put her children atrisk; indeed, he had thrown a grenade into thepainful family separations due to dispersal to twoor three different continents.Intergenerational Physical ThemesDarlene, Diane, and Dorothy reported traumaticpregnancies and childrearing experiences of theirmothers, in part due to malnutrition, includingmiscarriages, medical abortion, and physicalfragility in surviving children. These physicalthemes are closely linked to emotional outcomes,which will be discussed further in later sections.Intergenerational Emotional ThemesMost adult children were impacted by the emotionalresidue of their mothers’ past traumaticexperiences, reporting a range of underlyingemotions mothers masked from the communityaround them, including fear, grief, anger, resentment,anxiety, paranoia, depression, loneliness,and/or homesickness. Edna, Diane, and Dorothyidentified maternal trust issues; two mothers werequoted as saying: “You can’t trust anyone outsidethe family.” Daughters felt this may be related tothe history of fear and betrayal on the collective,but that it was also likely a way of ensuring emotionalsafety in a religious community where theydid not feel totally accepted. Edna, Lydia, David,Darlene, and Diane stressed their mothers’ focuson “fitting in,” “keeping up appearances,” “savingface,” and “avoiding gossip” within the context ofthe Canadian Mennonite community, which meantnot disclosing innermost thoughts and emotions tonot provide a means of appropriately processingthem. Edna recalled a family scene around thedinner table, “mother’s tears coursing down hercheeks,” father looking grim, and children seatedaround the table – invisible. “We were all in ourfrozen little places, nobody said a word. It was completesilence.” David, who had been an infant andtoddler during his mother’s encounters with rape,would often tear up during the interview process– his emotions easily triggered when speaking ofhis mother.Particularly traumatic for our mothers had beenthe loss of loved ones through exile, disappearance,death, and relocation. For the mothers ofEdna, Susanna, and Diane, immigration had resultedin permanent separation from family of origin,resulting in lifelong grief, emotional isolationwithin the Mennonite community, and primaryreliance on immediate family, particularly eldestor only daughters. Each of these three daughtersdescribed having been her mother’s “confidante”since childhood, and Edna and Diane specificallyused this term. Edna expressed that “emotionally,I’ve always felt like I’ve carried my mom,” whileSusanna felt that she had “mothered” her ownmother since childhood. “The focus was more onmy mother’s grief and my mother’s experiencethan it was really on my experience,” Edna reflected.Although most children reported that theyknew their mothers loved them, and that mothersemphasized maintenance of strong family bonds,Edna, Lydia, Susanna, and Diane found that theirfamily experience provided little emotional sup-had been born in the Soviet Union after her moth-children’s bedroom one night when she had hid-their peers.port. Edna expressed it this way:58©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 59

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist OppressionTry to have a real conversation with her. It’s reallydifficult to talk about real issues, to talk about what’sreally going on... I wanted her to be supportive of myfeelings and...emotions [and] it was an impossibletask for her... I think there’s a huge disconnect in thefamily...and that causes me anxiety.The majority of adult children reported their mothershad relied upon “mental strength” to copewith almost insurmountable circumstances. Theywere described as “mentally tough” and having“strength of mind.” David stated: “When they gotraped, they pulled themselves together.” Another(Edna’s mother Ella). The former later developeddementia, during which underlying suppressedemotions had surfaced. Only Martin describedboth his mother and grandmother as fully resilient,applauding their strength of character andmaking no mention of underlying emotional orlens of faith and resilience. A foundational storyfor him revolved around the experience of hismaternal grandmother who, during the Germaninvasion of Ukraine, stranded with her four children“in the middle of the steppes of Russia withabsolutely nothing...prayed and asked God: ‘WillLydia linked this emotional unavailability to hergrandmother’s stoic survival since the Revolution.The maternal lineage of strength and control wasmarked by the admonition: “Get over it!” “There’sa hardness there... Somewhere in her experience,[my mother] developed a hardness which makesit hard for her to show compassion.” Edna andDiane also perceived this lack of compassion intheir mothers, but “[b]eing stoic doesn’t meanthey don’t feel; they just can’t show it easily.”adult child indicated that “they couldn’t give up”and would always “make the best of it.” Lydia saidthis about women in her extended family: “Not oneof them ended [up] in a mental institute, none ofthem, they all functioned.”Mental strength, faith, resilience, and resourcefulnesswere interrelated themes in the narratives ofadult children. Edna, Lydia, Diane, and Dorothyfelt that their mother’s mental strength came atthe expense of “the softer side.” They confirmedmental health issues.Several adult children admitted to undiagnosedmental health concerns of their own over thelifespan. Darlene, Diane, and Dorothy reportedhaving experienced what they identified as symptomsof anxiety, beginning in early childhood,which they attributed specifically to their mothers’traumatic experiences prior to and throughouttheir pregnancies. Symptoms and related issuesincluded depressed mood, heightened sen-you really abandon us?!’ and experienced that hedid not.” Martin provided no further storylinesbeyond that of faith.However, most children also held a commonbelief that our mothers had struggled withinthe context of the Canadian Mennonite church,which had silenced subjectivity and controversialpersonal experiences, providing black andwhite options that usually involved buryingone’s emotional pain and submitting to a highOften the emotionality of the family story wasgrasped more deeply over time, in the case ofLydia, once she began to have her own children,but, in other cases, even more recently. “It’s onlybecome more and more clear to me within the lastfive [or] ten years,” said Edna, “...I’m really experiencingthose kind of emotions now, some kindof backlash of my [childhood] experience,” whichhad been “a very traumatic upbringing.”that emotional needs and mental health issueswere often perceived by their mothers as “lackof faith” and/or “weakness of character.” This beliefwas thought to encourage women to internalizeemotions and deal with them independentlyas best they could. Several adult children statedthat, although their mothers had demonstratedresilience, this had often masked underlyingemotional issues. These adult children describedemotional states that one could associate with de-sitivity to light and sound, nightmares, obsessiveand/or paranoid behavior (e.g., being triggered bylegal documents and authority figures, particularlythose in uniform; sleeping with weaponsunder the bed), and anorexia with extreme weightloss. Other adult children had less extreme concernsrelating to self-worth, self-confidence, andquestions of cultural and religious identity. Manyof the above-mentioned concerns were linked byparticipants to the lack of emotional availabilitymoral code which required stoic acceptance ofone’s circumstances or fate. For example, Edna’smother, Ella, suffered from depression due to herhusband’s refusal to sponsor her parents fromParaguay. When she sought support from herpastor, he admonished her “to go home and dowhat your husband tells you.” With no safe placeto turn, she had become socially isolated, relyingfor many years on Valium and upon her youngdaughter for emotional support.Intergenerational Mental Themespression, anxiety, and/or PTSD, though they hadno knowledge of any clinical diagnoses ever hav-and validation experienced within their family oforigin.The case of fathers being conscripted into the Ger-Adult children interpreted the term “mental”broadly, ranging from viewing “mental strength” asa means of managing one’s life and one’s emotions,to various forms of “mental illness,” such as symptomsof depression, anxiety, and PTSD. Also in-ing been made. Indeed, David clearly describeda phenomenon known as night terrors, one of manypossible symptoms of PTSD, in the case of hismother after immigrating to Canada. In the caseof Lydia’s grandmother and the mothers of Edna,Susanna, David, and Dorothy, lifelong resilienceIntergenerational Spiritual ThemesAll adult children felt that faith had been a corefactor in their mother’s survival. David madethe following comment: “...faith was their wholeman army was also controversial, first of all becauseMennonites were traditionally pacifist and,secondly, because at least one father had servedin the SS. David reported that his father claimednever to have killed anyone – always shooting either“up into the air or down into the ground.”cluded in this continuum was the notion of “mentalwas said to have masked emotional distress forway of life...and gave them the strength of mindFor Darlene’s mother, her husband’s choice to vol-constructs,” such as thoughts and beliefs of motherswhich at least one (Lydia’s grandmother) had re-to carry on.” Martin echoed this statement, anduntarily join the SS had stirred in her tremendousthat may have shaped those of adult children.portedly taken “nerve pills” and another Valiumviewed his family history entirely through themoral and emotional conflict because she had60©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 61

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionwitnessed the loss of good Jewish friends at theor children out of wedlock, and not adopting life-questions concerning physical, emotional, men-or sharpened life experiences that presented posi-hands of German troops during the occupationstyles or ideologies in conflict with Mennonitetal, and spiritual aspects of life, though this in-tive and proactive qualities and flattened and,of Ukraine. Moreover, the German authoritiesdogma. David’s mother had resisted psychiat-formation was embedded in their narratives and Iin some instances, silenced, those reflecting per-had ordered her to have their 2-year-old son withric care for her schizophrenic son as she felt hehad to sift it out.sonal characteristics that were inconsistent withDown syndrome euthanized, though he died ofsimply needed more faith. These stances createdthis image. Ella was completely silent about hernatural causes first. These inner conflicts couldsignificant inner conflict for adult children whoA model of narrative analysis outlined by Spec-depression, marital discord, poor pastoral care,not be easily resolved.felt emotional distance from their mothers and/tor-Mersel (2010) provides one means of exploringand twenty years of Valium, while Liese flattenedor were struggling to find their own identity inhow women told their narratives. This model out-the anger and resentment she continues to feelIt was considered “a huge shame to have men-a bicultural world.lines six mechanisms of selection by which bio-towards her mother, who had never been able total illness.” Several adult children reported thatmothers internalized the rigidity of the Mennonitechurch doctrine along with their emotionalAnalysis and Discussiongraphical information is chosen by an individualfor the purpose of supporting a particular claimedidentity. The six mechanisms are (1) inclusion, in-provide emotional validation. In both cases, theirdaughters, Edna and Lydia respectively, had sufferedfrom their emotional unavailability and lackpain, seeking to gain favor within the churchcommunity and in the eyes of God. Diane describedthis as the “spiritualization of suffering,”while Susanna stated, “they didn’t focus on thelove of God, they focused on the rules.” Darleneand Diane felt that this focus on following therules sometimes resulted in women having a crisisof faith at the end of their life. At the end of herlife, Darlene’s mother feared that “I’m not goodenough...I’ve done too many bad things, the Lordwon’t take me in!” In addition to the loss of her2-year-old son, Darlene’s mother had requireda medical abortion of twins for which she feltIn-depth individual interviews have provided richdata for collective narratives, as well as a meansof exploring intra- and intergenerational patternsand themes. This has revealed a multi-layeredstory involving the interplay of physical, emotional,mental, cultural, and religious factors thatbear on individual, intergenerational, and collectiveexperiences and narrative meaning-making.Of interest is the fact that both individual and collectivemarginalization of certain life experiencesconfined women and their offspring to rigid, andsometimes unconscious, relational patterns andemotional or psychological states that were diffi-volving parts of the life story preferred in the narrativebecause they support the identity claim ofthe story teller; (2) sharpening, the act of emphasizingor exaggerating preferred aspects of the story;(3) omission of certain parts of the story deemedirrelevant to the claimed identity and preferredstory line; (4) silencing parts of the story that contradictpreferred story lines; (5) flattening, minimizing,or condensing certain facts, events, andperiods of the life history to assert their insignificance;and (6) appropriate meaning attribution, whichrefers to the act of ascribing a particular meaningto a past event in order to support a claimed iden-of compassion.The flattening or silencing of highly emotionalexperiences of early childhood by several participants,particularly in relation to the emotionaldistance or total absence of their own mothers(for example, Frieda, one of the orphans, and severalparticipating and non-participating motherswho had carried tremendous responsibility onthe collective), resonates strongly with the literaturedescribing insecure attachment. Lack of emotionalvalidation from our earliest attachment figureshapes quality of attachments across the lifes-tremendous guilt. This tragic loss of her siblingscult to transcend. What follows is a review of keytity. The analysis of women’s narratives was aidedpan, including with our future children (Merz etcoupled with her mother’s deep spiritual conflictthemes, patterns, and needs (1) related to lifespanby the additional knowledge gained from the nar-al. 2007).prior to her death is deeply felt by Darlene – theeffects on older women and (2) intergenerationalratives of adult children.replacement child.effects on adult children, discussed in relation toThe literature on post-traumatic growth recom-relevant literature.In terms of inclusion, the majority of women fo-mends that trauma survivors develop coherentConcern about the rules also meant that severalcused on the challenges they had endured; per-and congruent life narratives which integratemothers imposed high religious standards andRussian Mennonite Women: Narrative Analysissonal losses experienced; reliance upon mentalpast, present, and future, including underlyingexpectations on their children to counter secularin Relation to Lifespan Impactsstrength and faith; resilience; and their ability totrauma-related emotional or psychological is-influences from the larger community as, underreconstruct new lives in Canada. In some cases,sues (Janoff-Bulman 2004; Tedeschi and Calhounthe scrutiny of the Mennonite community, theWomen tended to provide chronological accountsthe flattening or total omission of emotional and/2004). Although Frieda and Helga demonstratedquality of their children’s lives would reflect backof their lives in which prominent themes relatedor psychological storylines was only clearly re-integration of emotional story-lines into their lifeon them. This included marrying within the Men-to what happened and how they put the past behindcognized upon hearing the narratives of adultnarratives, it appears that several research par-nonite community, avoiding the stigma of divorcethem. They did not actively reflect on the guidingchildren. For example, Ella and Liese emphasizedticipants may have experienced mere resilience in62©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 63

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionthe absence of safe, validating attachments and/cultural narratives, thus, limiting lifespan andability to relate to the deep suffering carried byone can distinguish between: (1) personal char-or environments where they could integrate andintergenerational collective experience and mem-women and to integrate that experience into ouracteristics that stem from past trauma; (2) inher-voice a more coherent life narrative.ory (Volkan 2001).own (Bragin 2010). In my mind, to silence the oth-ent personality traits; and (3) familial, cultural,er is to deny an experience of the whole of whichand religious influences on personal develop-The collective narrative of each generation pointsIt is important to note that most women appearwe are a part. “I see a strong parallel between thement. Intergenerational patterns and themes thatto a claimed identity of mental strength, faith, andto have internalized the claimed identity of theexperience of separation and exile, which was sohave emerged suggest interplay between all ofresilience with regard to women survivors. InMennonite church. Although many adult childrencommon during the Stalinist era, emotional ex-these factors over time in relation to past trauma.the case of Martin and his mother, Martha, eachnoted that their mothers had struggled emotion-ile within the Mennonite community and fam-These are presented within the categories of fa-gave dramatic accounts of a terrifying incidentally within the Mennonite church context, suchily, and exile from one’s deepest self” (Krahnmilial, cultural, and biological modes of traumaexperienced by the grandmother, where the lat-critique was missing – omitted or silenced – in the2011:175-176).transmission.ter had felt the protection of God in the middle ofnarratives of older women.the steppes of Russia when the train she and herTedeschi and Calhoun (2004) stress the impor-Familial Transmissionchildren were to be on was bombed during theOlder women tended to minimize or flatten theirtance of crafting complete, coherent narrativesGerman invasion. In each account, the dominantsuffering. One woman even felt that I may not bethat incorporate new perspectives; mutual sup-The concept of familial transmission has beenmeaning attributed to this experience was that ofinterested in her story because she believed sheport and narrative exchange so that stories tran-applied to comments related to family patterns,mental strength and faith. While Martin’s versionhad not suffered as much as women who hadscend individuals; and self-disclosure in support-rules, secrets, silences, parenting style, and at-completely omitted his grandmother’s experiencegrown up on a collective. This was the womanive social environments – all of which lead to thetachment experiences that many adult childrenof emotional pain, Martha’s did acknowledge herwho had lost all male members of her family dur-further revision and transformation of one’s lifeidentified as contributing to intergenerational is-mother’s anxiety though emphasized resilience.ing the Revolution and later lost her husband dur-story, as well as post-traumatic growth as opposedsues or concerns (Danieli 1998; Weingarten 2004).She later also admitted that unresolved anger anding Stalin’s purges. Women tended to normalizeto mere resilience. They also apply the concept ofSeveral adult children internalized emotionalterror had surfaced during her mother’s demen-and internalize the spirituality of suffering and,post-traumatic growth to social change in the af-undercurrents that permeated the household,tia process once mental strength and resiliencein some cases, rigid, and rule-based religioustermath of trauma in order to challenge sociallysuch as heightened anxiety, fear, mistrust, dif-were no longer available to her. Martin, on thepractice – a perception which was held by severaland/or culturally shared schemas that restrictficulty expressing emotions, underlying anger,other hand, appeared totally oblivious to the life-adult children. Moreover, women’s expression ofsuch growth. We would do well to engage in vali-resentment, guilt, or grief. These undercurrentslong emotional suffering of his grandmother and,faith, strength, and resilience tended to be linkeddating narrative and relational practices in all so-were often felt within the context of silence, in-when describing her final years, did not identifyto a more silent, meek, and submissive role thancial and professional environments that touch thecluding unexpressed emotions and/or storylines.any of the delusional behaviors or emotional out-that of men; they had been conditioned both underoft marginalized lives of older adults.At least three daughters had also become part ofbursts mentioned by his mother. This example,Communism and by their Mennonite upbringingan unconscious pact of silence, as each had beenas well as stories such as Neta’s likening of theto work hard and carry on without overt com-Adult Children: Narrative Analysis in Relation toher mother’s confidante at a young age, and hadescape from Russia to the biblical “Exodus”, dem-plaint, to successfully cope within the parametersIntergenerational Legaciesbeen entrusted with certain family secrets. Thisonstrate the power of preferred but incompleteof outside forces. Thus, silence applied not only toemotional dependency upon the daughters rep-meanings often attributed to life experiences,emotional pain but to other forms of expression,Adult children tended to be quite reflective andresented unhealthy attachment relationships,and the potential for these meanings to restrictand often meant bowing to external authority, in-articulate about the influence of their mother’swhich denied daughters the emotional valida-coherence and post-traumatic growth across thecluding that of husband and church.lives on their mental-emotional developmenttion that they themselves required. The fact thatlifespan and intergenerationally (Tedeschi andand wellbeing. However, they had not neces-all mothers had experienced painful losses andCalhoun 2004). Moreover, we can see, by exten-The silencing of the other is sometimes an uncon-sarily made a connection between the traumaticseparations had contributed to a strong empha-sion, the power of dominant meaning attributionscious act, and may involve emotionally distanc-experiences of the past and the emotional out-sis on family cohesiveness, though family con-of the Mennonite church to restrict coherence ining oneself from the world of the other – the in-comes. Indeed, some participants wondered hownection on a deeper level was, in several cases,64©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 65

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionfelt by adult children to be inadequate or absent.Half of adult child participants in this study feltin the Fraser Valley of British Columbia, namely,phrenia within the extended family; war rape;These examples clearly demonstrate the kind ofthat their individual identities had, in their youth,general anxiety and depressive mood, with un-SS involvement; marital conflict due to husband’sfamily dynamics that contribute to the intergen-been overshadowed by the family and collectivederlying guilt and fear of rejection or punishmentrefusal to sponsor wife’s family to Canada; lack oferational transmission of insecure attachmenthistory of trauma, as well as the collective theol-by God, low self-esteem, self-deprecation, andpastoral support to resolve marital conflict; men-(DeOliveira, Moran, and Pederson 2005). Manyogy and values of the Mennonite church. Mosta host of somatic symptomatology. Although ittal health issues of anxiety, depression, and/oradult children also had difficulty breaking awayadult children spoke of the experience of livingis not my intention to essentialize or pathologizePTSD; inner spiritual conflict regarding a medi-from designated family roles, identities, and ex-in two or three worlds – the old world of theirthe Mennonite community, I wonder if a combi-cal abortion; and life resolution issues of familypectations, and moving into adulthood more in-parents that was left behind, but ever present; thenation of intense historical, religious, and cultur-members who were palliative or experiencingdependently.Canadian Mennonite church community; andal factors, as well as incoherent meaning-making,dementia.the world that existed beyond those parameters.claimed identity, and cognitive schemas, predis-Cultural TransmissionAdult children had, to varying degrees, experi-posed some Mennonites to the unique states de-Biological Transmissionenced difficulty understanding their identity andscribed above, not the least of which is its foun-To be Mennonite has historically been a very in-navigating these worlds. Indeed, Reynolds (1997)dational history of persecution and self-definedThe transmission of physical and psychologicalsular cultural and religious experience – sustainedfound that 62 percent of children, born to Rus-martyrdom at the hands of the Catholic churchsymptoms, including anxiety, attributed by Dar-over a 500-year period. As a diasporic communitysian Mennonite survivors who had migrated to(Loewen 2003).lene, Diane, and Dorothy to the impact of mater-that has settled in many parts of the world, Men-Canada during the 1920s, perceived that con-nal trauma on pregnancy, is verified by empiricalnonites have traditionally maintained a strongforming to Mennonite norms was more impor-Adult children who participated in my researchliterature demonstrating a relationship betweencollective identity centered around core principlestant to their parents than their individuality.were youth in Winnipeg at the time of the Thies-maternal trauma and cortisol levels in childrenof Christian faith, pacifism, and relatively closedsen, Wright, and Sisler (1969) study, and our per-born post-trauma (Yehuda et al. 2005). Diane andcommunities, as well as rigid cultural and reli-In a Manitoba study, Thiessen, Wright, and Sislersonal experiences resonate, in general, with theDorothy described the emotional unavailabilitygious norms strengthened by the establishment(1969) compared 204 Mennonite youth with anfindings of that study. Most adult child partici-of their mothers, while Darlene had felt over-of their own schools, hospitals, professions, agri-equal number of non-Mennonite youth and foundpants voiced the challenge of breaking throughvalidated and over-protected as her mother hadculture, and other community structures withinthat the Mennonite cohort was more highly mo-limiting culturally and family imposed beliefpreviously lost four babies. Moreover, adult chil-the parameters of the dominant societies in whichtivated to interpret behavior in religious terms,structures, as well as resolving intergenerationaldren who had experienced vicarious trauma alsothey live. In the case of Russian Mennonites, theirmore concerned about moral issues and orientingemotional and behavioral patterns.described the emotional unavailability of theircommunities were totally disempowered duringlife around religious values, and more inclinedmothers. Empirical research now also demon-the Stalinist era (Epp 2000). Moreover, post-WWIIto experience deep inner conflict and feelings ofIn light of Volkan’s (2001) comments regardingstrates the underlying neurobiology of insecureimmigration to Canada coincided with a periodguilt when lines were crossed. The researchersthe privileging and silencing of particular cultur-attachment and parenting behavior (Strathearnof increased urbanization, in contrast to their pastalso commented on an observation made by theal narratives in order to protect and repair groupet al. 2009), which supports the perspective thatagrarian lifestyle, resulting in greater exposurepsychiatric community in Winnipeg, Manitobaidentity in the aftermath of trauma, we can seebrain and body development, and genetic expres-to the modern, secular world. This also broughtat that time – that Mennonite patients tended tothe power of Mennonite institutions and the col-sion, is primarily mediated by one’s experience,less control over the education of their children,display a unique disturbance characterized bylective Mennonite psyche to reinforce a claimedparticularly in utero and during early childhood,though previous Russian Mennonite migrations“depressed affect, strong feelings of guilt, delu-identity of faith and resilience and contribute toand the quality of one’s attachment bonds.to Manitoba had produced a strong network ofsions of persecution, and emotional detachment,”the repression of emotions and exacerbation ofchurches, private schools, and other Mennonitea cluster of symptoms dubbed “Mennonite psy-mental health issues across the lifespan and gen-In considering the Russian Mennonite history, weinstitutions. Winnipeg currently has one of thechosis” (Thiessen, Wright, and Sisler 1969:129-erations (Reynolds 1997). Narratives that werecan also imagine the collective neurobiologicallargest urban Mennonite populations in the world130). Jilek-Aall, Jilek, and Flynn (1978) foundsilenced or minimized within the family and/orimprint made over the course of almost five cen-(Driedger 2010).similar symptom formations among Mennonitescommunity context included two cases of schizo-turies of relatively closed community, reinforced66©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 67

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionby stoic and pious collective theology, memory,and narrative. Thus, it makes sense that RussianConclusionus all to be more cognizant of our own culturallocation and the importance of cultural sensitiv-observe participants in one specific Mennonitesetting. In-depth follow-up interviewing of par-Mennonites may have experienced and processedStalinist oppression and the aftermath of war andmigration in unique ways as compared to otherethnic groups who also suffered persecution duringthis era. This complex legacy was vicariouslyabsorbed by adult children and contributed to attachmentinsecurities.Importantly, the effects of insecure attachmentare open to further change as individuals continueto interact with and adapt to their socialenvironment over the lifespan. Dallos (2004)suggests it is possible to transcend insecure attachmenthistories by developing coherent narrativesand relating to one another emotionally.It is emphasized that a coherent narrative mustprovide a clear structure, reflect affect, and integrateevents, feelings, and meanings (Baergerand McAdams 1999 as cited in Dallos 2004). Jordandescribes this as follows: “[t]hrough mutualempathy we can heal...places of fear and disconnection.Mutual empathy arises in a contextof profound respect, authentic responsiveness,humility, non-defensiveness, an attitude of curiosity,mindfulness...and an appreciation of thepower of learning” (2008:235). She further statesthat this relational transformation is then inputtedinto and reworks the neurobiological circuits.Thus, our biology is affected by our perceptions,thoughts, and beliefs, and the quality of our relationshipswith family and the larger community;and neurobiological imbalances can be effectivelyaddressed narratively and relationally (SiegelThis study provides a rich description of lifespanand intergenerational effects of trauma onaging members of a cultural group that experiencedStalinist oppression over sixty-five yearsago. Multiple layers of this subjective story haveemerged. There is no doubt that all women hadexperienced highly traumatic circumstances, oftencompounded by the physical or emotional absenceof their mothers. Their emphasis on mentalstrength, faith, and resilience was reinforced bythe church community and, in many cases, contributedto ongoing minimizing of emotions andpotential exacerbation of psychological symptoms,including insecure attachment, across thelifespan. Narratives of adult children demonstratedthe phenomena of biological, familial, andcultural modes of trauma transmission, whichinvolved the transmission of insecure attachmentand vicarious trauma.This was striking for several adult children, aswe had not clearly recognized that we had a story.The interview process and emergence of a coherentcollective narrative, which all participantsread, was cathartic for many as it became evenmore evident that lifelong issues were not the outcomeof mere character flaws of either our mothersor ourselves. Indeed, one mother expressedher delight that her daughter now understandsher better, after reading her collective story. Thisunderlines the potential for narratives to be rewrittenindividually and collectively to facilitatetransformation.ity in our interactions with others. My insider/outsider status has allowed me to act as both anintergenerational and intercultural bridge, andthis autoethnographic approach can be of valueto professional and academic audiences who representa variety of disciplines and cultures thattouch the lives of older adults – be they long-termor recent immigrants, refugees, or visible minorities,including indigenous peoples. Trauma effectsmust be recognized as problems to be externalizedand addressed collectively rather thanindividualized and treated as a pathology. Moreover,there is a need for social, professional, andspiritual structures that support inclusion, intergenerationalexchange, and safe, validating placesfor people of all cultures and social locationsto share their stories of vulnerability, strength,and resilience. Conscious attention to the narrativeswe internalize and construct is necessary sowe are not confined by limiting storylines. It isa paradox that we are impacted by history andyet, are also its transformers and co-creators. Thenarratives we construct and tell are critical to ourfuture social evolution (Freire 1973).This research project was not without its limitations.Although I had hoped that the majority ofparticipants would be part of mother-child dyadsin order to achieve a more in-depth explorationof parent-child patterns and themes, I waspleased to have four dyads and greatly valuedthe contributions of non-related participants.Participant observation was limited to whatI was able to see during the interview process,ticipants after the reading of their collective narrativewould have provided valuable additionaldata, but was not possible. My position as a childof survivors was potentially the most significantlimitation as it posed the risk of projecting myown experiences onto the narratives of participantsor privileging narratives that most resonatedwith my own experience. It was my hope thatthe depth and breadth of the interviews wouldbalance that risk, as a larger sample size, whichwould have broadened and perhaps added morediverse storylines to the collective narrative, wasnot possible.Limited Canadian research exploring the relationshipbetween immigration, ethnicity, aging,and quality of life provides a direction for futureresearch. Moreover, the tendency for the voicesof older adults to be marginalized underlines thesignificance of qualitative methodologies thatbring these to light. Engaging research participantsin both individual and focus group interviewsto witness a collective dialogical process ofmeaning-making within and between differentcultural, generational, and gender cohorts wouldbring added dimensions to collective culturalnarratives. In relation to the current study underdiscussion, it would be valuable to add the subjectivenarratives of Mennonite men to the collectiveRussian Mennonite narrative.With increased immigration, large numbers of visibleminority populations will become Canada’sfuture seniors; thus, further qualitative research2012). In this way, outworn individual, family,The voices represented in this paper carry a mes-with regard to personal affect and participants’to explore the lived experiences, strengths, andand cultural narratives can be transformed.sage for a number of audiences, and encouragepersonal living spaces, as it was not possible toneeds of aging recent and long-term immigrants68©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 69

Elizabeth KrahnTranscending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppressionand refugees would be of value. Also of interestwould be research that, for instance, highlightscommunity-based, narrative, and/or intergenerationalapproaches to facilitating post-traumaticgrowth, development of secure attachments, andend-of-life resolution.It has been profoundly moving for me to witnesschildren, which resonate so strongly with myown experience. I am equally struck by our capacityto collectively rewrite the historical narrativesthat have shaped our lives. 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Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatarincrease in mortality among non-breastfed infants2010). The Kuwaiti study found that a major indicatordiabetes in children is not convincing. A few scholarsence Qatari women’s breastfeeding practices and their(UNICEF 2007). In the UK, as well, six months of ex-of breastfeeding success was the interest or approvalbelieve, “the observed advantage of breastfeeding ondecision to breastfeed. Also, the study was conductedclusive breastfeeding was shown to decrease hospitalof the baby’s father in breastfeeding (Dashti et al. 2010).IQ is related to genetic and socioenvironmental factorsto explore mothers’ knowledge of breastfeeding andadmissions for diarrhea by 53% and respiratory tractIn a similar fashion, only 10% of Turkish mothersrather than to the nutritional benefits of breastfeedinghow this influences their breastfeeding intentions.infections by 27% (Kramer et al. 2008).breastfed their infants immediately, with most womenon neurodevelopment” (Jacobson, Chiodo, and Jacob-Breastfeeding has a number of other benefits, which(90%) breastfeeding two days after birth (Ergenekon-Ozelci et al. 2006). There is also evidence of the preva-son 1999:71). Other studies suggest that the higher levelof IQ might be related to maternal behavior and theQatardrastically reduce the chance of mothers and childrenbeing affected by both infectious diseases andlong-term illnesses. For children, it provides protectionagainst gastrointestinal infections, as well as a decreasein the potential for high blood pressure, diabetesand related indicators, serum cholesterol, overweightand obesity (WHO 2005). In addition, breastfedchildren have been shown to have higher intellectualperformance over the course of their education (Krameret al. 2007; 2008). For mothers, exclusive breastfeedingfor six months or more indicates a decrease in theacquisition of type 2 diabetes and breast, uterine, andovarian cancer (UNICEF 2007). Furthermore, somestudies have also found that breastfeeding can help toprevent the onset and severity of postnatal depressionlence of prelacteal feeding, the feeding of a newbornbaby with carbohydrate-electrolyte solutions to reduceinitial weight loss until breastfeeding is fully established.This was reported in a Lebanese study where49% of women used sugar water as a prelacteal feedingpractice (Batal and Boulghaurjian 2005), as well as61% in a Jordanian survey (JPFHS 2003) and 60.2% inan Iraqi study (Abdul Ameer, Al-Hadi, and Abdulla2008). A recent Iranian study shows that, althoughpost-hospital breastfeeding is around 57%, this rate isincreasing due to promotion of breastfeeding throughhospital services and through booklets, pamphlets,breastfeeding journals, CDs, workshops, and websites(Olang et al. 2009). Although the numbers of studiesare increasing in the Middle East, the low prevalencepossibility that mothers who breastfeed their babiesspend more time with them later in life (Krugman etal. 1999; Mortensen et al. 2002). It’s been suggested thatsome studies that have reported benefits such as lowerdiabetes rates are biased. Wolf states that studies in thisarea “failed to point out that the decision to bottle-feedwas also correlated with less exercise and more centralobesity, both independent risk factors for the disease”(2007:29; see also Pettitt et al. 1997; Simmons 1997).Even though recent research around breastfeedinghas raised some controversy, particularly around theclaims of higher IQ and lower rates of obesity and diabetesfor breastfed babies, the health benefits of breastfeeding,particularly for respiratory and gastrointesti-Qatar is a small country in the Middle East with a populationof 1.6 million. Qatar residents are from manydifferent cultural backgrounds. The majority of themare Muslims with strong religious beliefs that influencetheir daily activities. There is no systematic data bankin the country and, as a result, accessing information inany area including the health care system is very difficult.Women’s Hospital is the largest hospital that providesmaternal-childcare to the families. The majorityof births happen in this hospital. The number is close to16,000 births per year. There is no community healthcaresystem in the country and public health is missingsome critical components in regards to maternalchildcare,such as systematic prenatal and postnataleducation, and breastfeeding education and support.in mothers (Weaver et al. 2004).and short duration of breastfeeding in the region havenal health in the first few years of life, are accepted byThe primary health care centers also provide somehighlighted the need for more investigations into thethe majority of scholars. Thus, most would agree thatprenatal and postpartum care to mothers, but the dataAccording to a recent UNICEF report, between 2000-problems associated with continued breastfeeding.mothers should be supported in choosing this methodis not accessible. There is no official prenatal education2007 in Qatar only 12% of babies under 6 months wereof feeding. As UNICEF (2007) illustrates, there are ma-service available to the public and the only breastfeed-exclusively breastfed, 42% were breastfed with com-A large body of evidence suggests that breastfeedingjor problems associated with the societal and commer-ing clinic is located in a small hospital with only 1500plementary food between the age of 6-9 months, andhas obvious benefits, but some academics are con-cial pressure to stop breastfeeding. This means thatbirths a year in a city 45 kilometers away from the main12% breastfed for 20-23 months (UNICEF 2009); this iscerned about the strength of the scientific evidence be-the provision of support for breastfeeding mothersWomen’s Hospital in Doha, the capital city. There arethe only report on Qatari breastfeeding practices pub-hind a number of these studies. In her book, Is Breastand their children should become a priority (Weaverno official statistics available on the number of births inlished in the past ten years. Similar findings are evi-Best? Taking on the Breastfeeding Experts and the Newet al. 2004). Education around the use of and benefits toeach hospital or even the prenatal/postpartum servicesdent in other countries in the Middle East. In a recentHigh Stakes of Motherhood, Wolf (2007) argues that thebreastfeeding should be connected to social educationthat are provide by the health care agencies. The Qatarstudy of breastfeeding practices in Kuwait, researchersscience behind some breastfeeding studies is problem-classes for both male and female students, so that so-Information Exchange website is a national project runfound that less than one third of mothers (29.8%) wereatic. Wolf states that in the science we trust most, weciety can begin to grasp the rationale for its utilizationby a number of government bodies. The website offersfully breastfeeding their infants after release fromdo randomized controlled trials. But, we can’t do thatin public and in the family home (Callen and Pinellilimited information about Qatar statistics which indi-hospital, fewer than 1 in 5 infants (18.2%) received co-with breastfeeding because the groups are self-select-2004). Thus, the aim of this qualitative study was tocates that the number of live births across the countrylostrum as their first feed, and only 10.5% of infantsing. Some studies, for example, argue that the associa-gain insight on how personal values, social, cultural,has been 19,504, including the number of births in thehad been exclusively breastfed since birth (Dashti et al.tion of breastfeeding with higher IQ, lower obesity, andeconomical, and professional support systems influ-private hospitals (see www.qix.gov.qa). In many cases,76©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 77

Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatara person-to-person conversation with the agencies’ administrationis required to obtain reliable data. Qatar isdifferent social and geographical but also professionalbackgrounds. Almost all health care providers in Qa-Methodsreview interview data during the process, and to sharereflections on the process of conducting the interview,a fast developing country and despite its tremendoustar are expatriates and do not have strong bonds withParticipantspersonal feelings, and analytic descriptions.infrastructure and urban construction in the past 15years, it is still working vigorously to fully develop andimplement the most necessary systems to run the newestablishments.In regards to the breastfeeding promotion efforts atthe hospital, the hospital policies support exclusivebreastfeeding, initiation of breastfeeding within 1 hourafter delivery, and not using the formula unless thereis a medical indication for it. In reality, although manyhealth care providers try to help mothers with breastfeeding,they do not receive regular training to improvetheir support skills. In some cases, the breastfeedinginitiation is conducted within the first hour, but the useof formula is quite common and normally formula isbeing offered to many mothers. There are only a fewlactation consultants present at the hospital. With 16,000births per year, this makes it more difficult to providesufficient support to mothers. There are not enoughpumps on the postpartum units to help mothers withbreastfeeding issues maintain their milk supply. Thereare also no breastfeeding clinics or postpartum clinicsto support mothers with the breastfeeding problems afterthey get discharged. All the above is being improvedas the Qatar National Health Strategy document recognizedimproving breastfeeding as one of the mainpriorities of the health care system in 2012. Women’sHospital officials are working on obtaining the BabyFriendly Hospital Initiative (BFHI) for the hospital andefforts such as staff training, initiation of breastfeedingin the first hour after birth, and facilitating breastfeedingpractices have significantly been increased.The Qatar community’s challenges are not limited to thetheir patients’ population and the community. Many ofthe health care providers do not have any knowledgeabout the social, cultural, and religious beliefs of theirpatients. Regardless of the institutional breastfeedingpolicies, the health care providers use their own professionalexpertise, judgment, knowledge, and attitudeto provide care to the mothers and guide them withbreastfeeding practices. Although similar studies havebeen done in other countries in the region, this researchhas focused on Qatar and its unique demographics andcontext. Although there are similarities in regards toculture and beliefs among Arabs who live in the MiddleEast, significant differences also can be found. For example,according to our participants, mothers in manyArab countries such as Saudi Arabia are more opento breastfeeding in front of the family members or inpublic as long as they are covered. Mothers in Qatar areuncomfortable with both. They require a private spacefor breastfeeding either at home or in the community.Recognizing these specific cultural, social, and religiousbeliefs can help us understand the practices betterand enable the health care system authorities to developmore sustainable interventions to promote breastfeedingpractices in this country.The other reason that makes this research significantis the fact that there are only three research projects inrelation to breastfeeding which have been conductedin Qatar in the past 20 years. Lack of general knowledgein this area could contribute to poor breastfeedingpractices there. This study sheds light on the social,economical, cultural, and religious factors thatpositively or negatively influence mothers’ breastfeedingpractices and can help the health care providers inA purposive sampling technique was used to recruit 32Qatari women (national and non-national Arabic women)in the 3 rd to 8 th week of their postpartum period asresearch participants. This exploratory research wasconducted in the prenatal unit of Women’s Hospital.The research utilized a semi-structured questionnaireto encourage participants to explain their experiences intheir own words. An interview guide was used, whichincluded open-ended questions regarding participants’breastfeeding knowledge, attitude, beliefs, and practices,what problems the participants think they would experienceand what help/service they think needs to bein place for them to engage in breastfeeding practices.Questions assessing socio-demographic informationprovided additional information about participants’social support networks. Each participant was interviewedonce, within 3-8 weeks after birth at the hospital,conducted in either Arabic or English by four bilingualfemale nursing students. The participants wereinformed that the project has been approved by theEthics Boards of both Hamad Medical Corporation andthe University of Calgary. They were ensured no riskwould be involved and the participation in the studywould be completely voluntary and kept confidentialby the researchers. The participants were identified bypseudonyms to protect their identities. Interview datarecorded on a digital voice recorder was converted fromaudio to text using a transcriber, and a qualitative dataanalysis approach was used for the examination of narrativedata. Transcripts were coded to identify preliminarythemes and to formulate a list of code categoriesto organize subsequent data. Data codes were examinedfor relevance. The final outcome of this analysisis a statement about a set of complicated interrelatedData CollectionFemale participants who met the inclusion criteria wereinterviewed in this study by four bilingual (Arabic andEnglish) female research assistants from Qatar. Inclusioncriteria were described as being an Arabic womanwho is in between the third and eighth week postpartumperiod and is in stable physical and emotional condition.Research assistants involved in this study werenurses who had experience working in different units,and were also in their final year of a nursing bachelor’sdegree program in Qatar. The students were trainedextensively prior to and throughout the research process.Detailed contextual information was obtained byusing individual in-depth interviews. These interviewswere conducted in Arabic by using a semi-structuredquestionnaire with open-ended questions. The questionswere about the women’s past and current experiencewith breastfeeding. Also, investigated factors thatinfluence their decision to engage in breastfeeding theirbaby, and perceived barriers and motivators to suchactivities. The participants were asked as well abouttheir perception regarding the best possible strategiesfor promoting breastfeeding practice among Arabicwomen living in the state of Qatar. With the permissionof the participants, the interviews were recorded ona digital voice recorder. The interviews lasted between20-50 minutes with the majority of the interviews being30-45 minutes. The interviews were stopped when itreached data saturation and no more new informationcould be identified (after 32 women were interviewed).The data was translated into English by the bilingualstudent researchers, and then transcribed and analyzedby the research team. Selected demographic data wasabove. The health care providers come from not onlytheir future planning in this area.concepts and themes. Research team members met toalso obtained from the participants (Table 1).78©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 79

Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of QatarTable 1. Participants’ socio-demographic data.Variable Range N %Age 20-30 23 72%31-40 9 28%Country of Birth Qatar 21 66%Oman 3 9%Sudan 1 3%Egypt 2 6.5%Syria 2 6.5%Lebanon 3 9%Current Citizenship Status Qatari Citizen 15 47%Qatari Resident 17 53%Years in Qatar 0-10 6 19%11-20 5 16%21-30 14 43.5%31-40 7 21.5%Marital Status Married 32 100%Single/Never married ––– –––Having Children Yes 32 100%No ––– –––Religion Muslim 32 100%Other ––– –––Education Level of Participant Primary/Junior 4 12.5%High School/Trade School 19 59.5%University 9 28%Employment Status of Participant Work Full-time/Part-time 8 23%Full-time Homemaker 16 50%Unemployed 1 3%Participant’s Current Occupation Receptionist 3 9%Secretary 1 3%Teacher 3 9%Health Care Provider (Nurse) 1 3%Education Level of Husband Primary/Junior 3 9%High School 16 50%Trade School 2 6.5%University 8 25.5%Other Degrees 3 9%Current Occupation of Husband Management, Business, Science, Accountant 15 47%Service Occupations 7 21.5%Military Occupations 6 19%Office Work 4 12.5%Annual Household Income Less than $30,000 6 19%$31,000-$70,000 5 16%More than $71,000 6 19%Don’t know/Chose not to answer 15 46%Activities Involvement Within family only 6 19%Within religious community only 7 21%Within all: family, neighborhood, religious community 13 41%Don’t participate in community events 6 19%Source: self-elaboration.Data AnalysisThe narrative data was analyzed using NVivo 8software. Analyses were performed in the followingfour steps. (1) The student researchers translatedand transcribed the collected data from Arabicinto English. The students were trained by two Universityof Calgary-Qatar faculty members to conductdata collection and analysis. A professionaltranslator validated the translated and transcribedinformation. (2) The coding process started earlyin the project. As data was collected, a preliminarylist of code categories was developed. The categoriesevolved as more data were collected throughoutthe project. (3) Categories were compared anda list of interrelated data categories was generated.The transcripts were reviewed carefully bythe student researchers and the faculty membersfor the purpose of developing code categories andsubcategories. The codes evolved as the researchersreviewed more transcripts. (4) Similar themesand concepts emerged and were identified acrossdata set transcripts and across research subjects asthey were discussed among the researchers. Theemergent themes, ideas, and concepts generateda higher level of data conceptualization. This allowedthe researchers to develop a deeper understandingof the data, the cultural and religious beliefs,the social and professional support systems,and the incentives and barriers regarding breastfeedingpractices.FindingsA number of overarching themes emerged from thedata, which illustrated that Qatari women’s experiencesof breastfeeding were similar to those of otherpopulations in the Middle East region. Women’sability to participate in breastfeeding, and their interestin doing so, were largely determined by keyfactors that included (a) knowledge of breastfeedingand professional support for learning breastfeedingtechniques; (b) social support includingparental, spousal, cultural, and religious valuesregarding breastfeeding; (c) economic ability ornecessity, including work and time constraints, aswell as home help or care; and (d) personal challengesconnected to perceptions of pain, body image,and body changes linked to breastfeeding.Participants suggested viable means to engage theQatari female population in advancing the knowledgeand promotion of breastfeeding.Knowledge of Breastfeeding and ProfessionalSupport for Learning Breastfeeding TechniquesQatari women, for the most part, were well-informedabout breastfeeding and professional supportfor learning breastfeeding techniques throughboth personal experience and hospital information.One participant noted: “…what I know aboutbreastfeeding has come from my personal experience.The kids who are not breastfed are moreprone to getting sick. Also, I think nonbreastfedbabies feel unhappy.”Respondents noted other benefits of breastfeeding,such as greater immunity from disease, lower ratesof maternal cancer, better maternal health, betterbone density for babies, and normalcy in infantbowel movements. Respondents also noted the necessityof maternal training and the provision ofinformation for new mothers, especially first timemothers. One respondent recommended: “…beforeher delivery, there should be classes to educatemothers about the benefits of breastfeeding80©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 81

Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatarand show the mother how to breastfeed her baby.This will help her to be emotionally and physicallyready for that.” There was a general consensusthat mothers and babies were better able to connectemotionally and cognitively through breastfeedingthan through formula feeding. One respondentstated:…when Allah gifted me breast milk, I startedbreastfeeding. As I started breastfeeding, [thebaby] bonded with me and my breast. He felt comfortablewith me and I felt the bonding becamevery strong between us. That is how I startedAbout a third of the women interviewed presentedmore challenging viewpoints on breastfeeding.One respondent noted, “In Doha, they prefer formulafeeding from the first day of delivery. I haveseen it in the community of my friends and family,”while another stated:My mother told me to breastfeed my baby and notto give him formula. But, I didn’t listen to her. I wasmore influenced by my friends who told me formulaand breast milk are the same. Now I know they arenot the same.country, health care providers are visiting motherssix weeks postdelivery to teach them about breastfeeding.She visited me at home and taught me differentpositions to feed my baby and how to use pillowsto be more comfortable. However, I think if she sawme right after delivery, it would be easier for me tofollow her instruction.These quotes alluded to the possibility that if professionalsupport for breastfeeding was available inhospitals, it would have been easier for this woman,as well as others, to benefit from breastfeedinginstruction. Another study respondent stated:Social Support Including Parental, Spousal,Cultural, and Religious Values RegardingBreastfeedingOn a social level, shifts in the awareness and useof breastfeeding among Qatari women are evidentas most of the women in the study were clearlyaware of the need to breastfeed and some felt thatthey had the social support to do so. Family members,especially mothers, are strong supporters ofbreastfeeding. Women in this study demonstratedthat they felt that breastfeeding, especially inbreastfeeding.The majority of respondents noted that they believedthat breast milk contains vitamins and othernutrients necessary for a child at the beginning oflife. Nonetheless, there were respondents who believedthat formula was a viable option if it was notpossible to breastfeed. Most respondents reportedthat because they did not know what componentswere included in formula milk, and whether formulawould be good for the baby or not, they refrainedfrom using it as much as possible. Therewere common thoughts expressed that some babiessuffer from dehydration, diarrhea, constipation,and abdominal distention due to formula feeding.One mother said:When I go to the health care center, I talk to motherswho have babies like me. Most mothers are therebecause their kids have diarrhea, constipation, andother digestion issues and almost all those kidsare formula fed. I see that among my family andfriends too. The breastfed babies are healthier andThe findings point to women’s different levels ofawareness about breastfeeding as recommendedby international health organizations, with obviousgaps in certain communities. As one respondentnoted, it was the professional support thatshe received that helped her continue with breastfeeding:The conversations, like ours, encourage me to breastfeedin the future. Such conversations between patientsand health care professionals are really important.If someone is nicely and calmly talking and advising,it also has a positive influence on breastfeeding.Hospitals should remind mothers over and overagain about the importance of breastfeeding. Also,they should remind mothers about the Qur’an sayingsin order to encourage them to breastfeed.Another respondent observed that there was a distinctlack in the ability of hospitals to providebreastfeeding information at the present time; shehad to look outside of the health care system to getthis information. She stated:It was very difficult to breastfeed my first baby becauseI didn’t know how to breastfeed and I couldn’thold my breast and feed my baby. However, the nursesin the hospital tried to help me.When I was putting my breast in my baby’s mouth, hewas not taking it. He was crying a lot and his face wasbecoming red as he was unable to breathe. It was scary.So, I stopped breastfeeding. I tried hard to breastfeed,but then I gave up and started bottle-feeding.I had milk and he took a bit of it and then he refusedto take it. I think he got used to the bottle because theformula was sweeter compared to breast milk.During that time, I had depression and I felt that therewas no milk in my breast or it was not enough for mybaby. No matter how much I fed her, she still continuedcrying and my mother blamed me that I was not able tobreastfeed my baby properly. In addition to that, my visitorsalways said that she was very thin and maybe themilk was not enough for her. I was not experienced andall these suggestions led me to have mild depression.the early months of infancy, has a history of multiplephysiological, psychological, and emotionalbenefits for the developing child (Lawrence 1989;Slusser and Lange 2002; Forster et al. 2003; Gartner2005; Lawrence and Lawrence 2005). A participantmentioned:My mother encourages breastfeeding. As I have alreadymentioned, she had breastfed all of us. So, sheis always encouraging me by saying breastfeed yourbaby like this, and do this and do that. Due to herencouragement and support I feel happy and relaxedwhile breastfeeding my baby.According to participant responses, social support,including parental, spousal, cultural, and religiousvalues regarding breastfeeding, was also a majorfactor in the choice as to whether to breastfeed ornot. Many respondents noted that their mothers andmothers-in-law were pivotal forces in encouragingthem to breastfeed, or to prevent them from breastfeeding.As respondents noted:don’t get diarrhea often, the formula fed babies areoften sick, it’s diarrhea, cold, constipation, or otherthings. It seems that they are not as strong asbreastfed babies.One of my teachers in my school asked me if I wasbreastfeeding my baby or not, she told me that shewas a breastfeeding specialist. Usually back in herThis clearly shows mothers’ frustration with thechallenges that exist in Qatar hospitals and community,as discussed in the introduction section.My mother also encourages me to breastfeed, and shecalls me from my home country. She texts me to askif I breastfeed or not.82©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 83

Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatar…I mean, my mother, she really values breastfeeding.Even if I complain to my mother that I do not haveenough milk, she will advise me to eat food that increasesthe milk production.their generation, they pointed out that older Qatariwomen were likely to provide them with encouragement.Many respondents noted that the practiceof breastfeeding was also discussed in the Qur’an,Economic Ability or Necessity, IncludingWork and Time Constraints, as well asHome Help or CareThe participants also reported that the decision tobreastfeed would also depend on whether or nota woman had access to servants in the home, whowould more likely be responsible for childcare.The husband’s encouragement is another salient factor.As noted by respondents:My husband is 100% encouraging the breastfeedingand this encourages me more to breastfeed my babies.My husband provides me nutritious meals, encouragesme to breastfeed and he also provides me a restfulenvironment to breastfeed.It was also evident that lack of social support hada negative influence on mothers:To be honest, my friends told me to bottle-feed my firstchild so I don’t lose my breast firmness. I was youngand wanted to stay beautiful. I listened to them.My husband encouraged me to breastfeed, but all myfriends were formula feeding their kids. They toldme it was impossible to work and breastfeed at thesame time. I didn’t know if I could do anything else.I thought I should have stayed home to breastfeed mychild. So, I started giving him formula.I had to go back to work two months after delivery.I was not able to focus, everything was overwhelming.My husband had to work and we didn’t have anyfamily member around or even a maid to help us.I decided to formula fed my child so I didn’t have tostruggle.Nonetheless, what was even more evident in responseswas that the development of an interest inbreastfeeding was aligned with social and religiousnorms. Although many respondents were awareof a general negativity about breastfeeding amongwhich gave them an incentive to participate for religiousreasons. As three women claimed:Yes, it is mentioned in the Qur’an that a lady shouldbreastfeed her baby for 2 years. I think it has influencedme to breastfeed my child. My mother alwaysused to remind me this.Allah Almighty has given women breast milk toprovide health to her child and to herself. The basesof beliefs and values of Arabs have come from ourreligion, Islam. Allah has provided breast milk towomen, which means that it is something beneficial.Breastfeeding contains necessary ingredients likevitamins and all other nutritious elements. Theseingredients are not added by humans. These ingredientsare inside your body and blessed by AllahAlmighty. Even we don’t know what breastfeedingconsists of. Allah Almighty has said in the HolyQur’an that a mother should feed her baby for twoyears and it is a clear indication to breastfeed babies.The things mentioned by Allah Almighty aresomething we can’t deny and is surely beneficial fora child. I have strong believes that anything mentionedin the Holy Qur’an can’t be doubted about.That is why I support breastfeeding, and I try tobreastfeed all my children.Despite these claims, there is also a clear indicationfrom many respondents that even with the supportof Allah Almighty breastfeeding is not a skill thatcan be learned quickly on one’s own. Strong professionalsupport and encouragement is necessarywhen the art of breastfeeding has been diminishedwithin women’s own families, due to the increasedreliance on formula feeding in some communitiesin Qatar.The evidence showed that economic ability or necessity,including work and time constraints, as well ashome help or care, were also factors in choosing tobreastfeed or not. Participants reported that manyQatari women are constrained by having to returnto work, and in that case it is not possible for them tobe able to always breastfeed. One respondent statedthat she was able to pump and save her milk in therefrigerator, but that it was not always possible. Mostof the working women, however, did try to keep givingtheir babies breast milk the majority of the time.Some participants were also concerned, however,that the psychological stress of their jobs would bepassed on to their infants via breastfeeding. Workalso meant that many women were over-tired at theend of the day, which made breastfeeding more difficult.Nonetheless, because of time inflexibility andthe necessity of breastfeeding indoors due to culturalconstraints, working mothers often had to resortto a combination of breast and formula feeding. Asone respondent noted:I had to go back to work forty days after giving birth.I was still sore, I couldn’t even sit properly. I had lackof sleep; I was not able to think straight. It was so difficultto go back to work. I pumped my milk for a fewdays, but I didn’t have much knowledge about thatand I never felt I had enough for my baby. It was alsodifficult to come home from work when I was verytired and started thinking about pumping and restoringmilk. The maternity leave is too short. I was noteven recovered from the birth itself when I was backto work. I think it should be at least 6 months. I amsure many mothers will breastfeed their children ifthey have longer maternity leaves.Formula may, in those instances, be more prevalent.Whereas, women who could not afford homecare or the cost of formula would be more likely tobreastfeed.The challenge in addressing issues linked to breastfeedingseems to point to differing belief systemsbased on socioeconomic values. What is evidentfrom the respondents’ answers to questions is thatthere is an understanding that people who havemore economic resources are more likely to useformula, for the main reason that they can affordto do so. As noted by the respondents:With the availability of servants, mother’s interestin outside activities, with comfortable lifestyle everythinghas become easier. So, they prefer formulafeeding to breastfeeding.No, I don’t think economic status has influence onbreastfeeding, but if you ask me if the economic statushas influence on artificial feeding, then I will tellyou “yes.” In the countries like Africa, some otherAsian countries, yes, economic status may influencebreastfeeding, but a country like Qatar, everythingis available here and the population isn’t poor.I can say that sometimes economic status has an influenceon a few Arab women’s decision to breastfeedor not. If a mother is able to buy expensive artificialfeeding, which is believed to have all-importantnutrition, then why should she make herselftired by breastfeeding?What this demonstrates is that there is a higherlevel of social status connected with the idea of84©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 85

Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatarusing formula. This is because of the fact thatdia, or even health care agencies. As mentionedDiscussion and Recommendationstices in their communities on a broader social level.only the wealthier in the country are able to af-above, this trend is changing as breastfeeding hasThe challenge in addressing the issues noted byford formula milk and assistance, such as daycarebeen recognized as one of the areas of focus forSimilarly to the findings from other studies, wom-the respondents were significant in specific popu-or servants, to take care of children that wouldhealth care officials. As such, recently more openen in this study felt that breastfeeding, especiallylations and areas, and when women were confinednecessitate feeding children formula. In this way,there is a need to recognize the complexity of tryingto change some women’s minds on the valueof breastfeeding since they may potentially giveup social status by eliminating the practice of usingformula. While this is not seen to be the casein every community in Qatar, it is noted by somerespondents to be very likely in Doha and some ofthe other major urban centers.As of 2007, oil and natural gas revenues had enabledQatar to attain the highest per capita incomein the world. Economic status has had huge positiveinfluence on the community’s growth and development,quality of life, and health care services.On the other hand, financial improvements havehad some negative influences on the Qatar population.One of the most important and most evident islifestyle. The Qatari population has rapidly movedtoward a more modern and unhealthy lifestyle,leading to higher rates of diabetes and obesity.Breastfeeding is another area of concern. The betterfinancial status has enabled families to removethemselves from the traditional practices andfollow the formula feeding practices. Formulafeeding has been associated with being rich andfashionable and breastfeeding has been looked atas a necessity for poor families, difficult and undesirable.As breastfeeding has been somewhatof a taboo, not many efforts have been put intopromoting it among the younger generation inschools and universities, public places, the me-and visible promotion is being conducted in thecountry.Personal Challenges Connected to Perceptionsof Pain, Perceptions of Body Image and BodyChanges Linked to BreastfeedingFinally, personal challenges connected to perceptionsof pain, perceptions of body image and bodychanges linked to breastfeeding were also factorsin the breastfeeding choice. There were conflictinglevels of understanding about the effects of breastfeedingon a woman’s body; some women correctlyasserted that breastfeeding would help women getback into physical shape after giving birth, whileothers were concerned that it would ruin their figures(or stated that their female relatives had toldthem so). Pain was a factor, in that many womenhad difficulty breastfeeding at first due to physicalissues, but most respondents carried on nonetheless.It was noted that a fear of pain might be a factorfor some women. A mother stated:I started breastfeeding right after birth, but it wasvery painful. Every time, I felt that the baby is bitingme. I stopped it because I was scared of the pain. Withmy second baby, I learned if the baby has a properlatch, breastfeeding is not, and shouldn’t be, painful.I wish someone helped me the first time.Many of my friends told me not to bother with breastfeeding.They told me it would damage my figure andit’s difficult. I thought it was much better to get mymaid to bottle-feed the baby at night instead of gettingup and feeding him myself.in the early months of infancy, has a history of multiplephysiological, psychological, and emotionalbenefits for the developing child (Lawrence 1989;Slusser and Lang 2002; Forster et al. 2003; Gartner2005; Lawrence and Lawrence 2005). Thus, thereis an increasing interest in returning to breastfeedingafter years of formula prevalence. At thesame time, this does not necessarily mean thatall women were actually taking on the practice ofbreastfeeding for themselves. Many of the womenin this study were well-informed about the valueof breastfeeding but they were also thoughtfulabout the benefits and challenges of this methodof childcare. They presented the difficulties thatthey would face in breastfeeding, including social,professional, economic, and practice-based challenges.Social support seemed to be one of the mostsignificant factors in choosing this route. As notedby participants, they were more likely to breastfeed,or know other women who breastfeed, if theirparents, husbands, and work schedules providedthem with the means to do so. Similarly to a studyby Reeves and colleagues (2006), the present studyfound that mothers have identified the father’ssupport as a very important factor in continuingbreastfeeding, whereas the decision to discontinuebreastfeeding was mainly due to the need to returnto work or school. Many participants were buoyedby the fact that there is support in the Qur’an forbreastfeeding, which allows women to generatesupport for their interest in breastfeeding amongmembers of their community. At the same time,there were also difficulties which were noted bythe respondents in taking on breastfeeding prac-by their job schedules. Wyatt (2002) supported thisfact by reporting that due to lack of preparationand support many woman stop breastfeeding soonafter they go back to work; therefore, the numberof breastfeeding after returning to work is disappointinglylow. The challenge these women werefacing was linked to the fact that there was a distinctlack of value placed on breastfeeding whenthere were easier alternatives available to them.In addition, a portion of women in the study alsosuggested that there was a difficulty in reconcilingthe association between formula feeding andwealth in certain parts of Qatari society, due to thefact that only women who had the economic meanswere likely to formula feed.Many working mothers suggested that short maternityleave is one of the main reasons that theycould not continue breastfeeding even after initiatingit at the hospital. Mothers recognized longermaternity leave, having access to daycare at thework place, and being able to use a private roomto pump their milk at work would all help thembreastfeed for longer. Many studies confirm thepositive effects of such breastfeeding friendly policiesand facilitation. According to Meek (2001), onsitechildcare, pumping at work, efficiency at breastmilk expression, adequate break time to nurse orpump, private place for milk expression and storageat work, flexible scheduling, and support ofcolleagues are all factors that can significantlyincrease the breastfeeding rates among workingmothers. To support mothers, it is important toeducate them and the employers on the benefits86©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 87

Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatarof breastfeeding. It is also necessary for the gov-tari female population in advancing their knowl-breastfeeding has a religious basis in Islam anders. As mentioned earlier, a study has emphasizedernments to develop and implement breastfeedingedge of breastfeeding. Suggestions included pre-it is recommended that the mother breastfeedstrongly on adding Islamic teaching in encourag-policies at any work place.natal classes at the hospitals where doctors couldher offspring for 2 years if possible (Shaikh anding mothers to initiate breastfeeding (Shaikh andTo this end, participants suggested that the discon-provide clear and concise information, and challengeexisting normative values in some communi-Ahmed 2006).Ahmed 2006).nection between common practice and the needs ofchildren should be addressed within a hospital environmentbecause this was the only way to be ableto provide women with information that counterssocial trends and belief systems. This is because notall women will get the social support and informationthey need through their female relatives andfriends. Participants suggested that not all womengrasped the true benefits of breastfeeding eitherfor their babies or themselves, and recommendedthat further communication about these shouldbe prioritized by hospitals and health authorities.If there was no community-based discourse aboutbreastfeeding, or tradition within women’s familiesto make it a priority, then there was also a lack ofability which women presented in these interviews.Women expressed a need for professional support,whether directly through training at a hospital, orties where formula feeding is more common, includingteaching extended family members aboutits value. Responses indicated that many womenwere likely to search the Internet to find answersfor their questions regarding breastfeeding’s importanceand benefits, and demonstrated thatQatari health websites, especially those linked tohospitals and women’s birth centers, would likelyhelp improve matters. Other suggestions includedmagazine articles and advertising, as well as televisionprograms and advertising. Finally, participantssuggested that girls’ school education programsshould cover the topic of breastfeeding, especiallyin relation to its Qur’anic recommendationon breastfeeding.Some women also demonstrated that on an economiclevel it is sometimes difficult for womenDespite these positive steps towards a greater socialacceptance of breastfeeding, most women feelthat there are not enough professional support systemsin place. Even when they are available, manywomen are not aware of these supports. Womenwho are in favor of breastfeeding because of theirawareness of its need and benefit still struggle tocommit to practice due to limited social supportand/or professional instruction. Because there hasbeen a decrease in breastfeeding practice amongthe women of Qatar, there is a lack of social supportand knowledge regarding breastfeeding inmany communities. One of the mothers stated:The important thing is to encourage women duringpregnancy and prepare her for that, especially primemother. So, before her delivery, there should be classesto educate mothers about the benefit of breastfeed-Participants emphasized that that professional supportwas one of the major factors in making decisionsto breastfeed or not. Therefore, they recommended:We should advertise about breastfeeding in hospitals.We should also advertise about the benefits ofbreastfeeding. We should convey the messages aboutbreastfeeding to friends, relatives, and especially tothose mothers who have delivered for the first time.We should tell them about the benefit of breastfeeding.We should encourage mothers to give maximumtime to practice breastfeeding. Mothers should be informedthat breastfeeding is best for her and her baby.She should think what benefit in harming the healthof her child is. I was encouraged by nurses and doctorsat hospital who were forcing me to breastfeed.My family members supported and encouraged meto breastfeed.indirectly through information sessions or othermeans, in order to ensure that they had the tools theyneeded to be able to achieve the goal of breastfeedingon their own at home over a long term. Womenwanted to feel confident in making sure that theywere providing their children with the best nutritionand schedule possible, and this was not an easytask to accomplish without clear information. Accordingto Porteous (2000), the professional supporthas an important role in increasing the duration ofbreastfeeding among the mothers who identifiedthemselves without support.Participants were also able to suggest to the researchersviable means by which to engage the Qa-to take the time they need to breastfeed, especiallyif they have a financial obligation to theirfamily. Findings demonstrated that women withadditional financial resources were more able tobreastfeed. At the same time, the fact that moreeconomically secure women are often better ableto breastfeed has meant that it is socially desirableto be able to afford formula among somewomen, as indicated in the study. Culturally andreligiously, however, women are more inclinedto value breastfeeding, especially because of religiousincentives to do so. A study reported thatby understanding and supporting islamic beliefsof breastfeeding, clinicians can help mothers toinitiate healthy feeding practices of infants asing and show the mother how to breastfeed her baby.This will help her to be ready emotionally and physicallyfor that.One of the challenges pointed out by the participantsin this study was that much depended, aswell, on the woman’s individual level of educationand the culture in which she had been raised. Forthis reason, one of the suggestions which was mentionedfrequently as a point of connection for allwomen was support in the Qur’an for breastfeeding.Because of the fact that this would be a commonplace in which to start the education process,it was raised as an opportunity for hospital administratorsto begin the discussion with new moth-The health care professionals, such as a doctor, canspend a few minutes during mother’s antenatal visitsin explaining the benefits of breastfeeding. He cangive her information about why and how it is beneficialand healthy for the baby and how it can help inthe child’s growth and development. After knowingall this information she is the one who decides whethershe wants to breastfeed or no. She is responsible forher decision afterwards.We can give them all the information about breastfeeding.We can discuss such topics in magazines andbooks. By these ways, we should convey this messagethat breastfeeding is beneficial for the health of babyand mother. We should distribute such magazinesand books in the hospitals.88©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 89

Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of QatarWhat this means is that without specific informa-intrinsic risk to Qatari women’s children. Womenfeeding among the population of Qatari women.training the health care staff, promoting breast-tion from professional instructors, such as nursesin this community are aware of the benefits, butThis means that more work needs to be done infeeding by educating mothers, helping mothers toand doctors with breastfeeding knowledge, manyseem, in many cases, to lack the basic skill set thatorder to provide options for training on breast-initiate breastfeeding in the first 30 minutes af-Qatari women are not able to gain an interest in thethey need to effectively feed their children withoutfeeding techniques to younger mothers. The studyter birth, showing the breastfeeding methods topractice because of a lack of knowledge regardingan overt reliance on formula in the short term. Thisdemonstrates that there are a number of optionsthe mothers, promoting exclusive breastfeeding,breastfeeding techniques and its benefit for the in-means that during the most crucial period of child-available to increase awareness of breastfeedingpracticing rooming-in, encouraging breastfeedingfant’s health. The result was that turning to formu-care women are likely to need assistance.among mothers-to-be which could be pursuedon demand, providing no artificial soothers andla was a better solution for them because of the factboth in person through training and coaching,establishing support groups in the communitythat they feared that their children would starvePersonal challenges, such as the perception of painand through awareness-raising campaigns on-for breastfeeding mothers. Although health carewithout it. The focus of most of the respondentsand body image, also seem to significantly influ-line, in magazines, and in hospitals. The healthagencies in Qatar are working towards obtainingwas a clear lack of education programs in hospi-ence women’s decision on breastfeeding. Researchcare providers need to be trained and knowledge-BFHI status, so far none of them have achievedtals that would provide them with specific sets ofindicates that women with higher degree of bodyable about the mothers’ opinion of breastfeedingthis goal.instructions and which would be able to help themimage satisfaction are more likely to engage inand the influencing factors to be able to have openpractice the skills associated with breastfeedingbreastfeeding (Huang, Wang, and Chen 2004), andand non-judgmental discussions with the moth-Some studies provide proof that BFHI policiesin a safe environment where they would not havepostpartum body image dissatisfaction is linkeders in order to help them.cannot be successful by themselves and other fac-to fear for their infants’ survival. It was clear thatwith a lower likelihood of breastfeeding (Walkertors should be implemented in the community,many individuals had had to learn how to breast-and Freeland-Graves 1998). Some studies haveIn the end, all these won’t be successful if theas well as in the health care agencies, to increasefeed on their own and had come up with their ownshown that mothers who are highly concernedbreastfeeding and mothers’ friendly legislationsthis strategy’s success rate. Kramer and col-methods of making sure that their baby wouldabout their body image and weight are more likelyand policies are not established in the health careleagues (2007) suggest that along with the BFHI,feed, which was both frustrating and discourag-to make a decision during pregnancy not to breast-agencies and the community. The BFHI has showna highly centralized system of breastfeeding pro-ing. Combined with postpartum depression, thisfeed their babies and follow their decision in thepositive results. Merewood and colleagues (2003)motion and support should ensure that all moth-would be a very difficult situation for many wom-postpartum period (Foster, Slade, and Wilson 1996;found that the BFHI has been linked to improveders receive the necessary support for breastfeed-en, as indicated above. It would often mean that inBarnes et al. 1997; Waugh and Bulik 1999). Similarbreastfeeding rates in U.S. hospitals. In a study ofing. This study also emphasizes that prolongedthe first, crucial months of life their babies wereto our findings, some mothers decide to formulaa neonatal unit, it was seen that the “breastfeedingpostpartum hospital stay allows mother to gainrelying just as much on formula as on breast milk,feed their babies because of pain, discomfort, andinitiation rate increased from 34.6% (1995) to 74.4%confidence in breastfeeding and establish goodeven when the mother was able to breastfeed. Thistiredness (Murphy 1999; Bailey and Pain 2001; Sch-(1999),” that “[a]mong 2-week-old infants, the pro-breastfeeding practices before leaving the hospi-presents a significant level of disconnect betweenmeid and Lupton 2001; Lee 2007a; 2007b; Miller, Bo-portion receiving any breast milk rose from 27.9%tal, which could increase breastfeeding success.the recommendations of the leading global healthnas, and Dixon-Woods 2007; Stapleton, Fielder, and(1995) to 65.9% (1999),” and that “the proportioncare organizations and the actual Qatari women’sKirkham 2008). Other studies report that mothersreceiving breast milk exclusively rose from 9.3%Other studies argued that particular attentionpractices, even when they themselves were com-recognize formula feeding as a valuable, easy, and(1995) to 39% (1999)” (Merewood et al. 2003:166).should be paid to the community leadership de-mitted to providing breast milk to their infants.convenient method that provides them the oppor-Reasons for the improvement in breastfeedingvelopment as a foundation for sustaining breast-The difficulty was, therefore, not in the level oftunity to “get back to normal” and “having free-were directly attributed to the support structurefeeding efforts. To be successful, an integratedcommitment in many cases but instead in the abil-dom” (Earle 2002; Lee 2007a; 2007b).and the introduction of baby-friendly policies,and comprehensive breastfeeding support sys-ity of the women to actually put their commitmentwhich had a direct effect on a new mother’s will-tem must be constructed and measured not onlyinto practice due to their lack of knowledge.These issues point to the fact that there is a needingness to breastfeed. To achieve BFHI, the “Tenthrough continued financial stability but also byfor health care organizations to step in and pro-Steps to Successful Breastfeeding” policy shouldthe capacity of the community leaders, hospitals,What this demonstrates is that due to a lack ofvide support, and for public health initiatives to bebe implemented in the health care agencies. Theinsurance companies, and the health care provid-clear information on how to breastfeed, there is aninitiated in order to raise awareness about breast-steps include: developing breastfeeding policies,ers to accept ownership for protecting, promoting,90©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 91

Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatarand supporting breastfeeding (Slusser and Lange2002). Similarly, Demirates (2012) indicates thatprove the health care system to a comprehensivesystem that could provide health care services toand support for Qatari mothers to breastfeed. It isimportant to provide Qatari women with explicitAcknowledgmentssupportive strategies for breastfeeding can influenceand benefit mothers. Strategies were categorizedin five groups: collaboration with communityand family members, confidence building,appropriate ratio of staffing levels, developmentof communication skills, and “closing the gaps.”the whole population. This document specificallyemphasizes improving the preventive health carefor women and children. In the women and childhealth section of this document, prenatal healthand breastfeeding have been recognized as areasthat require improvement. The goals of the wom-and detailed instructions, bedside coaching andfollow-up aftercare, so that they might be betterprepared to take on this important role in theirchildren’s lives. Without this commitment fromthe Qatari health care system, it is less likely thatwomen will be able to take on the challenge ofThis research and publication was funded and supportedby Qatar National Research Fund/UndergraduateResearch Experience Program (UREP). Wewould like to thank Dr. Tam Truong Donnelly for herutmost guidance and support, staff and managementof Women’s Hospital, especially Mr. Nish Petal, Ms.He also argued that governments, hospital, anden and child health section of the Qatar Nationalbreastfeeding. Health care professionals need toHaila Salim, and Ms. Sheika Al-Dosari, who had fa-community management, key persons locally inHealth Strategy are: exclusive breastfeeding andparticipate actively in the promotion of breast-cilitated our research and the University of Calgaryreligious and educational settings, midwives andcomplementary feeding education, enhancementfeeding and to alleviate the current gap in socialmain campus and Qatar branch for the ongoing sup-nurses themselves should take action for policyof prenatal care services, improved postpartumknowledge around breastfeeding practice so thatport. We also appreciate Ms. Afrah Mousa Saleh’schange. A Turkish study also confirms the aboveservices, childhood vaccination coverage, domes-it can be re-incorporated into the lives of Qataricontributions to this project. We are mostly gratefulfinding. The study concludes that traditional be-tic violence victim support services, maternitywomen. Over the long term, it is hoped that onceto the breastfeeding mothers who shared their expe-liefs should be understood by health care professionals,the community programs should be developedto explore and address such practices andincorporate them into women’s education whereappropriate, and women should be educated andtrained in breastfeeding. Professionals also needleave policy, and women’s health screening andIVF regulation. This document, along with theresearch conducted in the area of breastfeeding,could help layout a culturally appropriate plan todevelop intervention plans to improve the breastfeedingpractices in the state of Qatar.again this knowledge will be adopted by the communityso that more women will be able to gainthe social support they need to feed their childrensuccessfully without a need for formula.riences, knowledge, and recommendations with us.The content of this research is entirely the responsibilityof the authors and do not represent the views ofQatar National Research Fund.to be trained how to establish linkages betweentradition and modern health promotion messagesto encourage the new ways of doing in the com-Summary and Conclusionmunity (Ergenekon-Ozelci et al. 2006).As mentioned above, the goal of our study wasto find ways to effectively promote breastfeedingReferencesMaternity leave of only 40-60 days, not havingaccess to breastfeeding rooms in the workplace,shopping centers and even health care centers,lack of access to day cares at the work place, andpractices among Qatari women by investigatingfactors affecting the ways in which Qatari nationaland non-national Arabic women decide to engagein breastfeeding practices and their knowl-Abdul Ameer, Awad, Abdul Hussain M. Al-Hadi, andMahmood Abdulla. 2008. “Knowledge, Attitudes, andPractices of Iraqi Mothers and Family Child-CaringWomen Regarding Breastfeeding.” East MediterraneanBatal, Malek and Choghik Boulghaurjian. 2005. “BreastfeedingInitiation and Duration in Lebanon: Are theHospitals ‘Mother Friendly?’” Journal of Pediatric Nursing20(1):53-59.lack of support for staff to follow the existingbreastfeeding policies at the hospitals and otherhealth care agencies are some of the issues thatneed to be addressed and improved. The NationalHealth Strategy (NHS) 2011-2016 has beendeveloped in Qatar as the guideline for healthcare providers and other sectors. This documentidentifies what improvements are required in thehealth care sector. Qatar’s ultimate goal is to im-edge of breastfeeding. With the results of thisstudy it is evident that, due to a rise in awarenessof the benefits of breastfeeding, there is potentialfor the percentage of Qatari women who take onbreastfeeding to go up over the long term withthe proper support systems in place. Nonetheless,this will require a commitment within hospitalsand other health care organizations to increasecommitment to meet WHO recommendationsHealth Journal 14(5):1003-1014.Bailey, Cathy and Rachel Pain. 2001. “Geographies of InfantFeeding and Access to Primary Health-Care.” Healthand Social Care in the Community 9(5):309-317.Barnes, Joanne, Alexander Stein, Thomas Smith, Jon Pollock& ALSPAC Study Team. 1997. “Extreme attitudes tobody shape, social and psychological factors and a reluctanceto breastfeed.” Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine90(10):551-559.Callen, Jennifer and Janet Pinelli. 2004. “Incidence andDuration of Breastfeeding for Term Infants in Canada,United States, Europe, and Australia: A Literature Review.”Birth 31(4):285-292.Dashti, Manal et al. 2010. “Determinants of BreastfeedingInitiation among Mothers in Kuwait.” InternationalBreastfeeding Journal 5(7). 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Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish PetalContextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of QatarDemirtas, Basak. 2012. “Strategies to support breastfeed-Lawrence, Ruth A. 1989. Breastfeeding: A guide for the medi-domized Controlled Trial.” Journal of Human LactationUNICEF. 2007. The State of the World’s Children. New York:ing: A review.” International Nursing Review 59(4):474-481.cal profession. St. Louis, MO: C.V. 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New York: Elsevier.Lee, Ellie. 2007a. “Health, morality, and infant feeding:British mothers’ experiences of formula milk use in theearly weeks.” Sociology of health and illness 29(7):1075-1090.Lee, Ellie. 2007b. “Infant Feeding in Risk Society.” Health,Risk and Society 9(3):295-309.Meek, Joan Y. 2001. “Breastfeeding in the Workplace.” PediatricClinics of North America 48(2):461-474.Merewood, Anne et al. 2003. “The Baby-Friendly HospitalInitiative increases breastfeeding rates in a US neonatalintensive care unit.” Journal of Human Lactation19(2):166-171.Miller, Tina, Sheila Bonas, and Mary Dixon-Woods.2007. “Qualitative Research on Breastfeeding in the UK:A Narrative Review and Methodological Reflection.” Evidenceand Policy 3(2):197-230.Mortensen, Erik L. et al. 2002. “The Association betweenDuration of Breastfeeding and Adult Intelligence.”JAMA – The Journal of the American Medical Association287(18):2365-2371.Murphy, Elizabeth. 1999. “‘Breast is best’: Infant feedingdecisions and maternal deviance.” Sociology of Health andIllness 21(2):187-208.Reeves, Chelsea et al. 2006. “Social Support Indicatorsthat Influence Breastfeeding Decisions in Mothers ofNorth Florida.” Florida Public Health Review 3:1-7.Saarinen, Ulla and Merja Kajosaari. 1995. “Breast-feedingas Prophylaxis Against Atopic Disease: Prospective Follow-UpStudy Until 17 Years Old.” Lancet 346(8982):1065-1069.Schmeid, Virginia and Deborah Lupton. 2001. “Blurringthe Boundaries: Breastfeeding and Maternal Subjectivity.”Sociology of Health and Illness 23(2):234-250.Shaikh, Ulfat and Omar Ahmed. 2006. “Islam and InfantFeeding.” Breastfeeding Medicine 1(3):164-167.Simmons, David. 1997. “NIDDM and Breastfeeding.”Lancet 350(9072):157-158.Slusser, Wendelin and Linda Lange. 2002. BreastfeedingPrograms and Support Systems in Los Angeles County:A Needs Assessment. Report to Los Angeles County Children& Families First Proposition 10 Commission. RetrievedJune 23, 2012 (http://publichealth.lacounty.gov/mch/reports/prop10breastfeeding.pdf).Stapleton, Helen, Anna Fielder, and Mavis Kirkham.2008. “Breast or Bottle? Eating Disordered ChildbearingWomen and Infant-Feeding Decisions.” Maternal andChild Nutrition 4(2):106-120.UNICEF. 2009. Childinfo. Retrieved January 15, 2011(www.childinfo.org/breastfeeding_countrydata.php).Walker, Lorraine O. and Jeanne Freeland-Graves. 1998.“Lifestyle factors related to postpartum weight gain andbody image in bottle- and breastfeeding women.” Journalof Obstetrics, Gynecologic & Neonatal Nursing 27(2):151-160.Waugh, Elizabeth and Cynthia M. Bulik. 1999. “Offspringof women with eating disorders.” International Journal ofEating Disorders 25(2):123-133.Weaver, Ian et al. 2004. “Epigenetic Programming by MaternalBehavior.” Natural Neuroscience 7(8):847-854.Wolf, Joan B. 2007. Is Breast Really Best? Risk and TotalMotherhood in the National Breastfeeding Awareness Campaign.Texas: A&M University.World Health Organization (WHO). 2005. Global Strategyfor Infant and Young Child Feeding. Geneva: World HealthOrganization.World Health Organization (WHO) and UNICEF. 2003.Protecting, Promoting and Supporting Breastfeeding: The SpecialRole of Maternity Services. Geneva: World Health Organization.Wyatt, Sarah N. 2002. “Challenges of the Working BreastfeedingMother. Workplace Solutions.” AAOHN. 50(2):61-66.JPFHS. 2003. Jordan Population and Family Health Survey2002. Amman: Departmentof Statistics.Olang, Beheshteh et al. 2009. “Breastfeeding in Iran: Prevalence,Duration, and Current Recommendations.” Inter-Kramer, Michael L. et al. 2007. “Promotion of Breastfeed-national Breastfeeding Journal 4(8). 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Investigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional SystemAbstractKeywordsRosemary RicciardelliMemorial University of Newfoundland, CanadaAmber GazsoYork University, CanadaInvestigating Threat Perception AmongCorrectional Officers in the CanadianProvincial Correctional SystemThis paper presents findings regarding the perception and experience of threat amongcorrectional officers in the Canadian provincial correctional system. Men employed inprovincial remand centers or corrections institutions in diverse provinces across Canada, whointeract daily with prisoners, voluntarily participated in detailed 60- to 180-minute in-depthinterviews. Analysis of interview transcripts reveals that violence is prevalent and men eitherexperience or anticipate experiencing physical or verbal victimization at work. Additionally,officers employ strategies, such as a confident and authoritative self-presentation, buildingpositive relationships with colleagues, and respectful relationships with prisoners, to mitigatethis threat. However, we found that threat to safety extended beyond simply those of physicalor verbal victimization to include threat to men’s sense of self. Specifically, victimization andviolence or their threat shape officer’s self-concept over time; the ways officers interact withintheir prison work environment creates a shift in their self that extends beyond the prison walls.Prison; Violence; Sense of Self; Corrections Officer; Static Self; InteractionRosemary Ricciardelli is an Assistant Professorin the Department of Sociology at MemorialUniversity of Newfoundland. She earned her PhD inSociology at McMaster University. She has publishedin a range of academic journals including: Sex Roles,Criminal Justice Review, Canadian Journal of Sociology,Journal of Crime and Justice, Journal of Gender Studies,The Prison Journal, and Journal of Criminal Justice Education.Her primary research interests include evolvingconceptualizations of masculinity, and experiencesand issues within different facets of the criminaljustice system. Her current research looks at prisonerculture, their coping strategies and risk perception,as well as those of corrections officers. She also continuesto investigate wrongful convictions and theperceptions of individuals who have had such experiences.email address: rose.czarnuch@gmail.comDr. Amber Gazso is an Associate Professor in Sociologyat York University. She completed her PhD in Sociology atthe University of Alberta in 2006. Her current research interestsinclude: citizenship; family and gender relations; poverty;research methods; and social policy and the welfare state.Her two current research projects, both funded by SSHRC,explore: (1) how diverse families make ends meet by piecingtogether networks of social support that include governmentprograms (e.g., social assistance) and community supports,and informal relations within families and with friends andneighbors; and (2) the relationship between health and incomeinequality among Canadians and Americans in midlife.Her recent publications focus on low income mothersand their experiences on social assistance or with incarceration;comparing mid-life Canadians and Americans’ differentexperiences of the recession and generational relations;and health disparities among aging Canadians.email address: agazso@yorku.caIn Canada, there is considerable research interestin federal prisons, where offenders are incarceratedfor two years or more (Griffiths 2010), explicitlyin the relationships among prisoners and thosebetween prisoners and correctional officers. Followingfrom Sykes’ classic study (1958), researchershave established the importance of an inmate codethat enforces conduct rules, such as not “ratting” onfellow prisoners, distrusting prison officials, anddoing “your own time” (Sykes and Messinger 1960;Irwin and Cressey 1962; Ricciardelli forthcoming).Griffiths (2010) maintains that a code of behavioralso shapes correctional officers’ interactions withcolleagues. This “code” places a premium on officersprotecting other officers in danger, refraining frombecoming friends or too friendly with prisoners,and never talking behind the backs of colleagues.Larivière (2002) found officers’ negative attitudestowards prisoners, such as the view that prisonershave too much power, were largely attributable toproblematic policies that undermine their authorityand escalate their potential to experience violencein interactions with prisoners. Samak (2003) investigatedthe relationship between working conditionsand health, safety, and general well-being for correctionalofficers employed in the Canadian federalprison system. He found that levels of harassmentfor officers were “alarmingly” high and the stress ofworking in the federal prisons “spilled-over” intotheir private lives (Samak 2003).Harassment may intensify with prisoners whohave more idle hands and idle time. A growingpossibility given that there is an increasingtrend toward the removal of all or most rehabilitativeresources and work programming 1 across1This national campaign referenced draws attention to closureof work-programs in federal prisons in Ontario (CanadianUnitarians for Socail Justice 2010).all federal prisons (Correctional Service Canada2008; see also the Canadian Unitarians for SocailJustice 2010 for overviews of cuts to institutionalprograms and funds). This trend is already wellestablished in most provincial systems across thecountry. This, combined with recent changes atthe policy level, has the potential to further escalateviolent prisoner and officer relationshipswithin all prison systems (i.e., federal and provincial).For example, the passing of Bill C-10 willlead to more overcrowding in federal prisons dueto offenders being mandated to serve longer sentencesand criminal law being less tolerant of “secondchances.” However, at the provincial level,we can anticipate more individuals being chargedwith crimes and serving more time in remand custody(i.e., time served in provincial remand facilitieswhile awaiting trial, even when an offenderis facing a federal sentence) due to the extensivebacklog of cases/offenders awaiting trial. Indeed,the Toronto Chief of Police, William Blair, notedthat “over 65% of people in custody have not hada trial” (Speech given at the 50 th Anniversary ofthe Centre of Criminology at the University ofToronto, November 21, 2012).There is limited scholarship, however, on the provincialgovernments’ role in the Canadian criminaljustice system, particularly on male prisoners’ experiencesin remand centers (pending trial or sentencing)or of being incarcerated for two years less a dayin provincial correctional institutions (Motiuk andSerin 2001; Griffiths 2010). 2 There are some notableexceptions. Comack’s (2008) illuminative qualitativestudy of incarcerated Aboriginal men revealedthat cultures of masculinity inside and outside of2Federal, provincial, and territorial governments in Canadashare the responsibility of managing custodial and non-custodialsentences (Motiuk and Serin 2001).96©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 97

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional Systemprison facilitated the gendered violence for whichnumber those actually sentenced and in provincialtheir arrival in jail. Moreover, officers are exposedofficers as having agency to adjust their roles withinthey were criminalized. While Weinrath’s (2009)custody (Weinrath 2009). The John Howard Societyto possibly violent behaviors from offenders post-these settings; thereby, transforming their identitiessurvey of men in remand custody presented theirhighlights the problematic conditions of remand indetox. Remand and provincial correctional institu-in the process (see also Stets and Burke 2003). In thisviews on the increased use of pre-trial detention,Ontario, such as 12-hour lock-down during day-tions, by nature of these characteristics, facilitateregard, how “self as officer” implicates the daily livesas well as the two-for-one value of time served attime hours, inadequate exercise or work opportu-a prisoner culture that is hardly solidified and per-of correctional officers outside of the workplace willthe time (i.e., until February 22, 2010, each day annities, and lack of access to educational opportu-haps more in a state of flux than that found in fed-also be investigated. The shift work of correctionaloffender served in custody pre-trial was countedas double; thus, a person sentenced to six monthsin prison who had served three months in remandwould have served their sentence before ever beingto court). Most commonly, he found that prisonersfelt the length of remand time was increasingbecause extensive amounts of time passed beforecases went to trial due to insufficient resources inthe court system. 3, 4 Looking at provincial offendersfrom a different angle, Boyd (2011) surveyed 200 correctionalofficers working in provincial institutionsin British Columbia to explore their experiences andperceptions of violent incidents.nities (e.g., teachers and libraries). Overcrowding,indicated by the double or triple bunking of prisonersin cells and a high prisoner to officer ratio, iscommonplace across Canada with most provincialinstitutions not large enough to accommodate thenumber of prisoners. Men are sentenced to provincialinstitutions for a diverse range of offenses, includingfailure to pay child support, theft, minordrug offenses, and assault. However, in some remandcenters men sentenced to provincial prisonsand those still in remand are mixed (e.g., prisonersare not divided based on if they are sentencedor not, rather they are divided by security needs);eral prisons. Daily interactions amongst prisonerswho have their own unique criminal perspectivesand tendencies and personal/psychological healthand well-being, combined with the administrativecontrols that shape these interactions, createa fertile environment for violence (see Trammell2012; Ricciardelli forthcoming) – one correctionalofficers must constantly navigate. In fact, the longhistory of correctional officers being victimized inprovincial institutions is made evident in the media(see the Ontario Ministry of Community Safetyand Corrections 2012). Correctional officers servethe function of protecting the public from offend-officers, their “code” of conduct, their own “institutionalization”within the centers where they work(e.g., they are locked “in”), and their perception ofconstant actual or potential threat are factors whichpotentially make this sense of self the most salientacross multiple settings. To this end, four questionsdirected this research:Q1. How do provincial correctional officers perceivethe prison environment?Q2. How and what types of threat do officers’ experienceon the job?With the exception of Boyd (2011), however, weare not aware of any research that focuses on correctionalofficers’ experiences and perceptions ofthreat in provincial remand centers or correctionalinstitutions. Such research is important for severalreasons, including that there has been a large increasein the number of men awaiting sentencingin provincial remand centers and these men out-thus, men charged with murder can live alongsidemen who failed to pay their parking tickets. Aswell, officers are inhibited in providing rehabilitativeprogramming by the length and diversity ofmen’s sentences and the high turnover in the prisonerpopulations (see also Griffiths 2010). In bothsettings officers must work with repeat offenders,who may interact with different prisoners uponeach sentence served, creating both friends and en-ers and/or protecting offenders from each other,but face the possibility of first- or second-hand violenceevery day: violence directed at themselves oroffender violence that they must disrupt throughcontainment tactics, including force.Our aim in this paper is to highlight officers’ experiencesin the provincial correctional system. We drawon qualitative interviews with 41 current or retiredQ3. How do officers maintain their safety at work?Q4. How does this threat affect their sense of self?The paper is organized such that we begin, first, witha review of the literature relevant to our researchobjective. Since little exists on our specific topic, wedraw heavily on Canadian scholarship on federal3Other reasons for the increase in remand time before 2010,beyond employing the strategy of using remand as long aspossible to decrease time served, include zero tolerance policies,increased difficulties in getting bail, lawyering and policeconduct, and offender drug use.4Research ethics approval was obtained and participantconfidentiality and anonymity were protected. Participantswere able to ask for clarification about the study or procedures.They were also reminded of their ability to withdrawfrom participating during the interview and that they werenot obligated to answer any questions or discuss any topics.They were also informed that, due to the procedures usedto ensure anonymity, their data, once transcribed, could notbe removed from the study. In this document, pseudonymswere used to protect the identities of the respondents andthe names of the correctional facilities have been removed.emies and potentially perpetuating gang activity.Beyond prison-to-prisoner dynamics, officers additionallymanage the personal trials and tribulationsoffenders face as they await trial. These offendersare possibly anxious about their future,concerned about what is happening to their possessionsand family, and angry with their situation.Officers must also work with men experiencingaddiction and who undergo detox duringmale correctional officers who worked in provincialremand or correctional institutions of maximumsecurityclassification for male offenders in multipleCanadian provinces. Our interests lie within maleofficers’ perceptions and experiences of threat andhow this connects to and shapes their self-conceptsin their role as correctional officers. The workplacesof correctional officers, the prisons, are viewed associal structures with fixed settings and predeterminedroles. However, we additionally understandprisons and American research on state prisons orcounty jails to illustrate what the correctional officerrole entails and how its performance can changea person (e.g., their health and well-being). Second,we introduce our theoretical framework, situatedwithin the interpretative paradigm, as one that enablesan understanding of how self can be perceivedas changing in response to threat. We then reviewthe methods and present the findings. The analysesof interviewee transcripts reveal that correctional98©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 99

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional Systemofficers, by nature of their work, experience actualreduced well-being, greater alcohol and tobacco use,Lahm 2009; Sorensen et al. 2011), as well as prisoner(2008) discovered that violence extends beyond thatand anticipated threats of physical and verbal victim-and concerns about life outside of work (e.g., finan-overcrowding (Gaes and McGuire 1985; Martin et al.of prisoners toward officers. Indeed, a third of theirization. But concurrently, they experience “threats tocial concerns), increasing physical problems (e.g.,2012) have also been documented as relatively accu-participants reported experiencing repetitive ag-their sense of self.” Their self can be dramaticallyheadaches, stomach aches, back pain), and longer orrate predictors of assaults on officers or of prisonersgressive acts from co-workers or their superiors.changed or change can even be stalled in the dailymore frequent sick leaves (Bierie 2012).threatening officers. Each year, many correctionalactivities of their job, often with a rippling effect onofficers are victims of physical assault, battery, in-The Corrections Officer: Role Conflicttheir daily lives outside of the prison. The impor-In comparison to that of workers in the general pop-jury, punctures or stabbings, and verbal assaultstance of our research stems from the realization thatulation, the work environment of corrections officers(Hayes 1985).In American research on state prisons, the rolesthreats extend beyond the possibility of physical andin provincial prisons in Quebec, Canada was corre-and responsibilities of correctional officers havemental victimization but, instead, are intimately connectedto interactional changes in the self.lated with high levels of psychological distress (e.g.,for corrections staff) and adverse psychosocial fac-Consistent with American findings, officers in theCanadian correctional system are exposed to thebeen linked to interpersonal challenges, such asthe balancing of custody and treatment as embod-Background and Literature Reviewtors (Bourbonnais et al. 2005). Specifically, between2002 and 2004, male and female officers reportedexperiencing more psychological distress when theythreat of violence, intimidation, and at times arevictims of violence on the job. For example, Boyd(2011) reported that provincial correctional officersied in the officer role (Blair, Black, and Long 1981;Hemmens and Stohr 2000). Hemmens and Stohrfound that male officers, although less so than fe-The Prison Environment and Threats Faced bywere exposed to high psychological demands, whenin British Columbia were prone to “credible threatsmale, tended more toward a human service orien-Officersrewards were scarce at work, and they had low au-of harm” from prisoners that included: physical as-tation (e.g., a responsibility to rehabilitate) rathertonomy. Other factors impacting distress includedsault, being hit by feces, blood, vomit, urine or spit,than the “hack” orientation (e.g., a “hard-line ap-Extensive variation exists in prison conditionsexperiences of job strain, a lack of social support fromand other types of victimization. Moreover, yearsproach to their job and interactions with inmates”across the United States, ranging from prisonerssupervisors and peers, or feeling either harassed oron the job increased exposure to violent incidents[2000:343]). While education and age did not af-having limited access to hot meals, recreationalintimidated at work. Across North America, the fed-and higher levels of stress. He maintained thatfect preferred orientation among officers, havingactivities, and anything deemed unessential (Lenzeral and provincial penal work environments ap-transient populations like those in provincial insti-a prior military background was correlated to the2002) to the extreme, and infamous, conditions inpear to negatively impact the overall well-being oftutions increase the threat and degree of violenceadoption of a hack orientation. Lastly, they foundthe Phoenix jail system under Sheriff Joe Arpaio. Inthose employed within the institutions. As a result,in the institution (Boyd 2011). Looking at officers inthat military veterans, rather than non-veterans,Phoenix, prisoners are limited to two meals a day,some researchers have begun to investigate the highthe federal prison system, Seidman and Williamswere more likely to endorse the use of force to gainforced to wear pink underwear, and temperaturesrates of job burn-out, job dissatisfaction, and turn-interviewed 27 officers that had been victims ofcompliance with an order (Hemmens and Stohrare allowed to rise to over 130 degrees in the sum-over among correctional officers (Lambert, Hogan,prison-based hostage takings. Respondents, here,2000). The limited Canadian literature in the areamer (Shorey 2003). Existing American research onand Tucker 2009; Lambert, Altheimer, and Hoganmost frequently reported having thoughts of “dis-includes Linda Simourd’s (1997) doctoral disserta-federally incarcerated prisoners, however, has es-2010; Lambert and Paoline 2010).belief, fear of injury and death, and survival” dur-tion, where she investigated correctional officerstablished a concrete connection between the prisoning the incidents, while their emotional reactionsin the federal prison system. In this quantitativeenvironment and the potential deterioration of cor-American research has established that violenceexposed feelings of “shock, anxiety, terror, frustra-study of front-line staff, she found that many wererectional officers’ health and well-being, specifi-in the workplace is a major source of threat to thetion, vulnerability, powerlessness, humiliation, andsupportive of the prison’s rehabilitative approach,cally as demonstrated in the work of Bierie (2012).occupational health of correctional officers (Hayesisolation” (1999:30). The personal impact of thesebut were additionally concerned that greater staffHis data showed that prison-level aggregations of1985; Dignam and Fagan 1996; Garcia 2009; Lahmextreme high-threat situations was evident in howcorruption or manipulation may be a product of in-harsher conditions, in some cases mandated by2009; Sorensen et al. 2011). In prisons, both male andthese officers became hyper-vigilant on the job, de-creased interaction with prisoners. Lanthier (2003)policy (Finn 1996), are significantly associated withfemale officers experience harassment, althoughveloped sleep disorders, and, as reported by overalso noted the difficulties associated with the com-a marked deterioration in officers’ physical and psy-women more so than men (e.g., Savicki, Cooley,50% of the respondents, felt that their personal livesbined security, service, and reintegration functionschological symptomatology that extends beyondand Gjesvold 2003). Prisoner age and their years ofwere negatively affected (Seidman and Williamsof federal correctional officers in their occupationalindividual-level effects. Such deterioration includes:experience on the job (Ditchfield and Harries 1996;1999). More recently, Merecz-Kot and Cebrzyńskarole. He explained how officers’ conflicting roles100©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 101

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional Systemintensify in their opposition and stressfulness due-officer interaction is connected to male officers’According to Rosenberg (1979), self-concepts in-possible), was also collected. Convenience andto their low (the lowest) status as a civil servant insense of self. From this approach, the self is under-clude how people think, feel, and imagine whosnowball sampling were used to meet these offi-the penitentiary hierarchy. Indeed, officers sit juststood as always acting in a social context. Identitiesthey are, their idealized views and their actualcers. In practice, this meant that word of mouth re-above prisoners and must comply with their tasksas proclaimed in official regulation or are threatenedwith penalty – including dismissal from theirposition (Lanthier 2003). Overall, scholars havefound that role conflict, the need to punish yet rehabilitateprisoners can be so commonplace amongcorrectional officers (Grusky 1959; Hepburn andAlbonetti 1980; Poole and Regoli 1980; Toch andKlofas 1982; Liou 1995) that compliance with oneaspect of the role can make compliance with anothernear impossible (Toch and Klofas 1982).This role ambiguity and contradiction, combinedwith different views of what the correctional officerrole entails, may lead to officers feeling torn betweenconflicting self perceptions or even suggesttheir need to create multiple presentations of self.Indeed, some scholars have noted the “performative”quality of correctional officers’ attitudes whenreferring to officers who engage in diverse presentationsof self and their emotions in their interactionswhile on duty (Crawley 2004). In this same vein,Guenther and Guenther (1972) explored how officersmanage or cope with uncertainties and unpredictabilitywhile on the job. Their study revealed thatactions (e.g., force and/or assault) used to deal withdiverse situations, sometimes threat-based, were inconflict with correctional philosophy.Theoretical FrameworkTheoretically, the work of Stets and Burke (2003)is followed and a structural approach is adoptedin our symbolic interactionist interpretation ofhow violence or the threat of violence in prisoner–and behaviors, as wells as changes therein, are perceivedas the product of social structures, particularlyinteractions within social structures. Stets andBurke (2003) further argue that the opposite is true,that social structures materialize through patternedactions among individuals over time.In the structural variant of symbolic interaction, theself is understood to be made up of multiple partsor “identities” which are linked to social structures(Stets and Burke 2003). Individuals’ identities informtheir roles or relationships within society. Anyperson can have multiple identities; for example,a male correctional officer may have “self as friend,”“self as father,” “self as officer,” or “self as mentor”as an identity. Moreover, each person can attributemultiple meanings to what these roles entailor mean (i.e., what is known as the content of roleidentities). A male correctional officer, for example,may perceive his role as that of a “protector,” “enforcer,”or “counselor.” Stryker (1980) argued thatone role identity may be played out frequently andacross different situations, what he terms a salientidentity. The salient role identity emerges when anindividual presents this identity in a greater numberof interactions with people, who are in turn interactingwith this identity and who develop strongties to the individual (in the capacity he or she ispresenting him/herself only). The development ofstrong ties with others reinforces this identity andenables a positive environment for the individualto continue with its adoption. An identity becomessalient when it is the identity an individual utilizesor embodies most often (e.g., it becomes internalizedand understood as a representation of self).practices of self. People experience negative orpositive emotions based on their self-presentationand sense of self, which vary according to howthey feel they have met the expectations of a roleidentity. In light of these emotions, they maychange their behavior or alter their conception ofthe situation. In altering the meanings they attachto a situation or behavior, individuals can changetheir identities. Identity change and the constant(re-)conceptualization of the self is an ongoinglikely outcome of social interactions in larger socialstructures (Stets and Burke 2003). To this end,we specifically explore how male correctional officers’experiences of violence or its threat are connectedto their sense of self.MethodsWe conducted in-depth interviews with 100 correctionalofficers previously or currently employedin provincial remand or correctional institutions invarious provinces across Canada (e.g., New Brunswick,Ontario, Alberta, Nunavut, Prince EdwardIsland) 5 between October 2011 and December 2012.A demographic survey, tracking places of employment,age, marital status, and field notes (where5Additionally, there is little research on women’s experiencesserving sentences in provincial correctional institutions. Exceptionsinclude Buchanan and colleagues’ (2011) participatoryaction research with women incarcerated in a provincialprison in Western Canada for drug and alcohol offenses (for3 months on average) to understand women’s perspectives ontheir addiction and its relationship to their criminalization.Croteau (2000) and Griffiths, Yule, and Gartner (2011) studiedviolence among female inmates. Notably, Croteau (2000) foundthat provincially incarcerated women experienced psychologicalabuse and institutionalized violence alongside physical assault.Griffiths and colleagues’ study outlines how trivial issuescan escalate into violent altercations among women incarceratedin a provincial institution in Ontario.cruitment in the community or through supportiveprovincial ministries was used to find officers whowere interested in voluntarily participating in interviews.For the purpose of this investigation, thedata analyzed was limited to male respondents,currently or previously employed as correctionalofficers, who had worked with adult males in provincialcorrectional institutions or remand centersthat held maximum-security prisoners.This was the specific focus for a variety of reasons.First, each prisoner population (e.g., adult malesor females, youth males or females) differs in theirbehaviors and needs, as well as the policies surroundingtheir custody arrangement (e.g., womenand youth cannot be double bunked in many institutionswhile men can be triple bunked if necessary);thus, officers’ behaviors may change in accordance.Second, prisoner behaviors, as well asthe role and expectations of officers, may changebased on the security classification of the prison inwhich they are employed (e.g., the offenders havemore restrictions and supervision in maximumsecurity).Given remand centers are only housedin maximum-security facilities (e.g., experiencesof remand officers and those in less secure prisonscannot be reliably combined) our sample is restrictedto men working in maximum-secure or remandfacilities. Lastly, female correctional officerswere not included in the sample because, givenfewer women work in direct contact with prisonersin adult male facilities in comparison to men,too few women were interviewed who worked inthis capacity to successfully compare experiencesby gender, or at least to do so without potentially102©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 103

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional Systembreeching the confidentiality or anonymity of ourWe used a semi-structured interview guide to con-encouraged conceptual themes to emerge directlyBoth authors reviewed the transcripts and ensuredfemale participants to date. Thus, 41 was the totalduct our interviews in person or by telephone. 6from the data. The premise behind this processagreement was achieved regarding all codes andnumber of interviews analyzed for this paper.Of these interviews, 37 were conducted in personwas founded on that first put forth by Glasser andemergent themes noted in the data (e.g., a qualita-and only four were done by phone. Each interviewStrauss who suggested researcher’s “use any ma-tive understanding of inter-rater reliability). Below,Respondents’ years of work as correctional officersranged from approximately two to 27. All men includedin the sample had worked with adult malesin maximum-security facilities; 36 were currentlyemployed as correctional officers. Aside fromworking or previously working in maximumsecurityprovincial remand or prisons, ten of therespondents had experiences with other prisonerpopulations (i.e., youths and females) or adult maleoffenders serving time in less secure facilities.A few also had some experience in federal correctionsand 31 of the men had previous employmentexperience outside of corrections. Interestingly, allparticipants self-identified as White and Canadianand most had a college diploma (n=30) followed bya university degree (n=11). The minimum educationof the sample was a high school diploma (n=3).In terms of religiosity, 13 men identified as practicingtheir faith, 16 as non-practicing, and 9 mendetermined any sort of religious affiliation to benon-applicable to their distinctiveness. The ages ofrespondents ranged from 22 to over 65; the averageage of respondents was 35 years old (althoughdata on age was missing for two men). 21 of themen interviewed had at least one child. Interestingly,16 men reported a change in their maritalstatus since they first started in corrections (recallsome men had a few years of experience and werein their early twenties when interviewed). Nonetheless,4 men were divorced (at least once) andremarried, 14 were currently married, 15 were single/nevermarried, and 8 lived in a common-lawrelationship.lasted up to three hours in length, depending ona variety of factors including their multitude ofexperiences and general talkativeness. The interviewguide contained open-ended items coveringan array of topics related to the experiencesof correctional officers in the prison environment.The open-ended nature of the questions allowedthe interviewer flexibility to probe any conversationalpaths and topics as they emerged. Oncerespondents were comfortable discussing theirexperiences, the interview followed the conversationalpath of the respondent with probing whenparticular topics of interest arose. The in-depth interviewspermitted a deeper understanding of thespecific reality as experienced by respondents to begrasped.Interviews were conducted in English, audio recorded,and transcribed verbatim. 7 The interviewswere coded thematically. We used a coding strategythat has some comparability with that which isused in a modified grounded theory drawing fromStrauss and Corbin (1990) and Glaser and Strauss(1967). 8 This strategy ensured a rigorous process ofdata analysis was undertaken that, systematically,6The few phone interviews were due to the extensive distancebetween where the officers and researchers resided. We foundno discernible difference between the in-person and phonebased interviews.7Any direct verbal quotes from participants have been editedfor speech fillers such as “like”, “umm”, and “ahh”, and grammarin order to assist with comprehensibility and flow. Although,to stay true to the voice of the respondents, transcriptionswere verbatim and any edits were minimal and did notaffect the participant’s vernacular, use of profanity, or slang.8We make no claims that we completed a grounded theoryresearch project, for example, generating theory. Instead, weadopt a coding strategy that is informed by some proceduresoutlined by Strauss and Corbin (1990).terials bearing on his area that he can discover”(1967:169). Specifically, our data analysis employeda constructed grounded theory approach thatwas driven by the data but also attentive to existingtheory (Charmaz 2006). In this sense, we approachedthe data with our knowledge about theresearch questions suspended and allowed themesto emerge from the data. To this end, our analyticstrategy was as follows. Upon reading the interviewtranscripts, we first assigned codes (similar toStrauss and Corbin’s open codes) to the data thatseemed to capture the different ways officers spokeabout their experiences, for example, “being therefor me” and “quick code response time.” Our nextstep was to reflect upon how officers’ responseshad shared dimensions, patterns, or relationships,what we perceived as central organizing themes(similar to Strauss and Corbin’s axial coding). Forexample, we perceived the codes “being there forme” and “quick code response time” to coalesceinto the larger theme “Do you got my back?” Centralthemes were composed of multiple respondentsdescribing similar experiences, views, andfeelings regarding a particular topic. Specifically,major re-current themes that emerged across allor some participants’ narratives were determined.Figure 1 is an example of how we conceptually andtheoretically used our findings in answer to ourresearch questions (see Appendix A); space limitationsdo not permit us to provide a figure for eachresearch question. Figure 1 depicts how we understandcertain factors (shared in interviews) aslinked to perceptions of threat by correctional officers(Q1), which we discuss in our findings section.these themes are explored, first, by reviewing howofficers perceive their environment and the threatsthey experience and, second, how they mitigatethese threats. Throughout, we direct our analysis tohow violence or its threat shapes their sense of self.Officers in the Provincial CorrectionalSystemPerception of Actual or Anticipated Threat(Q1; Q2)The theme violence is expected captures how participantsdescribed threats as multifaceted and largelyattributable to diverse elements unique to the prisonenvironment. We must recall that correctionalofficers, even when instructed to be peace officers,are trained in the use of force tactics; therefore,they are primed to anticipate violence when interactingwith prisoners. The presence of violence orits threat while on duty was described by all correctionalofficers working with adult males as commonplace.It was viewed as a natural part of theprison work environment. For example, Jackson,an active officer, explained that he feels the potentialfor physical violence “a hundred percent” ofthe time. While Nate, a retired officer, described:Being assaulted and attacked. To me it was part of myjob... Some were fighting hard, you end up with a brawl.They’re punching, kicking, biting, and spitting, and everythinglike this... [Sometimes] you [have to] give it tothem just as much as they give to you… It just happens.Sometimes you open the door and the inmate just suckersyour face, nailed ya. You just don’t know.104©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 105

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional SystemOfficers with decades of experiences noted thatviolence and its threat remained customary eventhough correctional officer conduct had changedment. These factors included high prisoner to officerratios, a lack of co-worker cohesion, beingassigned to dangerous units, and confrontationsriots and stuff, where they refused to come in fromthe yard and you have to go in, fight them, and bringthem back in... (Aaron)prisoner interactions, officers associated any lack ofsolidarity and cohesion among co-workers, sometimesexacerbated by institutional policy, with anover the last 15 to 30 years. These men explainedthat when they started in corrections the cultureperpetuated violence by abusing or maltreating theprisoners. For example:Once my partner came out of the unit, I called himout. I said “Let’s go get the mops.” And back in theday when I first started in the business that was oneof those code words. If an inmate said [anything tous] he was going to get the mops. We’d take him tothe mop room. Out of sight, out of mind. He might geta beating on him. (Patrick)He, echoing others, noted that although the culturehad changed – the focus was now on peace ratherthan conflict – and it was no longer acceptable forofficers to engage in acts of physical violence withprisoners (e.g., “inmates are getting killed and ourmandate, it says in our policy: care, custody, andcontrol, in that order we are responsible for theirsafety and you can be held accountable” [Buddy]),physical violence continued regularly and thesense of threat was omnipresent. Other officers,like Steve, described incidents where they wereattacked by prisoners: “When I got assaulted, oneof the times I had to get taken out in a stretcherand [the prisoners] saw… You’d think they’d killedme they were all cheering as I was being takenout on the stretcher…” Nonetheless, respondentsexplained that if they retaliated and were caughtinflicting physical harm on a prisoner, the currentclimate would ensure the officer was suspended(with or without pay) or terminated.Officers viewed several factors as underlying theviolent and resulting high threat prison environ-with particularly dangerous prisoners. The highprisoner to officer ratio (e.g., two officers on a rangewith 16 prisoners double bunked or two officers ona range with over 60 double bunked prisoners) thatwas intensified by overcrowding in prisons (e.g.,two officers on a range with 24 prisoners triplebunked; two in the beds and one on the floor ona mattress) where prisoners vastly outnumberedcorrectional officers was commonly mentioned asa contributing factor to experiencing not only thethreat of violence but actual physical attacks aswell. Cells in many prisons contain one bunk bedand are approximately six by nine feet in size. Prisonerscould be locked into their cell for 16 hours ona standard day, more time if the jail was in lockdown.The extent of overcrowding was describedby many:It really is a brand new challenge every time you comein on duty. The place was fit for fifty-seven inmatesand you got to come [into work] with ninety-two [prisoners].Then the next thing you know, sheriff comesin with three guys… They have to sleep in the gymor phone room, which there’s not enough room to puta single mattress on the floor. They gotta spend a wholeweekend there. And it’s hot in there, it’s filthy, it’s gross,people spit on the walls and snot and… (Mason)Not surprising, many respondents described experiencingthreat as a result of overcrowding:Oh, it affected everybody. Everybody was involved init. When you have, instead of ten, thirty in each areaand one officer outside and one officer inside, it’s a bigdifference. Where you got thirty, you’ve got problems.You have a problem with thirty, not a problem withten. At times it was [frightening]… I was involved inBeyond overcrowding, ranges that housed highprofile prisoners or prisoners with particularlyviolent or aggressive criminal histories were consideredparticularly dangerous, contributing tothis sense of threat. The men on these ranges wereviewed as more violent, given the nature of theircharges, and perhaps more likely to be victimizedbecause of the dynamics within the group of personssharing the range (e.g., the types of chargesdifferent people held, the notoriety of their crime,the mix of gang or criminal affiliations betweenthe prisoners, etc.). Many officers, retired or activelyemployed, described their experiences on theseranges, and in doing so revealed how their senseof their role as officer had multiple meanings, withexplicit feelings attached to these meanings. Themeaning of officer as “protector,” “enforcer,” or“counselor” included feelings of being “nervous”and “prepared” and “alert.” For example, Greysonexplained, “I remember being nervous. You alwaysfeel you’ve got to watch over your shoulder andstuff. After a while you still got to be careful becauseyou can’t really trust any of them becausethey are criminals.” Others described specificprisoners or situations where a prisoner was morelikely to attack an officer: “If you’re dealing withan inmate or a guy, that’s just very agitated…hedoesn’t like authority and he’ll come up from behindyou and pop you in the head or whatever...That’s one of their things. The inmates, they don’tcare. They’ll fight you” (Johny).The theme Do you got my back? reflects how, despitemuch of the violence in prison being attributable toincreased sense of threat. Solidarity among coworkerspromoted safety, collective perceptions ofthe role of officer as “collegial” or “protector,” anddecreased threat. All interviewees noted that theypreferred working with certain colleagues ratherthan others (e.g., “it was tough to work with somefolks [that] didn’t seem to understand how to carryout the job” [Mike]). More so, all officers were mostinterested in working with a colleague that theyfelt would offer them protection in a potentiallythreatening situation. Jake, currently employedas an officer, explained that: “when you’re workingwith somebody, you want to know that somebodybacks you up … I think you pick up a sensefrom people whether they would be there for you ifthings get a little rough.” This thought process wasreiterated by many who described a strong level ofsolidarity between themselves and some of theirco-workers due to their similar backgrounds (e.g.,military training, etc.) and strong amicable relationships(e.g., “our shift hangs out all the time”[Victor]).Most, although not all, officers stated that the safetyof their co-workers was first and foremost inimportance to them while working. Specifically,the safety of their colleagues was more importantthan the safety of the prisoners, demands or desireof the administration, and that of the public.The reasoning here was simply that they neededto “protect” each other. Officers had to feel that ifthey were in danger or threatened, their colleagueswould respond. For example, this level of trustwas seen as vital especially during codes, an alarmindicating an officer was in danger. When asked106©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 107

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional Systemabout the importance of responding to emergencyMoreover, some participants explained that theytrouble for this?’” Unfortunately, all too often offi-prisoners and their personal safety. Many officerssituations and if they had done so during theirwould second-guess their actions during physi-cers had experiences “cutting down,” “untying,” orexplained the importance of presenting them-careers, many officers explained that they alwayscal altercations with prisoners because they feared“seeing blood gushing” (Goodwin) from prisonersselves as confident, in control, and fair mannered;responded as quickly as possible because evena few seconds passing was enough time for an officerto be hurt, even killed. Officers also reportedfeeling less safe working in larger facilities becauseresponse times would increase simply dueto the distance that the emergency response team(ERT) and their other colleagues would need totravel to come to their aid. Although respondentsdescribed the importance of responding to these“codes” as paramount, others noted that it is notuncommon for some officers to either not respondinstitutional investigations and punitive repercussionsin response to their behavior. For example,beyond adhering to institutional policy, Carmenexplained that:Inmate dynamics and mentality has changed thatnow if staff ever so much as flicks them, first thingthey’ll do is call the police. If you put on the cuffsand they were struggling and it made a mark ontheir wrists, they want to call the police and havepictures taken. So, [we] just take extra steps. We havemore cameras present [and we] make sure that thetrying to end their lives, sometimes successfullyand other times not. Yet, such concerns about theirbehaviors when trying to save prisoners’ lives wasomnipresent for officers. The quotes illustrativeof Do you got my back? reveal that solidarity andgood relations between co-workers were presentedas (although selectively present or absent betweenpeers) an essential and vital element for threatreduction. The potential for lack of assistance orsupport from colleagues or perceived institutionalconstraints on behavior appeared to be a majoralthough not overly sympathetic:I certainly didn’t want to come across like a bleedingheart social worker, that I’m here to help you everyminute of the day…you have to have a presence thatis firm but fair and you have to have the wherewithalthat when something is not feeling right. People aretrying to pull the wool over your eyes, so you learnhow to behave … [If] you go into those settings lookingvulnerable…the inmates will pick that up veryquickly…so you may be targeted… (Mike)to these emergency situations at all or simply justobserve them as they unfold rather than interveningand/or providing assistance.Indeed, respondents explained that while manyprofessed that a “team atmosphere” existed amongcorrectional workers and a “team player” wasa central identity attached to the officer role, in reality,this was not always the practice. Many hypothesizedthat these divisions were due to “gossip,”institutional policies, or other personal frictionsbetween colleagues. For example, officers spend upto 16 hours a day with each other and they havevarying personalities, work ethics, ages, and politicalviewpoints that can impact how well people getalong. Some of the policies in place to promote anequal work environment were described as being“used as weapons against each other; which is sad”(Steve). These policies, and the allegations thatsome officers have made against each other haveresulted in distrust among some staff and a lackcamera sees when we do the finger check to showthat cuffs are not too tight. When they have to stayin cuffs and shackles for a period of times. We willgo back, I think, every 15 to half hour with a cameraagain to show “cuffs check, still okay.” We need toprotect ourselves.Other officers explained the difficulties associatedwith how every use of force must be followed by aninvestigation that includes a use of force assessmentby an independent third party. The necessity ofthese investigations combined with the punitivemeasures that could follow (e.g., suspension, jobloss) were described as a hindrance to job performance:“It’s ridiculous. We’re afraid to go to codesnow; you have to describe why you took him in anarm bar to the ground. Why? It’s hard to articulatethat in a report. They’ll [investigators] say it wasexcessive use of force” (Justin). In the same sense,Jace, like many others, described his anxieties atwork after being suspended for using force whiletrying to prevent a prisoner from committing sui-contributing factor to the perception of and actualthreat experienced among some officers. Given thewide-ranging potential sources of threat, the questionremains, how do correctional officers negotiatetheir safety?Negotiating Safety (Q3)I’m not a bleeding heart is a theme that refers to officers’presentation of self in a way that, throughtheir body language and physical/verbal assertionof confidence and authority, fosters respectfrom prisoners and protects them from threat.The respondents perceived prisoners as keenlyobservant, with ample time on their hands, andunforgiving. Officers felt that prisoners wouldlook for their insecurities and then wait for anopportunity to exploit them; they felt prisonershad endless amount of time to watch, learn, andwait before they acted. Their awareness of prisoners’perceptiveness prompted them to changeRespondents also valued appearing neither asoverly aggressive nor vulnerable in any way. Theidea here was that if an officer presented as tooaggressive, he could be viewed as “hiding” hisfears or as “scared” rather than someone to befeared. In the same sense, if an officer demonstratedhis vulnerability, he could quickly becomepreyed upon. Steve explained that:Where they’ll [officers] be confident, the inmateswill pick up on that. Or we’ll have some people thataren’t as confident and they have a tough guy act,where they have to be overbearing and they have tokind of throw their weight around more than theyshould because they’re insecure and you can seethat. [The] inmates, they’ll say: “That guy’s walkingcrazy.” He walks in with “I’ll kill anybody” [a lookon his face] they say “Why he is acting like that?”Because he’s scared.Beyond behavior, physical stature and body imagewere also important forms of self-presentation. Be-in confidence in how quickly, or even if, a fellowcide: “I always have to watch what I’m doing. I feeltheir self-presentation, physically or in terms ofing physically fit (e.g., muscular), large (e.g., tall),co-worker will respond to an emergency situationI suffer from post-traumatic stress… You know,their personality, in order to garner respect andand being perceived as or having a reputation for(i.e., a code being called).‘cause I’m always worried… ‘Am I going to get intrust, and have some semblance of control overbeing a “tough guy” (e.g., strength) assisted in108©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 109

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional Systemcreating a confident non-vulnerable self-presenta-of counselor to have some meaning for their cor-As evident in Jason’s story, the ways in which offi-begin to suggest how the correctional officer role,tion that warranted prisoner respect. Respondentsrectional officer role. For example, Barry explains:cers interact with their clients (the prisoners) haveand the feelings and behaviors associated with it,who reported their height as “shorter than average”described making up for their physical heightin strength, speed, and muscularity. Some respondentsexplained they started body building becauseof their occupation, they described work outroutines and diets designed to assist with musclegain. Some spoke about their disrespect for overweightofficers who had “let themselves go” (Drew)and others went so far to as to view these officersas threats to their safety. Clearly, physical staturewas considered as important for personal negotiationsof safety. It enabled officers to feel they couldhold their own and handle or even intimidate theprisoners in their custody; they could possess the“enforcer” correctional officer role. Yet, while valuedin one-on-one confrontations and interactions,physical prowess was not relied on by participantswhen trying to diffuse an altercation among severalprisoners – here words were the optimal choiceof weapon – because officers explained: “if you’reinside a range with thirty guys that are all grownmen… You’re not going to win” (Willie). Some participantsdid use their physical stature in emergency/violentsituations; however, these altercationswere “necessary” or with few or a single prisoner.Overall, bodily presentation was not enough in itselfto mitigate threat and provide safety.Another predominant employed strategy gearedtoward threat reduction was communication andtalking with respect. Here, participants explainedthat tactful and non-threatening communicationwhen confronting prisoners in front of their peerswas essential to reducing threat. Indeed, many describedtheir “voice” as their most powerful “weapon”when on duty and so understood the identity“you need to have good verbal communication forsure when you’re dealing with these guys everyday, talking to them every day. You’ve got to bevery firm when something needs to be done”.Talking allowed the prisoners to save face and officersto garner their respect, and, in consequence,maintain their safety (e.g., prevent threat). This isevident in Cole’s description of his preferred “partner”:“…my preference for people to work with is,I don’t care if you’re 6’2” or 5’2”, I still always wantto work with people who will prefer to try to deescalate,to deal with situations verbally, that willrespect inmates and treat them as a person becauseit makes everybody’s life easier. If everybody hasrespect for the inmates, it is a world easier.” Also,at times, it was easier and more effective to “talk”to a prisoner rather than to use force. Respondentsdescribed a culture among prisoners that wouldforce a prisoner to act aggressively toward a correctionalofficer who they felt was negatively impactingtheir reputation in front of or among theirpeers. Thus, words could be needed to “de-escalate”a situation. Participants frequently describedthe value of respect and trust in general prisonermanagement and diffusing crisis situations. Jason,for example, explained how his respectful interactionswith prisoners ensured his safety duringa prison riot:So, on one afternoon shift there were some, we gota sense that something wasn’t working right. Theywalked by me and said “Boss get off the floor” andI said “What’s going on?” he said “Just get off thefloor,” and so they started rioting and smashing somestuff up…they absolutely beat this guy to a pulp, thiscorrectional officer; [they] didn’t even touch me…extensive implications for their personal safety. Indeed,many officers placed a high value on treatingprisoners fairly, consistently, and simply ashuman beings, which was distinguished from theunacceptable behavior of being their “friend” ora “care-bear.” This strategy produced some senseof safety, or at least more of a sense of safety, than“chirping,” disrespecting, teasing, or taunting theprisoners.Self in Transition (Q4)As the above findings and discussion begin to reveal,the high threat environment on the job andafter hours appeared to have a personal impact onthe sense of self of the correctional officers interviewed.Here, we draw upon themes that specificallyillustrate how respondents’ perceptions andexperiences of threat impacted their sense of selfinside and outside of their paid work. ApplyingStets and Burke (2003), it appears that the perceptionof potential violence within the social contextin which officers work, and the roles they took onwhile interacting in the prisons shaped their senseof self over time; sometimes this resulted in a selfthat was far removed from the person they werewhen they first started working in corrections.Beyond the sense of threat experienced in theprisons, respondents described threats to selfthat extended beyond the workplace. Followingme home refers to how the threat of victimization,violent or otherwise, could sometimes follow officershome into their personal lives. All participantsdescribed some experience of threat whilethey were not actively on duty. These experiencescan, for some men, become a salient identity overtime. For some officers, threat occurred in confrontationswith released former prisoners theyencountered in public 9 or even at their homes afterformer prisoners or affiliates of current prisonersfollowed them home. Nate explained a situationwhere he was out with his family:We had officers who were getting threatening phonecalls at home and stuff like this. [I was with] my wifedowntown and [the] kids, and they call me one day.Eventually, we walk into restaurants and I say: “If thishappens, you people just run there and I’ll take care ofit and call the police.” But, you had to deal with thesethings and some people couldn’t deal with them andthey just quit.Following our interview with Ben, he abruptlyreturned home because his partner called and reportedseeing someone looking into their homewindows and trying to enter the premises. Theseexperiences of threat were particularly worrisomefor participants because they affected the safetyof their family and loved ones. Many officers evenchoose not to enter certain establishments in theirtime off work as a result of their knowledge ofand interactions with prisoners. Their fear is thattheir correctional officer role will replace any otherrole they may act upon, such as father or husband,should they confront ex-prisoners in a non-institutionalsetting. Others noted that because they hadbeen “followed before,” they had become morecautious over time. For example, at a public event,John described that he:9Not all encounters with former inmates are negative or threatdriven.110©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 111

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional System…ran across a couple inmates that have been in jailat [institution’s name]. I’m walking with my wife andmy little girl and my father-in-law and my brotherin-law.But, these guys said: “Well, you’re not in uniform.We can kick the crap out of you…” I walkedwith my daughter. I stopped to look, I turned aroundand they were after me again…all this in front of mytwo-year-old daughter.Indeed, the experiences of threat described by participantsindicated that they did not “leave theirwork at work” (Larry).The majority of respondents, but not all interviewees,commonly described becoming harder over thecourse of their employment in corrections. Whilethe degree varied by respondent, officers perceivedtheir previously more sympathetic, empathetic, oremotional self was replaced, at some point, witha hardened self; essentially, for some officers, theirrole as “counselor” was increasingly replacedwith a role of “enforcer.” Derek explained how hehad changed when working as a corrections officer:“I think the jail is the formula to change mostpeople’s values and I don’t think it’s much differentfrom being a cop actually. In the sense you becomeharder. You become maybe a little less sensitiveto others ‘cause you’re a little less compassionate.”Many correctional officers also felt they wereless respected than police officers. They expressedfeeling they had little respect at all from societyin their occupation – recognizing that more oftenthan not they too were hidden away from mainstreamsociety in jails where they associated withindividuals that society had deemed unfit to live inthe community.less caring, your attitude changes, and it has somethingto do with your everyday expectations. It’snot the same. You just don’t care after a while.”Beyond more noticeable changes in self, the overwhelmingmajority of respondents spoke of theirwork self or correctional officer self. Indeed, peopletoo often fail to recognize gradual changes inself or even personality until extensive time haspassed and the change becomes more pronounced.This work self was predominantly described as“tough” and “hard,” it entailed displays of confidenceand aggression, minimal humor and the creationof a “wall” when in the presence of prisoners.For some respondents, this self “came out” as theyneared the jail:I went to work one day and I was driving in with thisfriend of mine. I was living with him actually…hesays: “I’ve gotta say something,” we laugh and jokefrom [a city] to the west end of [another city] everyday. And the minute you hit the drive way, you stoplaughing, your face turns like stone and we go intothe jail. And I said: “I don’t know, I always did that.”It was like I turned a different person on when I wentinside the jail ‘cause I felt I had to… [I got] caught upin the whole lifestyle, and thought that I had to bethis mean, tough son-of-a-bitch walking into the jail.I had that look on my face like: “Don’t mess with meor else.” (Mac)Respondents identified a need to at least try andseparate their on duty self from their off duty self.However, in many cases as previously noted, thedistinction between an on duty and off duty selfwas difficult to maintain over time. Often it seemedthe on duty self eventually carried over to when anofficer was no long working; especially wheneverdeed, when environmental or situational cues fromthe prison passed to the outside the perceived barriersbetween the two worlds seemed to dissolveand the ability to distinguish between selves followedsuit.Among some respondents there was a shared perceptionof how they changed that expressed, indirectlyor directly, their growing need for powerand dominance. This desire for power was notnecessarily such that officers wanted to be dominatorsin their overall life; rather they wanted tobe authoritative and in a position of status in theirofficer role (e.g., supervisor, super-intendant, etc.)in their workplace. Said another way, they wantedprisoners to view them as powerful. The themepower hungry captures how the presentation andidentification of self as authoritative and “controlling”began to seem central to the officer role andofficer-prisoner relationship and thus, impactedtheir overall sense of self. In line with Stryker’s(1980) argument, that the playing out of role identityacross situations and frequently can encourageembracement of this role identity, the consistentpresentation of an authoritative self when interactingwith prisoners can easily create a sense of selfthat is the most salient for some officers.Some officers described their use of power to controlprisoners, repeatedly. They explained that exertingtheir power was simply a necessary part ofthe job – prisoners “needed” to know the officerwas in charge. In the words of John: “they have tolearn that [the easy way] or they’re going to haveto learn it the hard way. There are other ways [tosubtle ways, such as locking prisoners in theircells for 24 hours, that they found just as effectivein displaying their authority. This need for an authoritativepresence at work appeared to be largelya consequence of the unique and violent dynamicsinherent to the corrections environment. Theactions officers witnessed on a daily basis alone,with or without awareness of the details of exactcrimes prisoners had been charged or convicted ofcommitting, suggested to officers that without authority– control and power – they would be morevulnerable.(Un)comfortably numb is a theme that captures howat a certain time in the careers of some correctionalofficers their self-conception as officers becamestatic and resistant to change. Said another way,these officers could look back and note a significantchange in their personality or self that differedfrom the previous meanings and feelingsthey attached to their correctional officer identity.For example, some officers spoke about their realizationthat they had become less sensitive to thechallenges experienced by the prisoners. Whereas,they felt they previously cared more and respectedprisoners at least at a basic level of human rights –they wanted to see them succeed and thought theyhad a chance at “making it” on the outside. Thesesame respondents, however, now felt that they haddeveloped an increasingly negative, non-sympathetic,disgruntled view of the prisoners over time.They viewed these incarcerated men as deservingof their situations, unable to change, and problematicfor society. Respondents tended to feel that“usually when they’re arrested, they’re arrestedaspects of the work environment crossed into theteach it]: play mind games with them, not get infor a reason” (Si) or “99% of the time they were inNate noted that his “harder” self largely emergednon-work environment (e.g., running into formertheir business, [but] take the TV away from them.there because they deserved to be in there” (Jep).as a form of protection: “You become a lot tougher,prisoners on the street, worrying about safety). In-They’re like kids.” However, others spoke of moreThus, it appeared that, particularly, as correctional112©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 113

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional Systemofficers became engrossed in the criminal justicewere simply part of their everyday life and playedmembers, who often would not tolerate their hos-among respondents that the threat of violence wassystem, seeing the “revolving door” (e.g., the samea role in defining who they had become. Mac dis-tility in the home environment, as the persons whovery real; it was an ever-looming and largely an-prisoners leaving and returning to prison over andcussed his experiences in court at an inquest forreminded them of just how much their outlooks,ticipated reality (Q1, Q2). The prison environmentover again), and embracing the structural and interactionaldynamics within the prison system,their sense of self changed in accordance to thesea prisoner that had died in his arms, of naturalcauses. In doing so, he alludes to his emergingawareness of how his sense of self had changed:and even the language they use in conversation,had changed (e.g., “I was married, when I wentto work at the jail and my wife said: “Boy, youis perceived as being shaped by this potential forviolence and its threat, which stem from elementsnative to the prison work environment (e.g., over-experiences. It became shaped by the environmentin which they were exposed most often – theirwork. Some officers extended this discussion toinclude how their experiences of the adverse, violent,and threat-filled penal environment started tonegatively affect their sense of self when working.Likewise, over time this sense of self, as they interactedmore and more within this negative environment,became their dominant self.Indeed, officers, over the course of their employmentworking with adult men, described seeingeverything from men being killed to fathers andsons sharing a cell; they talked about seeing suicides,self-harming acts, abandonment (by wivesand families), loss, tears, volatile anger, and everythingin between. Many had held dying menin their arms, feared acquiring non-curable diseaseson the job, cut down men who had hung…[the parents] were up at the front and the motherwas crying. Now we’re talking almost two years afterthe kid had passed. And, it was at that time that ithit me, I didn’t care that that kid died. I didn’t carethat that he was twenty-two, twenty-three years oldand gone. In my…in my opinion, or my feeling at thattime was “Oh well, okay, the world’s better off withoutsomebody like that.” But then, when I was at thecoroner’s inquest, I saw the mother crying and the fatherhugging her, it was at that time I went “Wow, thatkid had a mother and father and probably brothersand sisters and friends who, who cared for him.”For some officers, it was such occasions that remindedthem of who they “used to be” (e.g., theirprevious emotionality or sensitivity to the plightof prisoners, or their less soured orientation to corrections)before or at the start of their current occupation.didn’t used to talk like this”” [Matt]). In the samerealm, other officers spoke about being remindedto “be sensitive.” Overall, these men discussedtheir challenges as they learned to trust againand reach out to people anew as they began tointeract in new settings or situations. Others stillemployed in corrections talked about their wellbeingand needing to change before their relationshipswith their families became too strained ortheir insensitive nature lead them to disassociatethemselves from others. However, a small, yetnotable proportion of older respondents talkedabout eventually becoming soft again; becomingless negative, more patient, and more understanding.Often these men had personal experiencesthat were trying in nature (e.g., loss of loved ones,deaths, incarcerated family, etc.) and recognizingthat the world was not always a positive place andit was not their place to lay any judgment.crowding, the prisoners, stress, deprivation, etc.)itself. In consequence, officers tended to view violencein the prison as largely unavoidable. In thiscontext, their understanding of the penal environmentcreated their need to be wary, on guard, andprimed for threat – or they were even more likelyto be harmed.In describing their experiences of threat, officersbegan to reveal the multiple meanings and feelingsattached to their sense of their role as officers. Officers’identities ranged from “counselors” to “controllers”and such identities could change at anymoment depending on if or how threatened theyfelt (Q4). In turn, officers’ behaviors were shaped bya desire to maintain their safety (Q3) – the potentialfor violence in a penal environment could never bedisregarded or forgotten. Their duties pertaining tothe officer role – the need to ensure the safety, secu-themselves, had feces or urine thrown at themrepeatedly, seen the aftermath of shanks (knives)in circulation, and other tragic behaviors. The cumulativeeffect of these experiences appeared toresult in some officers taking on a static, negativeorientation. In some ways this could be viewed asbecoming desensitized, however, it was definitelymore than that. This static orientation followedthese officers in all realms of life and extended be-Many officers, who were in their mid-thirties orolder, described recognizing and not necessarilybeing comfortable with this change in their senseof self. Those few who were no longer employedin corrections experienced personal strugglespost-employment when they realized just hownegative and insensitive they had become. Indeed,some officers spoke about their wives, childrenor parents reminding them to “check” theirConcluding ThoughtsCorrectional officers are surrounded by threatand the potential of being harmed, psychologically,physically, and interpersonally, while on dutyand, even possibly, in the community. This studyis aimed at understanding how provincial correctionalofficers, working with adult males, perceivedrity, and control of prisoners, society, and colleagueswhile also assisting with prisoner care and rehabilitation– created challenges for officers as theysought to mitigate personal threat to their physicalsafety, as well as their self-concept (Q3, Q4).Differences exist in how officers tried to diminishthis experience of threat and create some semblanceof safety while on duty or, even, in the communityyond the prison – it became their new, dominanton duty self at the door when they returned homethis prison environment (Q1), the threats they ex-(Q3). Respondents described a variety of tacticssense of self. Said another way, they learned toafter a day of work – perhaps a strategy to helpperienced at work (Q2), how they negotiated theirused to maintain “safety” in the prisons, whichminimize their feelings toward otherwise nega-hold on to their “older self.” These men often citedsafety in this work environment (Q3), and how suchrevolved largely around their self-presentation,tive realities largely because such experiencestheir supportive and strong wives or other familythreat impacted their sense of self (Q4). We foundtheir relationships with their colleagues, and their114©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 115

Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoInvestigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional Systemrelationship with the prisoners. Officers opted toelement in their self-conception that had startedthis lack of emotionality potentially carried overrealistically achieved through elementary physicalcreate a presentation of self that was authoritativeto gain precedence in their day-to-day work livesinto their life beyond the prison walls, whereor psychological means alone. Careful social navi-and confident – ensuring that all prisoners knewjust “who” was in charge or had control (Q4). Someworked on their muscularity in order to be presentedas physically dominant and strong, whileothers discussed using their verbal skills to buildrapport and create positive relationships betweenthemselves and the prisoners. Overall, officersdescribed self-presentation, understanding of thesocial nuances of prisoner daily life, the dynamicsof co-worker relationships, and the importanceof communication, as well as positive-professionalrelationships with prisoners as effective strategiesin reducing threat.and perhaps even at home. For these officers, thecorrectional officer role was no longer maintainedat work and instead largely became a salient identity.Moreover, some respondents even discusseda “numbness” or “desensitization” that suggestedtheir perception of their self as a correctional officerhad become static and resistant to change.The hardness and authoritativeness that developedwhile on duty for many correctional officers wasreadily identified by their family and/or friendsoutside of the work environment. Although thisself was created and reinforced through interactionsin the prison environment, where it success-changes in sense of self (e.g. personality, behavior,perspective) could be personally noted by othersclose to respondents. These changes were often reflectedon comparatively (e.g., who they were nowversus who they had been prior to their career incorrections) and, often, it became apparent thatwho they were on duty soon influenced who theywere off duty.Overall, the management of threat for correctionalofficers is complex and vital to the performance oftheir roles and duties and has a significant impacton their sense of self. It is also clear that ensuringone’s safety in the prison environment cannot begation, fostering rapport and respect from prisonersthrough effective communication and perceptionare, in fact, considered to be some of the most effectivetools at the disposal of correctional officers inmanaging the threat-filled occupation. Perhaps, furtherexploration of the experience of threat will provideinsight that may benefit officers new to the fieldor currently within the field in terms of managingpersonal safety and its impact on self. Regardless,the presence of threat is undoubtedly a complexexperience that appears universal among officersworking with adult men. It provides a unique lensin examining the social nuances unique to a highlydangerous and underexplored profession.The social dynamics related to the experience offully assisted with the construction of safety andand/or mitigation of threat was connected to an of-the mitigation of threat, some participants wereficer’s self-concept. The social context in which theaware that the change in self was gradual, yet,correctional officers work plays an integral part, aseventually, did become permanent for some – selfwell as their interaction with colleagues, administration,and prisoners in defining who they are andas “correctional officer” was a salient self. In consequence,this self unconsciously surfaced both onReferenceswho they become as persons over time (Q4). Indeed,not only does the perception of threat shapethe officers’ work experience, it also has a profoundimpact on personal identity, behavior, andpersonal outlook – their sense of self. Significantly,we note that how the role of correctional officershapes an officer’s personal “self” in light of threat,despite it being an expected and natural elementof the correctional officer occupation, was largelyunrecognized by officers. Only in retrospect and/or after many years on the job, did the complex impactof their experiences of threat on their senseof self become acknowledged. In this regard,some officers described becoming “hard” and this“hardness” becoming inherent to their self. Somestressed a desire for “power” and an authoritativeand off duty and had implications for the personalrelationships, persona, and life of officers. 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Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber GazsoAppendix AFigure 1. A Conceptual Map of Data in Answer to Research Question 1.The column on the far left notes the factors that are linked to officers’ perceptions of threat. The next column indicates how thesefactors are linked to a characterization of high/low threat in the prison environment. The remaining three columns capture howofficers perceive prisoners and whether or not they feel safe or threatened in their interactions with colleagues and prisoners.Source: self-elaboration.Ricciardelli, Rosemary and Amber Gazso. 2013. “Investigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officersin the Canadian Provincial Correctional System.” Qualitative Sociology Review 9(3):96-120. Retrieved Month, Year(http://www.qualitativesociologyreview.org/ENG/archive_eng.php).120©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3

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Love, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate RelationsAbstractKeywordsRobert PrusUniversity of Waterloo, CanadaLove, Despair, and Resiliency:Ovid’s Contributions to an InteractionistAnalysis of Intimate RelationsOvid (Ovidius – Publius Ovidius Naso; 43 BCE-18 CE) is well known in classical studies andpoetic circles for his insightful portrayals of heterosexual relations. However, his The Art ofLove and related texts have received scant attention from those in the social sciences.Ovid’s writings on love may be best known for their advisory and entertainment motifs, butthis same set of texts also provides an extended and comparatively detailed set of observationson heterosexual interchanges, as well as some remarkably astute analysis of interpersonalrelations more generally.Developed within a symbolic interactionist frame (Mead 1934; Blumer 1969; Strauss 1993; Prus1996; 1997; 1999), this paper gives particular attention to the processes by which people engageothers in romantic contexts, make sense of their experiences with one another, deal withan assortment of third-parties, and manage wide ranges of related emotional sensations asthey work their ways through aspects of the broader relationship process (from preliminaryanticipations and initial encounters to terminations and re-involvements of relationships). Itis in these respects that this paper considers the more distinctive ethnographic potential ofOvid’s depictions of love in the Roman classical era.As an instance of ethno-history, Ovid’s considerations of people’s involvements with love,sex, and romance, as well as the varying emotional states that people experience along theway, add some highly instructive cross-cultural and trans-historical dimensions to morecontemporary, generic examinations of affective relationships. Using Ovid’s materials asan ethno-historical database with which to assess contemporary interactionist notions of“developing relationships,” this paper concludes with a consideration of the implications ofOvid’s works and contemporary interactionist studies for research on intimate relationships,emotionality, and influence work.Ovid; Ovidius; Love; Relationships; Sexuality; Intimacy; Romantic; Symbolic Interaction;Influence; Ethno-historicalRobert Prus is a Sociologist at the University of Waterloo,Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. A symbolic interactionist,ethnographer, and social theorist, Robert Prus has beenexamining the conceptual and methodological connectionsof American pragmatist philosophy and its sociologicaloffshoot, symbolic interactionism, with Classical GreekLatin, and interim scholarship. As part of this larger project,he has been analyzing a fuller range of texts produced byEmile Durkheim (most notably Durkheim’s later but, lesserknown works on morality, education, religion, and philosophy),mindfully of their pragmatist affinities with Aristotle’sfoundational emphasis on the nature of human knowingand acting, as well as Blumerian symbolic interactionism.email address: prus@uwaterloo.caprus007@gmail.comIt’s convention, no more, that men play the part of pursuer.Women don’t run after us; mousetraps don’t run after mice.(Ovid [The Art of Love, Book I: lines 275-280];Humphries trans. 1957)Although contemporary social scientists havelargely ignored the classical Greek and Latinliteratures as resources that might help them bettercomprehend the humanly known and enactedworld, this literature offers some remarkablyvaluable materials for those interested in developingconcepts of a more enduring trans-contextualand trans-historical nature. Still, not all of thismaterial is equally instructive for comprehendingthe human condition. Likewise, one also requiresa theoretical and methodological means of developingstrong, viable linkages with the classical literature.The intellectual key for developing linkagesbetween classical and contemporary notionsof human knowing and acting is to be found insymbolic interaction.Interestingly, while often seen as a unique, twentieth-centurycreation, symbolic interaction (a sociologicaloffshoot of American pragmatist philosophy)is more appropriately rooted in classicalGreek scholarship (most especially Aristotle– see Prus 2003; 2004; 2007; 2008a; 2009; Prus andCamara 2010). Further, as a theory and methodologythat focuses directly on the problematics andprocesses of human knowing and acting, symbolicinteraction provides the essential technologyfor connecting classical and contemporary scholarshipin highly enabling and sustained terms.The present paper has been developed within thecontext of a much larger project that focuses onthe inter-linkages of classical Greek and Latinscholarship with the contemporary social sciences.Thus, whereas Ovid’s The Art of Love and relatedtexts are given particular attention in the presentstatement, Ovid represents only one of a muchbroader set of classical authors whose works meritextended attention on the part of social scientists. 1Still, while Ovid’s depictions of intimate relationshipswere predated by other analyses of love andfriendship (most notably by Plato [Symposium]and Aristotle [Nicomachean Ethics]), 2 Ovid’s quasiethnographicmaterials are highly instructive ontheir own and have particular value when locatedwithin a more generic or trans-situational comparativeanalysis of human relationships.After (a) overviewing the premises and methodologicalemphases of symbolic interaction and (b)addressing Ovid’s (circa 43 BCE-18 CE) texts onlove as ethno-historical documents, this paperconcludes by (c) briefly considering the relevancyof Ovid’s work with respect to a series of subprocessessubsumed in interactionist analyses of relationships,emotionality, and influence work.Since few social scientists are apt to have extendedfamiliarity with Ovid’s materials, these will bepresented in ways intended to enable readers tofollow the overall flows of each of his texts as well1In addition to considerations of love and friendship (Prusand Camara 2010; present paper), some publications derivedfrom “the Greek project” have focused on the matters of morality,deviance, and regulation (Prus 2007; 2011b), education,knowing, and scholarship (Prus 2006; 2011a; Puddephatt andPrus 2007), rhetoric (Prus 2008a; 2010), history and ethnography(Prus 2008d; Prus and Burk 2010), poetics (Prus 2008b;2008c; 2009), and religion (Prus 2011c; 2011d).2Prus and Camara (2010) provide an interactionist analysisof Plato and Aristotle’s depictions of love and friendship. Foranother discussion of influence work and romantic involvementsin classical Greek (particularly poetic and philosophicsources), see Nicolas P. Gross (1985) Amatory Persuasion inAntiquity.124©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 125

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate Relationsas gain a more focused appreciation of what Ovidhas to say about the emergence, continuity, intensification,and dissolution of intimate relationshipsand people’s experiences with emotionalityalong the way. Still, readers are cautioned thatwithout examining Ovid’s actual texts, they willlose much of the more entertaining and eloquentfeatures that Ovid develops.Although Ovid could not possibly have anticipatedthe subsequent twists and turns in scholarship thatwould take place over the ensuing centuries, contemporaryreaders are apt to be struck not only by thedetailed accounts of human circumstances that Ovidprovides but also by his remarkable attentiveness torelationships in the making. Particularly consequential,thus, is Ovid’s recognition of intimate relationshipsas developmental realms of human intrigues,influence work, resistance, and emotionality.Ovid may have written his materials as a poetand an advisor, but because his texts provide somuch detail on people’s activities in, and experienceswith, intimate relationships, Ovid’s writingsare highly instructive as ethno-historical materialsand comparative-analytic resources. As well, becauseof the more generic nature of intimate relationshipsin the Western world, readers will findmuch of Ovid’s material to have relevance for theirown life-worlds and those of their associates. Thus,once one looks past the (more superficial) trends ofthe day and the seeming quaintness of other eras(both of which Ovid is acutely aware), contemporaryreaders are apt to be intrigued by the parallelssuggested through Ovid’s observations. Still, asa means of framing the subsequent considerationof Ovid’s works, it is instructive to outline the basicfeatures of an interactionist approach.Symbolic Interactionism: FoundationalPremises and Methodological PracticesApproaching interpersonal relations as problematic,interactionally accomplished realms of humangroup life, this statement builds on the symbolicinteractionist tradition developed by GeorgeHerbert Mead (1934), Herbert Blumer (1969), andothers working in this sociological extension ofAmerican pragmatist philosophy (for overviews ofthese materials, see Strauss 1993; Prus 1996; 1997;1999; Prus and Grills 2003).While many readers may be familiar with aspectsof interactionist thought, it is important to establisha set of shared reference points for examiningpeople’s intimate relationships and emotional experienceswithin. Whereas Herbert Blumer (1969)provides an exceptionally valuable statement onthe theoretical and methodological foundations ofsymbolic interactionism, one may identify twelvepremises pertaining to human group life. Thus,human group life is (1) inter-subjective; (2) knowinglyproblematic; (3) object-oriented; (4) (multi-)perspectival;(5) reflective; (6) sensory/embodied and (knowingly) materialized;(7) activity-based; (8) negotiable; (9) relational;(10) processual; (11) realized in instances; and (12)historically enabled.Methodologically, a fuller appreciation of these assumptionswould require that social scientists attendto (1) the ways in which people make senseof the world in the course of symbolic (linguistic)interchange, (2) the problematic or ambiguous natureof human knowing (and experience), (3) theobject-oriented worlds in which humans operate,(4) people’s capacities for developing and adoptingmultiple viewpoints on [objects], (5) people’s abili-ties to take themselves and others into account inengaging [objects], (6) people’s sensory-related capacitiesand [linguistically meaningful] experiences,(7) the meaningful, formulative, and enablingfeatures of human activity, (8) people’s capacities forinfluencing, acknowledging, and resisting one another,(9) the ways that people take their associatesinto account in developing their lines of action, (10)the ongoing or emergent features of community life,(11) the ways that people experience and participatein all aspects of community life in the specific “hereand now” occasions in which they find themselves“doing things,” and (12) the ongoing flows of communitylife in each area of human endeavor – evenas people linguistically, mindedly, and behaviorallybuild on, accept, resist, and reconfigure aspects ofthe (cultural) “whatness” that they have inheritedfrom their predecessors and have come to knowfrom their more immediate associates, as well asthrough their adjustive considerations of earlier,present, and anticipated activities.Ovid – Engaging IntimacyAlthough much better known as a poet than as a studentof human behavior, Ovid’s (circa 43 BCE-18 CE)texts, The Art of Love, The Remedies for Love, and TheLoves clearly take readers into the realm of meaningful,intentioned, tactical interchange. While his statementsare clearly playful at times and his materialsare often expressed in more stylistic ways, Ovid’stexts depict human interchange in rather detailed,processual terms and have considerable value as ethno-historicalaccounts. 3 Indeed, Ovid provides a great3Ovid may be better known for Metamorphosis, an extendedstatement on transformations that assume distinctively poetic(fantastic or absurd) dimensions, than for his materialson love, but his works on love also have generated a great dealof attention (analytic, as well as admirational, applicational,and condemnational) over the millennia.deal of insight into the ways in which heterosexualrelations might be conceptualized, approached, andmanaged by his contemporaries. 4 Much of Ovid’swork is directed toward young men interested inmastering romantic relationships, but Ovid also addressesthe ways that intimate relationships might beanticipated, redirected, engaged, and sustained bytheir female counterparts. Consequently, althoughoften prescriptive and satirical, as well as openlydepreciative on occasion, Ovid’s texts still are sufficientlydetailed, open, and sustained to foster comparisonsof early Roman heterosexual relations withmore contemporary ethnographic materials.Relatedly, while offering advice in an entertainingmanner, Ovid openly attends to a multiplicityof viewpoints that people adopt in their romanticendeavors. Hence, Ovid acknowledges the standpointsof the various participants (i.e., as centralplayers, supporting casts, competitors, and obstructionists)who become involved in romantic intrigues,as well as the differing ways that the samepeople may view and engage their relationshipswith others over time. Additionally (and in a highlyreflective manner), Ovid uses his text to take explicitdirect issue with those (moralists, literary critics)who may judge his writings to be overly sexuallyexplicit or erotic in emphases. Thus, Ovid also explicitlyaddresses his own role as an author/strategistin the process of developing his texts.4Although related, Ovid’s The Art of Beauty (of which onlya small portion has been preserved) is more directly cosmeticin its emphasis.While lacking the more analytical quality of Ovid’s otherworks on love, The Heroides represent a series of fictionalnarratives that depict human-like experiences of variousmythical and legendary women. Addressing aspects of thesecharacters’ struggles with love, these fictions seem intendedfor consumption primarily as entertaining, romantic stories.Still, in more general terms, they also reflect human viewpoints,sensualities, intrigue, dilemmas, tactical interchange,disappointments, losses, and the like.126©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 127

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate RelationsFurther, because Ovid deals with aspects of de-nent materials in his texts. Readers should recog-Ovid’s The Art of Love [AL] consists of three books.these individuals can cause great anguish on thesire, anticipation, ambiguity, representation, im-nize that in developing these synopses I have notThe first two are addressed to men who wish to ob-part of those who become enchanted with them.ages, tact, tolerance, flattery, deception, and on-been able to sustain the poetic images or even cap-tain instruction on the ways of love. The third bookgoing adjustment in developing his analysis ofture the fuller analytic detail that Ovid has craftedis written for their female counterparts.Having provided instruction on places in whichromantic relationships, his texts also contributein these statements. Indeed, considerably more in-one may encounter love objects, Ovid (AL: BI:265-notably to the broader study of influence worksight into human relationships can be gleaned byBook I352) next offers advice on ways to obtain the object(Prus 1999). Thus, Ovid indicates how a variety ofcareful readings of his texts. My objective, moreof one’s desires. He begins by encouraging malesactors (more central and secondary) may becomegenerally, has been to establish the relevance ofIntending Book I for men who require instructionto be confident in their approaches and to recog-involved and tactically engaged in romantic re-Ovid’s works on love as resources that contributein developing and managing intimate relation-nize that, by convention, it is they who will be thelationships. Still, as a careful examination of histo a trans-contextual, trans-historical understand-ships, Ovid (AL, BI:1-34) first emphasizes that lovepursuers.texts reveal, his considerations of influence working of intimate relationships and associated no-is an art to be learned and that he, Ovid, deserves toalso represent documentaries on “impressiontions of emotionality.be considered the master of the art.Then, focusing on women of some standing in themanagement” (Goffman 1959), the “careers of re-community, Ovid (AL, BI:353-399) suggests that onelationships” (Prus 1996; Prus and Grills 2003), and“emotionality as a humanly engaged process”The Art of Love 5Appreciating intimate indulgences more generally,Ovid (AL, BI:35-134) encourages newcomersway of winning the affections of one’s desire is todevelop an alliance with her maid. Although these(Prus 1996; Prus and Grills 2003).Take some trouble, at first, to make her handmaiden’s acquaintance:to adopt the role of the hunter and to be preparedinstructions may be of limited value to many, Ovid’sIn more sweeping, historical terms, Ovid’s The Artof Love may be seen as a highly consequential precursornot only to Andreas Capellanus’ (circa 1185)The Art of Courtly Love but also Guillaume de LorrisShe, more than any one else, really can lighten your way.She must be one you can trust, if she knows of the tricks you are playing,Confidante, wise and discreet, high in her mistress’ regard.Spoil her by promising much, and spoil her by pleading a little,to seek out all manners of places (including thetheatre, law courts, and festival games, as well asmore casual urban contexts) as settings in which tomake contact with prospective females.advice is tactically astute and provides insight intopeople’s relations with others more generally. Thus,Ovid is particularly attentive to the opportunitiesthat certain insiders (e.g., maids, family members,friends) have to encourage and discourage people’s(circa 1212-1237) and Jean de Meun (circa 1235-1305)What you seek you will find, if she is willing you should.Using the openness of events such as horse races asromantic involvements.The Romance of the Rose, and other 12-14 th centuryFrench and Italian poetic accounts of romantic relations(Prus in progress). Ovid’s text also representsa noteworthy forerunner to Niccolò Machiavelli’s(1469-1527) The Prince. Whether or not “all’s fair inShe will choose the right time – a maid is as good as a doctor – …While her maid is at work, combing her hair in the morning,Let her keep urging her on, let her add oars to the sail,Let her say with a sigh, or the softest murmuring whisper,an illustrative context, Ovid (AL, BI:135-229) suggeststhat a man find some common base on whichto initiate a conversation with a lady of his choosing.Ovid then indicates how an admirer mightcreate a more engaging and favorable impressionOvid (AL, BI:400-439) also suggests that men bemindful of the ways in which women can enticethem into buying them presents or loaning themmoney; neither of which, he cautions, are likely tolove and war,” the tactical (anticipatory, enacted,“I don’t suppose, after all, there is a thing you can do,”in her mind.be repaid to their value.and adjusted) features of human interchange introducedin Ovid’s writings address some essentialfeatures of ongoing community life.Then let her talk about you, and add some words of persuasion,Let her swear that she knows you must be dying of love.Ovid (AL, BI:230-264) also discusses home partiesas another viable setting in which to pursue wom-Continuing, Ovid (AL, BI:440-459) observes thatsweet talk conveyed in written text may be help-(Ovid [The Art of Love, Book I: lines 351-360];en, noting that wine often helps minimize people’sful, but defines these endeavors as much less con-In what follows, attention will be given to Ovid’sHumphries trans. 1957)sorrows and reservations. Still, Ovid cautions hissequential than material goods. Still, even moreThe Art of Love (AL), The Remedies for Love (RL), andThe Loves (TL). In each case, I will follow the overallflow of the materials that Ovid develops so thatreaders might more readily appreciate the themeshe addresses in his works, as well as locate perti-5In developing this statement on Ovid, I am particularly indebtedto Rolfe Humphries’ (1957) translation of The Art ofLove. The citation numbers are based on those provided inJ. H. Mozley’s (1939) translation of Ovid: The Art of Love andOther Poems, Loeb edition. Still, readers may appreciate that, asa poet, Ovid tends to blend his discussions somewhat, as wellas embark on illustrations of a more entertaining quality.students not to drink too much or to disregard theflaws hidden by the evening light, lest they later findthemselves in undesired situations. Shifting framessomewhat, Ovid also suggests that young men bemindful of more pious virgin females – noting thatimportant than any gifts actually given are thepromises of gifts to be given. Noting that gifts areoften taken for granted, once received, Ovid pointsto the value of not only promising women thingsbut of promising more freely.128©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 129

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate RelationsAs well, Ovid (AL, BI:460-486) suggests that youngThen, focusing more directly on one’s primary tar-I was about to conclude, but – the hearts of the girls! How they differ!those with capacities to gift extensively have nomen study rhetoric. The objective here is not topractice law, but to develop a more persuasivemanner. Likewise, Ovid advises his pupils not toadopt the mannerisms and speech of the lawyer.The emphasis, instead, is on appearing naturalget as someone (with whom earlier receptivity hasbeen established), Ovid (AL, BI:608-739) instructshis students to be direct in assuming the role of thelover. The objective is to convey desire by indulgingin flattery. Ovid says that women are highly amena-Use a thousand means, since there are thousands of ends...Hearts have as many moods as the heaven has constellations:He who is wise will know how to adapt to the mood...Then there’s the question of years, with experience also a factor;need of his assistance. Defining himself as a “poorman’s poet,” Ovid says that the financially disadvantagedare required to be much more careful intheir manners and language than their wealthycounterparts. Also, he adds, those who are finan-and congenial while embarking on sustained per-ble to flattery and that all, regardless of their quali-Wary, naive – you must choose which is the method to use.cially disadvantaged can expect to endure moresuasive endeavor. More generally, Ovid contends,ties, wish to hear themselves described in terms ofIf you seem coarse to a prude, or learned to some little lowbrowhardship in their quests for love. Thus, he encour-persistence, especially coupled with patience, isthe key to success in matters of love.Still more is involved, Ovid (AL, BI:487-525) ob-praise, beauty, and delight.Continuing, Ovid recommends bold promises, aswell as the practice of calling on the gods to wit-She will be filled with distrust, made to feel cheap in your eyes,So she will run away from an honest man, and go flyingOff to the safer embrace of some inferior clown.ages extended levels of patience, tolerance, and ingratiation.In the absence of wealth, Ovid instructshis students to be amenable to whatever their loveobjects desire; to blame what they blame, denyserves. It is important to be attentive to, and accommodatethe whims of one’s desired object.Ovid also encourages men to be clean, neat, andness one’s sincerity. Observing that women are noless honorable than these pretentious lovers, Ovidfurther encourages the timely use and manufac-(Ovid [The Art of Love, Book I: lines 737-772]Humphries trans. 1957)what they deny, laugh when they laugh, and jointhem with tears when they cry.pleasant in appearance and personal hygiene, butto recognize that excessive concerns with mas-ture of tears and other emotional expressions onthe part of males. Adding that women want toBook IILikewise, in games of chance and skill, it is productivefor the man to cheer for the woman’s sideculine appearance may be self-defeating, as alsomay the adoption of more feminized appearanceson the part of males.In a later shift of emphasis, Ovid (AL, BI:565-608) focuses somewhat more directly on men’sinvolvements with married women. While encouragingmale lovers to be discreetly attentive tothe woman involved, Ovid also recommends thatthese men endeavor to become defined as friendsby the women’s husbands. To this end, loversare advised to be openly generous toward andthoughtful of the husband in order to better advantagethemselves with the objects of their affection.Relatedly, Ovid cautions his students aboutexcessive drinking and, especially, about the importanceof avoiding violent interchanges. Still,pretend that they are unwillingly giving themselvesto their lovers, Ovid says that it would befoolish for the lover to assume that the girl wouldor should be the aggressor. If more substantialresistance is encountered, Ovid suggests that thelover invoke patience and assume the situationallymore acceptable posture that one wishes only“to be a friend.”As Ovid (AF, BI:740-754) concludes Book I, he offerstwo other pieces of advice to his students. First, hesuggests that men not praise the objects of their affectionto their friends, lest their friends also becomeinterested in these particular women.Secondly, in something of an afterthought, Ovid(AL, BI:755-774) extends his analysis by observingOvid opens Book II of The Art of Love with a somewhatdifferent emphasis. Here, Ovid (AL, BII:1-159)intends to provide advice on maintaining the objectof one’s affections. Noting that things are continuallychanging. Ovid (AL, BII:91-159) observesthat good looks represent a fleeting and only partiallyadvantageous feature of obtaining love.Commenting on the desirability of men developingan enhanced quality of mind, Ovid advises his studentsto become more cultured, and especially tobecome more accomplished in the liberal arts andlanguages. Relatedly, instead of focusing on goodlooks or physique, Ovid describes tact and toleranceas more desirable virtues. Noting that wives tend tobe quarrelsome, Ovid instructs his students to telltheir mistresses only what they want to hear. Thus,Ovid recommends the extended use of courtesy,and, in games of contest, to sacrifice one’s ownvictories so that she may win. In addition to moreextended courtesies, Ovid instructs men to bethoughtful, helpful, and appear dedicated to theirlady in the face of whatever obstacles they mayencounter.Noting that the art of love is not for the lazy orcowardly, Ovid (AL, BII:233-249) likens love untowar. Love also is not a place for personal pride orconcerns with comfort.Ovid (AL, BII:250-274) also stresses the importanceof winning favor with the maids and other servants.He advises his students to be thoughtful, warm, andgracious in dealing with these people, providingthem with small gifts when this can be managed.he observes that lovers may obtain certain advan-that women differ so much in their styles and ro-flattery, and endearment.Relatedly, he suggests that even those with limitedtages, including a tolerance of some indiscretionsmantic leanings that it is a continual challenge tofunds can find ways of appearing gallant to theirby pretending to be drunk in more affable or play-match one’s approach with the orientations of one’sThen, observing that wealth contains its own formlove objects with inexpensive gifts (as in bringingful manners.object of desire:of genius, Ovid (AL, BII:160-233) flatly states thatbaskets of fruit when these are in season).130©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 131

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate RelationsAs for poems, Ovid (AL, BII:275-287) observes thatthis would only confirm one’s guilt. More impor-desirable qualities of objects can be redefined andThus, although observing that they are apt to bethey may be warmly acknowledged, but poetstantly, Ovid advises his readers to engage in pas-made more palatable.deceived by men, Ovid says that women effec-cannot compete with extravagant, even illiterate,sionate lovemaking with the indignant party.tively lose nothing, but gain much joy by partici-spenders.Then, returning to ingratiation as a tactic, Ovid(AL, BII:288-314) suggests some other, more effective,ways of winning favor than writing love poems.In addition to giving the woman credit forwhatever good deeds one does, it is important,Ovid says, to openly stress her beauty, charm,attire, hairstyle, dancing ability, seductive qualities,and so forth. And, if deception is necessaryin such matters, Ovid states it is to be concealed inorder to be effective.Later, Ovid (AL, BII:435-493) adds that some womengrow complacent in the absence of rivals. Givenmore exclusive attention, they lose their interestsor capacities for passionate involvements. Thesewomen, he says, require anxiety about their partnerto re-establish their desires to love. Followingmore frantic, angered confrontations, they may bereceptive to intense romantic involvements.Then, observing that those who follow his sagelyadvice will win out in the end, Ovid (AL, BII:494-Relatedly, Ovid (AL, BII:663-732) instructs his studentsnot to ask potentially embarrassing questionsof their lady friends. He then points to theredeeming qualities of more mature (over thirty)women. In particular, Ovid emphasizes theirgreater desires for romantic involvements, addingthat he despises girls who only reluctantly give inbed or do so only out of a sense of duty. Observingthat love is an art only adequately learned later inlife, Ovid further emphasizes that love is somethingnever to be hurried.pating in intimate relations. Ovid says he is notencouraging promiscuity and cheapness, but insteadis fostering a more adequate and enjoyablelife-style for women.Observing that the cultivation of a more attractiveappearance is a matter of first importance,Ovid (AL, BIII:103-239) recommends that womentake care to make the most of what they have beengiven. Adding that men find elegance irresistible,Ovid encourages women to be mindful of theirhairstyles, facial features, and the like. He alsoContinuing, Ovid (AL, BII:315-384) also instructsmen on how to deal with instances of ill health onthe part of their love objects. As before, he encouragesattentiveness, sympathetic reactions, and ingratiation.However, Ovid cautions his students,522) also says that those who pursue the course oflove should expect to have much to endure.Noting that women often are not as faithful as theyclaim, Ovid (AL, BII:523-642) encourages his studentsto be patient and to appear to believe whatConcluding Book II (AL, BII:733-746) with a requestthat his male students afford him recognitionas an instructor of the art of love, Ovid saysthat he will now direct his attention to those femaleswho desire his instruction.states that fashion currently changes so quicklythat it is not appropriate to recommend any particularstyle or look. Still, Ovid discusses matterssuch as dyeing one’s hair and adding store-boughttresses for effects. He also suggests that women beattentive to the effects of particular fabrics and col-more zealous flattery is less apt to be appreciatedwhen people are not well.they are told, even when they definitely knowotherwise. Emphasizing the importance of lettingBook IIIors of clothing on one’s overall appearance, notingthat certain colors better compliment certain skinWhile encouraging men to spend as much timein the presence of their love objects as their ladiesmight desire, Ovid also recommends that theynot depart until they are likely to be missed. Eventhen, he suggests that shorter absences are preferable,lest one be too quickly forgotten and possiblyreplaced.Ovid (AL, BII:385-434) subsequently engages thethe woman’s deceptions be sustained, Ovid discouragesmen from embarking on confrontationsor attempts to expose a woman who has lied orcheated on them. Likewise, he dissuades his studentsfrom setting traps for their love objects orany rivals they may have. Later, he comments onthe desirability of keeping one’s own affairs secretand explicitly discourages readers from boastingabout their conquests or pseudo conquests.Then, addressing a female clientele, Ovid beginsBook III (1-59) of The Art of Love by stating that itwould be unfair for him to equip men so fittinglyfor the art of love and not do as much for women.Rather than leave them defenseless, Ovid willhelp guide them in the art of love. Likewise, Ovidadds, while men are generally deceptive and conniving,women of a comparable sort are more difficultto locate.tones. Referencing his own text, The Art of Beauty(only part of which has survived), Ovid then commentson the importance of personal hygiene andthe ways that women more effectively may use cosmetics.He also reminds his students about decorum.Thus, Ovid explicitly distinguishes betweenback region preparations and the ways that womenshow themselves to others. Like other artists, womenare instructed to “keep the studio door shut.”topic of multiple involvements. While emphasizingdiscretion, he recommends highly insistentdenial if ever one is caught being unfaithful.Shifting frames somewhat, Ovid (AL, BII:643-662)advises perspective lovers to be tolerant of a girl’sflaws, to ignore these shortcomings, or to pretendOvid (AL, BIII:60-102) then encourages women toenjoy life while they can. He observes that timeOvid (AL, BIII:240-252) also advises women to treattheir maids with respect. This way, they are moreapt to benefit from their maid’s loyalty and theirRelatedly, he states, it is important not to be toothat those do not exist. He goes on to show how,will take its toll on one’s physical charms and oldmaid’s more viable, concerned assistance in theiroffended or excessively attentive afterward sincethrough the particular words one uses, the lessage often finds people cold and alone.preparations and other matters.132©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 133

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate RelationsNoting that beautiful girls require little or no helpOvid encourages his students to be charming inif women, even beautiful girls, do not avoid in-ing their husbands. While noting that brides mayat this point, Ovid (AL, BIII:253-312) says that heevery way they possibly can.stances of intense anger, they will suffer for it.be expected by law to honor and obey their hus-will offer the pretty ones, as well as the homelyNo one who sees her own angry face in the mir-bands, Ovid also observes that women have vari-ones, ways of disguising or minimizing troublingAt the same time, Ovid (AL, BIII:433-465) cautionsror, Ovid notes, would like to admit that that faceous ways of screening their activities from hus-imperfections. In quick order, Ovid offers sugges-girls to avoid certain kinds of men. Thus, womenis her own. Likewise, says Ovid, expressions ofbands and guardians. Appreciating that wine andtions for a variety of concerns women might haveare encouraged to distance themselves from menpride, arrogance, haughtiness, or contempt alsosedatives can be effective in distracting people,about height, body shapes, teeth, and so forth.who are flashy dressers, those devoted to (theirare quickly disenchanting to anyone whom thoseOvid notes that seductive maids can effectivelyOvid then provides explicit instructions on moreown) immaculate appearances or elegant natures,women may desire to find them attractive. Also,occupy men’s attention. He also alerts women toappropriate ways of governing one’s laughter,and those who dress expensively or wear a lot ofOvid adds, few people are apt to be attracted tothe advantages of bribery (as with the householdlearning how to turn on tears, and attending tojewelry. He also encourages women to avoid thoseglum or dour individuals.staff) provided they are wise enough to maintainone’s posture and walk.who request material favors or assistance fromsecrecy and that the bribe is adequate. As withwomen, those with bad reputations, and thoseIn addition, Ovid (AL, BIII:525-592) observes,the men, whom he cautioned about praising theirIn addition to the beauty of appearance, Ovid (AL,who swear insistently of their undying love. Asthere is the matter of the girl choosing the manlove objects to their associates, Ovid observesBIII:313-379) instructs his pupils on achievingfor those men who make big promises, Ovid saysbest suited for her purposes. Thus, at differentthat women’s friends are no less trustworthy.other attractive qualities and mannerisms. Whilethat women are free to match these. However, hetimes, women may prefer those who (variously)Relatedly, he suggests that ladies monitor theirsome may be able to take advantage of beautifuladds, it also is expected that those men who liveoffer wealth, advice, eloquence, entertainment,maids since they may be prepared to do more forvoices and musical talents to help charm men,up to their promises will be rewarded according-exuberance, or maturity. Ovid also insists that itthe man they are sent to distract than does theOvid observes that it is desirable for women toly, lest the women who accepted these promiseswould be foolish of women to expect any pres-lady they serve.read classical and contemporary poets (suggest-be considered dishonorable because they brokeents from a poet other than his poems. Notinging that some may find his own works worth-their promises.that a woman should not plan to deal with differ-As he works his way to the conclusion, Ovid (AL,while in developing their talents in this area).ent people in the same manner, Ovid encouragesBIII:667-747) says that he will indicate where menThen, after commenting on the allures of talentedIn dealing with the approaches they encounterthem to adjust accordingly, but to still insure thatare most defenseless. Here, he instructs womendancers, Ovid also points to the value of achiev-from men, Ovid (AL, BIII:466-499) recommendsthey maintain an intensity of desire on the part ofto make men feel that they are loved. This, Oviding familiarity with dice games, chess, and thethat girls be thoughtful about these matters. Hethe man they have selected.says, is an easy task, since this is what men want.like, but instructs his pupils on the advantages ofalso notes that some delay may be advantageousThus, he encourages expressions of affection, andlosing to their lover, as well as the disadvantagesin enhancing an admirer’s passion. However, anOnce a women has captured a lover, Ovid (AL,indications of disappointment and mild resent-of appearing too clever. Then, observing that peo-extended delay is generally unwise. Thus, whileBIII:593-613) continues, he ought to be made toment for being neglected, as well as a willing-ple often express themselves emotionally in thediscouraging reckless involvements, Ovid sug-feel as if he is the only one. Later in the relation-ness to maintain composure. Ovid also cautionscourse of gaming, Ovid explicitly warns womengests that delays involving desirable males beship, Ovid suggests that it may be desirable to lethis students about being too quick to believe theabout the importance of maintaining composurepresented in ways that convey hopefulness. Whenhim suspect more than is the case, lest he takesworst and he especially stresses the risks of wom-and, in particular, the necessity of avoiding an-messengers are involved in the liaison, Ovid rec-her for granted. Still, Ovid states, it is most impor-en engaging in fits of jealous rage.gry, quarrelsome displays.ommends even greater discretion. Only trustedtant that the girl provides her lover with genuineindividuals are to be involved, lest these assis-pleasure. Otherwise, he is apt to conclude that it isThen, after encouraging women to be charmingWhile noting the advantage that beautiful girlstants later use their knowledge of the situation fornot worthwhile to spend his nights in the presentand lady-like (as in elegance, manners, and thehave in attracting men, Ovid (AL, BIII:415-432)personal advantage.company.restrained consumption of food and drink), Ovidcontends that the girl who is eager to please also(AL, BIII:748-812) turns more directly to the inti-will gain attention. Thus, while luck also entersOvid (AL, BIII:500-524) then turns to what he con-Extending his text somewhat, Ovid (AL, BIII:614-macies of lovemaking. He instructs women to beinto attractiveness and other affairs of the heart,siders more consequential matters. First, he states,666) next considers the matter of women deceiv-mindful of matching their methods of relating to134©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 135

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate Relationstheir lovers with their personal physical assets.leisure time. If one cannot find enough work toThen, noting that some people may be unable toagements of re-involvement with the troublesomeStill more important, Ovid contends, is that theoccupy one’s time, Ovid recommends recreationalkeep away from a troublesome love, Ovid (RL:525-individual, warning that women have many wayswoman enjoys the encounter and insures that herforms of involvement. Likewise, he discourages542) suggests that they indulge themselves so fullyof re-establishing their influences if given the op-lover enjoys being with her. If pretense is neces-people from “counting the days and hours” andthat they become bored, weary, or otherwise disaf-portunity to do so.sary, it is essential that her performance be con-from reflecting back on “what was.” He also dis-fected with her company.vincing. Paralleling his conclusion to Book II,suades people from seeking help through witch-To assist in these distancing practices, Ovid (RL:708-Ovid asks that grateful female students simplycraft, spells, potions, and the like.Continuing with his advice to those suffering from787) suggests that the wounded lover may makeattest to the value of his instructions.love, Ovid (RL:555-579) recommends that people setcomparisons with other girls that the troublesomeThose men haunted by former loves also are in-aside concerns with mistrust of the other and focusone is sure to lose. Ovid then cautions people toThe Remedies for Love 6structed (RL:288-314) to itemize all of the woman’snegative qualities and deeds, as well as the expen-instead on diversionary matters, such as their financialwoes (mortgages, debts, creditors), their proper-avoid reading love letters that had been written tothem by their former lovers. He also recommendsAlthough Ovid’s The Remedies for Love [RL] is considerablyless developed than The Art of Love, RLis an important statement on the disinvolvement,disentanglement, or detachment process. RL considersthe matters of dealing with loss or rejectionof love among people severing romantic relationshipsmore generally.ditures and other losses she has caused. Likewise,observing that one can find fault with anyone, Ovidsuggests that his students explicitly exaggerate ordramatize (to themselves) any negative qualitiesthey might associate with particular love objects.Somewhat relatedly, Ovid (RL:315-439) suggeststhat one’s love object be encouraged to display anyties, and related obligations.Ovid (RL:580-644) also instructs heartbroken loversto avoid lonely places and seclusion. He encouragesthese people to be around others, especially a goodfriend if possible. Ovid explicitly discourages thewounded from spending time in places where theymight encounter the women they love. He also dis-that they avoid all manners of places and thingsthat might foster sensations of love for that person.Likewise, Ovid instructs those struggling witha troublesome love to avoid reading all mannersof love poems (including many of his own poems),lest they develop or renew more intense sentimentsfor their love objects.While RL primarily is addressed to those men whohave suffered loss or rejection in love, Ovid (RL:1-52) acknowledges a parallel concern on the part ofwomen. Ovid is going to offer advice on how loversmay recover from these wounds.negative qualities that she has so that this mayprovide a more pronounced reminder of her failings.In addition to seeking solace in other girls,Ovid also suggests that the men employ otherwomen as more desirable comparison points withthe former love. He encourages concerted focus-courages men from associating with her acquaintances.Saying that things of this sort are to beavoided, Ovid recommends that the affected maleestablish a social world that is notably removedfrom the woman’s presence.As Ovid (RL:788-794) concludes RL, he instructs hisstudents to put aside any thoughts they may haveabout rivals faring better than them with the troublesomelove object. Instead of regarding the rival as anenemy, thus, Ovid encourages his students to treatthe rival in a congenial manner, if only in shorter-Ovid (RL:53-134) begins by recommending that peopleattracted to others keep their passions under control,thereby reducing risks from the start. Still, herecognizes that this seldom is adequate advice, especiallyfor those who are currently suffering from love.ing on her every defect.After observing that the loss of a lover is less painfulif one formerly had two sweethearts, Ovid(RL:440-487) suggests that one consult his earlierbooks on love.Likewise, Ovid (RL:645-682) explicitly instructs hisstudents not to ask about their love-objects or even tocomplain about them. It is much better, he says, to letlove fade and die through silence. Still, he cautions,it is not appropriate to hate someone that one onceloved. It is enough not to care. Gifts that were given,term pretence. Later, when one can greet the rivalwith heartfelt gratitude, the loss of love is no more.Ovid (RL:795-811) also cautions distraught loversabout their diet. In addition to avoiding foods associatedwith passion, he also warns people about theNext, defining idleness as a major source of difficulty,Ovid (RL:135-287) instructs those experiencingthe loss or rejection of love to eliminate their6This statement on Ovid’s RL is based on Rolfe Humphries’(1957) translation. However, I have used the somewhat moreprecise, standardized notations provided in the Loeb edition(J. H. Mozley’s [1939] translation of Ovid: The Art of Love andOther Poems).When around these troublesome love-objects ingroup settings, Ovid (RL:488-524) instructs hisstudents to maintain the appearances of composureand good spirits no matter how those womenmay act and, likewise, to distance themselveswhenever possible.likewise, are to be left with the girl, lest they becomepoints of contention. Should the parties meet on otheroccasions, Ovid encourages emotional distancing,treating the former lover as if she were a stranger.Ovid (RL:683-707) further instructs troubled loversnot to be receptive to suggestions or other encour-risks of wine. Either one should remain entirely soberand thereby unaffected by the temptations associatedwith wine or drink so much that one ceases to care.Ovid (RL:812-815) ends by saying that his readerswill thank him after they have come to terms withtheir situations.136©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 137

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate RelationsThe Loves 7tend to one another in the presence of the woman’shusband and how they may deal with him.TL, BI: XI [“Getting Help from the Maid”] This poemrecognizes that women’s maids, as insiders to theirTL, BII: VIII [“The Implicated Maid”] Here, Ovidmakes reference to a suspicion by his lover thatDenoting a collection of Ovid’s shorter poems onmistresses’ life-worlds, can be of considerable tacti-he has been involved with her maid. Insisting thatlove, The Loves [TL] is much less systematic in itsTL, BI: VII [“Violent Encounter between thecal assistance in fostering romantic intrigues on thenothing has been going on, at least to the temporarydevelopment than either The Art of Love or RemediesLovers”] Here, the poet laments the violence he haspart of their mistresses. Ovid discusses the value ofsatisfaction of the mistress, Ovid later reminds thefor Love. Still, TL provides a noteworthy series ofinflicted on the girl he loves. Acknowledging hismale lovers entreating maids to help them obtainmaid of her obligation to him. He threatens to shareobservations about love as a socially engaged es-ill treatment of the girl, he expresses remorse, asaccess to their mistresses.every detail of their liaison with the mistress if thesence. While fragmented and disjointed as a col-well as anger toward himself for having acted somaid subsequently refuses him.lection, and overlapping with Ovid’s other texts inviolently.TL, BII: IV [“Being Attracted to Women”] Likeningcertain respects, the materials in TL not only com-himself to a ship tossed about by the whims of theTL, BII: XI [“The Military Metaphor”] Here, Ovidplement Ovid’s other considerations of interper-TL, BI: VIII [“The Meddlesome Old Woman”] Ovidocean, the poet says that despite all of his desires tolikens the conquest of a mistress to a military suc-sonal relations but also suggest a number of pointsdescribes the attempts of an old woman to keepbe otherwise, he lacks the ability to avoid findingcess. While not claiming originality, he explicitlyof departure for future analysis.two lovers separated both by her actions and by thewomen attractive. Observing that there is no oneemphasizes the tactical nature of his romanticthings she says. At the same time, the old womanparticular type of girl that he finds alluring, he findscampaign.Whereas Ovid’s TL is packaged in three books andencourages the younger woman to make the mosthimself hopelessly attracted to an extended array ofeach entry is numbered, the individual poems haveof her presently good years. Stating that poets are ofwomen, including those of seemingly opposite quali-TL, BII: XIII-XIV [“The Abortion”] On learning thatnot been named by the author. Assuming some lib-little value beyond their poems, she encourages theties. Thus, whether they are short or tall, modest orhis beloved had attempted an abortion on her own,erties, I have selected those entries that seem moreyounger woman to be more aggressive in using herbrash, distant or warm on the surface, cultured orOvid expresses a number of viewpoints on the mat-central to a consideration of people’s relationshipsgood years to accumulate material goods. Relatedly,folksy, or whether they are talented in certain wayster. While extremely grateful that his lover has sur-with others and have designated these accordingly.the old woman also advises the younger woman onor not, there are elements in each girl that he findsvived the ordeal, he also expresses the fear that heStill, even more minimalist examinations of theseways to obtain more presents from her lovers. Thus,irresistibly appealing.probably, or at least possibly, was responsible forentries offer snippets of insight. Further, whilefor instance, maids and other acquaintances maybeher predicament. Imploring her to do nothing of theOvid presents these materials as if they were hisused to drop hints on behalf of the woman or oneTL, BII: V [“Confronting his Lover about a Rival”] Insort again, he also chastises her for not followingown experiences, readers may recognize the moremay have more than the usual number of birthdaysthis poem, Ovid addresses instances of males con-through on the pregnancy.prototypical qualities of the acts, actors, and situa-as occasions on which to be gifted. The old wom-fronting their lovers about affairs they believe theirtions being discussed.an also suggests that some rivalry might promptlovers have had with other men. After the challengeTL, BII: XV [“The Ring”] In this playful little poem,greater generosity. She also says that loans obtainedand angered reaction, the lover acquiesces and takesOvid begins by noting that the ring is useless exceptTL, BI: II [“Identifying Oneself as a Victim offrom lovers need never be returned. As well, the oldpity on the woman’s helpless state. While subsequent-as a token of the giver’s love. Then, after savoring theLove”] Ovid discusses the matter of identifying thewoman advises the younger woman to be coy andly benefiting from her heightened affection, the lovercloseness the ring will achieve with the recipient’s per-(often debilitating) symptoms of love (e.g., restless-attentive to the use of flattery.is left wondering about her relations with the rival.son, he dispatches the ring as “love’s ambassador.”ness, anxiety, loneliness) and the notion of peopledealing with the emotional states that take themTL, BI: X [“The Poet’s Justification”] In this entry,TL, BII: VII [“Facing Jealousy”] Focusing on the re-TL, BII: XVIII [“Being Distracted”] In this little entry,by surprise.Ovid observes that women can use their charmsactions of a jealous (female) lover, Ovid discussesOvid makes reference to the demands that an affec-to obtain wide ranges of goods from the lovers.the presumption of his sexual interest in other girlstionate girl can make on one’s person at the timesTL, BI: IV [“The Lovers Deal with the Husband”]Acknowledging his comparative poverty, Ovidon her part. Stating that nothing has been going on,a poet should be working to produce text.Ovid considers the ways in which lovers may at-says that he only can offer his poems. Still, unlikebut still suffering the blame, he comments on the7This discussion is derived from Rolfe Humphries’ (1957)translation of Ovid’s TL.many other things, Ovid says, poems can havea lasting splendor.wearying effects of the invectives to which he hasbeen subjected.TL, BIII: II [“Race track Venture”] Viewing the racetrack a another setting for meeting girls, Ovid138©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 139

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate Relationsdescribes the ways in which one may use an out-he also asks her to deny her involvements and, inother ways, make it easier for him to imagine hersincerity for this is what he very much wishes tobelieve.Still, focusing more directly on Ovid’s work on love,it should be noted that in contrast to much contemporaryscholarship in sociology and psychologythat depicts intimate relations in more static and/ordepersonalized manners (as in studies of attitudes,class backgrounds, religious similarities, and thelike), Ovid clearly attends to the processual, enacted,tactically engaged, and emotionally experiencedfeatures of affective relations.structive to ask if, and in what ways, Ovid’s materialsmight be used to assess and/or extend presentday notions of relationships in the making. Whilespace limitations preclude a more detailed considerationof Ovid’s texts with respect to each of thesubthemes addressed herein, much still may begleaned by considering these matters in light ofOvid’s materials.ing such as this for making contact and consolidatingoneself with someone that one finds attractive.TL, BIII: III [“Beauty has its Privileges”] Here,TL, BIII: XV [“Hoping to Endure”] In closing TheOvid notes that even though they may lie and oth-Loves, Ovid (now seemingly in his later years) noteserwise are known to be deceitful, beautiful girlsare apt to be forgiven for their transgressions. Ifthere are gods, Ovid contends, even the gods arelikely to find the charms of these women so irresistiblethat they too would forgive them for anywrongdoing.that he has had rather humble origins and has liveda modest life-style. Still, he hopes that his writingsmay bring some fame to his small community andthat his works may last well beyond his lifetime.As part of an ongoing quest (Prus 1987; 1996; 1997;1999; Prus and Grills 2003) to identify a series ofsubprocesses that would enable social scientiststo better comprehend and examine the ways inwhich people develop relationships with others inall manners of settings, four features of the relationshipprocess are delineated. These are: (a) anticipatingencounters with others; (b) focusing on particularothers; (c) intensifying association; and (d) dealingwith distractions and disaffections. 9 Focusing onAlthough Ovid is somewhat presumptive and prescriptivein his analysis, as well as poetically playfulat many points, Ovid’s materials also attest to thegreat many astute observations he has made abouthuman relations, as well as the remarkable assortmentof analytic insights he has generated.TL, BIII: VIII [“Money Counts for More”] Notingthat the gifts of poets and other authors holdlittle allure compared to the attractions womenhave for wealth and position, Ovid asks womenwho are attracted to such things to considerthe killing and other injuries (as with militarypersonnel) that has allowed these people to obtainwealth and position (compared to the gentlelife-style of the poet). Because of their owngreed, Ovid contends, these women effectivelyare turned into slaves for the wealthy. However,less advantaged men still may be able to accessthese women by bringing them gifts. Still, Ovidlaments, it would be nice for neglected (and impoverished)lovers to have a god who might helpmake things right.TL, BIII: XIV [“Trying to Believe”] In this entry,the speaker acknowledges his inability to keep hislover (spouse) from being involved with other lovers.Still, he asks that she try to be more discreetin her activities and the ways in which she managesappearances. While noting that he does not gosnooping or otherwise try to trap or discredit her,Ovid in Historical ContextAs Gross (1985) notes, aspects of the analysis of intimaterelationships can be traced back to Homer(circa 700 BCE), Hesiod (circa 700 BCE), and Sappho(circa 600 BCE), as well as the Greek tragedians(Aeschylus, circa 525-456 BCE; Sophocles, circa495-405 BCE; and Euripides circa 480-406 BCE) andthe philosophers: Plato (circa 420-348 BCE) andAristotle (circa 384-322 BCE). 8 While this does notdiminish the remarkable contributions that Ovidhas made to the study of intimate relationships, itmakes an even more compelling case for social scientistsgiving more direct attention to the classicalliterature. Thus, in addition to the value of theseclassical sources in other ways, these works areeven more important for the trans-contextual andtrans-historical resources that they offer to present-dayscholars.8For a somewhat parallel interactionist consideration of loveand friendship in the works of Plato and Aristotle, see Prusand Camara (2010). Contemporary readers in the social sciencesmay be struck by the exceptionally insightful and detailedanalytic quality of the materials generated by Plato andAristotle. Indeed, Plato and Aristotle not only have much tooffer students of the human condition but they also providean instructive base for assessing the adequacy of contemporarysociological and psychological analyses of interpersonalrelations.While not suggesting that Ovid’s materials are to beused as the prototype for subsequent research andanalysis, it is appropriate to observe that only a smallnumber of contemporary book-length ethnographiesaddressing the matters of love, sexuality, and emotionalityexplicitly acknowledge process, activity, agency,persuasion, and emotionality in ways that favorablycompare with Ovid’s texts. Although it will not bepossible in the present statement to develop sustainedconsiderations of Ovid’s texts with respect to interactionistanalyses of (a) relationships, (b) emotionality,and (c) influence work, it is hoped that those who haveexamined the preceding depiction of Ovid’s texts maybegin to appreciate the potential his work offers forfurther analysis of these three interconnected aspectsof community life.Relationships in ProcessTo better assess the contributions of Ovid’s texts onlove to the contemporary social sciences, it is in-9Despite their centrality for the study of human group-life,intimate relationships have received comparatively little sustainedethnographic attention. Some instructive studies ofintimate relations include ethnographies focusing on heterosexuallife-worlds (Waller 1967 [1930]; Hunt 1966; Bartell 1971;Prus and Irini 1980; Vaughan 1986; Rosenblatt et al., 1995), homosexualencounters (Reiss 1961; Warren 1974; Humphreys1975; Ponse 1978; Correll 1995), and transsexual interchanges(Kando 1973; Ekins 1997).In addition to studies that focus directly on intimate relationshipsand interchanges, scholars also are apt to appreciate theethnographies that address the development, maintenance,and severance of relationships in other settings. Especiallynoteworthy in this sense are considerations of the relationshipsthat people develop within the contexts of: bar life (Roebuckand Frese 1976; Prus and Irini 1980); religious involvements(Lofland 1977 [1966]; Prus 1976; Van Zandt 1991; Jorgensen 1992;Shaffir 1993; 1995), the thief subculture (Shaw 1930; Sutherland1937; Maurer 1955; Letkemann 1973; Prus and Sharper 1977;Adler 1985; Steffensmeier 1986; Shover 1996; Jacobs 1999), themarketplace (Prus 1989a; 1989b; Prus and Frisby 1990), fantasyrole-playing games (Fine 1983), entertainment (Becker 1963;Faulkner 1971; MacLeod 1993), outlaw gangs (Wolf 1991), thetattoo subculture (Sanders 1989), medical treatments (Roth1962; Davis 1963; Schneider and Conrad 1983; Charmaz 1991),and pronounced interpersonal difficulties (Lemert 1962; Karp1996). For some reviews of the broader literature on the socialpsychology of interpersonal attraction and interpersonal relationships,see Secord and Backman (1964), Erber and Erber(2000), and Hendrick and Hendrick (2000).140©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 141

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate Relationsthese four aspects of the relationship process, theopposition; and (d) being defined by themselvestimate relationships represent one area in whichas well as within subcultures in particular com-following extract from that volume addresses theand/or others as a unit.people’s experiences with affectivity tend to bemunities, it is apparent that people’s emotionalsubprocesses embedded within these four themes:particularly prominent. Hence, while people’sexperiences represent consequential features ofFollowing the overall relationship along, it also isrelationships also reflect the matters of acquir-their intimate associations. Relatedly, people mayAnticipating encounters with others would includeinstructive to ask the ways that people deal with dis-ing perspectives, developing identities, doingengage a rather extended range of affective sensa-such things as (1) getting prepared for meetingpeople more generally; (2) envisioning oneselfas available for association; (3) defining specificothers as potentially desirable associates; (4) approachingothers and/or receiving indicationsof receptivity from others; (5) encountering andtractions and disaffections. This means examining:(1) the kinds of things that participants define asproblematic or that emerge as points of contentionamong the participants; (2) the ways that peopleattempt to deal with these troublesome situations;(3) when and how these episodes continue, inten-activities, making commitments, and achievinglinguistic fluency (see Prus 1996; 1997; 1999; Prusand Grills 2003), some more focused attentionwill be directed toward emotionality as a featureof intimate relations.tions within the context of specific relationships.In given instances, thus, this may include matterspertaining to love and animosity, intimacyand distancing, generosity and greed, calm andanger, sadness and joy, anxiety and complacency,fear and courage, and pride and shame.indicating acceptance and/or distancing with respectto others; and (6) assessing self and othersas viable associates for desired relationships.As people begin attending to particular others, wemay expect that their associations would assumea somewhat more distinctive cast, reflecting processesof the following sort: (1) assessing self andother for “goodness of fit;” (2) developing interactionalstyles with the other; (3) managing opennessand secrecy in associations with the other;(4) developing shared understandings, joint preferences,and loyalties with the other.Focusing on people developing a sense of “closeness”to the other, we can also ask about peopleintensifying association with their acquaintances.This may involve such things as (a) developingdependencies on the other – as in getting helpfrom the other, attending to benefits/resources,and accessing/sharing other’s things; (b) pursuingacceptance by the other – as in being helpful/considerate, adjusting to the other, engaging iningratiation, and defending/protecting the other;(c) working as a team – as in embarking on cooperativeventures, establishing mutuality of routines,and collectively dealing with threats andsify, dissipate, and possibly become renewed andextended among members of the group; (4) whenand how other people (insiders and/or outsiders)become involved in these interchanges, and whatsorts of directions the ensuing interchanges maytake; and (5) how these interchanges are workedout with respect to any longer term relationshipsbetween the members of the particular group underconsideration.Although this statement has a notably more genericemphasis than Ovid’s depictions of intimateassociations, a quick review of The Art of Love andRemedies for Love attests to the comprehensive, detailed,analytic quality of Ovid’s material. Indeed,once one puts Ovid’s advisory stance and poeticplayfulness aside, the preceding processual portrayalof relationships may be seen to summarizeOvid’s analysis of intimate involvements. Still,as suggested in the subsequent considerations ofemotionality and influence work, Ovid has yetmore to offer to students of human group-life.Experiencing EmotionalityAlthough matters of emotionality are consequentialto people’s relationships more generally, in-As used herein, the term “emotion” refers to theaffective dispositions or self-feelings (involvingbodily states and related sensations) that peopleattribute to themselves and others. 10 While onefinds considerable variation in the ways in whichpeople engage emotionality across communities,10For some ethnographic research that addresses emotionalityin more sustained terms, see: Brown’s (1931),Ray’s (1961), Becker’s (1963), and Biernacki’s (1988) workon drug-related experiences; Blumer’s (1970[1933]), Blumerand Hauser’s (1970 [1933]), and Harrington and Bielby’s(1995) studies of people’s encounters with the media; Evansand Falk’s (1986) and Evans’ (1994) examination of peoplelearning to be deaf; Lofland’s (1977 [1966]) and Van Zandt’s(1991) studies of religious cults; Roebuck and Frese’s (1976)and Prus and Irini’s (1980) accounts of bar life; Bartell’s(1971) work on mate-swapping; Rosenblatt and colleagues’(1995) account of multiracial couples; Reiss’ (1961),Warren’s (1974), Humphreys’ (1975), and Ponse’s (1978)depictions of homosexual relations; Ekins’ (1997) inquiryinto trans-gendering; Waller’s (1967 [1930]) and Vaughan’s(1986) analysis of marital dissolution; Lesieur’s (1977) examinationof gambling; Lemert’s (1962) study of paranoia;Karp’s (1996) research on depression; Rubinstein’s (1973)and Charles’ (1986) depictions of police work; Dietz’s (1994)consideration of people’s involvements in ballet; Davis’(1963), Schneider and Conrad’s (1983), Charmaz’s (1991),and Anspach’s (1993) studies of illness; Haas’ (1972; 1977)examination of high steel iron workers; Wolf’s (1991) portrayalof outlaw bikers; Holyfield’s (1999) and Jonas’ (1999)account of people’s experiences in white water rafting; andFine’s (2001) study of high school debaters.Although writing over two millennia ago, Aristotle providessome exceptionally insightful analyses of emotionalityin Nicomachean Ethics and (especially) Rhetoric (see Prus2007; 2008a). Plato and Aristotle’s depictions of love andfriendship (Prus and Camara 2010) are notably relevant hereas also is Cicero’s consideration of emotionality in his portrayalof rhetoric (Prus 2010).Further, although emotionality often is envisionedas an individualistic or psychological phenomenon,people’s affective experiences more accuratelyreflect the realms of (linguistically-enabled) inter-subjectivitythat people achieve with others inthe community. Indeed, even though people oftenexperience emotionality in more solitary ways,people’s experiences with emotionality becomemeaningful only within the (shared) terms of referenceinvoked within particular human groups.Thus, not only do people often intensify, neutralize,and redirect one another’s experiences withaffectivity in more particular instances but theyalso may instruct one another on more particularframeworks within which to interpret, as wellas experience instances of emotionality (see Prus1996; 2008a; 2009; 2010; Prus and Grills 2003; Prusand Camara 2010).While people commonly define and promote, aswell as neutralize and discourage, emotional experiencespertaining to sincerity and trust, patienceand composure, banality and boredom, and disaffectionand disloyalty, other emotional themesrevolve around the pursuit of more intense, oftenovert emotional experiences (and expressions)142©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 143

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate Relationswhich are associated with drama and excitement,celebrations and euphoria, and anger and violence.situations and/or encouraging others to adopt particularemotional standpoints or expressivities),counters and intrigues, his work provides testimonyto the pervasive relevance of emotionalityEngaging in Influence WorkIndeed, these notions are pertinent to the fullerrange of emotional states.Still, this does not mean that people will be ableto define all of their emotional states in precise orsingular terms. Hence, while people may developfluencies in discussing certain kinds of emotionalsensations, they may struggle to describe otheremotional experiences (and sensations), both ontheir own and with the assistance of others. Aswell, even when people define themselves in particularemotional states, it should not be assumedthat they would be able to manage these situa-(d) commitments (as in anxiety and/or excitementabout objectives, options, and long-term obligations),and (e) relationships (as in expressing affection,concern, or disenchantment with respect toparticular others).Further, although people often experience aspectsof emotional sensations in more solitary(i.e., private, reflective) terms, people’s experienceswith affective states typically reflect (a) people’spresent associations (and interactions) withothers, (b) their earlier interchanges with others,and (c) the encounters that they anticipate havingin intimate relationships.Recognizing that people often have difficultiesdefining and dealing with their emotional sensations,Ovid sets out to instruct his pupils not onlyon ways of achieving desired love objects but alsoways of managing the wide range of emotionalstates that may be associated with these “affairsof the heart.”Albeit often overlooked in contemporary considerationsof romantic relationships, there also isthe matter of human resiliency, wherein peopleOvid is sometimes criticized for depicting themanipulative and deceptive features of humaninterchange, but it should be acknowledged thatOvid is very much concerned with the actualitiesof human relations and the ways that peoplemanage their affairs as thinking, purposive,tactical agents. Thus, while Ovid may be seen asendorsing intimate relationships rather than invokingmoralities of a more puritanical sort oradopting the more detached analytical stance ofa social scientist, Ovid still provides considerableinsight into the viewpoints, practices, dilemmas,and limitations of people who become caught uptions in more direct or adequate terms.with others.attempt to revitalize or regenerate themselvesin romantic intrigues.(and/or others) after some loss, disappointment,Because readers can obtain a fuller analysis of peo-Relatedly, while people may desire specific emo-or rejection – attempting to achieve or restoreClearly, Ovid is only one of a great many clas-ple’s experiences with emotionality (as a generictional experiences and diligently work towardmore desired levels of competence, composure,sical Greek and Latin scholars who provide de-social process) elsewhere (Prus 1996:173-201), itthese ends, they often encounter complexities andpersona, and the like.pictions of influence work (and the associatedmay be sufficient at present to identify three broad-actual lived situations that blunt these objectivesmatters of cooperation and resistance). Thus, oneer sets of processes central to people’s notions ofand nullify their efforts. Thus, whether people ex-Notably, too, while love may be experienced asmay refer to Plato (Phaedrus), Aristotle (Rhetoric),emotionality: (1) learning to define emotional ex-perience, invoke, or attempt to shape instances ofan individual or personal state, Ovid draws at-Cicero (De Inventione, Brutus, De Oratore, Orator),periences; (2) developing techniques for expressingemotionality on their own or in association withtention to the ways that people engage these no-and Augustine (On Christian Doctrine) for otherand controlling emotional experiences; and (3) ex-others, each episode or feature of their situationstions in reflective, active, and interactive terms.analyses of influence work. Indeed, as one ofperiencing emotional episodes and entanglements.represents something to be accomplished in itsLikewise, Ovid is acutely attentive to the role of“the liberal arts” (see Martianus Capella, cir-own right.the other in the emotions of the self, as well as theca 380-440), the study of rhetoric or persuasiveThese aspects of experiencing emotionality pre-processual nature of affectivity as a humanly-endeavor has been basic to the development ofsume that people (a) acquire notions of what emo-As a result, people may not only find themselves-experienced essence.Western scholarship.tionality is and how emotionality might be ex-dealing with matters of affection, intimacy, dis-pressed, viewed, and managed in particular grouptancing, loneliness, and the like but also withAs with the preceding consideration of relation-Ovid’s contributions to rhetoric are overshad-settings. Further, people’s conceptions of emotion-ambiguity, confusion, resistance, and risk as theyships, Ovid’s statements on love provide furtherowed by other classical scholars, especiallyality also (b) include notions of who may or mayand their associates pursue particular intereststrans-historical and cross-cultural validation ofAristotle (Prus 2008a), Cicero (Prus 2010), andnot experience particular affective states and how(and emotional states) amidst the concerns, inten-an interactionist analysis of emotionality. At theQuintilian. Likewise, Ovid’s materials on rheto-others might deal with people in these conditions.tions, and adjustments of the others.same time, as well, the present consideration ofric are less extensive than those of ThucydidesConsiderations of affectivity also imply an atten-emotionality shows how carefully and thought-(circa 460-400 BCE) who instructively attends totiveness to: (c) people’s activities (as in expressingAlthough Ovid’s considerations of emotionalityfully this classical scholar has dealt with emo-political and military rhetoric in The History ofemotionality in certain manners and in specificare embedded within the context of romantic en-tionality as a humanly-engaged essence.the Peloponnesian War. Nevertheless, by providing144©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 145

Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate Relationsa highly sustained consideration of influencework (and resistance) in romantic settings, Ovidrather uniquely indicates the relevance of rhetoricin more casual interpersonal contexts.To briefly situate Ovid’s texts within the contextof a more contemporary analysis of influencework, it may be useful to focus on the followingaspects of the persuasion process (Prus 1996:158):• Formulating (preliminary) Plans• Role-Taking (inferring/uncovering the perspectivesof the other)• Promoting Interest in One’s Objectives• Generating Trustof the preceding processes in light of Ovid’s TheArt of Love and Remedies for Love reveals that he isacutely mindful of these matters. Thus, Ovid envisionsinfluence work in process terms – as denotinganticipatory, deliberative, enacted, interpreted,resisted, and adjustive realms of activity. Ovid alsoshows how influence work is inter-constituted withpeople’s relationships and notions of emotionality.Relatedly, while encouraging people to adoptcertain tactics in dealing with others, Ovid also isaware of people’s more common circumstances,dilemmas, tactical ventures, and the problematicnature of success.Ovid’s texts may be presented in more entertaining,poetic ways, but his work represents an invaluableset of trans-situational and trans-culturalreference points on relationships, emotionality,ReferencesAdler, Patricia. 1985. Wheeling and Dealing. New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press.Anspach, Renee R. 1993. Deciding Who Lives: Fateful Choicesin the Intensive Care Nursery. Berkeley, CA: University ofCalifornia Press.Aristotle. 1915-1946. The Works of Aristotle, edited byW. D. Ross. 11 volumes. London: Oxford UniversityPress.Aristotle. 1984. The Complete Works of Aristotle, edited byJonathan Barnes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UniversityPress.Augustine. 1958. 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Cambridge,MA: Harvard University Press.• Proposing Specific Lines of Action• Encountering Resistance• Neutralizing Obstacles• Seeking and Making Concessions• Confirming Agreements• Assessing “Failures” and Recasting Plans. 11Ovid has not set out to develop a theory of influencework per se. Nevertheless, an examination11Whereas the subprocesses outlined here are most extensivelyillustrated in an ethnographic study of interpersonalselling activity (Prus 1989a), the influence process is givenmuch more comprehensive attention in Beyond the PowerMystique (Prus 1999). Envisioning power as a humanly-enacted(vs. structuralist or moralist) essence, the emphasisis on the ways in which people engage influence work asagents, targets, and third parties.and influence work. Thus, scholars interested inthe nature of intimate relationships may use Ovid’stexts, along with other detailed, historically generatedmaterials and contemporary examinations ofpeople’s experiences in intimate relationships, indeveloping more conceptually informed comparativeanalyses of community lifeAcknowledgementsI would like to thank Fatima Camara, ArthurMcLuhan, and Beert Verstraete for their helpfulcomments on earlier drafts of this paper. I amalso grateful to Magdalena Wojciechowska (editor),Krzysztof Konecki, Anna Kacperczyk, andŁukasz Marciniak, as well as the staff of QualitativeSociology Review for their assistance in moving thismanuscript into publication.of Deviance. New York: Free Press.Biernacki, Patrick. 1988. Pathways from Heroin Addiction:Recovery without Treatment. Philadelphia: Temple UniversityPress.Blumer, Herbert. 1969. Symbolic Interaction. EnglewoodCliffs, NJ: Prentice‐Hall.Blumer, Herbert. 1970 [1933]. Movies and Conduct. 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Robert PrusLove, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate RelationsPrus, Robert. 2009. “Poetic Expressions and HumanEnacted Realities: Plato and Aristotle Engage PragmatistMotifs in Greek Fictional Representations.” QualitativeSociology Review 5(1):3-27.Prus, Robert. 2010. “Creating, Sustaining, and ContestingDefinitions of Reality: Marcus Tullius Cicero (106-43BCE) as a Pragmatist Theorist and Analytic Ethnographer.”Qualitative Sociology Review 6(2):3-50.Prus, Robert. 2011a. “Defending Education and Scholarshipin the Classical Greek Era: Pragmatist Motifs inthe Works of Plato (c420-348BCE) and Isocrates (c436-338BCE).” Qualitative Sociology Review 7(1):1-35.Prus, Robert. 2011b. “Morality, Deviance, and Regulation:Pragmatist Motifs in Plato’s Republic and Laws.” QualitativeSociology Review 7(2):1-44.Prus, Robert. 2011c. “On the Processes and Problematicsof Representing Divinity: Dio Chrysostom (c40-120)and the Pragmatist Motif.” Pp. 205-221 in History, Time,Meaning, and Memory: Ideas for the Sociology of Religion,edited by Barbara Jones Denison. 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Through a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized AbuseAbstractKeywordsMichael SalterUniversity of Western Sydney, AustraliaThrough a Glass, Darkly:Representation and Power in Researchon Organized AbuseThis paper draws on the author’s experience undertaking life history research with adultswith histories of organized child sexual abuse. Organized abuse has been a particularflashpoint for controversy in debates over child abuse and memory, but it is also a veryharmful and traumatic form of sexual violence. Research participants described how, inchildhood, threats and trauma kept them silent about their abuse, but in adulthood thissilence was reinforced by the invalidation that accompanied their efforts to draw attentionto the harms that have befallen themselves and others. This paper will examine the roleof qualitative research in addressing a form of alterity whose defining characteristic is thesilencing and dismissal of narrative.Sexual Abuse; Crime Victims; Life History; Sensitive Research; Coherence;Representation; PowerMichael Salter is a Lecturer in Criminologyat the University of Western Sydney. His researchfocuses on the intersections of gendered violence,health, and culture, and in particular on the waysin which violence and its impacts are representedand made meaningful by victims, perpetrators, andothers.email address: Michael.Salter@uws.edu.auIspent much of 2007 and 2008 travelling aroundAustralia interviewing adults with histories ofsexual abuse by groups or networks of people.Whilst most child sexual offences involve one offenderand one victim, some children and adultswith histories of sexual abuse have reportedmulti-perpetrator, multi-victim sexual abuse.Such experiences of abuse have been called “organizedabuse” (La Fontaine 1993) and are asso-ciated with a range of trauma-related mental illnessesamongst victims, as well as other poor lifeoutcomes (Williams 1993; Leserman et al. 1997;Gold et al. 1999). Many of the interviewees for theproject were too disabled by abuse-related mentalhealth conditions to work and so they lived in ruraland country towns, where their disability pensionwent further than in the city. Interviews wereoften preceded by hours spent on trains, planes,and buses, and followed by overnight stays incountry motels. The liminal experiences of travelserved as something of an allegory for the narrativesI was gathering, which involved violenceagainst children of a scale beyond what is commonlyacknowledged to be real or possible. Mollonhas suggested that narratives of organizedabuse are, in many ways, external to “the dominantsymbolic structure determining what wenormally believe to be true, possible and withinthe nature of reality” (2008:108). As a result, allegationsof such abuse have often been interpretedas myths or fantasies since the “possibility oftheir reality has no place” in the symbolic orderconstructed by “mainstream cultural and mediadiscourse” (Mollon 2008:108).The life histories of survivors of sexual abuse havelong been the subject of heated and sometimesvitriolic debate. Over the last twenty years, muchof this debate has been ostensibly concerned withexperimental psychology and “memory science;”however, it has reflected a long-standing traditionof disbelief in relation to the testimony of womenand children. As Habermas (1984) observed,questions of ethics and justice are increasinglyreframed in the public sphere as “technocratic”issues dominated by scientific vocabulary. Behindthe scientific rhetoric, the debate over women’sand children’s testimony has been a deeply ideologicalone that has drawn on entrenched viewsof women’s and children’s memories as porousand highly susceptible to influence and contamination(Campbell 2003). This was particularly thecase for victims of organized abuse, whose narrativesof sadistic sexual abuse by groups and networkscame under scrutiny in the 1980s and 1990s(Salter 2008). Despite the serious health needs ofsurvivors of organized abuse, a range of academics,journalists, and activists have argued thattheir access to mental health care and the criminalor civil courts should be curtailed on the basisthat disclosures of organized abuse do not reflectactual events but rather they are the product of“moral panics” and “false memories” (e.g., Loftusand Ketcham 1994; Guilliatt 1996; Ofshe and Watters1996). These claims have proven so influentialin the adjudication of criminal and child protectionmatters that, in some cases, child and adultcomplaints of organized abuse have been ignoredby social services (South Australian Ombudsman2004; Seenan 2005) and children have beenreturned to their parents despite ongoing complaintsand evidence of such abuse (Rafferty 1997;Nelson 2008).Like other researchers (Itzin 2001; Scott 2001),I sought to apply a qualitative methodology tothe study of organized abuse in order to addresswhat was absent in public debates about organizedabuse: that is, the voices of the survivorsthemselves. The ways in which research methodologiescreate distances between researchers andresearch participants – in political and ethical,as well as spatial terms – has been a key factorin shaping the academic and media debate overorganized abuse. Few researchers have directly152©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 153

Michael SalterThrough a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized Abuseengaged survivors of organized abuse in the re-together” (1995:5). Disclosures of organized abuseof child abuse and violence against women (Gal-resentation and acknowledgement. Child sexualsearch enterprise through qualitative interviews,have gained considerable prominence in publiclagher, Hughes, and Parker 1996; Kelly 1998; Scottabuse victims often grow up in contexts in whichso there is little systematic analysis available re-discourse, but paradoxically, they have often been2001). The life history method was applied in antheir efforts to articulate distress and seek caregarding the content of survivor descriptions of“storied” in ways that have silenced and discred-exploratory fashion in order to examine theseand support are systematically invalidated, disbe-their abuse. Survivors have rarely been affordedited, rather than empowered, children and adultslinkages further. Survivors of sexual abuse arelieved, and disavowed (Linehan 1993). Hence, thea presence in the research literature in their owndescribing such abuse. As a result, they haverarely engaged in qualitative research, perhapsdynamics of the debate over the veracity of sexualright, and whilst some have represented theirfound themselves distanced from vital supports,due to the concerns of researchers and ethicsabuse testimony reproduced and even intensifiedown histories through autobiographical writing,including health and welfare services and the po-committees that they may experience distress inthe characteristics of sexually abusive environ-their contributions have largely been ignoredlice. The struggle for enunciation and recognitionthe interviews (DePrince and Freyd 2004; Becker-ments in ways that many victims found distress-or devalued by many academics and journalistswere fundamental aspects to their experiencesBlease and Freyd 2006). However, the propositioning and humiliating.writing on organized abuse. Many quantitativeof abuse, ill health, and discrimination. The re-of Becker-Blease and Freyd (2006) that adult sur-researchers have instead based their view of sur-search encounter was not simply an opportunityvivors of child sexual abuse are able to accuratelySuch invalidating dynamics were reflected in thevivors upon pejorative mass media depictions,to communicate or uncover this struggle. By thepredict and manage the potential risks of retrau-conduct of various professionals and workers thatgeneralizing quantitative data drawn from sur-very nature of qualitative research, it became im-matization in qualitative research found supportparticipants had approached as adults in times ofveys and case reviews in order to argue that suchplicated in the struggle itself, and this article aimsin this study. As the article will discuss, no par-crisis. In the interview, Darren described how onetestimony is the product of “moral panic” andto examine the interplay of power and representa-ticipant expressed regret for their participationpsychiatrist’s effacement of his memories of orga-“false memories.” By undertaking a qualitativetion within the interview encounter.and many indicated that they gained some benefitnized abuse was “one of the worst things” thatproject, I hoped to place survivors’ perspectivesfrom participation.has ever happened to him.at the centre of discussions on issues that mostdirectly affect them.Initially, I envisaged that my role as an interviewerwas to provide a context in which participantsfelt safe engaging in the exposition of these historieswith me. As the project progressed, it becameclear that, for many participants, the inter-MethodologyParticipants were recruited through counselingagencies and the newsletters and mailing listsof organizations in the fields of mental health,sexual assault, sexual abuse, and child protection.It was a prerequisite of participation thatparticipants had or were accessing mental healthAbuse, Representation, and PowerAs a researcher, my focus was on the criminologicaldimensions of participants’ accounts of theirlives: the contexts in which they experiencedorganized abuse, the acts that were committedagainst them, and so on. However, what I discov-The psychiatrist I went to see, he summed me upwithin ten, fifteen minutes. He’d turned aroundand basically told me I was crazy, and I was a victimof “fraudulent memory syndrome” or somethinglike that, “false memory syndrome.” He’dlikened me to some nutcase that thought he wasa serial killer. Yeah, he really just said, out and out,“You are a crazy man.”view was a nodal point in a larger struggle forsurvival that had, at its heart, the right to self-authorship.I came to realize that the very currencythat qualitative research trades in – words, signs,symbols – constituted, for these participants,a mode of exchange within which they had beenpervasively disempowered. Plummer suggeststhat narratives of sexual abuse survival are oneof the dominant “sexual stories” that has prolif-care, and that they had a caring person in theirlife that knew about their history of abuse andcould support them during or after the interviewif they wanted. The interview was based on the“life history” method (see Plummer 1983; 1995), inwhich participants were invited to discuss theirlives from childhood to the present day. The majorityof literature on organized abuse consists ofcommentary and speculation rather than empiri-ered within the interviews was an environmentcharged by a range of pressures and expectations,spoken and unspoken. Flooding into the researchencounter was participants’ desire to speak andbe heard, to be a speaking subject rather than anobject of discourse. In the interviews, participantswere highly sensitized to their social and politicalinvisibility as victims of serious and life-threateningharm. There was an irreconcilable gap in...It’s just hard for me to even think about, it wasone of the worst things that has ever – just, I’dwanted to, I’d been waiting to get enough moneyto see this guy, and I’d pinned a lot of hopes on beingable to talk to this fellow. Because I’d actuallytalked to him before ... and he’d seemed like basicallya decent sort of guy. But then, he just nailedme. I walked out of that place so – I hadn’t been thatsuicidal in years.erated across the contemporary media landscapecal analysis of organized abuse cases, althoughtheir lives between the severity of the abuses theybut he also notes that such stories have a role inthe available research reveals provocative link-had witnessed and been subject to, and the waysFor participants, the ways in which their recol-“pulling people apart,” as well as “holding peopleages between organized abuse and other formsin which these abuses were denied public rep-lections of organized abuse have been denied154©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 155

Michael SalterThrough a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized Abuserepresentation and acknowledgement were intrinsicallylinked to their current experiences ofillness and marginalization. With no legitimacyattached to their self-representations, they had nopower to externalize their suffering and hence,find care and support for the mental health problemsand distress associated with their history ofabuse. The subsequent collapse in self-valuation,leading to thoughts of suicide and death, was reflectiveof their devaluation in the eyes of potentialcare-givers who refused to acknowledge thelevel of their need. Goodwin has observed thefrequency of an incredulous response amongstphysicians confronted with narratives of sadisticabuse, arguing that this response is an “intellectualizedvariant of derealization” that serves to“gain distance from terrifying realities” (1985:7).For Darren, there was a direct relationship betweenthe effacement of his narrative of abuseand the effacement of him as a person; as he says,“I hadn’t been that suicidal in years.” The meansthrough which the psychiatrist sought to understandand rationalize his violent experiences constitutedhim as a person beyond belief and hence,beyond hope.I’d tell people little bits and pieces about my pastbecause I’d worked something out and I’d bepleased to finally understand it. And they’d zoneout, or they’d freak out worse than I do. So I wantto tell people, but I don’t want to incapacitate either.And people sometimes just think I’m insane. So I’veended up very isolated from people that could behelpful at this point.Throughout their lives, participants had been deniedthe opportunity to speak in full about theirmost formative experiences, and where they hadattempted to narrate their own histories they hadoften been confronted by shock, disbelief, anddenial. They were therefore relegated to a constrainedenunciative position in which they wererestricted from accessing care and support or generatinga sense of meaning and significance fromtheir experiences of abuse. If culture is basedupon the circulation of symbols and narratives,as Geertz (1973) proposes, then the fate of a populationexcluded from this symbolic exchange wasstarkly described by participants in this study.The opportunity to speak about their lives in theresearch encounter was therefore a powerfullysymbolic one attended by anxiety and trepidation.This is well in evidence in the excerpt belowday, she’s [the therapist] just going to come in witha straight jacket and it’ll be cool and I’m just crazyand it’ll be all over. And it’ll make sense becauseI’ll just be mad.”Until she handed me that bit of paper, and I’m sittingthere, looking at it. And she said, “Oh, I’m justhanding it to you, you don’t even have to participate.You can screw it up, and throw it in the bin.”And I’m looking at it, thinking, “Hmmm … Thatmakes things concrete … you are handing it to mebecause I’m one of them [a survivor of organizedabuse]. Oh fuck.” And I’m kind of … I just put itin my folder, and I didn’t know whether I shouldscrew it up.Another part of me thought, “Nah, if you ignore it,that means all this is going to be for nothing. Andthat means they are going to keep winning, and youdon’t want that either. And you can’t do what he’s[the researcher] doing, because it’s not safe to do that[run a project on organized abuse]. But maybe, it’llbe OK to talk to him.” So, then, that happens, anda couple of days go by with lots of anxiety, on a scaleof 1 to 10 it was past that. And we 1 still thought,“Nah, it’s cool, we are going to do this.”The life history format may be used by researchersto bring attention to the lives of the vulner-the 1980s, stripped of its collective and politicaldimension and relegated to a private narrative ofharm and loss. It was this devaluation that participantssought to redress through their participation.Public and political value are accordedto truth claims born from personal experiencewhere the individual is valued as a participantin the public sphere, the place of civic engagement;an engagement not only traditionally deniedto women (Pateman 1988) but particularly towomen who speak out against men’s sexual violence(Armstrong 1994; Scutt 1997). In Isabelle’saccount, qualitative research had the potential tobreach the public-private divide and enable herto testify to her abuse in a public way and thus,disrupt the silence that allowed her abusers to“keep winning.” This new testimonial positionopened up new ways for Isabelle to view herself:as neither a crazy woman nor a woman in a crazyworld but rather as a victim of a terrible harmthat demands redress. The fact that she perseveredwith this decision despite a high level offear and anxiety highlights the significance ofthis opportunity for her, and the symbolic potentialsof qualitative research with people whohave been pervasively denied other forms of pub-Campbell (2003) suggests that, in Western societ-from Isabelle, who discusses her response whenable (Plummer 1983:58); however, in this project,lic self-representation.ies, the valuation of a persons’ testimony is linkedto the valuation of the person themselves. Wherememory and testimony are called into questionthen the bases of identity and personhood arefundamentally delegitimized. If subjectivity is sociallyconstituted through engagement and interaction,then the persistently invalidating nature ofparticipants’ social encounters resulted in a senseof self that was experienced as diminished andsubordinated. They often felt isolated, alone andpowerless. Sky said:her therapist handed her the advertisement forthe research project.I got handed the research ad and I just went [gasp]“Fuck, that makes this concrete. The fact thatyou’ve even handed this to me makes my historyconcrete.”Up until that point, it was kind of like, “Oh yeah,I think I’m talking to someone [a therapist] about it[organized abuse], but maybe it’s not real. It’s stillover there, it’s still just my imagination, and oneit was clear that research participants had soughtout, identified, and acted upon the testimonialopportunity presented by the project. Armstrong(1994) has noted the ways in which women’s testimonyof sexual abuse has been devalued since1Some participants had a diagnosis of dissociative identitydisorder, a mental illness associated with severe abuse inchildhood and defined by the “presence of two or moredistinct identities or personality states” that repeatedlytake control of the person’s behavior, as well as recurrentmemory loss during such incidents (International Societyfor the Study of Trauma and Dissociation 2011:118). Peoplewith such a diagnosis may sporadically refer to themselvesas “we.”The Historiography of a Life HistoryIn the debate over the credibility of sexual abusedisclosures, psychologists and psychiatrists havebeen at pains to emphasize the complexities andambiguities of memory. They have accused adultswith histories of organized abuse and those workersthat support them of being hopelessly naïveabout the vagaries of autobiographical memory.However, in this study participants indicated156©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 157

Michael SalterThrough a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized Abusethat they were intimately familiar with theunreliability of personal memory, which theydescribed as an elusive and sometimes assaultiveforce in their lives. They recounted periodsof their lives in which they suffered from extensiveamnesia for previous experiences, as wellas periods in which they were disabled by theuncontrollable intrusions of recollections of violenceand abuse. Participants were under no illusionthat their life histories were naturalisticproductions, since their histories were narrativesthat they had consciously worked to develop andconstruct, often over years of torturous realitytestingand corroboration.Prior to undertaking this effort, participants oftenhad no life history or self-narrative to call theirown. They confronted prolonged gaps and blackoutsin their recollections of childhood and irreconcilablecontradictions between the story of theirlives that they inherited from their parents andtheir own memories.[When I was a child] a neighbor had come to ourhouse, and Mum said to her, “I don’t hit my children.”And I distinctly remembered being hit byher a few days earlier. So, again, this is what I meanabout the way we were fed certain stories about ourfamily, which was different to what was really happening.But, it wasn’t until I was older, and I rememberedthat conversation, and I thought, “But,that’s not true.” But, we were all taught to bury thetruth. (Anne)Attempting to recreate their life histories wastherefore an attempt to impose order upon internaldisorder and craft a sense of self and historyfrom the recollections of abuse that confrontedthem. The development of this new history wasslow, arduous work. Some participants broughtan extraordinary high index of suspicion to theirown recollections, refusing to introduce new recollectionsinto their life history before they hadrigorously tested them for accuracy. Where theyencountered uncertainties in their recollectionsof abuse, they often identified this themselves.At times they refused to accept as necessarilytrue a recollection of abuse if they felt it wasuntrustworthy. In his discussions of his earlychildhood, Darren mentioned that his mothers’boyfriends would sometimes come to the housewhen she was absent, but he quickly broke offthat discussion:All that really early stuff – I don’t want to talk aboutthat, it’s like the mists of time, y’know. It’s reallyearly childhood memory, and I would say that, asa child – scared witless – and, as a child, in my mind,I don’t really want to go back there.Participants were, in a very real sense, the ethnographersof their own lives, with an unusuallevel of insight into the process by which theyconstructed their stories, their identities, and theirunderstanding of organized abuse. The interviewwas therefore a site in which they could recountnot only their life history but the history of thishistory; their own historiography.In the interview, Renee described how, in herlate twenties, she had a “breakdown” brought onby uncontrollable “flashes” and images of abusethat made her physically sick. A number of otherparticipants also recalled periods of their livesin which they did not recall their experiences ofchildhood abuse; however, once these memoriesbegan they could not be stopped. They manifestedas intrusive “flashbacks” that incapacitatedparticipants and severely disrupted their lives.In Renee’s case, the emergence of these traumaticmemories presaged a prolonged period of illnessand disability that had continued to the time ofthe interview.I blocked out my memories, and didn’t rememberuntil I was twenty-seven. I had a breakdown,I guess. All of a sudden, one night, I was going overmy life: “Oh, yeah, when we were six we lived inthis town, and then we moved and we lived withNanna and Pa and then we moved in with Mark[stepfather]” – and then, just, my heart’s pounding,I felt sick, and these flashes of people, and – at thetime I was seeing a counselor and I rang her thatday. And it wasn’t long after that I left the job thatI’d been in for ten years, I just – fell to pieces.Renee had been raised by her mother and stepfather,Mark, in a house characterized by violence,alcoholism, and drug abuse. She began to rememberbeing sexually abused by Mark at home andby a group of Mark’s extended family and friends.This abuse included a local photography studiowhere she remembered child abuse images beingtaken of her. In her adult life, the emergenceof these recollections was profoundly disturbingto Renee and she was initially uncertain how tomake sense of them. She confronted her motherand Mark about what she remembered and theirambivalent response only served to inflame hersense of distress and humiliation.[Mum said] “Oh, yes, he does remember going intoyour bedroom one night and getting into bed withyou. He was drunk.” My stepfather. Yeah. He saidthat to mum, he remembers. One night, accidentally.“But nothing happened!” Because he was drunk.But, they were always drunk....So it was played down, it was – “Big deal.” It wasplayed down. Mum was there and he said, “Well, asa matter of fact, one of my dad’s mates used to playwith my dick when I was a kid, and I quite liked it.”So his attitude was, “What’s the big deal?”Her mother’s and stepfather’s responses were allthe more upsetting for Renee because she struggledwith her own doubts and bewildermentabout what her memories represented. In an effortto resolve this confusion, and to reject Mark’simputation that her memories were the productof mental illness, she began to undertake significantinvestigatory work in an effort to verify hermemories of abuse.I guess I did a lot of my own detective work. I knewwhere we lived as kids, I knew where the [photography]studio was. I went to libraries, and did all thisresearch, found out who owned the place, foundout who was leasing the place, a whole lot of stuff.And it all started to add up. It was years until allthe memories were in sequence and it made sense …I wasn’t backing down until I found out who ownedthat bloody place, their names, who leased it. Beingstubborn can have its benefits.She was later able to go into a local shop that shebelieved had been the site of the photography studioand verify that it had the same layout as sheremembered. Having uncovered the name of theleasees at the time, she visited their private houseonly to find that it fit drawings she had made inhospital of the house that she had been driven tofor abusive “parties.”I had a drawing of the house from when I was ina psych unit. I actually went there to put a brickthrough their window – and there was the drawing.I went there during the day and said, “There’s158©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 159

Michael SalterThrough a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized Abusethat backyard where we had a party.” It was justbizarre.In the interview, Renee sometimes appearedtrapped between her desire to affirm the validityof her recollections and the ambiguity of theimages that confronted her in flashbacks andnightmares. She described her life history asa jigsaw puzzle that she was unsure if it will everfit together, but she felt that she had been able togenerate a general (if somewhat patchy) sense oforder that explained the chronology of her abuseand the development of her disabling traumasymptoms.I’ve been told, and I don’t know if it was true, butthere was quite a lot of money to be made back inthe seventies with that kind of stuff [child pornography].And when I look at all: my stepfather, andmoney, and sex, and yeah, it all kind of doesn’t reallymake … full sense. There are bits that do, whereI can say, “Yeah, that definitely happened.”Interactionist approaches to qualitative researchhave emphasized the co-production of narrativebetween the interviewer and interviewee. In relationto organized abuse, skeptics have gone further,claiming that interviewers can “implant”or impress upon a vulnerable interviewee a falsenarrative. Whilst the narrative structure thatemerged in the interview with Renee was undoubtedlyshaped by the research encounter, shecame to the interview with a sense of her historyand identity that was not spontaneously reorganizedto suit the particularities of an interview oran interviewer. Her self-narrative did not grantme, as the researcher, unmediated access to socialences – far from it. In the interview, she provideda detailed description of the strategies she hademployed to construct the history of her life andthe circumstances that shaped the evolution anddevelopment of her self-narrative. The forces andprocesses at play in the interview environment –representation, symbolization, recollection – werethe very forces that Renee and other participantssought to describe and articulate.“Sick with the Memories”:The Limitations of the InterviewThe effort to translate memory into verbal or writtenrepresentation was an ongoing struggle thatparticipants recounted in great detail. Cara spokeof being “sick with the memories” of organizedabuse and described “big, big flashbacks” knockingher off her feet. Other participants talked ofmemories punching them in the stomach andmaking them vomit, or waking up at night feelinghands around their throat or on their shoulders,holding them down. The risk that participants’memories might manifest in uncontrollable ordistressing ways in interview was one that had tobe managed throughout the research encounter. Itwas clear that some recollections of abuse could bedirectly addressed in the interview whereas othermemories needed to be approached obliquely oravoided altogether. Some horrifying experienceswere mentioned in passing, but participants wereunable to speak about them at length; accountsof abuse, violence, and losses that were, literally,unspeakable. These experiences were marked bysilence rather than discourse, or else by the sud-In absolute terror, uh, clutch- clutching a sibling,when the, when this monster who was someonethat you normally loved and trusted would be paradingaround the bedroom saying, “Where areyou? COME OUT!” And um, um, I’m just havinga little bit of trouble divulging here, because I don’twant to go too far...The struggle to enunciate the subjective experienceof trauma calls attention not to the revelatorypower of disclosure but instead to the potentiallydestructive consequences of the inadequacies oflanguage. Psychological trauma is presaged bythe collapse of systems of meaning and representationin the face of overwhelming physical andemotional pain (Herman 1992). Kristeva (1976)has emphasized how language and representationorganizes the energies, rhythms, and forcesof corporeal experience, a relationship which imbueslanguage with significance and meaning.However, the collapse or deformation of meaning,in the face of trauma, fundamentally disruptsthis dialectic, leaving the unity of languageimperiled by an overflow of fragmented andthreatening psychic material.In the interviews, participants had to continuallynegotiate between the desire to articulate themselvesand the maintenance of coherence andmeaning that may be threatened when violenceis brought to the threshold of language. In the interviews,participants sought to narrate a stablesense of self, albeit with recognition given to thefragmentation and ambiguities of self-hood(s)emerging from traumatic contexts. A self witha fragmented past is necessarily a fragmentedI find it really hard to put things in language andcontext half the time. It’s just this messy imagery,sensory … it’s like my body is there, and if my bodycould tell you exactly how and when, there wouldbe a context. But, everything is just so scattered inour mind. Sometimes it feels like there are twentydifferent events all connected in one. I just feellike … it’s unraveling this messy … you know howcats play with balls of wool? And they get them allknotted up and messy? Sometimes you can’t unmessyit, it’s beyond repair. That’s what it feels likein our head, sometimes.Testimony of trauma, particularly where it involvesintense personal suffering and grief, isnecessarily incomplete because of what Scarry(1985) identified as the “inexpressibility of pain”;however, the possibilities of the interview encounterfor survivors of violence are further narrowedby the limitations that systems of representationplace upon the subject. The severity ofthe violence disclosed by victims of organizedabuse is such that Cooper, Anaf, and Bowden(2006) and Sarson and MacDonald (2008) havequestioned whether the terminologies of “childabuse” and “domestic violence” can adequatelydescribe them. Whilst some recollections of abusecould be directly addressed in the interview, otherswere too “messy,” as Isabelle suggests, to beput into words. Attempting to do so threatenedto “unravel” the spool of self-hood and historythat participants had spent many years untangling.As a result, there are necessary limits tothe capacity of the research encounter to documentand communicate fully the experiences ofrealities or lived experience but nor was her nar-den termination of narrative, as in this exampleself, a point made vividly by Isabelle when sheabuse and violence that had characterized par-rative independent of these realities and experi-from Jane below:said:ticipants’ lives.160©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 161

Michael SalterThrough a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized AbuseEvaluating the Research Encounterwhich the constructs of benefit, expected upset,and regret were measured using the 5-point LikertParticipants were drawn from an extremely traumatizeditems below:population and they had a spectrumof mental health diagnoses, including dissociativeidentity disorder, schizophrenia, psychotic1. I gained something positive from participatingin the interview;depression, manic depression, bipolar disorder,2. Participating in the interview upset me moreand “personality disorders.” Nonetheless, participants’feedback was very positive about thethan I expected;experience of the project. In order to evaluateparticipants’ experiences in the interview, all participants3. Had I known in advance what the interview wouldbe like for me, I still would have agreed.were sent a brief post-interview evalu-ation questionnaire a month after the interview.The questionnaire included three items that wereselected to measure participants’ experience ofthe research in terms of the potential benefits,psychological distress, and risk-benefit ratio. Theitems were drawn from Newman, Walker, andGefland’s (1999) study on the costs and benefitsof participating in trauma-focused research, inOf the 21 participants, 16 returned their questionnaires,which was approximately a 75% returnrate. One participant only completed one of thequestions and so was dropped from the analysis,leaving a total questionnaires sample of 15 (70%of the total sample). Table 1 shows the distributionof participants’ responses to the three reactionquestions.Table 1. Likert scale responses to questions regarding participation in the interview.StronglyStronglyDisagree Neutral AgreedisagreeagreeN % N % N % N % N %Benefit a 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 6.7 4 26.7 10 66.7Unexpected upset b 5 33.3 4 26.7 3 20.0 3 20.0 0 0.0No regrets c 0.0 0.0 0.0 5 33.3 10 66.7a“I gained something positive from participating in the interview”b“Participating in the interview upset me more than I expected”c“Had I known in advance what the interview would be like for me, I still would have agreed”Source: self-elaboration.All participants except one reported that they hadexperienced benefit from their participation, withtwo-thirds of the sample strongly agreeing withthe benefit statement. The results of the unexpectedupset measure were mixed. Over half the samplereported that they did not experience unexpectedupset during the interviews, with 20% respondingneutrally to the question and 20% reporting someexperience of unexpected upset. Nonetheless, noparticipant reported regretting their participation,with two-thirds of the sample strongly agreeingwith the statement that they would have participatedin the interview if they had known what theexperience would have been like.Participants expressed few adverse reactions tothe study and the majority indicated that theyhad derived benefit through their participation.This finding is particularly significant since oftena month had elapsed before participants receivedthe questionnaire, so their responses pertainednot only to the interview experience butits aftermath. Although a minority of participantsreported unexpected distress in the interviews, itseems that these experiences were tolerable sinceno participant expressed regret at their participation.The fact that 20% of participants reportedunexpected distress in the interviews, yet, did notregret their participation, highlights their perseveranceand, perhaps, the importance of the opportunityto participate in this research projectfor them.ConclusionPlummer questions “the current, almost obsessive,concern of much analysis which reducesdense, empirical human life to texts” (1995:16).Beyond words and discourse, “a real world andreal lives do exist, howsoever we interpret, constructand recycle accounts of these by a varietyof symbolic means” (Stanley 1993:214). Adult accountsof organized abuse have been pervasivelyreduced to “just words” by academic and mediacommentators, characterized as textual productionswith little or no relation to social reality. Inthe interviews, participants described how thesediscursive maneuvers left them unable to accesstreatment for disabling psychological symptomsor to protect themselves from sexual and physicalviolence. Consigned to a liminal space in whichtheir words, feelings, and needs were assigned novalue, some participants called into question theviability of a life characterized by ongoing sufferingwithout hope of intervention. Hence, wordsare not “just words”: they have a political and socialforce of their own.In this study, this was a force that participantsidentified within qualitative research and soughtto mobilize to their own ends. The urgency thatvictims of violence can bring to the research encounter,and their power to determine the shapeand form of the interview, is evidence of the veryagency that can be denied to them by overly cautiousformulations of the “vulnerable research participant.”That is not to deny the vulnerabilities ofvictims of violence in their struggle to enunciateexperiences of abuse and powerlessness but ratherto situate qualitative research within the politicsof representation. Marginalized populationsare the bearers of narratives and self-historiesthat are delegitimized by powerful institutionsand individuals (including academics) becausethey disturb the authorized accounts of social lifethat mystify and legitimize power inequalities.162©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 163

Michael SalterThrough a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized AbuseUnderlying this is the semiotics of disadvantage,whereby prevailing systems of representationlack the symbolic resources for the articulation ofexperiences that trouble the structures of powerthat generate, legitimize, and maintain the hege-Marginality and testimonial illegitimacy existin a spiraling relation that effects measurablechanges upon bodies and lives. One of the maintools that social researchers have used to uncoverand highlight disadvantage – the researchDePrince, Anne P. and Jennifer J. Freyd. 2004. “Costs andbenefits of being asked about trauma history.” Journal ofTrauma Practice 3(4):23-35.Gallagher, Bernard, Bill Hughes, and Howard Parker.1996. “The nature and extent of known cases of organ-La Fontaine, Jean S. 1993. “Defining organized sexualabuse.” Child Abuse Review 2(4):223-231.Leserman, Jane et al. 1997. “Impact of sexual and physicalabuse dimensions on health status: Developmentof an abuse severity measure.” Psychosomatic Medicinemony of such systems.In the face of the hegemonic silencing of alternativeaccounts, qualitative research offers a space fordiscursive excavation and reconstruction. Scarryargued that experiences of violence can “magnifythe way in which pain destroys a person’s world,self and voice” so “acts that restore the voice becomenot only a denunciation of the pain but almosta diminution of the pain, a partial reversal ofthe process of torture itself” (1985:5). In this light,qualitative research not only becomes a site of resistanceand protest for subordinated groups butalso a place in which the deconstructive force ofabuse and violence can be challenged and perhapseven reversed. This is a political rather than therapeuticcontestation (although the two are not mutuallyexclusive) and, as this project showed, victimsof violence may seek out qualitative researchprecisely for its public, testimonial qualities.encounter – is not divorced from the materialityof testimony and discourse. It proffers a sitein which narratives of harm and disadvantagecan overcome the obstacles embedded in hegemonicconstructions of credibility and authority.The interview cannot capture the totality of sufferingand indeed may add to it when symbolicrepresentations prove unable to hold or containintolerable affect. Despite these limitations,within the interaction between interviewer andparticipant, a reconfiguration of the semiotics ofdisadvantage can be produced, whereby symbolicresources are mobilized in ways that reveal,rather than obscure, processes of subordination.With the legitimization of suppressed narrativescomes the possibility of the development of new,authorized subject positions for people whosetestimonial experiences have otherwise beenmarked by invalidation, disbelief, and marginalization.ised child sexual abuse in England and Wales.” Pp. 215-230 in Organised abuse: The current debate, edited by PeterBibby. London: Arena.Geertz, Clifford. 1973. The interpretation of cultures. NewYork: Basic Books.Gold, Steven N. et al. 1999. “Relationship between childhoodsexual abuse characteristics and dissociationamong women in therapy.” Journal of Family Violence14(2):157-171.Goodwin, Jean. 1985. “Credibility problems in multiplepersonality disorder patients and abused children.” Pp.1-20 in Childhood antecedents of multiple personality, editedby Richard Kluft. Washington: American PsychiatricPress.Guilliatt, Richard. 1996. Talk of the devil: Repressed memory& the ritual abuse witch-hunt. Melbourne: Text PublishingCompany.Habermas, Jürgen (1984) The theory of communicative action.London: Heinemann Educational.Herman, Judith. 1992. Trauma and recovery. New York: Ba-59(2):152-160.Linehan, Marsha. 1993. Cognitive behavioral treatment ofborderline personality disorder. New York: Guilford Press.Loftus, Elizabeth F. and Katherine Ketcham. 1994. Themyth of repressed memory: False femories and allegations ofsexual abuse. New York: St Martin’s Griffin.Mollon, Phil. 2008. “When the Imaginary becomes theReal.” Pp. 108-115 in Forensic aspects of dissociative identitydisorder, edited by Adah Sachs and Graeme Galton. London:Karnac.Nelson, Sarah. 2008. “The Orkney ‘satanic abuse case’:Who cared about the children?” Pp. 337-354 in Ritualabuse in the twenty first century: Psychological, forensic,social and political considerations, edited by RandyNoblitt and Pamela Perskin. Bandon: Robert D. ReedPublishers.Newman, Elana, Edward A. Walker, and Anne Gefland.1999. “Assessing the ethical costs and benefits oftrauma-focused research.” General Hospital Psychiatry21(3):187-196.sic Books.Ofshe, Richard and Ethan Watters. 1996. Making monsters:International Society for the Study of Trauma and Dissociation.2011. “Guidelines for treating dissociative iden-False memories, psychotherapy, and sexual hysteria. California:University of California Press.Referencestity disorder in adults, third revision.” Journal of Trauma& Dissociation 12(2):115-187.Pateman, Carole. 1988. The sexual contract. Oxford: PolityPress.Armstrong, Louise. 1994. Rocking the cradle of sexual politics:What happened when women said incest. Reading, MA:Addison-Wesley.Becker-Blease, Kathryn A. and Jennifer F. Freyd. 2006.“Research participants telling the truth about their lives:Campbell, Sue. 2003. Relational remembering: Rethinkingthe memory wars. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers.Cooper, Lesley, Julia Anaf, and Margaret Bowden. 2006.“Contested concepts in violence against women: ‘In-Itzin, Catherine. 2001. “Incest, paedophilia, pornographyand prostitution: Making familial abusers more visibleas the abusers.” Child Abuse Review 10(1):35-48.Kelly, Liz. 1998. “Confronting an atrocity: The Dutrouxcase.” Trouble and Strife 36:16-22.Plummer, Kenneth. 1983. Documents of life: An introductionto the problems and literature of a humanistic method.London, Boston: Allen & Unwin.Plummer, Kenneth. 1995. Telling sexual stories: Power,change and social worlds. London, New York: Routledge.The ethics of asking and not asking about abuse.” Ameri-timate’, ‘domestic’ or ‘torture.’” Australian Social WorkKristeva, Julia. 1976. “Signifying practice and mode ofRafferty, Jean. 1997. “Ritual denial.” The Guardian, Marchcan Psychologist 61(3):218-226.59(3):314-327.production.” Edinburgh Review 1:64-77.22, p. 26.164©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 165

Michael SalterSalter, Michael. 2008. “Out of the shadows: Re-envisioningthe debate on ritual abuse.” Pp. 155-176 inRitual abuse in the twenty-first century: Psychological, forensic,social and political considerations, edited by RandyNoblitt and Pamela Perskin. Bandon: Robert D. ReedPublishers.Sarson, Jeanne and Linda MacDonald. 2008. “Ritualabuse-torture within families/groups.” Journal of Aggression,Maltreatment and Trauma 16(4):419-438.Scarry, Elaine. 1985. The body in pain: The making andunmaking of the world. Stanford: Stanford UniversityPress.Scott, Sara. 2001. Beyond disbelief: The politics and experienceof ritual abuse. Buckingham: Open UniversityPress.Scutt, Jocelynne. 1997. The incredible woman: Power andsexual politics (Vol. 1). Melbourne: Artemis Publishing.Seenan, Gerard. 2005. “Social workers blamed for continuedabuse of three daughters in remote island community.”The Guardian, October 8, p. 4.South Australian Ombudsman. 2004. Annual Report2003-2004: Report of the Ombudsman concerningan alleged failure by the Department for Human Services(Family and Youth Services) to acknowledge and dealwith a conflict of interest arising from the placement ofa child into foster care. Adeladaide: South AustralianOmbudsman.Stanley, Liz. 1993. “The knowing because experiencingsubject: narratives, lives and autobiography.” Women’sStudies International Forum 16(3):205-215.Williams, Mary B. 1993. “Assessing the traumatic impactof child sexual abuse.” Journal of Child Sexual Abuse2(2):41-59.Salter, Michael. 2013. “Through a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized Abuse.”Qualitative Sociology Review 9(3):152-166. Retrieved Month, Year (http://www.qualitativesociologyreview.org/ENG/archive_eng.php).166©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3

The Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full DisclosureNicholas A. GuittarUniversity of South Carolina Lancaster, U.S.A.has been identified as one of the most crucial elementsin the development of a healthy sexualidentity (McLean 2007).plore individual variations in all things related tocoming out?AbstractKeywordsThe Meaning of Coming Out:From Self-Affirmation to Full DisclosureQualitative researchers have begun to analyze narratives of individuals’ experienceswith coming out in order to explore the social influences that affect these processes.However, most studies on coming out are based on the assumption that “coming out”has a singular shared meaning. The present study is centered on challenging this veryassumption by taking a constructivist grounded theory approach to exploring themeaning of coming out for 30 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) individuals viaopen-ended interviews. Coming out does not have a universal meaning among LGBQpersons; rather, it varies on the basis of individuals’ experiences, social environment,and personal beliefs and values. All 30 participants in the current study agree that comingout is a transformative process and an important element in identity formation andmaintenance, thus challenging the notion that coming out is no longer a relevant concept.For some participants coming out is more of a personal journey of self-affirmation,while for others it is about the sharing of their sexuality with others – and oftentimesa combination of these two characteristics. Implications for future research on comingout are included.Coming Out; Meaning; Sexual Identity; Sexuality; LGBQ; Gay and Lesbian StudiesThe body of empirical research on issues involvingthe lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ)communities has been growing considerably overthe past 20 years. Of all the literature concerningLGBQ 1 persons, coming out, and the developmentof an LGBQ identity are probably the two best developedconcepts (Shallenberger 1996). However,most studies on coming out are based on the assumptionthat “coming out” means the samething across individuals. Further, it is assumedby much of the psychological community that theexperiences associated with coming out are likelyto fit a series of formulaic stages (Savin-Williams2001). But, coming out is not a simple linear, goaloriented,developmental process (Rust 1993), andthe experiences associated with coming out areas numerous as the number of people who havetaken their lesbian, gay, or bisexual identitiespublic.The ambiguity of meanings related to matters ofsexuality is not a new phenomenon. In her book,Virginity Lost, sociologist Laura Carpenter (2005)set out to investigate virginity loss as a culturalphenomenon that is important to study in its ownright. To her surprise, Carpenter quickly came torecognize that perhaps the most challenging elementof her study was the dearth of research onthe meaning of virginity loss:[o]nce I began to research the topic, I found that thescholarship on early sexuality was largely silent onthe meaning of virginity loss, and even more soabout its definition. This silence surprised me, givenhow consistently American institutions – massmedia, medical science, schools, religious institutions,public policy organizations, and the government– depicted virginity loss as one of, if not the,most meaningful events in an individual’s sexualcareer. (2005:5)Nicholas A. Guittar is an Assistant Professorof Sociology at the University of South Carolina Lancaster.He attended the University of Central Floridawhere he earned a PhD in Sociology with a focus onsocial inequalities. His research interests lie primarilyat the intersection of gender and sexuality, and hiscurrent research focuses more specifically on sexualidentity formation and maintenance among membersof the LGBQT community.email address: NGuittar@mailbox.sc.eduHeterosexuality is still very much the sexualnorm throughout the U.S. (Katz 2007). Assuch, individuals who identify as having a sexualorientation that falls outside of this dominantheterosexual framework face myriad difficultiesin identifying and maintaining a sexual identity.Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) individualsare tasked with many difficult and oftenambiguous challenges associated with maintaininga healthy sexual identity. Central to thesechallenges is the process of coming out, whichSociological research is still underdeveloped interms of taking a more inductive approach to exploringthe unique experiences of those with anLGBQ identity. Even qualitative studies that employan objectivist take on grounded theory typicallyassume that respondents share their meanings(Charmaz 2000). As long as research relies onthe assumption that coming out means the samething to everyone, how can we really begin to ex-1Although this study is designed around the use of theselabels, study participants may very well identify as lesbian,gay, bisexual, queer, questioning, pansexual, poly-sexual,fluid, or they may prefer to abstain from attaching any suchlabel to their sexuality. Essentially, I am interested in anyonewho engages in a process of coming out related to theirsexual orientation, so the participants need not self-identifyas LGBQ.By simply rereading Carpenter’s passage whilereplacing the term “virginity loss” with “comingout,” we see that the rest of her statement seemsto hold true. Coming out is often touted as centralto identity formation, and its relevance is echoedthroughout American institutions, yet we haveexerted little effort on discerning the meaning ofthe concept.I have yet to identify a single study where one ofthe primary research questions is focused on exploringthe meaning of coming out. Fortunately,by scrutinizing the details of previous studies,it is possible to construct somewhat of a mosaicof meanings that have been attributed to coming168©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 169

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosureout. Some of these meanings are extracted fromparents, Savin-Williams (1989; 1998) discusses howsimilar to the meanings held by individuals out-acceptance constitute coming out? Does one everthe narratives of participants within the giventhe disclosure of one’s sexuality to family membersside of academia. In the case of coming out, thistruly come out?studies, although most of them are definitionsis a pivotal and often neglected part of the process,remains to be seen as very few studies have givenproffered by researchers at the onset of theiryet an explicit definition of coming out is not com-participants the opportunity to weigh in on itsA few things should be said about the use of blan-manuscripts. For example, according to Waldnerpletely stated. In his work, there is occasional men-meaning. Granted, some studies on coming outket terms such as “coming out.” Seidman, Meeks,and Magruder (1999), coming out refers simplytion of how the psychological community reliesare written by scholars who themselves identifyand Traschen (1999) assert that the use of blanketto the acknowledgement of a gay identity to oth-on a rigid definition to explain coming out (Savin-as having an LGBQ identity. In these cases, it isconcepts like “coming out” itself constructs LGBQers. A slightly more specific rendition of this wasWilliams 2001). However, he rebukes such a prac-possible that the researchers simply use the defi-persons as suffering a common fate or similar cir-shared by Merighi and Grimes (2000) who sum-tice citing how it does not adequately explain mostnition that most aptly describes their own expe-cumstance. A postmodern take on the use of suchmarized coming out as the disclosure of one’sindividuals’ lived experiences. Perhaps the lack ofriences. This is an approach most often used incategories or labels is that they are unfit to describesexuality to family members. These studies, alongdefinition in his writings then is simply a reflectionautoethnographic works of coming out at workthe varied life experiences of different people. Thewith others (Griffith and Hebl 2002; Johnston andof how the author wishes to avoid placing a defini-or school. Since the author is the central figure insame goes for the use of the “closet” metaphor.Jenkins 2003; McLean 2007), typically maintaintive label on people’s rather unique experiences re-these narratives, it makes sense to use one’s ownAn example of this shortcoming was encounteredthat coming out includes 1) disclosure of a sexuallated to sexual orientation and identity.definition of coming out (see: Coming Out in theby Crawley and Broad (2004) in their study of les-identity, 2) the involvement of family, friends, orHigher Education Classroom, a special feature inbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) com-co-workers, and 3) a transformative nature to theStill, many researchers rely on their own defini-Feminism and Psychology 2009).munity panels. Although community panels areexchange. Considering the variation in defini-tions of coming out while interviewing LGBQintended to showcase the unique experiences oftions, it is essential that we gain an understand-persons. In a study of young lesbian and bisexualAs for studies where the researcher is interview-LGBT people, “the auspices of the setting and theing of how those individuals who are engaged inwomen, Oswald states that “coming out is a pro-ing or surveying a chosen population, the ques-coming-out formula story call on panelists to typ-coming out define this concept.cess of significant change for women who accepttion remains: is the author’s definition of comingify what it means to be LGBT, albeit in ways thatand disclose bisexual or lesbian identities, and forout in congruence with that held by each of thecontradict popular stereotypes” (Crawley andAppleby (2001) offers a unique approach to defin-those to whom they come out” (1999:66). Althoughparticipants? Scholarship in research methodol-Broad 2004:39). So, although contemporary sexualing the concept. Rather than proposing an explana-Oswald’s definition is an example of circumvent-ogy has devoted a great deal of time and effort toidentity categorization and storylines associatedtion for what coming out means, he refrains froming the question of what coming out means andinvestigating how researchers and study partici-with coming out are intended to bring attentiondisclosing a meaning aside from speaking aboutdefining it for oneself, her definition of coming outpants construct different meanings of a conceptto individual variation, they still serve to under-a theme extracted from his ethnographic interviewis unique in that it explains coming out as bothor question (Groves et al. 2009). In many cases,mine these very differences.data: that coming out is an ongoing process. Al-self-acceptance and public disclosure. Oswald lat-there remains an assumption of shared meaningthough a meaning of coming out is never explic-er states how each participant in her study “wasbetween the researcher and the participants. ThisAssumptions by researchers about the meaningitly stated, the author alludes to coming out onlyinterviewed about how she came out to herself andassumption of shared meaning even permeatesof coming out may typify people’s experiences inas the outward disclosure of one’s sexual orienta-the most important people in her life” (1999:67many carefully constructed qualitative studiesways that are not true to individuals’ lived expe-tion. Still, he at least gives the participants leeway[emphasis added]). Oswald’s statement begs thethat use various incarnations of grounded theo-riences. Such assumptions and vagaries are prob-to define coming out as an ongoing process. Unfor-question of whether self-acceptance alone mightry in their coding and analysis (Charmaz 2000).lematic in terms of gaining a better understand-tunately, few studies have offered participants thiseven constitute coming out. Or, perhaps self-ac-This brings me back to the question at hand:ing of what coming out really means to individ-opportunity to contribute their own input into theceptance is simply a prerequisite to coming out asWhat does coming out mean to different people?uals. In reviewing the literature on coming out,conceptualization of the term “coming out.”opposed to being part of the process.Does telling a close friend constitute coming out,the only conclusion I have come to is that perhapsor is it a matter of disclosing one’s sexual orienta-there are so many definitions for coming out sim-Some researchers altogether avoid defining the con-At some juncture we need to stop and ask our-tion to a parent? Is it a matter of full disclosure toply because “coming out” is not a concept withcept. For example, in his studies on coming out toselves if the meaning we ascribe to a concept isall family, friends, and acquaintances? Does self-a singular, shared meaning. Through the use of170©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 171

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosureconstructivist grounded theory I dig below thegrounded theory. Interviews are naturally well-direct within-group comparisons; however, theying a wide range of ages in my sample, I devel-surface of typical “storytold” meanings and worksuited for a constructivist approach to groundedlimit the investigation of coming out as a gen-oped theoretical justification for sampling morewith participants to uncover meanings that aretheory in that qualitative interviews are contextu-eral social process entered into and experiencedparticipants under the age of 25. While complet-relevant to their social worlds.ally-based and mutually accomplished stories cre-by people from various walks of life. In order toing the transcription and open coding of theseated through the collaboration of researcher andminimize the homogeneity of the sample I em-early interviews, I realized that I needed to fo-Theory, Methods, and Dataparticipant (Gubrium and Holstein 2002).ployed some purposive sampling techniques, andthis move was directed at gaining diversity on thecus more on exploring what coming out meansto those who are newly engaged in the process.In an effort to investigate the meaning of comingA total of 30 participants were sought for thisbasis of gender, race, age, education, orientation,Simply put, younger populations are growing upout, my analysis is informed by symbolic interac-study. This sample size was instrumental in al-and “degree of outness.”in an environment of increasingly open dialogtionism, and guided by constructivist groundedlowing me to gather rich data on the meaning ofconcerning sexuality (especially since 1993, whentheory – which was employed for my organiza-coming out, as well as other themes that arose dur-Collecting data across multiple dimensions al-sexual orientation increasing entered mainstreamtion, coding, and analysis (Charmaz 2006). Ear-ing my grounded analyses. Participants for thislows for greater representativeness and it helpsconversations) and this came through in the data.ly foundations in grounded theory (Glaser andstudy were recruited by employing both snowballcapture the overall texture of the topic (CorsaroI had already decided to theoretically sampleStrauss 1967) would emphasize the trouble associ-and purposive sampling techniques. Considering1985). Gender, race, age, education, and orienta-individuals who were early in their coming outated with using any particular theoretical frame-the methodological challenges of obtaining a di-tion are straight forward, but my decision to pur-processes. But, now I had a theoretical basis forwork (symbolic interaction) to guide my research.verse sample of LGBQ individuals, most of whichposively sample people who are varied in termssampling individuals who are also quite young.But, I believe it is natural and unavoidable thathave taken their sexual identities public to someof outness enabled me to obtain a sample that in-I still completed my data collection with 10 par-researchers incorporate their perspectives intoextent, snowball sampling is the most viable sam-cludes: 1) individuals who have only come out toticipants over the age of 25, but having 20 partici-the work. Symbolic interactionism maintains a fo-pling choice. Snowball samples, although idealone or two people, as well as 2) individuals whopants under 25 enabled me to further explore thecus on the creation and evolution of meaning andfor recruiting highly “invisible” populations, arehave come out to a greater degree. Locating andcontemporary meanings of coming out, and gainhow these contribute to one’s personal and sexu-associated with a variety of methodological con-including individuals who are very early in theirmore insight on recent developments in identityal identity. The goal then, in terms of employingcerns, not the least of which is potential homoge-coming out processes is important in terms offormation and maintenance.an interactionist perspective on coming out, is toneity (Groves et al. 2009). For example, referralstruly understanding the full gamut of meaningsunderstand the socially situated meaning of thefrom a single LGBQ organization would be likelyindividuals may attribute to coming out. ResearchThere is a fair amount of diversity among theconcept (i.e., coming out) at a given moment in or-to share many traits with one another. But, by ini-is lacking on those who have just begun to come30 participants in this study. The sample is diverseder to investigate how it shapes individuals’ livedtiating four to five different trails of snowballing,out, so these individuals offer the unique oppor-in terms of age, gender, race, sexual orientation,experiences.I worked to minimize this effect and reach pop-tunity to learn about coming out as a fresh andeducation, and social class. Considering howulations who may not be accessible through anyemergent theme in their lives. Without purposivemost studies on coming out are about 90 percentThe beauty of constructivist grounded theory liesother means.snowballing, it would have been unlikely that anywhite, the participants in this sample are relativelyin its emphasis on seeking meaning (Charmazsuch individuals would have made their way intoracially/ethnically diverse. Of the 30 participants,2000). Considering the fact that the sole researchMost previous studies on coming out have em-my sample.18 are white, 4 Latino, 2 bi-racial, 2 Jewish,question of this study is concerned with exploringphasized a specific segment of the population1 Indian, 1 Muslim-Arab, 1 Mediterranean, andthe meaning of coming out, this method is invalu-such as adolescents, college students, young pro-Since marked differences appeared during the1 Viking (participants designated their race/able. Constructivist grounded theory recognizesfessionals, or people in mid-adulthood. Addition-course of my data collection that really beggedethnicity in their own words). The sample consiststhat knowledge is mutually created between re-ally, participants in studies on coming out tendfurther exploration, I chose to engage in someof 12 men and 18 women (two of which maintainsearcher and research participant (Lincoln andto be white, highly educated, and of a high socio-theoretical sampling (Strauss and Corbin 1998).a decidedly fluid gender identity). In terms of theirGuba 2000), and it avoids many of the assumptions-economic status (Griffith and Hebl 2002). TheseMy theoretical sampling was centered on age andpresent sexual orientation, 15 participants identifythat befall other more positivist interpretations ofsorts of samples allow researchers to make more“degree of outness.” Although I started by purs-as gays, 9 as lesbians, 3 as queer, 1 as pansexual,172©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 173

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosureand 2 prefernot to identify. Theoretical samplingwas more conceptual than my initial coding andclosure is less focused on legitimating sexualitiesinterpreted the word “meaning” differently, yield-enabled me to seek participants who vary basedtherefore, allowed me to categorize initial codesvia coming out since non-heterosexual identitiesing a variety of responses. I set out to learn moreon their “degree of outness,” at least in terms ofthe outward disclosure of their sexual orientation.Participants ranged from those who have disclosedtheir sexuality to only two or three people to thoseinto broader conceptual themes. Throughout myentire coding process, I followed the recommendationsof both Strauss and Corbin (1998) andCharmaz (2000) to participate in memo writing.are becoming increasingly normalized. That is,LGBQ persons are less likely to experience secrecyand social isolation, so “the closet” is not as repressiveas it once was. The normalization of LGBQabout what coming out means to each individual(i.e., what it entails). One participant, Eden, proceededto tell me somewhat philosophically howcoming out means “to live life openly and hon-who consider themselves “completely out.”The Meaning of Coming Outidentities casts doubt on the relevance of comingout as a necessary part of identity formation andestly.” Many other individuals started by definingthe term broadly (as in a definition) and then ex-All data were collected via face-to-face open interviewsconducted by me. This approach gave methe ability to collect narrative accounts that detailthe meaning of coming out, how participants disclosedtheir LGBQ identity to others (or not), andThe way I define coming out is coming out to my parentsbecause everyone I met and talked to, you know,my colleagues, my professors, my friends, they allknew I was queer. But, my parents never knew. (Ari)maintenance. However, every single participantin this study acknowledged engaging in comingout. Evidence from my interviews challenges thenotion that coming out is no longer a relevant concept.Coming out is a personal and social processplaining how it relates to their lives. Throughoutthe interviews some resounding themes emerged,such as coming out to oneself, coming out tofamily/friends, and coming out as full disclosure,among others.whether and how different factors affected thecoming out process. The use of open interviewsalso enabled me to inductively uncover any otherphenomena that may not have been discoveredunder the use of a more rigidly structured interviewformat. Consistent with the aims of groundedtheory, my “questions are sufficiently generalto cover a wide range of experiences and narrowenough to elicit and elaborate the participant’s experience”(Charmaz 2006:29). Interviews lasted 90minutes on average.Analysis began with open coding, which was followedby focused coding (Charmaz 2006), and theutilization of the constant comparative method.Initial or open coding was conducted throughline-by-line coding, which kept me focused onthe data and therefore, left less opportunity toimpose extant theories or personal beliefs on mydata (Charmaz 2000). Sensitizing concepts (suchas influence of family, support from friends, etc.)provided the starting points for organizing someAt the onset of this study, I set out to discoverwhat “coming out” means to individuals in theLGBQ community. In the most general sense,coming out is often compared to telling or storytelling.For example, in the case of mental healthpatients, individuals must often engage in thetelling of their condition – such as in the workplaceor around new friends (Goffman 1974). Someparticipants in the current study even used theword “telling” in discussing their coming out experiences.For example, Ram, a 21-year-old gaymale, discussed how he became “addicted to telling.”As he explained, “every little person I toldI feel like a knot was undone.” Or, as stated byGabrielle, a 22-year-old lesbian, “coming out isa way of telling others who you are.” Coming out,or even telling, therefore, assumes that there issomething that needs disclosing, something thatrequires sharing. Taken one step further, it alsoimplies that there currently exists a certain levelof secrecy around a particular topic (hence, theanalogy of “the closet”).that appears to be omnipresent so long as we operatewithin a heteronormative society. As seen inthe opening quote, the face of coming out may bechanging. Many teens and young adults are assumedgay in certain contexts. The assumption thatsomeone is gay is oftentimes based on physicalidentifiers that are stereotypically associated withgay culture or a gender presentation based in gendernon-conformity (e.g., a masculine female). But,even those who are assumed to be gay still engagein some form of coming out.What is Coming Out?Across the body of research on coming out, wehave already seen that substantial variability existsin the meaning of coming out. If there is variabilityin the meaning attached to coming outwithin academia, then it is likely that there isvariability among its use within the LGBQ communitytoo – and this study serves as evidenceof such variability. It should come as no surpriseComing Out to OneselfOne of the most ignored elements of coming outis whether or not “coming out to oneself” is partof the equation. Some scholars maintain that selfacceptanceor self-affirmation is part of comingout. But, if coming out is the public disclosure ofone’s sexual identity (as many scholars posit), thenlogic would dictate that self-acceptance – an internalprocess – must be a prerequisite for coming outrather than a part of coming out. As one respondent,Athena, put it, “you have to come out to yourselfbefore you come out to others.” Athena seemsto be indicating self-acceptance as a prerequisite tocoming out. However, she later recognized that althoughher vision of coming out does include thepublic disclosure of her identity to others, comingout “has more to do with accepting yourself thanother people accepting you.” Based on the data inthis study, self-acceptance is quite central to comingout and not merely a prerequisite.of my analyses, but they did not serve as end-then that even the word “meaning” has multipleing points to which I forcibly directed my dataScholars such as Seidman, Meeks, and Trascheninterpretations. For example, when asked: “WhatAcross many interviews, the discussion of com-analysis. I then engaged in focused coding, which(1999) emphasize that contemporary identity dis-does coming out mean to you?” my respondentsing out to oneself was an emergent trend. Not174©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 175

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosureonly were participants discussing the importanceting her know that she would be loved regard-Veronica, a 20-year-old female who identifies asto coming out. Veronica did not feel as if comingof self-acceptance, but in some cases they were re-less of her sexual orientation, and they conveyeda lesbian, embodied the notion that coming outout was a completed process at that point. Still,ferring to self-acceptance as being synonymous tothis through concrete action. Kelly describesmeans both 1) coming out to oneself, and 2) com-from that moment forward she had a sense that hercoming out. Pao, a 24-year-old female who identi-a phone call she received from her mother dur-ing out to others. As Veronica put it, “comingcoming out was becoming familiar, comfortable,fies as gay, mirrors this sentiment that self-affirmationis coming out.ing her freshman year of college – while Kellywas still unsure about her sexuality. “She’s likeout, I think, for me...it’s two steps – coming outto yourself, which was the hardest step, for me,and progressive. Coming out to herself verballyin the mirror made it real, and telling Matty madeFor me, coming out is accepting me, accepting whoI am – I’m gay, that’s it. Telling myself – not reallycoming out. I just find that so cliché that people thinkthat coming out is just practically making a speech,like, “hey everybody…” Not really. Coming out is meaccepting me – nobody else, just me.Incidentally, with the exception of her sister, Paohas not come out to any of her family. But, she doesintend to. It is just that disclosure to her family isnot a defining element of her coming out story, noris it a part of what coming out means to her.Another participant, Kelly, agreed that, at leastfor her, coming out means purely coming out tooneself.Coming out, in terms of myself, would probably beme accepting myself for loving who I want to loveand not doing what society tells me – you know, like,loving who I should love. That, to me, is coming out.There are other definitions, you know, like tellingpeople about it, but that’s never been something I’vefelt like I’ve had to do only because I was lucky andI knew I would have support no matter what.‘Kelly, are you a lesbian or what? Do I need to,like, buy you a coming out cake or something?’ Itreally was awesome. I knew that if I ever...” Kellyconveyed that, from that point forward, she tooksolace in her family’s support and looked at hercoming out as purely a personal journey of selfacceptance.More common in the current study was the inclusionof “coming out to oneself” as one elementin a broader meaning that individuals ascribe tocoming out. Self-acceptance was frequently depictedas an initial step in coming out. In fact, ofthe 30 participants in the sample, exactly half ofthem (15) indicated coming out to oneself as beinga central element in their meaning of comingout. Most participants were very clear that comingout to oneself was not a prerequisite to comingout; rather, it was a major part of coming out– of the process itself. Even though most agreedthat coming out to oneself was part of the process,there was some disagreement. For example, Carly,a 22-year-old female who identifies as queer,spoke of coming out to oneself as both a part ofthe process and a prerequisite:and coming out to the people in your life…lettingthem know who you are.” Veronica’s discussionof these two elements to coming out went wellbeyond this single statement. As is the case withother participants who saw coming out to oneselfas one part of a broader meaning to coming out,she discussed it often. In fact, her reference toa two-prong meaning came up organically earlierin our interview – before I delved into any questionson the meaning of coming out.I just came out with it to Matty [one of her close guyfriends]. I had come out to myself probably the – well,kind of – like, I didn’t let it process all the way. I hadkind of come out to myself probably the same weekbecause I was trying to be, like, the aspiring psychologymajor in high school and I sat myself down infront of a mirror and I, whenever I had a breakdown– sometimes I do that – I’ll just vent almost to myselfand go on an uncensored rant, and it slipped outof my mouth that I’d fallen in love with all of thesepeople, these girls, in my past, and, I mean, it wasout there, but it was like my brain was still fighting ita little bit until I hung out with Matty and I just saidit, and once it was out there it was just like [whistlingsound] – tssouuh – free. And then, from that point,I told a couple of other people.coming out a symbol of liberation.Another clear example of coming out to oneself aspart of the larger meaning attributed to comingout came from Brandon, a 19-year-old gay male.As Brandon saw it, coming out is “a three-stepprocess.” He spoke first about how coming outmeans “coming out within and having that selfrealizationof your sexuality.” Following this process,there is “an initial disclosing of your sexualidentity to those around you – your peers, peopleyou go to school with.” Then, he lastly spokeabout “the disclosing of your identity where thetopic just happens to specifically come up.” So, themeaning Brandon attributes to coming out goesone step further than Veronica in that he alludesto coming out as an ongoing, unending processdriven by new circumstances and new situations.But, both Veronica and Brandon shared the sentimentof many participants in this study: comingout to oneself is part of the meaning of comingout, but self-acceptance alone does not account forthe entire meaning of coming out.Coming out to oneself was central to the mean-Kelly was very careful in qualifying why selfacceptancewas synonymous with coming outfor her, but why coming out likely has a broadermeaning for other people. In her evaluation,self-acceptance is more central to her coming outsince she has such strong external support fromothers. Kelly’s family had been proactive in let-Coming out to yourself is part of the process. I knowpeople who, on a regular basis, sleep with people ofthe same gender, yet, do not even think to themselvesthat they can be anything other than straight. I don’tget that at all, but I feel like that’s an important partof, yeah, coming out to yourself. I think of it as a prerequisite.Here, Veronica conveys not only that the meaningof coming out has two elements but that theycombine to create a sense of having truly come out.Coming out to herself gave her the confidence tocome out to Matty, but self-acceptance alone wasnot enough to constitute the meaning she ascribesing of coming out more often for individualswho identified their sexual orientation as queer,fluid, pansexual, or open. Research suggests thatcoming out is more of a necessity for people whoare interested only in members of the same sex(i.e., gay or lesbian) than for bisexuals (McLean2007). In the case of bisexuality or various open176©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 177

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosureidentities (e.g., pansexual, fluid), individuals areother. Those participants who cited coming out aswhile for another participant, Carly, the discus-ing out as “full disclosure” – which will be dis-not as easily identifiable on the basis of with whomfull disclosure mentioned very little about comingsion focused more broadly on those people closestcussed more below.they engage in relationships. Considering our so-out to family/friends in discussing the meaning ofto her. Although coming out to family/friends wasciety’s insistence on binary logic (gay/straight,male/female), those who have attractions for bothmen and women, multiple genders, or those whodo not use gender as a determinate for choosinga mate are often misunderstood (Lucal 2008).Western societies’ socially constructed, dualisticframework makes coming out more problematicfor individuals who are bisexual, queer, fluid, orpansexual. For example, a bisexual woman who iscurrently engaged in a relationship with anotherwoman will be perceived as gay – that is, bisexualitycannot be understood by a single situationalobservation. Such realities make the public disclosureof one’s sexuality less central to the meaningof coming out.Coming out to OthersAside from the two participants whose meaningsof coming out were rooted only in coming out tooneself, every other participant shared a meaningfor coming out that included some form of comingout to others. I should qualify this statement bymentioning that the term “coming out to others”was not found in any of my interviews. Rather, itis a useful way for me to encompass the two mostcommon themes outside of coming out to oneself:1) coming out to family/friends, and 2) coming outas “full disclosure.” These two elements of comingout both include the disclosure of one’s sexualityto another person (i.e., coming out to others).coming out. This finding likely has to do with themethodological differentiation between a necessarycause and a sufficient cause. Coming out tofamily/friends is a necessary cause for full disclosure,while full disclosure is a sufficient cause forcoming out to family and friends. So, those whotalked about coming out as meaning full disclosureinferentially provided sufficient cause forcoming out to family/friends.One important item to remember here is that I amnot concerned so much with to whom individualsdo or do not disclose their sexuality or in whichsocial arena. I am concerned with what coming outmeans to each individual. Although the discussionof meaning often includes details related to whomthey chose to disclose their sexuality and in whatsetting, individuals having disclosed their sexualityto family/friends does not automatically implythat their meaning of coming out includes comingout to family/friends. Such was demonstratedby Kelly above in the section on coming out tooneself. Kelly had disclosed her sexuality to somefamily and friends, but, to her, the meaning ofcoming out was purely a matter of self-acceptanceand self-affirmation.Coming out to Family/FriendsAmong all of the various meanings participantsattributed to coming out, coming out to family/a highly prevalent theme across the interviews,relatively few participants cited it as the lone elementin their meaning of coming out. But, therewere a few exceptions – three to be exact: Ari, Nathan,and Adam. This study opened with a quotefrom Ari, a 28-year-old who identifies as a lesbian.As Ari put it:The way I define coming out is coming out to myparents because everyone I met and talked to, youknow, my colleagues, my professors, my friends,they all knew I was queer, but my parents neverknew.After reflecting on this statement, Ari revisited themeaning of coming out later in the interview. Shewent on to specify that coming out means more toher than simply telling her parents. “Coming outmeans telling the people who are closest to you…telling the people who matter, and I suppose I’dhave to define ‘matter’ – it would be parents, closerelatives, close friends.” This statement representsa common trend in the meaning of comingout seen throughout this study. The words “family”and “friends” were typically used to refer tothose people in one’s social network with whomone has high levels of interaction, strong ties, andmore meaningful relationships. Extended familyand distant friends and acquaintances were rarelyspoken about within the context of these conversations,except to point out that coming out tosuch persons was not central to their meaning ofAdam, a 20-year-old gay male, mirrored Ari’smeaning of coming out. Adam discussed broadlyhow, for him, coming out means disclosing hissexuality to his parents and his close friends. AsAdam sees it, the reason that he places so muchemphasis on coming out to his parents is becauseof how long they have known him under an assumptionof heterosexuality. “No one’s going tobe harder to come out to than your parents becausethey had 14 years to get used to the personthat they thought they were raising, with theideals they thought I was going to have, and thefuture they thought I was going to have.” This, heexplains, is why family and close friends are centralto his meaning of coming out – these relationshipsare rooted in longer histories and therefore,greater assumptions. Adam talks a great dealabout coming out to other people as well – newfriends, acquaintances, co-workers – but theseinteractions are not central to what coming outmeans to him. Simply put, there is very little atstake with these more distant relationships.The initial impetus of coming out to my parents, myfriends – that was tough. But, with every day, everynew person I meet it gets a little bit easier, just becauseI’ve done it before and I know who I am and who I candepend on, and if it’s not the person I’m talking to,that’s fine…Much more common was the inclusion of comingout to family/friends as one element in a muchThe interviews of a select few participants includ-friends was the most common. However, there iscoming out. Those participants who felt that thebroader meaning of coming out. More often thaned mention of both coming out to family/friendsdefinitely variation in what “family” or “friends”meaning of coming out includes disclosing theirnot, coming out to family/friends was combinedand coming out as full disclosure. But, for themeans from person to person. For one participant,sexuality to extended family and distant peerswith coming out to oneself, although it was occa-most part, participants mentioned only one or theBrian, family refers specifically to his parents,were also the participants who believed in com-sionally paired with coming out as full disclosure.178©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 179

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full DisclosureThose participants who spoke about multiple ele-that are close to you that you want to know – let-The notion of achieving liberation or receiving val-friends. For about one third of the participantsments to their meaning of coming out rarely ref-ting them know.” Lee, a 20-year-old gay male,idation, both from within and from without, wasin this study, the meaning of coming out can beerenced any series of fixed “stages” or “steps” thatsimplifies the connection even further. Comingby far strongest among participants who saw com-more aptly described as “full disclosure.”they went through or are going through whileout is, “acceptance of yourself, acceptance ofing out to family/friends as central to the meaningcoming out. In fact, the only examples of suchyour friends knowing who you are.” One excep-of coming out.Coming Out as Full Disclosuresteps were already shown above in the statementsof Brandon and Veronica. Other participants simplysaw coming out as having various elementsto the meaning, but they never explicitly stateda “formula” for coming out.Of the participants who spoke about coming outas meaning both coming out to oneself and com-tion to this implicit or explicit one-way causalitywas demonstrated by Alex, a 24-year-old femalewho identifies as gay. “I came out to Pam. Thatwas when I came out to myself. And then it wasa half-hour of panicking madness.” Alex is referencingthe first vocal declaration of her sexualityto one of her best friends, Pam. It was notuntil that moment when she heard herself utterIn discussing the liberating power of comingout, participants sometimes implied liberationthrough the use of analogies. Kyle spoke of howcoming out “was a huge weight lifted off myshoulders because I had been struggling withthat for a while.” She was speaking more specificallyto the elation she felt after coming out to herTo me [coming out] is just finally being able to becompletely yourself in all facets of life. If you’re comingout, then you’re coming out and you just need tobe out. And, I know that’s not always the case, and ittook me a little bit longer than I wanted it to be. But,I think that eventually, when you come out, it shouldbe out to everyone. (Renee)ing out to family/friends, there was sometimesa hint of time-order in their wording. As statedby Rachel, a 20-year-old female who identifiesas gay:the words out loud that she began to totally acceptherself (i.e., identify) as gay. So, coming outto oneself need not always precede coming out toothers.mom. Ram, a 21-year-old gay male, spoke abouthow coming out to his family and friends was an“unburdening.” The most colorful analogy camefrom Alex, who is both a poet and an artist:For many people, coming out was not limited tothe select few family members and friends thatmake up one’s inner circle. Coming out may meandisclosing one’s sexuality to any and everyone,[Coming out means] coming to terms with who youare and how you feel about who you want to be with,who you want to date, who you feel comfortable with,and who you’re attracted to. And, first of all, comingto terms with it yourself and accepting it, and usuallytelling people you are around and letting them, youknow, decide “Oh, this is ok with me…” I feel like youneed to accept yourself before you can let, you know,Whether or not coming out to oneself wasachieved prior to coming out to family/friends,one thing is certain: coming out to those withinone’s social circle is not simply about telling. Itis about gaining acceptance, and even more importantly– it is about liberation and validation.In fact, the discussion of validation was central toComing out is owning it, identifying as it, just lettingpeople see it, and even if you are a little bit ashamedof it at first, it’s sort of like that good burn, you know,like the first time you go and get a really good, deeptissueSwedish massage, and the next day you justfeel like shit, and the day after it you’re like, “Wow,I feel better now, I can actually move more.” So, comingout, for me, was like getting a Swedish massageincluding extended family, casual friends, acquaintances,co-workers, classmates, neighbors,or just people on the street. Much of the conversationsurrounding coming out as full disclosurerevolves around the idea that to come out meansto be yourself in every setting, or as Renee put it,“to be completely yourself in all facets of life.”be able to let others accept you.Gabrielle’s explanation of why coming out to fam-– you can quote me on that.Most participants agreed that, given an idyl-Although Rachel iterated a this-before-that causalityin her statement, more common was thesimple mentioning of both coming out to oneselfand coming out to family/friends. Even whencausality was not explicitly stated, participantsalmost always spoke about coming out to oneselfbefore talking about coming out to others. For instance,the meaning of coming out according toHannah, an 18-year-old female who identifies asgay, is “not just knowing that you’re gay or bisexual,but being okay with it, and having the peopleily/friends was an essential part of her meaning ofcoming out:You come out because you want to be validated, thatit’s OK. So, it’s either coming out to your parents,and them being like “it’s OK” or something insideof you and you can’t keep it inside yourself becauseyou’re too depressed about it, but you want to getvalidated…it’s a sort of validation, and it’s a form ofbeing proud of who you are…at the end of the day,it’s what you feel within yourself, and I think thatcoming out is a way of getting validated, validatingyourself, and encompassing the pride part of it.Other participants that emphasized elation asa result of coming out frequently used singularwords, like “happy,” “free,” “open,” “honest,”“proud,” and “real” to describe the feeling thatfollowed coming out to family/friends. I often feltsuch a positive shift in the interviews upon engagingin this portion of the discussion, whichreiterates the centrality of coming out to others inthe meaning of coming out for so many people.Of course, for many people, the meaning of comingout goes well beyond coming out to family/lic setting, they would be out entirely. In fact,some participants flat out stated that they loathethe process, and the social expectations thatpeople with non-heterosexual identities are expectedto share their sexuality with others. Brian,a 20-year-old male who identifies as queer,emphasized this when discussing the meaninghe attributes to coming out, “I think everyoneshould come out…straight people should have tocome out as straight, and queer people as queer.I just don’t like how it’s assumed that everyone isstraight – everyone’s one way.” But, in spite of the180©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 181

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosurecurrent social climate regarding sexuality, Brianwho is as “out” as can be, is forced to place a figu-Still, some participants maintained that coming outAs this study demonstrates, coming out is not thestill maintains that coming out means publiclyrative asterisk on her “full disclosure.”literally means true, full disclosure. Eden expressedsame for everyone. Individuals have varied ex-disclosing one’s sexuality broadly to whomeverperhaps the most open meaning of coming out asperiences with coming out, and this is evident inis interested in knowing.Since sexual orientation is not a protected classfull disclosure, which is reinforced by her personalthe different meanings participants attributed tounder employment law in many states, partici-mantra of living life openly and honestly.coming out.Part of the ideology behind full disclosure is thenotion that “if someone doesn’t accept me for me,then I don’t want to be associated with them anyway.”As Veronica explained, “I definitely have alwayshad the tendency to always let people know,almost as soon as possible, that I cannot just wastemy time with them if they’re gonna reject thatpart of me.” She goes on to state that coming outmeans full disclosure preceded by coming out tooneself.pants cited the need to keep their sexualities privatein the workplace, regardless of what comingout means to them. Although employment restrictionsmay curb individuals’ degree of outness inthe workplace, they did not seem to alter individuals’meanings of coming out. Participants whosaw coming out as full disclosure, yet were unableto come out at work, still maintained that fulldisclosure was their social goal and the meaningthey attribute to coming out nonetheless. The[Coming out] means if your family, friends, pets,neighbors, people walking down the street, peopleon the bus, anybody asks you a question that involvesa statement about your sexual identity, orientation,gender identity, and expression, then you would divulge.To me, coming out means everywhere I go,someone’s going to hear about it if it comes up inconversation.Arielle, a 24-year-old who identifies as a lesbian,The meaning of coming out varies on the basis ofone’s life circumstances, social environments, andpersonal beliefs and values. A singular meaningof coming out cannot be derived without ignoringthe broad variation seen across the participantsin this study. All 30 participants did agreeon one thing: coming out is a transformative, ongoingprocess – a career. For some participants,this transformation was more a personal journey[Coming out means] all the way out, to the fullestextent. Not like: “I’m thinking about it” or “I’m curious.”It’s like: “You know, I’m gay, I identify asgay,” letting them know. To me, that’s “out,” butI think there definitely is a two-step process, andI think the most difficult for me was definitely comingout to myself.meaning remained unchanged, regardless of thestructural barriers that currently prevents onefrom being as out as one wishes.The most extreme example of a barrier to full disclosurewas seen in my interview with Michelle,a 25-year-old female who identifies as gay. Michellehas spent the past few years employed inmirrored the sentiment that full disclosure is infact full disclosure preceded by self-affirmation.To her, coming out means gaining self-acceptanceof her sexual orientation and “sharing it with everyoneregardless of repercussions, whether positiveor negative.” But, many participants, suchas Eden and Arielle, recognize that the meaningthey personally ascribe to coming out may notof self-affirmation. Still, for most participants,coming out means much more than just “comingout to oneself.” For most participants, coming outmeans (at least in part) the sharing of their sexualitywith others. This includes disclosing theirsexuality to family and close friends, or perhapseven disclosing their sexuality to any and everyone(i.e., full disclosure). Participants most com-The one caveat to the idea that coming out meansfull disclosure is that an individual may choose tocome out entirely within a particular social arena(e.g., an LGBQT organization in town); yet, refrainfrom coming out in other social arenas (e.g., one’sfamily, close friends, or workplace). The most frequentexample of this in my interviews involvedthe U.S. Armed Services, and still serves activelyin the military. To Michelle, coming out meansfull disclosure, but due to her military career sheis structurally unable to engage in full disclosurewithin all social arenas. At the time of ourinterview, the military was still enforcing Don’tAsk Don’t Tell, so her desire to engage in fullnecessarily be congruent with the meaning heldby other people. Coming out is a unique experiencethat depends on a number of social factors,and so the meaning of coming out varies substantiallyas well.Discussion and Conclusionmonly referenced both coming out to oneself andcoming out to others as being central to the meaningof coming out.Aside from detailing the variety of meaningsassociated with coming out, the single most importantcontribution of the current study is thethose who were disinterested in or unable to comedisclosure was limited by her desire to keep herfinding that coming out is still a relevant conceptout in the workplace. In discussing how comingcareer intact. To a lesser degree, this same situ-Coming out is an important element in the lives ofrelated to sexual identity formation and mainte-out means full disclosure, Gabrielle stated: “I’mation arose in various other interviews, and theLGBQ persons, and it is widely considered to benance. Seidman, Meeks, and Traschen (1999), asvery proud, so I don’t think I would put a levelexception always revolved around employment. Ita crucial element in the development of a healthywell as other contemporary sexuality scholars,on [how open she is about her sexuality] unlesswould be interesting to ascertain if this same in-sexual identity among members of the LGBQcontend that coming out is no longer focused onI’m working and that’s a different situation.” Be-teraction would arise for LGBQ persons residingcommunity. It may serve a multitude of functions,legitimating sexualities via an outward disclo-cause of the lack of sexual orientation-based em-in states that offered legal protections on the basisnot the least of which is self-affirmation and thesure. True enough, for two participants in thisployment protections in her home state, Gabrielle,of sexual orientation.public disclosure of a non-heterosexual identity.study coming out was only about self-affirmation182©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 183

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosure– and not about disclosure at all. Still, coming outcoming out as only a matter of secrecy and disclo-meaning of coming out change across time. Weidentities continue to gain acceptance, coming outwas important to them and their sexualities. Evi-sure. Although Kitsuse is speaking of “coming out”know very little about coming out among peoplewill be more about full disclosure since individu-dence from my interviews challenges the notionas it relates more broadly to anyone defined by an-who identify as pansexual or fluid, but researchals will have less to fear about sharing their sexual-that coming out is a thing of the past. Every singleother person as a deviant, his point resonates withon bisexuality may provide a clue. People whoity. Then again, as posited by Seidman, Meeks, andparticipant in the current study actively engagedthe current study. His contention is that, in order toidentify as bisexual, when compared to those whoTraschen (1999), increased normalization of all sex-in coming out, and they each considered comingstudy coming out, special attention must be grant-identify as gay or lesbian, are less likely to comeualities may simply make the public disclosure ofout central to their life trajectories.ed to “the issue of the social affirmation of self”out to others (Weinberg et al. 1994; McLean 2007).one’s sexuality unnecessary. Follow-up interviews(Kitsuse 1980:1). Coming out is not simply aboutwith the participants in this study may shed someComing out is both a personal and a social pro-satisfying the moral majority. Rather, coming outPart of the difficulty associated with disclosinglight on the effect of increased public acceptancecess that appears to be omnipresent as long as weserves as a way to challenge social conventions anda bisexual identity is that few people in the gen-on coming out.operate within a heteronormative society. The faceexpert opinions, and affirm a positive sense of self.eral population understand anything about bisex-of coming out may be changing – many teens anduality (Bradford 2004). As newly emerging sexualOne of the biggest challenges with any qualita-young adults are assumed gay by friends and fam-Plenty of people engage in self-acceptance and af-identities, pansexuality and fluidity are gener-tive study is obtaining a diverse sample. Thisily. The assumption that someone is gay is typical-firmation, yet have no interest in disclosing theirally even less understood than bisexuality. Evendifficulty is magnified when the study involvesly based on outward characteristics that are stereo-sexuality to other people. The finding from thisamong the participants in this study, many peo-a “hidden” population such as sexual minorities.typically associated with gay culture or a genderstudy that, for some people, the meaning of comingple were unfamiliar with pansexuality. The lackAlthough, like many other studies on coming out,presentation based in gender non-conformity (e.g.,out is entirely a matter of self acceptance challengesof public understanding over newly emergingI had a hard time obtaining racial diversity in thea masculine female). But, even those who are as-the definitions utilized by many scholars in whichidentities may explain why the meaning of com-sample, the most challenging characteristic uponsumed to be gay still engage in some form of com-coming out is defined only as an external endeavor.ing out among people who identify as pansexual,which to draw diversity is what I call “degree ofing out. Consider a teenage girl who is assumedThe notion that coming out can be a purely inter-queer, or fluid is more about self-affirmation thanoutness.” LGBQ persons who have engaged in com-gay, yet confronted by her best friend about hernal process problematizes research that assumesanything else. Perhaps in the coming years weing out are well represented in literature on com-sexuality nonetheless: she will still be faced witha heterocentric model of coming out which focuseswill see an increase in the volume of people whoing out. However, few studies include samples ofmatters of self-affirmation and potentially a con-solely on explaining difference to others. Consider-perceive coming out as a purely personal journey.people who have not engaged in any coming out.firmatory disclosure to her friend – both of whiching the frequency with which participants spoke ofAlthough my sample includes participants whoare examples of coming out. Even if her sexualitycoming out to oneself as being central to the mean-The meaning of coming out held by most partici-have come out to differing degrees, very few ofnever becomes a public matter, she will still man-ing of coming out, “coming out” should be concep-pants still includes some element of coming outmy participants have disclosed their sexuality toage the process of coming out to herself.tualized as a process that includes self-affirmationto others. However, there appears to be a fairlyonly one or two people. The meaning and related(i.e., coming out to oneself).even split between those who emphasize comingexperiences of coming out are likely very differentMost researchers that study coming out refer toout to family/friends versus those who emphasizeamongst those who have and are newly engaged incoming out as a purely external endeavor. An over-Participants who are further removed from con-coming out to any and everyone (i.e., coming outcoming out. So, I have to recognize this as a limita-stated focus on the visible element of coming outventional dualistic thinking (i.e., they think be-as “full disclosure”). As was the case with comingtion of the study. Although there are a few other– that is the public disclosure of a sexual identityyond a gender binary) are more inclined to de-out to oneself, those who stress coming out as be-limitations to the current study (small sample size,– can skew the achievement of a full understand-emphasize coming out to family and friends anding a matter of full disclosure are oftentimes in-lack of participants who identify as black or pres-ing of the concept of coming out. Public media andfocus instead on coming out as a personal jour-dividuals who maintain fluid or open sexualities.ently identify as bisexual), the findings and sub-the heterosexual majority often frame coming outney of self-affirmation. Young people appear toBut, this is not always the case. Many gay and les-sequent implications far outweigh the limitations.entirely as a matter of “outing” oneself to others.be identifying with more open sexual identities,bian participants also emphasized full disclosureBut, presuming such a thing limits the scope of re-such as pansexual, queer, and fluid. As these sex-as a central element in the meaning they attributeThe overall issue of meaning presents a method-search. Kitsuse (1980) warns against conceiving ofualities continue to emerge, we will likely see theto coming out. It may be that, as non-heterosexualological concern for studying coming out, and184©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 185

Nicholas A. GuittarThe Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full DisclosureReferencesAppleby, George Alan. 2001. “Ethnographic Study of Gayand Bisexual Working-Class Men in the United States.”Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services 12(3/4):51-62.Bradford, Mary. 2004. “The Bisexual Experience.” Journalof Bisexuality 4(1/2):7-23.Carpenter, Laura M. 2005. Virginity Lost: an intimate portraitof first sexual experiences. New York: New York University.Charmaz, Kathy. 2000. “Grounded Theory: Objectivistand Constructivist Methods.” Pp. 509-535 in Sage Handbookof Qualitative Research, edited by Norman K. Denzinand Yvonna S. Lincoln. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.any other social phenomena for that matter. Asevidenced in this study, individuals attach a varietyof meanings to coming out, and these meaningsvary based on their individual lived experiences.Future research on coming out shouldtake into account the variety in meaning whendesigning studies – or at least recognize the limitationsof using a finite definition of the concept.An assumption of shared meaning should not bemade without considering the disparate impactsuch a practice will have on the outcome of thestudy. At the very least, researchers should sharetheir meaning of coming out with participantsso that study participants can understand theresearcher’s position on the concept and therefore,provide more meaningful, valid responsesto questions. Otherwise, the disconnect betweenresearchers’ intent with and participants’ understandingof a concept may lead to biased findings.After all, research findings are typically analyzedand written up based on the researcher’sconceptualization or operationalization of thephenomena under scrutiny – not the participants.Participants in the current study spoke freely abouttheir entire trajectory of coming out – from earlyaffinities to eventual identities. Future research oncoming out should continue to focus on the entirecareer of coming out rather than how coming outrelates to a person’s present identity. Most of theinteresting themes and trends that emerged frommy data would have been missed had I relied onspeaking only about participants’ present identities.As the popular adage goes “the journey ismore important than the destination.” It is not theidentity itself, but rather the process of identifying,that informs us about social trends and symbolicmeaning associated with coming out.Charmaz, Kathy. 2006. Constructing Grounded Theory:A Practical Guide through Qualitative Analysis. London:Sage.Corsaro, William A. 1985. Friendship and peer culture in theearly years. Language and learning for human service professions.Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing.Crawley, Sara and K. L. Broad. 2004. “Be Your (RealLesbian) Self.” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 33(1):39-71.Glaser, Barney G. and Anselm L. Strauss. 1967. The discoveryof grounded theory; strategies for qualitative research.Chicago: Aldine Publishing.Goffman, Erving. 1974. Stigma: notes on the management of Oswald, Ramona Faith. 1999. “Family and Friendshipspoiled identity. New York: J. Aronson.Relationships After Young Women Come Out as Bisexualor Lesbian.” Journal of Homosexuality 38(3):65-83.Griffith, Kristin H. and Michelle R. Hebl. 2002. “The DisclosureDilemma for Gay Men and Lesbians: ‘Coming Rust, Paula C. 1993. “‘Coming Out’ in the Age of SocialOut’ at Work.” Journal of Applied Psychology 87(6):1191-1199. Constructionism: Sexual identity formation amonglesbian and bisexual women.” Gender and SocietyGroves, Robert M. et al. 2009. Survey Methodology. Hoboken,NJ: Wiley.7(1):50-77.Savin-Williams, Ritch C. 1989. “Coming out to ParentsGubrium, Jaber F. and James A. Holstein. 2002. Handbookand Self-esteem among Gay and Lesbian Youths.” Journalof Interview Research: Context and Method. Thousand Oaks,of Homosexuality 18(1/2):1-35.CA: Sage.Savin-Williams, Ritch C. 1998. “The Disclosure toJohnston, Lon B. and David Jenkins. 2003. “Coming OutFamilies of Same-sex Attractions by Lesbian, Gay, andin Mid-Adulthood: Building a New Identity.” Journal ofBisexual Youths.” Journal of Research on AdolescenceGay & Lesbian Social Services 16(2):19-42.8(1):49-68.Katz, Jonathan. 2007. The invention of heterosexuality: witha new preface. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Savin-Williams, Ritch C. 2001. Mom, dad. I’m gay. Howfamilies negotiate coming out. Washington, DC: AmericanKitsuse, John I. 1980. “Coming Out All Over: Deviants Psychological Association.and the Politics of Social Problems.” Social Problems28(1):1-13.Seidman, Steven, Chet Meeks, and Francie Traschen.1999. “Beyond the Closet? The Changing Social Meaningof Homosexuality in the United States.” SexualitiesLincoln, Yvonna S. and Egon G. Guba. 2000. “ParadigmaticControversies, Contradictions, and Emerging Confluences.”Pp. 163-188 in Handbook of qualitative research,2(1):9-34.edited by Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln. Shallenberger, David. 1996. “Reclaiming the Spirit: theThousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Journeys of Gay Men and Lesbian Women toward Integration.”Qualitative Sociology 19(2):195-215.Lucal, Betsy. 2008. “Building Boxes and Policing Boundaries:(De)Constructing Intersexuality, Transgender, and Strauss, Anselm and Juliet Corbin. 1998. Basics of QualitativeResearch: Techniques and Procedures for DevelopingBisexuality.” Sociology Compass 2(2):519-536.Grounded Theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.McLean, Kirsten. 2007. “Hiding in the Closet?: Bisexuals,Coming Out and the Disclosure Imperative.” Journal of Waldner, Lisa K. and Brian Magruder. 1999. “ComingSociology 43(2):151-166.Out to Parents.” Journal of Homosexuality 37(2):83-100.Merighi, Joseph R. and Marty D. Grimes. 2000. “Coming Weinberg, Martin S., Colin J. Williams, and DouglasOut to Families in a Multicultural Context.” Families in W. Pryor. 1994. Dual Attraction: Understanding Bisexuality.Society 81(1):32-41.New York: Harrington Park Press.Guittar, Nicholas A. 2013. “The Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosure.” QualitativeSociology Review 9(3):168-187. Retrieved Month, Year (http://www.qualitativesociologyreview.org/ENG/archive_eng.php).186©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 187

Reluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and the Reproduction of Hegemonic MasculinityAbstractKeywordsPaul SargentSan Diego State University, U.S.A.Reluctant Role Models: Men Teachersand the Reproduction of Hegemonic MasculinityIn-depth interviews with men teachers and other key personnel in early childhoodeducation (ECE) revealed that the men are attempting to perform a type of subordinatemasculinity that could challenge traditional gender relations. However, their attemptsare thwarted by the gender regime embedded in the occupational structure, particularlythe demand that they perform as “male role models” for the boys in their classes. Thismeans that they are prescribed to perform in stereotypical ways and to purposely modeltraditional masculinity to boys, thereby inculcating hegemonic norms of masculinity.Masculinities; Men Teachers; Male Role Models; BoysPaul Sargent, Associate Professor of Sociologyand the Director of the Center for Qualitative Researchat San Diego State University. His research typically focusedon the social construction of gender, particularlythe construction of masculinities. The author of RealMen or Real Teachers: Contradictions in the Lives of MenElementary School Teachers; “Sociology in the Academy:A Study in Contradictions?” (with Charles F. Hohm),The American Sociologist; “The Gendering of Men in EarlyChildhood Education,” Sex Roles: A Journal of Research;“Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Men Caught in theGender Bind of Early Childhood Education,” Journal ofMen’s Studies; and “A Qualitative Comparison of the Effectivenessof Private and Public Refugee ResettlementPrograms: The San Diego Case” (with Charles F. Hohmand Robert J. Moser), Sociological Perspectives. His researchprojects included a video recorded ethnographyof a children’s center, to determine if there were differencesbetween the ways adults relate to girls and theways they relate to boys, and a content analysis of CSI,a television crime series, to evaluate the program’s representationof male and female victims.In MemoriamWe would like to express our deep sorrow overthe death of Dr. Paul W. Sargent, AssociateProfessor of the Sociology Department at SanDiego State University, who passed away onFebruary 20, 2013. He will be remembered forhis academic accomplishments and commitmentto research and teaching.It is a great honor for us to publish his article inQualitative Sociology Review.Editorial Boardof Qualitative Sociology ReviewThe question of what constitutes “men’s work”and “women’s work” has been the focus ofmuch feminist scholarship over the last thirty years(see, for example, Bradley 1989; Williams 1989; Reskinand Roos 1990; Dunn 1996). At the forefront ofthis body of work, and the central concern of mostscholars, is the set of difficulties faced by womenwho cross over, or attempt to cross over, into occupationalareas traditionally seen as men’s work.This focus is clearly justified considering the factthat most extrinsic rewards, such as high pay, advancement,and prestige, are associated with men’swork, thus contributing to women’s lower socialstatus relative to men.To a lesser degree, there has been some interest inthe lives of men who cross over into women’s work.The literature on this issue is a mixed bag. Thereare those who argue that men who enter occupationssuch as nursing, social work, and early childhoodeducation do so assuming, a priori, that theywill succeed in terms of priority hiring, faster promotions,closer relations with administrators, andfreedom from any forms of harassment (Williams1992). Others contend that men may not intentionallyseek these perquisites, but simply by virtueof their status as men, will receive them anyway(Uhlmann and Cohen 2005). Both arguments sharethe notion that even in women’s work, men canuse their access to patriarchal power to their advantage,including the potential to masculinize theworkplace to their advantage.There also exists a small, but growing, body ofevidence suggesting that men who enter occupationssuch as early childhood education (ECE) andnursing meet with the same kinds of resistanceand disfavor that women encounter when tryingto access traditionally male occupations and mustfind ways to maneuver through the gender environment(Sargent 2005). This qualitative studyadds to the latter body of work by presenting theresults of in-depth interviews with several groupsof personnel in ECE.A Typology of MasculinitiesMen and women are not homogeneous in the waysthey present or perform (do) their gender. Instead,their performance is affected by the demands ofthe larger gender order and by the gender contextof their immediate social landscape (Maccoby1998; Messner 2000).“Doing gender” has become a central analyticconcept for feminists since it was widely presentedto the scholarly community by West and Zimmermanin their 1987 article by the same name.They borrowed the ethnomethodological basisof the concept from Garfinkel (1967), but then recontextualizedit to make it more applicable toa wider set of constructionist approaches to gender.In their narrative, they provide an alternativeto the perspectives that framed gender as eithera “role,” an essential condition, or a psychologicalgiven. Instead, we see that gender is an accomplishmentand each of us is accountable to othersfor properly demonstrating our masculinityor femininity by wearing the correct vestments,behaving appropriately, and engaging in genderaffirmingactivities, including having an appropriateoccupation.There is not a single set of accomplishments associatedwith being masculine, but several. Connell(1995) identified four ways in which men engage188©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 189

Paul SargentReluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and the Reproduction of Hegemonic Masculinitywith existing gender relations within a social mi-ECE doing and is their doing of gender a functiontranscribed. I began with open-ended questionsstep in coding, focused coding, which consists oflieu. He termed these four performances of mas-of the men’s desires or of cultural and institutionalsuch as:imposing the emerging themes back on the data inculinity hegemonic, complicit, marginalized, andimperatives?a more deductive style. That is, looking for furthersubordinate. Hegemonic masculine practices are• “Tell me about getting into teaching.” [menevidence of the existence of data that can be sub-those that serve to normalize and naturalize men’sdominance and women’s subordination. Complicitmasculinities are those that do not embody hegemonicprocesses per se but benefit from the waysin which hegemonic masculinities construct thegender order and local gender regimes in hierarchalfashion. Marginalized masculinities representthe adaptation of masculinities to such issues asrace and class. Finally, subordinate masculinitiesare those behaviors and presentations of self thatcould threaten the legitimacy of hegemonic masculinity.Gay men, effeminate men, and men whoeschew competition or traditional definitions ofsuccess are examples frequently cited. To this listwe can add men who care for children (Donaldson1993; Sargent 2001). These men are vulnerableto being abused and ridiculed by others, both menand women.Underlying and supporting the maintenance ofMethodMy goal from the outset of this study was to speakwith men teachers and caregivers about the verypersonal business of being men in a predominatelywomen’s occupation (Oakley 1981). I wanted topose questions to men that are more often posed towomen regarding their experiences entering andremaining in a gender-atypical work environment(Cohen 1991). In addition, I wanted to ask othersignificant actors in ECE to tell me about their experienceswith men working in the field. Weisscalled this forming a “panel of knowledgeableinformants” (1995:73) and the narratives of theseother participants were used to support the men’saccounts, thus adding credibility to the study.ParticipantsThus far, I have interviewed 54 men working inteachers]• “Tell me about your experiences as the onlyman at your school.” [men teachers]• “Can you relate to me some of the things youhave heard regarding the employment of menin early childhood education?” [all participants]• “Describe for me some of the experiencesyou have had with men in your classroom (orprogram).” [faculty in colleges of education,principals and supervisors, women teachers]Subsequent questions flowed from my list ofprompts designed to elicit rich detail. Other questionsconcerned problems the participants hadencountered in the course of their own work lives(Harper 1994). By asking the participants to “teach”me about their lives, I was making use of their normalcommunicative style (Briggs 1986).sumed under each major code.In general, the analysis followed the grounded theoryapproach (Glaser and Strauss 1967) with someof the particular techniques coming from Spradley’s(1979) Developmental Research Sequence,which made the process lend itself well to computer-aidedanalysis. All of the major themes I presentin this research were confirmed to be in customaryuse in terms of being frequent, widespread, andcollective (Becker and Geer 1960).Results and DiscussionThe analysis of the participants’ narratives yieldedseveral persistent themes. First, ECE is indeeda gendered occupation. All social actors withinthe milieu are expected to behave in gender-typicalways and gender deviance is met with disapprovaland negative sanctions (Leidner 1991; Ack-gender hierarchies is the enforcement of “rulesof compulsory heterosexuality” (Rich 1980). Thismeans that homophobic ideas and practices providethe ideological foundation for the constantpolicing of heterosexual and homosexual masculinities(Connell 1992; Epstein 1997). Homophobiaacts to normalize dominant gender ideologies andperformances by creating fears of being seen as“different.” Boys and men who reject or challengeECE, 20 women who work in ECE alongside men,10 elementary school principals, 6 pre-school orchildcare center directors, and 8 faculty membersin colleges of education. All participants were locatedin the western United States in California,Oregon, or Washington. Approximately one-halfof the schools/centers are located in urban areas;the remainder, are equally distributed betweensuburban and rural locations.The analysis of the interview data was an ongoingprocess and coding often took place duringthe transcription process itself. For the most part,codes were generated inductively, but some weretaken from the existing literature (e.g., Hansot andTyack 1988; Bradley 1989; 1993; Allan 1993; 1994),what Miles and Huberman would call a “start list”(1984:37). The first step was “open coding” (Straussand Corbin 1990), which basically consists of comb-er 1992). Second, there is a division of labor thatassigns men tasks such as lifting, hauling, repairing,and discipline (Williams 1992) while, preventingthem from close, nurturing interaction withchildren (Sargent 2001). Third, men must operateunder conditions of extreme scrutiny and suspicion.There is a prevailing fear that the men mightbe gay or pedophiles and these two concepts areerroneously conflated. In addition, men are gen-hegemonic forms of masculine behaviors often liveing the transcripts and noting segments of partici-erally seen as being less than competent in areasunder a constant threat of emotional or physicalProcedurepants’ narratives that seem in any way relevant toconcerning the care of children. These themes areviolence (Pascoe 2007). In this study of men’s livesthe research question at the heart of the project.treated in detail elsewhere (Allan 1994; King 1995;in ECE, an important question that can be asked ofThe data were gathered through in-depth inter-As it became clear that some of the themes wereSargent 2001) and will be only tangentially citedthe data is: What forms of masculinity are men inviews. All interviews were tape-recorded andbeginning to be repeated, I proceeded to the nexthere when appropriate.190©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 191

Paul SargentReluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and the Reproduction of Hegemonic MasculinityThe theme that I detail in this paper is one thatcialization prevents them from fitting and thriv-Men as “Male Role Models”likely be constructing and employing as they re-emerged during the initial analysis of the inter-ing (Pollack 1998). Others contend that boys’ brainsspond to further probes.view data, but has taken on fresh meaning re-are hardwired in ways that hinder their learningThe themes associated with the concept of MRMcently because of a public debate that has erupt-in any but highly structured, competitive environ-that emerged from the interviews can be orga-There seemed to be general agreement that hiringed regarding the status of boys in school. In 2001,ments (Gurian 2009). Whether boys’ struggles arenized into three categories. First, participants talk-men was a good idea, but the reasons given to sup-Christina Hoff Sommers published her contro-considered a function of culture or biology, theed about being aware of a generalized discourseport this were vague at best. Sometimes the rea-versial work, The War Against Boys, in which shesame solution is typically suggested: hire moredescribing a desire for hiring more men. Second,son for hiring men was presented as a concept thatboldly refuted prevailing claims that boys weremen. Putting men into the classroom is not a newa few participants addressed, albeit after prompt-“everyone knows is true” without any supportingthe advantaged sex in the classroom. Her con-idea, of course. For over a hundred years, thereing, the possible benefits for girls that might arisecommentary.tention was that the classroom environment hadhas been a call for more men teachers, primarily tofrom men teachers’ presence. Third, the majoritybecome anti-boy through the imposition of theoriesand practices designed to assist girls in gainingground. In the ensuing years, the battle overwhich sex is more likely to thrive in school hasgathered participants from all around the ideologicalcompass.control the behavior of boys and the current debatesimply adds one more dimension.From the interviews I conducted, it becomesclear that it is not simply a cry for more men thatis being sounded, but, more specifically, a callfor men who will serve as male role models forof respondents suggested that men teachers affectthe lives of boys and this happens in two ways.Indirectly, it is assumed that men will inject morediscipline into the classroom, exert more controlover the boys, and thus create a less chaotic learningenvironment. A more direct contribution arisingfrom the presence of men is the provision ofAn interesting pattern that recurs throughoutthe interviews is the frequency with which participantstalked about the fact that they have (orshould have) one man among their staff. The followingexamples support this. [In every case, theemphasis is mine.]There are those who argue that boys are doingthe boys in their classes – an expectation thata model of masculinity that can be, ostensibly, em-Katherine (elementary school principal): Most schoolsjust fine relative to girls. AAUW recently publishedanother in a series of working papers fo-is fraught with contradictions for both the menteachers and the children in their care, particu-ulated by the boys.want to have a man on staff. They will go to greatlengths to hire one.cusing on gender equity in education. In their latestpublication (2008), the authors argued that anyperformance gaps seen in schools are more likelyassociated with race and class than with sex cat-larly the boys.In interviews with men teachers, and other significantactors in ECE, the topic of male role modelHiring MenAll of the participants in my study were aware ofthe lack of men in ECE and made it very clear thatJennifer (Head Start Director): Our parents are alwaysso excited to see Gary. It’s wonderful to have a manworking here.egory. They also argue that on most indicators ofeducational success (graduation rates, test scores,etc.) girls and boys are fairly equal when demographiccategories are taken into consideration(MRM) arose in every interview. It were the participantsthemselves, never I, who brought theterm into the conversation. From reading popularand scholarly literature, I had anticipated thatthey assumed this to be the reason behind my research.One of the first points most of them wantedto establish was that they considered a male presenceto be, in some way, of value to the schoolsSylvia (a college of education faculty member): I’m alwayshappy when I can place a male student at a sitethat has a male teacher.and that both girls and boys continue to show improvementon the majority of indicators. Kimmelthe concept of role model would arise, but wassurprised at the complex and contentious natureand to the children. However, only a few had anyspecific ideas regarding the actual benefits thatBarbara (elementary teacher): I have friends in otherschools and they think we’re so lucky to have a man.(2006) asserts that many of those who side withof the concept. There is not a single image of themight arise from men working in the occupation.the “boys are in crisis” argument are actually us-MRM, but several, and these are often ambigu-As I stated earlier, my opening question was veryThere are several overlapping issues here. Par-ing this position to further an all-out attack onous and contradictory. These contradictory mean-general and of the form that Spradley (1979) wouldticipants seem to be saying that once the schoolfeminism and feminists.ings, and the expectations they represent, createclassify as a “grand tour question.” This kind ofhas one man working there some objective hasfor the men a classic double bind: “situations inquestion allows the respondents great freedombeen achieved. Using Kanter’s (1977) theory andSome of those who contend that boys really arewhich options are reduced to a very few and all ofin constructing their initial responses and verymodel of tokenism, this theme can be interpretedstruggling in school argue that the routines ofthem expose one to penalty, censure or depriva-quickly establishes for the interviewer some in-a number of ways. The classic application of Kant-school are feminized to the point that boys’ so-tion” (Frye 1983:2).sights into the context that the participants willer’s theory is that the smaller the proportion of192©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 193

Paul SargentReluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and the Reproduction of Hegemonic Masculinity“tokens,” the less likely it is that they will havethe issue of men in ECE. When asked to describeMe: Tell me what you mean by male role model.Me: Can you describe that positive image for me?any power or agency in terms of effecting changeon the workplace (Spangler, Gordon, and Pipkin1978) or, more importantly for this study, ofenacting an authentic self (Nelson 1993). Kanteralso argued that having a member of the underrepresentedgroup can allow the dominant groupto consider their organization “gender-neutral,”thus allowing for trivialization of any minoritycomplaints that might arise. Of course, this becomesa self-fulfilling prophecy because the minoritygroup learn quickly that complaints arenot well received. Yoder (1991) argued that whileKanter’s theory appears to be a rationale for hiringmore tokens up to the extent at which a truegender-neutral workplace emerges, there is dangerof a dominant backlash occurring once themajority of workers feel threatened by the changingcomposition.But, how many tokens does it take to triggera dominant backlash? And, are numbers reallythe salient issue? According to Turco (2010), this isdependent on the extent to which gender-specificcharacteristics are embedded in the workplace.the concept of MRM that they themselves had introducedinto the conversation, however, the participantstypically asked me for my definition.MRM is apparently in common use, but not inways that would indicate there has been any degreeof analysis of its meaning. People can readilyincorporate the term into daily discourse withouthaving to stop to think critically about what theyare saying, much like the way that the use of stereotypesallows us to quickly communicate a setof ideas, knowing that the other person gets theessence of what we’re saying, and move on.The respondents’ narrative would move alongsmoothly until I would ask for some clarification ofthe term. Then the conversation would take a turnsimilar to this exchange with Norman (second--grade teacher):Me: How does being a male role model positivelycontribute to the children’s school experience?Norman: Depends on what you mean by male rolemodel.Katherine (elementary school principal): I’m not surewhat you’re asking.Me: Earlier, you said that it’s good for children tohave a male role model and I’d just like to hear yourdescription of this.Katherine: I suppose I just mean all the things a malebrings to the job.Me: Can you give me some examples?Katherine: You know, just the masculine perspective,the male side of things.Once I reminded them that this was their phrase,they began to frame their responses in terms ofwhat they perceived parents want for their sonsand, sometimes, daughters. Two distinct forms ofMRM emerged from the participants’ narratives:one for girls and one for boys.Modeling for GirlsFor the girls in their classrooms, the participantsunanimously declared that mothers wanted theirdaughters to be exposed to a “new man” (non-traditional)who would not behave in stereotypicalFrank: Just someone who’s nurturing, caring…opento being demonstrative with his feelings.Not all participants were convinced that mencould provide for the emotional needs of girls. Jan,a childcare center director, told me:Girls may not thrive as well emotionally in men’sclassrooms. They have, after all, grown up almost exclusivelyin the care of mom, or some other woman.Nurturing children is not just seen as somethingwomen can do better, it is perceived as a talentthat men lack. In fact, many seem to feel that menmight do more harm than good in their interactionswith children. Jennifer, who directs a localHead Start program, talked enthusiastically abouthaving a man working in her center.Jennifer: He’s great. I love having him around. I thinkthe kids are a little intimidated by him…his size, hisbig voice. We have to be careful the kids don’t get toofrightened, of course, but he’s great at getting them tosettle down. We just have to keep the more vulnerablekids away from him, I suppose.As I point out in this research, cultural symbols(Reskin 1991), both positive, such as “motherhood,”and negative, like “pedophile,” are so intrinsicto the culture of ECE that perhaps even oneman in the facility may be enough to evoke fearsand suspicion in the incumbents.Forms of the Male Role ModelEvery participant in this study introduced theconcept of the MRM into our conversation withoutbeing prompted to do so. The term is clearlya permanent fixture in the discourse regardingMe: Well, I’m simply interested in the definition youhad in mind when you said that it’s good for childrento be around male role models.Norman: Oh, I guess I just meant being aroundmen.Me: OK. That’s fine. I’m interested in anything aboutmen that you suspect is likely to contribute to thechildren’s learning experience.Norman: Well, as I said, just being around a man fora change is probably good in some way.Even a direct request for a definition resulted inconfusion.masculine ways.Dave (third-grade teacher): They need to see thatmen are not the kind of people that will leave theirfamilies, um, that will beat their kids, that will withholdtheir child support, that will get drunk on Fridaynights, or whatever.Barbara (kindergarten teacher): I would say it’s abundantlyclear that moms want their girls to have a maleteacher who’s warm and expressive, not cold and instrumental.Frank (second-grade teacher): I hope I rub off on theboys and I hope I leave the girls with a positive imageof men.Me: More vulnerable?Jennifer: Maybe vulnerable isn’t the right wordfor it. I mean the kids who seem to be in the mostneed of nurturing, the most sensitive. Someonelike Greg is not exactly the type you want handlinggirls.Greg, to whom Jennifer is referring, is about fivefeet seven inches tall, weighs about one hundredforty pounds, and speaks with a musical lilt ina voice that is hardly audible over the cries andother sounds of the classroom. Compared to theother teachers, he is only slightly larger than most194©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 195

Paul SargentReluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and the Reproduction of Hegemonic Masculinityand certainly does not have a “big” voice. However,this narrative demonstrates how members ofan underrepresented group are evaluated in waysthat accentuate their difference from the majority.Rosabeth Moss Kanter (1977) includes this phenomenonwithin her model of “tokenism.” This isimportant in day-to-day functions, as in the caseof Barry, a first-grade teacher:I had the strangest thing happen to me. I had a littlegirl who was getting picked on until she brokedown and cried. I took her aside and wiped hertears and talked to her for a while until she felt better.Later in the day, one of the other teachers camein and asked me about the girl. When I told herwhat happened, she told me she had better take thegirl out and talk to her to make sure she was okay.I was really insulted by that. She wouldn’t havegone into a female teacher’s classroom and takenthe girl out. I wish I had told her to mind her ownbusiness, but I’d be in trouble.Several participants echoed sentiments similarto these and one must wonder why girls, and notboys, are the ones who would be negatively affectedby the change in caretaker gender. Boys, afterall, have also grown up in the care of women and,arguably, would be as unaccustomed to adult malecaregivers as girls are. Instead, boys are thought topotentially benefit from exposure to men and thepresence of masculinity in the classroom. Whendescribing the parents’ position on boys’ needs,the men recounted that parents, almost exclusivelymothers, asserted that their sons were in needof exposure to traditional masculinity. Ostensibly,this was to compensate for a lack of male presencein the household. Some were single mothers andothers pointed out that dad is a workaholic whois rarely present because of occupational obligations.The fathers with whom the participants didinteract were, according to all participants, veryconcerned with making sure that their sons werementored in the ways of traditional (hegemonic)masculinity. However, there was no evidence providedthat the fathers were any more insistent onthis point than the mothers. More importantly, noparticipant ever provided me with an example ofparents indicating they hoped their son wouldbe exposed to the “new man,” so often cited fordaughters, nor did any express a desire for a traditionalmale for their daughters.Modeling for boysJavier, a third-grade teacher, echoed what becamea common theme in these interviews. He, like manyother men in my study, was far more likely to havecultivated artistic, expressive, or contemplative behaviorsover his lifetime rather than athletic ones.However, it was the latter, along with other stereotypicalmasculine traits, that appear to be preferredby parents and colleagues. The gender compositionof both these reference groups – parents and colleagues– is dramatically skewed toward women.Javier (third-grade teacher): I’ve had so many parents,especially single moms, come in and tell me howhappy they are that their son is going to have a maleteacher. I asked one woman why that made her sohappy and she told me she was becoming concernedbecause her son was getting into art and poetry a littletoo much. God, I love poetry and try to get all my studentshooked on it. I didn’t know what to say to her.Gene (pre-school teacher): When I was interviewedfor the job, they told me that they felt every schoolshould have a [emphasis mine] man on staff to provideboys with a male role model, but then I found outthat they, the parents, really want a guy who looksand acts like a guy should act.Keith (first-grade teacher): You know, it begs thequestion, like well, what is their standard. ‘Cause it’sall, you know, in the eye of the beholder. What istheir standard of masculinity? What is masculine tothem? If it’s the testosterone, beer drinking, footballplaying, bowling night on Wednesday, and pokernight on Friday, you know, smoking the cigars men,that ain’t me, you know. [Laughs]It was not just the men teachers who addressedthis. Sarah, an elementary school principal,seemed to be saying that the request for a traditionalmale is quite common.I get that a lot. Parents come right out and tell me theywant their son in a man’s room. Then they go on toexplain that they don’t just want any man, but onewho will act like a “real man.”Jan (childcare center director): Oh, there’s no question,but that parents generally prefer a man who“acts like a man.”Me: When you say, “acts like a man…”Jan: Well, I hate to say it, but a lot of people seem toharbor a deep fear of their sons being exposed to a gayteacher. I guess they feel if the guy’s macho, then hecan’t be gay.The various responses reveal that there are significantcontradictions in the lives of men in ECE.This is further brought to light when comparingthe men’s sense of who they are with the personsthey are expected to be at work. Most of the mendo not see themselves as being macho, particularlyathletic or competitive, or capable of imposingdiscipline. However, they present themselves aspossessing all of these characteristics as they liveup to the expectations embedded in the genderedECE workplace. For example, as Dave tells us, theprevailing image of men teachers as disciplinariansmay not resonate well with the men’s self--definitions.You know, so, they say, oh, he needs a good rolemodel, or he needs a strong hand, or something likethat. Thinking that since I’m male, I’m going to havea stronger hand, which is not necessarily true.George, a second-grade teacher, describes how hehas to deal with the contradictions between his behavioras a father and as a teacher:It’s hard, you know, I’m very close to my own children,physically, and love just doing things aroundthe house with them, working on little projects, makingsnacks, the stuff that kids love doing. Then I cometo work and get asked to take the rambunctious kidsout to play while the other teachers stay inside andwork on the projects I love doing.Being asked to live up to these gendered expectations,thereby turning descriptive stereotypes (theways things are believed to be) into prescriptiveones (the ways things are supposed to be), maybe the result of what Gutek (1985) terms “sex rolespillover,” when gender stereotypes leak into theworkplace culture. Clearly, these attributes aremost closely associated with traditional, patriarchalforms of masculinity, what Connell (1987) haslabeled hegemonic masculinity. It is provocativethat these descriptions of boys’ needs, which arein stark contrast with stated girls’ needs, positionboys as “other” in the cultural environment of theschool. Participants feel that boys need some extraattention and, in general, agree with the assessmentthat boys lack genuine models of masculinity(Chodorow 1978), grow up without a living omnipresentexample of masculinity, and must seek examplesin the exterior social environment. Girls are196©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 197

Paul SargentReluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and the Reproduction of Hegemonic Masculinitysurrounded by adult women, both at home and attion between theory and its empirical world and“masculine” positions, such as administration. Ac-(Merton 1948) as the men retreat into behavior pat-school, and have intimate contact with a contem-prevent their effective interplay” (1954:5). Therecording to Connell (1987), this would be an exampleterns that are stereotypically masculine and clearlyporary form of femininity on a regular basis.At about the halfway point in my project, I beganasking participants to also describe the kinds ofwomen role models they felt would make the greatestcontribution in the lives of girls. Some namedspecific women, such as Secretary of State HillaryClinton, astronaut Sally Ride, Dr. Dot Richardson(Olympic Gold Medal Softball winner and orthopedicsurgeon), and media star and mogul OprahWinfrey. What do all these women have in common?They are living lives that are outside the confinesof traditional, emphasized femininity (Connellis no formal definition of MRM. Instead, there isa collage of prescriptions and proscriptions thatadd up to a tacitly understood concept – somethingeveryone seems to acknowledge exists but cannotexplain with any clarity or certainty. Second, themale role model as it is generally, albeit tacitly, apprehendedhas little potential to be of any benefitto boys because it reinforces traditional forms ofmasculinity that are not found to be conducive toacademic successes (Brown, Chesney-Lind, andStein 2006; Juelskjær 2008). This tangle of contradictionsmakes it unlikely that any benefits will beforthcoming for boys (or girls).of men doing a “complicit” form of masculinity.Complicit forms of masculinity are those that directlybenefit from the systematic, society-wide subjugationof women, without actively participatingin women’s subordination. Complicit masculinitiesstructure the local gender regime in ways that supportand reproduce the wider gender order and thatproduce a local hierarchy that privileges whatevermasculinities the incumbent men display.The data provided by the participants in the presentstudy cast considerable doubt on the notion of“complicity.” Instead, I contend that men in ECEcontradictory to our perception of motherly behavior,the oft-cited standard for quality of student–teacher interaction in ECE. When men behave in“feminine” ways, they come under scrutiny as possiblybeing gay. Yet, the particular social scene inwhich men operate is so feminized that “masculine”behaviors also draw attention. Strain is foundin the ambiguities and ambivalence surroundingmen who do not display stereotypically masculinebehaviors or desires (Connell 1992). There isample evidence that, starting at an early age, boysare more powerfully sanctioned for doing femininethings (i.e., acting like a sissy) than girls are1987). This contrasts dramatically with the above listof traits for the MRM, which reinforces traditionalmasculine stereotypes. Even more striking is thefact that no participants ever named a public per-Sid, a first-grade teacher, summed up the contentiousrelationship men have with the concept ofmale role model:are attempting to present a “subordinate,” or alternative,form of masculinity, but are constrained bypowerful negative sanctions embedded in the cultureof ECE. The behaviors presented by the menfor doing masculine things (i.e., being a tomboy)(Thorne 1993; Buchbinder 1994; Halberstam 1998).Later in life, men who do not fit the mold of hegemonicmasculinity, are looked upon with suspicionsonality to help them communicate their vision ofa proper male role model. In his extensive work onhegemonic masculinity, Connell has made it clearthat, while we may have a definition of hegemonicmasculinity in the abstract, it is “not the usual formWhen I started out in teaching, I prided myself on thefact that I was going to be a role model for kids. Now,it’s my greatest nightmare. It’s an albatross aroundmy neck.are artifacts of the gendered organization, not toolsof the men as they attempt to organize their worklife. Donaldson (1993:656) has argued that the truetest of hegemonic masculinity is not its ability tosubordinate only women, but the ability to controlor are even considered dangerous (Messner 1987;Connell 1992; Buchbinder 1994). Paradoxically,men who try to conduct their lives in non-sexist,atypical ways may find themselves under suspicionfrom both hegemonic men and many womenof masculinity at all” (1990:83). In other words, itis difficult to identify an actual person who per-Doing Masculinity in ECEother men. In ECE, this is accomplished in large partthrough the metaphor of the MRM, which pervades(Kaufman 1993; 1994). Being different exacts a pricefor men and makes our lives very complicated andsonifies the current form of hegemonic (or counter--hegemonic) masculinity. So, again, we are left witha rather ethereal concept that has limited usefulnessin terms of promoting change.To be at all useful, a more complete understandingof the concept of “male role model” must be found.Herbert Blumer emphasizes this when he arguesthat “…vague concepts deter the identification ofThe participants in this study described the socialorganization of ECE as one in which the genderregime is closely aligned with the gender orderof society. This finding would be only marginallyremarkable if not for the unique status of the menemployed in the occupation. Many scholars (e.g.,Williams 1992; Allan 1993) who have studied men inECE have concluded that the men teachers maintainaccess to patriarchal power and privilege in order tothe culture at both the institutional and interpersonallevels.James King (1995) suggested that we might beopenly recruiting men into teaching while simultaneouslycovertly sabotaging them through scrutinizingthose who “act funny.” This scrutiny contributesto the men’s adoption of “safe” behaviorsaround the children. Unfortunately, these sameunsettling. A man who is not quite “one of theboys,” because of his social position, his sexual orientation,his taste in clothes, or his lack of leadershipquality, aggression, or drive, may be lookedupon as a “failed male” (Thorne 1993:115-116) and;treated with suspicion. It is this suspicion thatmakes the rules of masculinity visible (Connell1987; Williams 1993; Buchbinder 1994), and thisvisibility is particularly enhanced when men areappropriate empirical instances, and obscure theeither structure the work environment to their ben-behaviors may also cause men to be seen as defi-specifically asked to behave in stereotypical waysdetection of what is relevant in the empirical in-efit or to rapidly move out of the more feminizedcient in their potential to attend to the children’sas a condition of employment, as in the case of hir-stances that are chosen. Thus, they block connec-areas of ECE and move into more stereotypicallyneeds. This becomes a “self-fulfilling prophecy”ing men as male role models.198©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 199

Paul SargentReluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and the Reproduction of Hegemonic MasculinityConclusionfor men because the content of such a model is notclearly understood and seems to call for the men toDubuque, IA: Tri-College Department of Education EricDocument Reproduction Service No. ED 378 190.chael Messner and Donald Sabo. Champaign, IL: HumanKinetics Books.In this article I have presented some findings froma series of interviews with persons associated withEarly Childhood Education (ECE). The focus on menin ECE is in keeping with a tradition of examiningthe lives of individuals who have “crossed over” intogender-atypical occupations, where gender prescriptionsand proscriptions are made most visible.The conclusion reached is that ECE is indeed genderedin terms of the symbols in frequent use, thedifferential structural location of women and men,the internal mental work of individuals as they consciouslyconstruct their understandings of the organization’sgendered structure, and the interactionsamong individuals (Acker 1992:252-253). This is nota particularly new or surprising conclusion, but itbecomes salient when we try to determine the typeof masculinity that men are constrained to perform(Butler 1990) within the gender regime of ECE. Insteadof the men performing a complicit masculinitythrough which they would enjoy some of the perquisitesand privileges of hegemonic men, they are attemptingto live subordinate masculinities in orderto challenge traditional gender relations. This takeson its most ambiguous and, therefore, troublesomeform in the expectation that men will provide boyswith needed male role models. This is problematicReferencesAAUW Education Foundation. 2008. Where the Girls Are:provide one kind of model for boys while simultaneouslyproviding a contradictory model for girls inthe same classroom. In addition, the calls for men tobehave in stereotypically masculine ways contributeto men’s lack of fit in Early Childhood Education,where traditional feminine characteristics are highlyvalued. Finally, boys, who are the intended beneficiariesof the proposed increase in the number of men inECE, may actually be dealt a disservice by an influxof more traditional masculinity into their school environment.Traditional masculinity has been shownto have a strong anti-intellectual component.A direction for future research, that is strongly suggestedby this project, is a careful comparison of thekind of role modeling that is being suggested for boysto the kinds that have been recommended for girls overthe last several decades. One obvious contrast is thatmodels for girls have been described in non-traditional(counter-stereotypical) terms, while those for boyscontinue to reinforce traditional (stereotypical) dimensions.Is it possible that, for girls, emphases on counterstereotypicalmodels, such as astronauts, scientists, andsurgeons, are also producing a pedagogy that is moreproactive and thus, has the latent effect of makingteachers more engaged with girls than they are withboys? 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Managing Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic ChildAbstractKeywordsNina Veetnisha GunnarssonJönköping University, SwedenHelena HemmingssonLinköping University, SwedenLars-Christer HydénLinköping University, SwedenLena BorellKarolinska Institutet, SwedenManaging Family Relations and ControllingInformation While Supporting an AllergicChildThis paper explores parental (particularly mothers’) support in the daily lives of childrenwith allergies in a Swedish context. An ordinary life is established by makingcomparisons to what other children without allergies presumably can do (and eat). Althoughthe parents’ goal is to support their child in managing allergies, neither theirpractical nor their interactional strategies work in a clear-cut direction to promote thechild’s ordinary life and identity. On the contrary, parents’ accounts convey that theyfunction just as much against an everyday life and the child’s identity. When managingfamily relations, parents expect immediate family members (specifically grandparents)to understand and accommodate the child’s needs.However, claims of family responsibility are made through moral tales about lack ofsupport from “generalized others.” Family responsibility is also downplayed in parents’accounts as demands of support may put parents’ moral self at risk. The strategyof information control in certain situations and (non-family) relations used to keep thechild safe may risk stigmatizing the child, alternatively, making the child into a socialthreat. One of the conclusions that could be drawn from this study is that claims offamily support may be contradictory to other cultural principles that ascribe responsibilitiesbetween families and individuals, as the principles of individual freedomand autonomy.Everyday Life; Sweden; Parental Strategies; Childhood Allergy; Family Responsibility;Moral Practice; Moral SelfNina Veetnisha Gunnarsson received herPhD in humanistic medicine (medical sociology) fromKarolinska Institutet, Sweden. Her research interestis in narrative accounts and moral presentations ofself and agency. She currently works as an AssociateSenior Lecturer in Social Work at the School of HealthSciences, Jönköping University, Sweden.email address: nina.gunnarsson71@gmail.comHelena Hemmingsson is a PhD holder anda Professor in Occupational Therapy at the Departmentof Social and Welfare Studies: Division ofHealth, Activity and Care, Linköping University,Sweden. Her research and professorship has a focuson disability in everyday life, concerning children,teenagers, and young adults with disabilities and theopportunities and obstacles they experience at schooland in transitions to working life.Lars-Christer Hydén received his PhD in Psychologyfrom Stockholm University. His current positionis Full Professor of Social Psychology at the Departmentof Medical and Health Sciences, LinköpingUniversity, Sweden, and Director of Centre for DementiaResearch (CEDER). His research primarilyconcerns the use of language and narrative, especiallyin the area of health, illness, and disability. He haspublished extensively in international journals andedited a number of books about narrative research.Lena Borell received her PhD from KarolinskaInstitutet in 1992. She is a Professor of OccupationalTherapy and also a Director of the Strategic ResearchProgram in Health Care Research at Karolinska Institutet,Sweden. Her main research areas concern theexperiences of living with cognitive impairments inpeople with older age and how they experience theirageing environments.The consequences of living with a chronic illnesssuch as allergies are not merely aboutindividual or family responses to the illness andtreatment regimes that have a direct connectionwith the individuals’ and families’ disease management(Prout, Hayes, and Gelder 1999; Gabe,Bury, and Ramsay 2002; Hansson-Sherman,Dahlgren, and Löwhagen 2002; Olin Lauritzen2004). It is above all about managing family relationsand relations with others as these shapeand affect the child’s everyday life and identity.In this paper we will explore parents’, mainlymothers’, accounts about the practical and interactionalstrategies they use to support their allergicchild in their ordinary lives. Specifically, accountsabout how parents manage family relations, familyresponsibility, and how they control the informationthey provide about the child, includingwho the child is, to others. For the parents, an everydaylife means that their child can eat and dowhat other children without allergies presumablycan eat and do.There is an overbearing moral imperative, especiallyin “good” mothering, meaning that they havethe uttermost “responsibility for putting children’sneeds first” (Ribbens McCarthy, Edwards, andGilles 2000:800). Although parents hold themselvesas being uttermost responsible for their child’s upbringingand well being (Ribbens McCarthy et al.2000; 2003; Harden 2005), parenting is not a privatematter as much as it is a socially informed practicethat influences parents’ actions and decisions ineveryday life.Having an allergy as a child in Sweden is almost ascommon as not having an allergy, with an estimated4 out of ten children being affected (Wickman204©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 205

Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén & Lena BorellManaging Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Childand Lilja 2003). Specific to the allergic conditionsfor the allergic children is fraught with notionsport from even such immediate family membersfocus on allergy awareness in the nurseries and inis its varying nature. Severity of symptoms andof and encounters with food, as foods and mealsis something people seemingly object strongly tothe public schools at the time of this study, withreactions can vary greatly with different aller-convey important cultural and social meanings(Finch and Mason 1993).an aim to reduce the risk of allergic reactions, forgies, the allergenic substance, situations, timesthat organize the socially shared and relationalexample, by prohibiting peanuts.and places, and between different individuals. Iteveryday world of being and belonging with oth-Thus, in exploring parents’ support in the every-is often “naturally” changeable over the child’sers (Douglas 1992).day lives and identity of their allergic child, weAll of the participating parents perceived them-life-course, and children afflicted by an allergy atfirstly describe how parents establish the ordinaryselves as having the utmost responsibility for theinfancy or young age may outgrow their allergiesFor families with children prone to allergies, thein their accounts, and how a commonly used prac-child’s allergy. Specifically, the participating par-by the time they start school. This is especiallyrisks of everyday life has a highly realized pres-tical strategy in managing food allergies is con-ents were mainly mothers (18 mothers and onetrue for food allergies (Sampson 2004), althoughit is not uncommon that children’s food allergiespersist into adulthood and that some develop othertypes of allergies with age.ence; however, embodied past happenings and futureponderings may also be highly “present” inparents’ support. Nevertheless, it is often difficultfor parents to know and predict how the child’sstructed to work for “the ordinary.” Secondly,parents’ support is about how they manage familyrelations, in and through their accounts of familyresponsibilities. Thirdly, the way that parents con-father). There is a typical gendered arrangementof parenthood in Sweden, despite the principlesof equality that Swedish parents talk about whendiscussing parenting practices and parenthoodMoreover, as long as children are not exposed tothe substance or substances they cannot tolerate,many of them do not have any symptoms. Therefore,they may not always be identified by themselvesor by others as being ill. However, someallergens are easier to manage, avoid or remove;yet, in some situations it is difficult or even impossible.In addition, participation in importantsocial events and activities may become difficultfor children with allergies (Gabe et al. 2002), includingvisiting certain social places (Rudestamet al. 2004).allergy will develop or how severe the reactionsmay become in different situations and over time.Most people do not have to reflect upon their naturalenvironment and the taken-for-grantednessof social reality. However, families with allergiesmay be compelled to think about and act moreconsciously upon such aspects (e.g., to manageand control risks of allergic reactions) on a dailybasis.Here, family responsibility may come into play asto what demands the parents can make on otherfamily members, such as the children’s grandpar-trol the information they give to others about theirchild’s allergy, and of whom the child is (identity)is crucial in examining parents’ support for an ordinarylife.The StudySampling and Data CollectionIn the present study, nineteen parents were selectedfrom a larger interview survey with 215 parentsof 230 school children that had special dietsin school because of diagnosed or suspected food(see Elvin-Nowak and Thomsson 2001).Data collection was made through narrativelyinspired interviews in the parents’ homes orworkplace during 2002. A main broad questionof, “Would you tell me how you discovered yourchild’s hypersensitivity?” was the starting pointin all interviews. For this article, the focus wason how the child’s allergy had impacted the childand the family’s daily life and how parents managedthe child’s allergy after a diagnosis or parentdefinedallergy had been established (at the time ofthe study the children were between 6-18 yearsFood Allergy and Everyday Riskents. Finch and Mason (1993) state that people havecertain views of dependence and independence inallergies (see Gunnarsson et al. 2005). Inclusionin this and previous studies on the same empiri-of age). The interviews lasted between one-anda-halfto two hours and most parents were inter-family relations that are important for how theycal material (Gunnarsson and Hydén 2009) wasviewed twice.Children with allergies are exposed daily to situ-negotiate family responsibility. They found thatbased on the information that parents had previ-ations of risks (Tulloch and Lupton 2003) whenresponsibilities between even seemingly con-ously provided in the telephone survey. A strat-All parents had attended upper secondary school,substances they cannot tolerate – both in andstructed independent family units (such as par-egy of variation sampling was made (Patton 1990)which the majority of the Swedish population do.outside of school – are present in social life andents and their children and the parents’ own par-in order to “represent” the variation found in theSix parents had university degrees (one was stillconsidered ordinary. In Sweden, school childrenents), although also simultaneously constructedwhole population of the children with special di-a student in her final year) and additionally, twoare served midday meals, and it is often quiteas most socially liable to each other, can be suchets. The parents lived in different areas of, a main-parents had taken courses at the university. Onecommon that children are given cakes, fruits, andthat adult children who are parents themselvesly Swedish-born middle class, Stockholm suburbsmother was born in the U.S., one in the UK andother foods and treats at school activities or toldstill show reluctance about being dependent onand all children attended public schools. The mu-one in Chile. At the time of the interviews, theto bring food packages from home. Everyday lifetheir own parents for support. Demanding sup-nicipality, in general, had a special interest andparents’ ages ranged from 33 to 45 years of age206©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 207

Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén & Lena BorellManaging Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Childand six were single parents. The majority of par-devices (in this study, for example, distinctions,ceptions of their child’s symptoms as being an al-a generalized manifestation of children’s “rights”ents were from middle class backgrounds, fourreconstructed dialogues, generalizations, rhetoriclergy (and allergy as an illness) at the time whento have their dreams:from upper middle class, and four from workingmessages, and moral tales) to explain and evalu-their child had just been diagnosed.class.Twenty-three children suffered from a variety ofdifferent food-related symptoms and other allergyproblems, for example, physical manifestations,such as eczema, gastrointestinal problems, andate actions from self and others, for example, involvingways of making excuses and/or justificationsof actions and behaviors.Throughout the interviews, parents used variousways to show and voice what evidently wasThese kinds of normalization strategies are usuallydescribed and analyzed in an individualizedfamily context. Accordingly, it is about the parents’strategies to manage foremost the symptomsand consequences of the illness in order to allowAnd she just nags, every single day, that she wantsa dog, but it’s just not possible. But, she must have herdreams. So, you can’t just turn everything away fromthe kids either, but they must have their dreams, theyalso need to feel like normal children who can eat everythingand can do everything.airway problems. Sixteen children had asthma,fourteen children suffered from eczema, and fourteensuffered from pollen or pet allergy. Elevenchildren had all of these problems: asthma, foodintolerance and eczema, and pollen/pet allergen.Five children had only food-related problems.Data AnalysisThe interviews in this study were analyzed asnarrative accounts and from the understandingof interviewing as a discourse between speakers(Mishler 1986), formed within a context wherespeakers make use of linguistic devices and createsocial meanings that follow socially sharedconventions of speech acts and of social life(Atkinson 2009). The narrative accounts are basedon pieces of factual information that are structuredand organized as events and actions that theparents evaluate and make sense of in the processone of their primary parental goals in supportingtheir child’s and the family’s everyday life, illustratedin the following sentence from one of theparents: “we try to live as normal as possible.”Most parents used the Swedish word “normal,”but the conceptualized meaning was analyticallytranslated to ordinary (Swedish: vanligt). Severalparents made similar outspoken and often recurrentreferences to an ordinary life and child’sidentity in their accounts. Most parents organizedand accounted for their strategies in ways thatmade what constitutes the ordinary as being self--evident and not something that had to be definedor explained (De Fina 2009).How parents usually make use of different normalizationstrategies in managing allergy andasthma in order to have an everyday life, in spiteof chronic illness or disabilities, to be as “normal”as possible has been well explored. For example,the allergy to have as little impact as possible onthe child’s or the family’s everyday life (Prout et al.1999; Gabe et al. 2002; Olin Lauritzen 2004). In thisstudy, when parents discussed what they wantedand how they supported their child’s “ordinariness,”it was not about managing symptoms of theillness or its impact on their private family lives.At the time of the study, they had already adaptedto their child’s allergy and managed to make their(at home) private family life function well.What was particularly evident at the time of thestudy, however, as all children had started school,was the challenge to manage the children’s allergiesin the “outside” world, namely, in relationshipswith others and in different social situationsand activities. Most parents presented it as beingproblematic and expressed the difficulty they encounteredin making others understand the child’s allergyand needs.Stating that “they must have their dreams, theymust also be able to feel like normal kids” is a powerfulstatement the mother makes in connectionwith her daughter’s daily nagging for a dog. Dogsand other pets are a common part of everyday lifefor Swedish families and the mother doesn’t questionher daughter’s appeals. In her brief account,she switches from talking about her daughter, “shehas to have her dreams,” to “they have to have theirdreams.” She generalizes her daughter’s dreamsand makes it into a general notion that “normalizes”her daughter’s wish. We are, thus, told thatdreaming is part of an ordinary childhood, andthat her daughter’s dream is not comprehendedas anything out of the ordinary. She presents it aspart of being and feeling like a “normal child” whocan “eat everything and do everything.”“Not Always Having to Bring Their Own Bag”(De Fina 2009). People also construct social meaningsin their accounts to help them make senseof the past, present, and future. In the analysis,we follow Scott and Lyman’s understanding ofan account as a linguistic device used wheneveran action is subjected to evaluative inquiry, ora statement made by people to explain “unantici-Prout and colleagues (1999) have demonstratedhow parents (with a child with asthma) producedand maintained ordinariness in everyday lifethrough normalization strategies, such as controllingsymptoms with asthma medication, and, toa lesser extent, restricting school and family activities.Olin Lauritzen further showed that “thereSupporting the Ordinary Life“They Must Also Feel Like Normal Children”A mother of three children, each with differentfood allergies, stated that children “must feelThe parents’ supporting strategies are often verypractical. Because in supporting everyday life itmeans the parents often have to practically rearrangeeveryday life in different ways, in order to establishor reconstruct their child’s everyday life andidentity, in relation to and in situations with others.pated or untoward behavior” (1968:46). It followsthat accounts often draw upon different discourseis not one, but several ways of normalizing”(2004:1307), but her study explores parents con-like normal children.” She talks about one of herdaughters longing for a pet dog and she makesHowever, the strategies that actually become supportivepresuming parents’ intentions of their208©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 209

Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén & Lena BorellManaging Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Childactions are not a clear-cut matter in terms of childrenwith allergies. The most dominant strategyused to support the ordinary life in relation to foodallergies can be read from the following example:It’s important, I think, for the children to feel that itshouldn’t always be like this, to need to come with theirown bag. But, it should be easy. It shouldn’t be like, anythingspecial, they should be like other children.Here, the mother creates a particular social meaningof what everyday life for the allergic child sometimesentails, that of having “to need to come withtheir own bag” with special sandwiches, cakes,and food that the parents prepare for the foodallergicchild to take with him/her (referred fromhere on as “the food-bag strategy”). The mother,however, states this strategy as an antagonist to heridea of an ordinary life but also as a way of makingeveryday life (easier) practical for the family. “Thefood-bag strategy” is constructed in her account asa differentiating object that may separate the childwith allergy from other children.So, although specifically, children bringing theirown food when going home to others or to placeswhere foods are served is quite a typical strategy fordren were given something. Examples from thesame parent above will be used (other parents alsoexpressed more or less these same ambivalent feelings)to further illustrate how parents may feel andthink about this:But, that he always has to feel so special, like inschool, and then, perhaps someone in the class hassomething with them and offers, candy or chocolate(balls), or something, then he can’t eat, then he sitswithout, I think that is cruel.Here, the mother connects being overlooked and“without” to her son having “to always feel special,”for example, differentiated. The motherfound it to be extra “cruel” when he does not getanything at all. Being literally overlooked hada special emotional connotation for some parents,especially parents who, as this mother, have hadallergies themselves as a child (and adult).“But It Works Of Course”Parents who used the “food-bag strategy” did notpresent it as optimal or something they “wanted”for their child, but nevertheless, at times, necessary.ally have to send something. It’s just to check whatthey are having and others may have things, so itworks, he can refrain something occasional then. But,sometimes, you feel that it’s getting a bit tiresome tohave to send ice-cream or something. But, it works ofcourse, even if he thinks it is fun to be able to eat whatothers eat, it’s how it is.By showing several accounts from the same parent,the dilemma of the typical “food-bag strategy” isillustrated more clearly (although evident in otherparents’ accounts too). How to establish what isconsidered ordinary in the child’s everyday life isnot a clear-cut matter – because a strategy like thatof “bringing one’s own bag” is also accounted foras potentially working against the parents’ supportingintentions.Managing Family Relations in Accountsof ResponsibilityIn both family relations and interactions with others,what is formulated above all as problematicby the parents is to make others understand theirchild’s allergy and specific needs, illustrated in thefollowing sentence: “to make others understandwhat it means is the hard part.”ers are intertwined with the parents’ examples ofdifficulties in making family members understand(and thus, support and accommodate) the child’sallergy. Parents give specific examples of situationswhen family members, typically grandparents,have either not understood or been “willing” to accommodatetheir child’s illness and needs. As oneparent explains:People don’t always understand such things, and theworst is that it is usually the immediate family whois like this.Further into the interview, the mother returns tothe issue with specificity stating that it is “the immediatefamily” who does not understand, anda constructed satirical dialogue between herselfand her mother-in-law is used to substantiate herprevious statement:For example, my mother-in-law, she is a true expertwith that. She can say that she’s been standing andcooking dinner and so she wants to invite us to dinner,and then, it was a small amount of egg in it, butit was so little. – Yes, but you said there were no eggs!– Yes, but it was only one egg in it, and we are twelvepeople that will eat it. – Yes, but it doesn’t matter!many families in supporting their child’s “ordinariness,”the strategy was accounted for as working inconflicting directions. First, in support of an everydaylife but also working against the everyday life.“Then He Sits Without, I Think That Is Cruel”To understand the importance of the “food-bagstrategy” for the parents, it is important to note thatThe strategy was not only accounted for as necessaryin the obvious sense of protecting the child from allergicreactions but also because it worked to protectthe child from being overlooked and left out or without.In the previous example, we can read an ambivalenceinto the mother’s feelings about sometimes havingto send the child with “ice-cream or something,”although as she says, “but it works of course”:In managing family relations, parents’ accounts aremainly explanations and reflections about family responsibilities,specifically, legitimating and justifyingtheir own claims on family members’ understandingand support, and family members’ inability orunwillingness to do so.Claiming Family Responsibility – Moral TalesSeveral parents mentioned disbelief in how familymembers or other people were particularly unableto understand that even the smallest amount of anallergen could make the child ill.In a study about how family/kin negotiate responsibilities,Finch and Mason (1993) found people tobe more ready to legitimately refuse support orseveral parents talked about how their child at onetime or another had experienced being overlookedand left without anything to eat when other chil-Some are quite sweet, really, and buy special thingsfor him, both ice cream and hot dog buns, and thingslike that, such people exist and then you don’t usu-Reflections and evaluations of what may be sociallyand morally justifiable to demand from oth-help from family if family members had been establishedas being unable to provide support ratherthan unwilling to do so. Parents in this study seem210©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 211

Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén & Lena BorellManaging Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Childto prefer to view family members as being unable(rather than unwilling) to understand and supporttheir grandchildren’s allergy. In this study, we didnot question the parents specifically about familyresponsibilities. It was the parents, themselves,who brought up family relations in their examples.Moreover, it can be assumed that portraying closefamily members, in particular, as being unwillingmay be morally problematic considering how,for example, grandparents are constructed as theseemingly most important kinship for the child.Additionally, they are close in that they are the parents’parents. In saying this, it becomes interestingto mention that most moral tales about grandparentswere actually made almost exclusively aboutthe other parent’s parents. One’s own parents wereconstructed in much more “understanding” ways,as in being more knowledgeable and accommodatingtowards the child’s allergy.Nevertheless, labeling grandparents in generalas being unwilling to support the child would berisky as it may undermine the importance andspecific expectations of responsibility that parentsat times place on grandparents, as compared toother family members and more distant relations.Grandparents are constructed as being in a specialresponsibility position compared to others,which Finch and Mason (1993) found indications oftoo. Nevertheless, in the following, we will showhow parents work to just as much downplay theirclaims of responsibility, especially in terms of demandson the grandparents’ support.Downplaying Family Responsibilityoldest child’s (without allergy) grandparents (similaraccounts were also reported about “biological”grandparents on the fathers’ side) who throughoutboth children’s childhood have had a dog. Consequently,the younger son with an allergy hadbeen unable to go and stay over at their home,together with his sister over the years, which heotherwise was welcomed to, and really wanted todo so. Below, the mother explains how, when thedog died, she had thought that the grandparentswould prioritize their other grandchild (“we havea child to think about”), and that she would, thus,as a single mother, get the luxury of “getting somerelief sometimes.” She says this in mutual agreementwith me saying, “you know yourself,” to defendher thinking and wishes to be relieved of hermother role from time to time, knowing that I wasa single mother too:And then [son’s name] was so sad that he could nevergo with them, and so, and then their dog died, andthen you felt like: “Oh, God, that’s great!” Becauseit’s nice, you know yourself, to get some relief sometimes.But, instead then of thinking that we havea child to think about, nope, then they went andbought a new dog! Then you get like, well thanks forthat! [Laughter]Here, the mother initially attributes some blame onthe grandparents’ decision to buy another dog insteadof thinking, “we have a child to think abouthere”. However, she then makes a “justificationturn” and considers her own blameworthiness formaking unjustified demands: “But you can’t imposesuch demands.” After this sentence, however,she immediately continues by quickly inflictingBut, you get a little…there is often a great egocentricityin it, this with animals, that is what I hear.That it is more important in some way than thegrandchildren, I have a real hard time understandingthat.The mother, thus, considers both her own wrongdoingsfor making socially unjustified demandson them, but still holds on to what seems morallyjustifiable when weighing different relationshipswith each other, that of valuing one’s grandchildrenabove that of an animal. To defend her judgments,she makes use of the generalized otherin her account (Holdsworth and Morgan 2007),a general notion about dog owners’ ways and morallyquestionable attributes that she places outsideof her own thinking, “that is what I hear.” Thus,she protects her own moral self in the process andtries to avoid the risk of being judged by me asa potentially “bad” person. The behavior that shepresents as typical for dog owners is talked aboutas egocentric, but not in a personifying way, andshe especially avoids connecting it to the grandparentsthemselves.The parents’ accounts illustrate a social reciprocityin family responsibility, which means that parents,when making responsibility claims on familymembers, must also take into account other familymembers and the family units independence,their needs and choices for an everyday life. Parents’responsibility accounts may then be read asthey are also responsible for other family members’everyday lives.How the parent portrays family members to others(e.g., the researcher) may reflect not only “bad-It can be taken as saying something about whatkind of person the parent is (see also Finch andMason 1993). Downplaying family responsibilityis a discursive practice used to show that one isthe kind of person that respects and supports theneeds of others and not someone who lets his/herown needs override those of others (Finch andMason 1993).Conclusively, in managing family relations andresponsibilities, parents’ discursive moral workshould perhaps be viewed as an important strategyin parents’ support for an everyday life andparental responsibility. As it is the parents’ obligationto ensure that the material and emotional welfareof the child is met, this also means to take onresponsibility for the child’s relations with others.Maintaining and protecting what are perceived assignificant relations for the child, and working torestore family relations and moral selves in theiraccounts, is as much an end to their parental responsibilityand support for the child’s ordinarinessas are the practical strategies they use.Controlling Information About theAllergy and the ChildWhen children start school, they will encounterother kinds of relations (and situations), besidesfamily, more independently. For instance, otherchildren and their parents, in and outside ofschool, at peers birthday parties and social activities.Along with the “food-bag strategy” anotherimportant strategy for parents’ support is informationcontrol.Downplaying family responsibility may be showna “but” and again retaliates the potential blame toly’” on the family members about whom moralThe moral messages and tales about familyin an example from a parent who discussed hera general notion of dog owners’ behaviors:tales are told but also on the parents themselves.kin and relations may be implicated in the way212©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 213

Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén & Lena BorellManaging Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Childparents control the information they give abouttheir child’s illness and individual needs to nonfamilymembers. It also includes controlling howothers see and “mirror” the child, as counteractingpotential social stigma and exclusion. If parents’experiences tell them that close family members,trained health professionals, and schoolpersonnel (they also frequently mentioned notunderstanding) have a hard time understanding,accommodating, and seeing the individual needsof the child (Kugelberg 1999), the controllingstrategies they use become highly reasonable inrelations with people without the socially bindingties of family or without expert childcare/medicalknowledge. Any moral tales about family relationsbecome an important discursive device thatmakes parents’ information control rational andjustifiable.“The Balancing Act” of Controlling PotentiallyFatal and Social RisksInformation control, in terms of parenting childrenwith allergies, can be summarized as follows.Parents have to, at different times, over-emphasizethe information they give regarding theirchild’s problems and “otherness” in contact withothers as to make others understand and keep thechild safe or symptom free. Nevertheless, theymust also do so without stigmatizing the child inthe process and making him/her into a situationalthreat, abnormal or “too special,” or someonethat others may pity. Potential stigma may be theresult of informing others about certain symptomsnormally hidden from others that are highlystigmatizing in itself when revealed. One motherher peers. The daughter’s problem relates to thegastrointestinal tract resulting in her needing touse the toilet frequently:You have to talk to the adults without her hearing, soI can’t stand and talk to them so that the other childrenhear. It can’t be done because it doesn’t work, it’slike belittling her.“I Say – Peanuts – He Dies”The clearest example of the importance thatparents ascribe to controlling what informationthey give about their child to others comesfrom a mother who has a son with multiple andsevere food allergies (and additional allergiesand asthma) who has had at least two severe allergicreactions (coconut) in the past, ending upin the emergency room. In the account below shedraws on one of these events when her son hadaccidently eaten something with coconut in it. Tounderstand her everyday logic of her risk calculations,it is important to know that throughoutthe interview she refers to and has closely in hermind a medical test that was done when her sonwas little. She had previously described the test ingreat detail (reading aloud from the test results).She stated that numbers from 1 to 5 indicate howsevere a person’s reaction is to a certain food item,with number 5 being the most severe. She addedthat her son has a number 4 for coconuts and number5 for peanuts. She starts off her account witha forceful statement about the way in which sheinforms others about her son “as a person” – “soI say – peanuts – he dies.” She also explains herdramatic formulations as a conscious intention onTo make people understand the meaning of it, that’sthe hard part. So, when I inform about [son’s name]as a person, I say – peanuts – he dies. Then I don’tknow if that’s for sure, but to be able to, in order toget other people to understand the meaning of it,that’s the hard part.For this mother and the child’s father, the risk oftheir son having a potentially fatal reaction fromeating peanuts is an emotional reality they livewith on a daily basis. The past, present, and thefuture are intertwined in their parenting in a particularway. The danger is concrete, in the sensethat the mother has a medical test to “support”her risk calculations. However, the risk is alsohidden and hypothetical (in the present and alsoin the future) since their son has never actuallyeaten peanuts. Still, she has two severe accidentalreactions (from a food that, according to the medicaltest, he is “less” allergic to) embodied in her,and her son’s allergy is therefore more than an illnessto manage. It also carries the social meaningof the most dreaded potential danger with parenthood,the possibility of your child dying.“When I Tell This, Then You Think It Is a UFO”Over the years of informing others about herchild’s allergy in the above way, proclaiming thatwith “peanuts he dies,” she has also realized thather son’s mere presence may be seen as a threatby others (she is aware of having partly triggeredthis response by her dramatic formulation). So, althoughit may work to keep him safe, it may workequally as a potential social barrier for her child.The mother uses a particularly strong metaphorto make her point about how her son may turnWhen I tell this, then you think that it is a UFO. But,it is the first [impression] that it became like: – Oh,who is this? Ugh, how awful, how will this work?So, the fear becomes so very, very great, and it’s alsonot so fun.Thus, to balance the potentially deadly threat thatthe mother had conveyed about her son, she emphasizeshis positive attributes and tries to controlother peoples’ way of looking at him, thus,balancing his socially threatening image (Voysey1975). She presents him as a person that is extremelypleasant and competent, for example, thekind of person anyone would want to get to knowand be with. She reframes his social image in thefollowing way:And as a person he is so damn nice. So, I always tryto say that, OK, this is what he has, but he can alsodo so much damn more; he can do so much more.He’s really super good at this and this, and this andthis and this, look at that too, please do! Becauseotherwise it will be very tough to see this guy, so tospeak. You, all the time, it is a balancing act in howyou inform [him]. And that is how you live, amongother things.Controlling the information parents give to othersabout their children with allergies may beunderstood from this mother’s expression ofa “balancing act.” If we were to use the mother’sexpression to summarize what the parentingsupport for an everyday life for children with allergiesmay boil down to, perhaps a parental balancingact is an adequate description. Nonetheless,like any account or narrative, there is alwaysmore to a story (and everyday life) than meetsthe eye, and the mother’s ending quote shouldshares such sensitive information carefully, so asher part to make people take her son’s allergiesinto an Unidentifiable Foreign Object (UFO) in theperhaps be added too, namely, “that’s how younot to shame and belittle her daughter in front ofseriously, adding:eyes of others:live, among other things.”214©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 215

Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén & Lena BorellManaging Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic ChildDiscussionoverlooked, “forgotten” and potentially stigmatizedin certain social situations and activities in theirthey have certain expectations of the grandparents.These are constructed as socially and mor-In conclusion, the above discussion sheds somelight on why parents cannot just demand others,With regard to parents’ support in the daily livesof their allergic children, the first aspect thatarises in the parents’ accounts may be conceptualizedas parents having to manage and controla double bind ordinary-risk situations. Accordingly,the parent does everything he or she can to supportan everyday life that, as much as possible, isequal to that of non-allergic children (establishingthe ordinary). At the same time, however, theparents must be aware that this may potentiallymean an increased risk to the child’s health andfor some, the child’s life (danger with the ordinary).The practical “food-bag strategy” doeswork to protect the child from accidental allergyreactions. However, it is less clear-cut for theparents’ support for a socially inclusive ordinarylife and childhood identity (e.g., threatening theordinary). This means that the parents’ strategiesof establishing or constructing the ordinary could actuallydiscriminate a child in their relationshipswith peers and others, and potentially excludehim/her socially.Neither of the constructed parental strategies, asanalyzed in this study, works in a straightforwardway for the purpose of parents’ support. As muchas they work against, they also work for their purposeof establishing an everyday life and child’sidentity. Firstly, to repeat, the “food-bag strategy”works well to reduce risks of allergic reactions.This, in turn, means that the parents know thatthe child is kept safe or at least “safer.” Thus, itlogically follows that they are more inclined tolet their child “do and eat everything,” and beschools and their communities. The descriptionparents used for how their child felt was that itmade them sad, sometimes very sad. From a parentaland adult perspective, being overlooked,excluded, and left out among one’s peers mayhave strong emotional connotations, evident inparents’ voices and words, especially among parentswho had allergies themselves. Thus, likelyconnected with their own embodied feelings andexperiences. Being overlooked could work, as the“food-bag strategy,” to create the child’s differencesand otherness in the outside world. Since we cometo know who we are through the eyes of significantand generalized others, as pointed out byMead (1934), it is thus through the gaze of othersthat the child may come to see herself or himselfas different. Due to the fact that children withfood allergies, in particular, are not exposed towhat they cannot tolerate, they often neither haveany subjective symptoms nor any visible signsof their disease. Their illness is thus usually notwhat makes them stand out as being “different.”Reciprocal Family ResponsibilitiesParents in this study clearly see their own familyas independent from the family unit of grandparents,but simultaneously construct the particularchildren-parents-grandparents everyday lives asintertwined. Not only concerning claims of practicalsupport, but specifically in the more sociallyand mutually agreed and taken-for-granted way.For example, expecting them to understand thechild’s allergy and needs so they may be ableally justifiable in their accounts, at least to someextent, such as in expecting grandparents to prioritizetheir relationship with their grandchildrenabove that of a dog. However, expectationsof family support, although being morally justifiable,may still be contradictory to other culturalprinciples that ascribe responsibilities betweenfamilies and individuals, as the principles of individualfreedom and autonomy that parents alsorelate to in their accounts. The latter principles ofsocial life are not negotiated and defended in theparents’ accounts in the same way as their expectationsand claims of family responsibility.It may thus be possible to argue against Finchand Mason’s (1993) conclusion about responsibilitiesin contemporary families. Specifically, thatthey are negotiated in the situation, therefore, notto be seen as bound by any fixed social rules. Wedo not argue against them being negotiated butto the latter conclusion because, alternatively, notwanting to show that one demands responsibilityfrom family members may in fact be understoodin itself as a non-negotiable social “rule.” Perhapsprominent in societies where ideologies ofindividuality and personal freedom are stronglyinstigated, as in parents being individually responsiblefor themselves and their child and theoutcomes of their own and their children’s lives(and being “free” to choose how to live one’s life)(Douglas 1992). How other family units and memberschoose to live their lives has to be respectedand protected, and in so doing, this means theclose family or not, to change their lives to accommodatetheir allergic child. With an illness,such as an allergy, working towards an everydaylife may thus mean a potential barrier to otherpeople’s (e.g., family) way of living, and the otherway around; other people’s everyday life maywork as a potential barrier towards the everydaylife and identity of children with allergies.The moral aspect of allergy management has notbeen acknowledged much in previous researchabout allergies (see, for example, Prout et al. 1999;Gabe et al. 2002; Hansson-Sherman et al. 2002;Olin Lauritzen 2004), although it seemingly isimportant for how families with allergic childrensupport their children. This study contributes tosaying something about how parents’ managementof their child’s allergy is just as much aboutbeing social and moral actors, consequently, havingto consider other people, and their needs andchoices in the process. The knowledge about howother family members and other people’s livesare intertwined with the parents support couldperhaps work to further support childcare professionals’interactions and communicationswith the children’s parents.AcknowledgementsThis study was funded by grants from Anna andEdwin Berger’s Foundation, the Kempe-CarlgrenskaFund and Queen Silvia’s Jubilee Fund. Thegrant holder was the first author, and would liketo offer many thanks for their financial support,like other children. Secondly, and likewise as im-to have their grandchildren come and stay withparents simultaneously protect their own familyhaving made it possible for me to write and finishportant, it protects the children from the risk of beingthem. Parents show through their moral tales thatunits’ “rights” and choices (Douglas 1992).this article.216©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 217

Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén & Lena BorellManaging Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic ChildReferencesAtkinson, Paul. 2009. “Illness narratives revisited: thefailure of narrative reductionism.” Sociological ResearchOnline 14(5). Retrieved May 20, 2012 (http://www.socresonline.org.uk/14/5/14.html).De Fina, Anna. 2009. “Narratives in interview – The caseof accounts. For an interactional approach to narrativegenres.” Narrative Inquiry 19(2):233-258.Douglas, Mary. 1992. Risk and Blame. Essays in CulturalTheory. London: Routledge.Elvin-Nowak, Ylva and Helene Thomsson. 2001. “Motherhoodas idea and practice: A discursive understandingof employed mothers in Sweden.” Gender & Society15(3):407-428.Finch, Janet and Jennifer Mason. 1993. Negotiating FamilyResponsibilities. London, New York: Routledge.Gabe, Jonathan, Michael Bury, and Rosemary Ramsay.2002. “Living with asthma: The experience of youngpeople at home and at school.” Social Science & Medicine55(9):1619-1633.Gunnarsson, Nina Veetnisha et al. 2005. “Allergy-likeconditions and health-care contacts among children withexclusion diets at school.” Scandinavian Journal of CaringSciences 19(1):46-52.Gunnarsson, Nina Veetnisha and Lars-Christer Hydén.2009. “Organizing allergy and being a ‘good’ parent:Parents’ narratives about their children’s emerging problems.”Health 13(2):157-174.Hansson-Scherman, Marianne, Lars O. Dahlgren, andOlle Löwhagen. 2002. “Refusing to be ill: A longitudinalstudy of patients’ experiences of asthma/allergy.” Disabilityand Rehabilitation 24(6):297-307.Harden, Jeni. 2005. “Parenting a young person withmental health problems: Temporal disruption andreconstruction.” Sociology of Health and Illness 27(3):351-371.Holdsworth, Clare and David Morgan. 2007. “Revisitingthe generalized other: An exploration.” Sociology41(3):401-416.Kugelberg, Clarissa. 1999. Perceiving Motherhood and Fatherhood.Swedish Working Parents with Young Children.Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis.Mead, George H. 1934. Mind, Self, and Society. Chicago:University of Chicago Press.Mishler, Elliot G. 1986. Research Interviewing. Contextand Narrative. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.Olin Lauritzen, Sonja. 2004. “Lay voices on allergicconditions in children: parents’ narratives and thenegotiation of a diagnosis.” Social Science & Medicine58(7):1299-1308.Patton, Michael Q. 1990. Qualitative Evaluation and ResearchMethods. California: Sage.Prout, Alan, Lesley Hayes, and Lesley Gelder. 1999.“Medicines and the maintenance of ordinariness in thehousehold management of childhood asthma.” Sociologyof Health & Illness 21(2):137-162.Ribbens McCarthy Jane, Rosalind Edwards, and ValGillies. 2000. “Moral tales of the child and the adult:Narratives of contemporary family lives under changingcircumstances.” Sociology 34(4):785-803.Ribbens McCarthy Jane, Rosalind Edwards, and ValGillies. 2003. Making Families: Moral Tales of Parentingand Step-Parenting. Durham: Sociology Press.Rudestam, Kirsten et al. 2004. “Children’s asthma experiencesand the importance of place.” Health 8(4):423-444.Sampson, Hugh A. 2004. “Update on food allergy.”Current Reviews of Allergy and Clinical Immunology113(5):805-819.Scott, Marvin B. and Stanford M. Lyman. 1968. “Accounts.”American Sociological Review 32(1):46-62.Tulloch, John and Deborah Lupton. 2003. Risk and EverydayLife. New Delhi: Sage.one child in four has an on-going allergic disease inWickman, Magnus and Gunnar Lilja. 2003. “Today,Voysey, Margaret. 1975. A Constant Burden. The Constitutionof Family Life. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 58(7):570-571.Europe. What will the situation be tomorrow?” AllergyGunnarsson, Nina Veetnisha, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén, and Lena Borell. 2013. “ManagingFamily Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Child.” Qualitative Sociology Review9(3):204-219. Retrieved Month, Year (http://www.qualitativesociologyreview.org/ENG/archive_eng.php).218©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 219

Reading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User ProfilesPaula SequeirosUniversity of Coimbra, PortugalLibrary buildings are artifacts that shape readingpractices; readers, inhabiting and appropriatingthese provided spaces, along with staff, reshape themreading practices, and the interrelations of all threeconcepts – space, readers, and the Internet (Sequeiros2010). This was meant to provide context for the mainReading in Public Libraries:Space, Reading Activities, and User Profilesconstantly. While such a statement would not likelyraise special contestation on a theoretical level, empiricallygrounded research on how such processestake place in public libraries is scarce. However, dur-research objectives and those concepts were to bethe main dimensions (or facets) of the research object.Having identified different modes of usage bothfor library resources and for space, a design of read-AbstractThis single case research was developed within a public library in Porto, Portugal, BibliotecaMunicipal Almeida Garrett. Its main objective was to understand how public library readersinteract with space, the Internet technology, and reading resources, and how these interactionsshape the representations of what a public library is. This case was chosen because the libraryhas a recent and renowned building, high reader use levels, and Internet access.The design of user profiles was an intermediate step, and then a partial result in the processof understanding provision and appropriation of technology, space, and reading resources (allmedia and supports) in a specific context. The construction of these profiles is presented anding this particular research process, understandingthe interaction between all resources – space andreading materials, the Internet included – enactedthrough public readers’ activities, was considered animportant step in the study of library users. As socialrelations and space relations are dialectically interdependentand interactive, space may be not only aners’ profiles followed. This multidimensional designwas aimed to depict the main characteristics of readers,how those usages interrelated, what meaningsreaders constructed around their own practices, andit was ultimately aimed to provide a deeper understandingof the whole framework through an integratedinterpretation of results and an integrateddiscussed in this paper.arena for social relations and conflict expression butpresentation of conclusions.A qualitative, single case study was designed according to Burawoy’s Extended Case Method,departing from the framework of several theories – Feenberg and Bakardjieva’s approach toInternet uses, Lefèbvre and Certeau’s approach on space – and some library users and studies ofInternet user profiles – by Rodrigues, Bakardjieva, and by other authors. A theoretical, diversifiedsample was constructed. User profiles were designed as a way of depicting common readingpractices by grouping readers’ characteristics according to Internet, space, and bibliographi-also a contingent location for their formation.While researching how space, readers, and the Internet(Feenberg 2002) interacted in a particular publiclibrary, and how this reflected on readers’ represen-The initial research question was formulated as:How do Internet appropriations, space use, and publiclibrary reading practices all interact, and howdoes this interaction shape users’ representations ofcal resource usage. Along with this usage, social demographics, motivations, meanings, andfeelings were enquired about to construct a thick narrative. Observation of all forms of readingpractices, in-depth interviews, informal conversations, children’s drawings, photography, andtations of what a public library is, I began by aimingto understand the spatial social relations, the actualwhat a public library is? The following conceptualmap drafts that question.an architectural and social analysis of the building were used.The library has diversified uses, tied to present-day everyday life conditions, and its space andFigure 1. Conceptual map.management style are flexible enough to allow for different user appropriations. As to the generalreading atmosphere, high satisfaction was reported, and the most appreciated features ofsocial and architectural space were signaled by readers. User profiles reflect diversified usagemodes, diverse relations to space, to Internet and bibliographic resources, and to other users.Both the theoretical framework and the selected methodology proved fruitful for the intendedpurpose. These readers’ profiles may provide a tool to understand and manage public libraryservices, given the adequate fittingness. The same may be said about readers’ evaluation ofspace, in general, or, specifically, about space appropriations, and, above all, about the productionof stimulating reading atmospheres.KeywordsUser Profiles; Single Case Studies; Space Relations; Qualitative Methodology; PublicLibraries; Library Buildings; PortugalPaula Sequeiros is a post-doctoral researcherwith the Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbraand a researcher with the Institute of Sociology,University of Porto, Portugal. Her research interestsinclude social studies of public libraries and thesociology of reading.email address: paulasequeiros@ces.uc.ptSource: self-elaboration.220©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 221

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User ProfilesAs soon as the design of readers’ profiles was con-2005; Audunson et al. 2007; Fisher et al. 2007;ferring to academic and/or research libraries wereTo address the research question in a theoreticallycluded, they were compared with those previous-Aabø, Audunson, and Vårheim 2010). An empiri-not fit for the context under consideration.informed way, a literature review was made fromly published, which I knew of. The intermediatecally based research by Given and Leckie (2003),which the main concepts were selected to drawresult of this comparison presented me with simi-on readers’ actual practices in the public spaceNagata, Sakai, and Kawai (2007) correlate life-a conceptual schema. This was further enrichedlar findings, as well as a particular profile, whichof two libraries, allowed the authors to state thatstyle values and attitudes to library use in twoboth from literature and fieldwork issues, depict-derived from the theoretical-methodological op-talking was a frequent activity. They reported itlibraries, and conclude that residents and librarying the additions made to the problematic duringtion of including space as a fundamental dimen-as occupying a third place in a parallel with usingvisitors present a different distribution of valuesthe research process.sion. As the outcome of this option became clear,I thought it would be advisable to discuss both thetheoretical and methodological approaches to theresearch object and the results these approachesprovided. This is why I treat space here as a fundamentaldimension of the whole project, whilepresenting the associated results and conclusions.Literature Review on Librariesand Spacecomputers, reading, and writing being first andsecond activities. Eating and drinking, while notformally allowed, were also observed, which, asa whole, led them to advocate that libraries oughtto be conceived more as interactive places and lessas silent spaces.Christina A. Peterson (2005) focuses on the identificationof activities (information seeking, recreation,teaching and learning, connection, contemplation),which informed the planning of a newfrom the lifestyle perspective. Yet, the reason whythey correlate these two dimensions is not quiteexplicitly stated. What these groups valued is notclear either as far as attitudes towards the libraryare concerned. Advantages of using such a methodologyappear difficult to be sustained froma pragmatic perspective. Bakardjieva (2005) reportssome very interesting research on Internetusers, although designed for another context. Shegrouped users into infosumers – rationalist userswho repudiated online sociability; instrumentalTheoretical FrameworkLefèbvre’s theory on how space and social relationsinteract in the production and reproductionof space was a fundamental starting point: beingsimultaneously a condition and a result of socialpractices, “itself the outcome of past actions, socialspace is what permits fresh actions to occur,while suggesting others and prohibiting yet others”(1991:73).Below is a list of titles, selected for being light-library and the provision of differentiated areas,relations users – associating rational informationshedding on the concepts underlying the initialbut she does neither aim at providing a theoreti-seeking and exchange with social interaction;Being a concrete entity, it should be conceived asresearch question. Further reviews were madecal framework nor at transferring results.those looking for the debate of ideas – valuinga space of representations; being also immaterialduring the research process to enlighten issuesinformational resources, as well as intellectualand symbolic, abstract, the representations of spaceraised from fieldwork.Terezinha Elizabeth da Silva (2006) associates li-sociability and political debate; chatterers – prac-should be considered too.brary architecture to Foucault’s concept of heter-ticing forms of relaxed and sometimes humorousBuschman and Leckie (2007) edited a comprehen-ochronies and to the metaphor of human memorysociability; the communitarian – looking for infor-Lefèbvre’s main concern was to surpass space vis-sive book on space and libraries, where history,and feelings of reverence.mation and support from people sharing similaribility, the formal and aesthetic dimensions thatgender, the public sphere sociability are some ofidentities. Bakardjieva’s profile design may applydo not reveal but instead conceal space sociabilitythe perspectives chosen to address the issues ofTina Hohmann (2006) describes some popu-to similar research on libraries, given the analo-by the saturation of images. To unveil the socialpublic libraries.lar buildings and features most appreciated bygies between library readers and Internet users.relations of space, the researcher should consid-users.The profiles indicated in this paper eventuallyer the interlinked dimensions of form, structure,Hart, Bains, and Jones (1996) refer to diverse cat-presented some similitude.and function.egories of library buildings (temples, cathedrals, of-Drawing profiles, through the categorization office blocks, glasshouses), which they associate withpeople in the groups by common, shared character-Research by Rodrigues (2007), in another Portu-Recalling the importance of the opposition be-knowledge production, the arousal of attitudesistics, relevant to the research objectives, is a usualguese public library, points to five modes of re-tween dominated and appropriated spaces, Lefèb-and emotions.procedure when you want to deal with features oflation with the library – instrumental, cultivated,vre stresses that property and power issues aresocial groups and their practices. But, ethnographi-self-taught, ludic, and convivial – which are verya fundamental issue. At this juncture, another ap-Recently, some research focused on convivialitycally based research on public library readers’ pro-similar to the profiles further presented, exceptproach concurs to the chosen theoretical frame-as a fundamental trait of a library’s life (Audunsonfiles is equally scarce. Some published papers re-for the absence of the dimension of space.work: Michel de Certeau’s work on how users222©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 223

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User Profilesindividually appropriate and practice space, even-Method (1998). While comparative approachesinterpretations and socially constructed mean-Twenty-nine users, one library manager, one as-tually circumventing constraints, using strategiesfavor knowledge generalizability, usually throughings, and a commitment with the purpose of thesistant librarian, the maintenance supervisor,and tactical tricks, sometimes in unpredictablethe extensive collection and comparison of dataresearch (Haraway 1988).and the architect were interviewed. When neces-ways. His operational definition of place was alsofrom different cases, a single case methodologysary, readers were asked to move and state theirborrowed: “an instantaneous configuration of po-makes a stake on knowledge transferability, creat-The architectural design of Almeida Garrettremarks on specific spatial features in the verysitions, implying an indication of stability … aning knowledge from singular situations. SimilarPublic Library is innovative and has been an ob-places where they had sensed them. The processorder in accord with which the elements are dis-contexts may allow for knowledge transfer, pro-ject of study. Programmed as a library, it couldended when data saturation was achieved – datatributed in relations of coexistence”. Place holdsviding there is enough fittingness for the producedprovide clear clues regarding the conceptual fit-being collected would not add new properties“the univocity or the stability of a ‘proper,’” “spaceconclusions.tingness of the architects’ project to the munici-to the researched categories. The empirical re-is a practiced place” in the context of everyday lifepality demands, whereas a re-qualified buildingsearch design focused on users’ real practices,(Certeau 1984:173).Social sciences may develop further, in a parallelcould not.in the context of social inequalities and powerwith personal knowledge accumulation propiti-relations.Aiming to analyze activities, “programs or series ofated by vicarious experiences, which enrich indi-It is discretely inserted within a public park, inpractices through which space is appropriated,”vidual repertoires. Drawing on the result of singlethe city of Porto. The relation with the park’s tra-Seeking a strong ethnographic support, observa-Certeau’s concept of region, a “space created by aninteraction,” will also be useful (1984:126).cases, these results may then elicit new questionsand, desirably, extend theory.ditional space was unclear at the time. Occupationlevels are high, there appeared to be socialtion was a fundamental tool. The readers’ practiceswere registered in a log for several days dur-diversity among readers; collections are updated,ing a period of three months, at different times ofSynthetically, Lefèbvre’s approach allows fora comprehensive and deep analysis of spatial socialrelations, providing a solid basis to relate readingactivities to space use. Certeau’s perspectiveon power relations, and his focus on the practicedspace, provides guidance on the ethnographic empiricalwork and on the categorization of readers’actual practices.This single case method allows for a depth ofanalysis difficult to attain with other methods.Furthermore, linking through theoretical interpretationthe micro – unique situation – to themacro – society as a whole – this method will “tellus about society as a whole rather than about thepopulation of similar cases” (Burawoy 1998 [myemphasis]).there is wireless Internet access from the inception,several computers are publicly available,and recreational reading is an important part ofthis library’s activity – not common in Porto’sheritage-centered municipal library. All of thesemade Almeida Garrett an interesting case, selectedafter consulting experts in the Portuguesepublic libraries’ network.the day (Burawoy 1998) in 2008. Preferred places,activities undertaken, conflicts, accessibility, genderand age distribution, and attitudes; bodilypostures were especially observed. Observationproved to be especially useful to overcome mostreaders’ difficulties to verbalize how they usedand felt this space.Without it, the mezzanine’s role as a privilegedMethodologyEpistemologically, this approach is based on threeA non-probabilistic theoretical sample was con-place for visual control could have passed unno-fundamental concerns: reflexivity – theory doesstructed reflecting the perceived diversity in theticed, and the association of the multimedia areaPursuing a comprehensive understanding of thenot emerge from data, reflection departs from thelibrary, taking into account dimensions such asto relaxed leisure, declared in an interview, wouldwhole social reality (Donmoyer 2000), I followedexisting theory and questions its results in an in-gender, age, occupation, ethnicity, visual, and lo-have stayed unconfirmed.an integrated, intensive, qualitative approach toter-subjective dialogue with the persons and thecomotion disabilities. Readers were chosen as toanalyze and interpret not only those practices butprocesses observed, toward theory reconstruc-the likelihood of providing interesting informa-Photography of bodily postures, activities, facialalso the wider context of relations and processes,tion and improvement (Burawoy 1998); complexitytion for the research objectives, sometimes withexpressions was a useful tool for a subsequent,as well as the socially constructed meanings at-– human societies are complex, diverse, living inthe support of staff (as in the case of frequent visi-detailed analysis (e.g., Figures 4 and 5).tached to them (Blumer 1969; Geertz 1973).permanent change and so research should be thetors). As a qualitative approach was being used,result of local, situated, and heterogeneous pro-no sample representativeness was sought; the aimNational law allows photographing individuals’For the purpose of the wider, current research,cesses of construction (Nunes 2001); a dialogical re-was to elicit as much relevant data as possiblepublic activities in public places. Nevertheless,I adopted Michael Burawoy’s Extended Caselationship with the observed, searching for their owninstead.permission was asked.224©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 225

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User ProfilesI also explained photography purposes – scientific,not commercial publication – and that a collectivespace was the general target, not faces. Noone opposed.To analyze users’ practices and discourses, aswell as those of staff, management, and architects,alongside with an aesthetic and functionalanalysis of the building, I used in-depth, semistructuredinterview techniques (Kvale 1996;Seale 2004). I also engaged in informal talkswith several staff members, and their opinions,doubts, and clues proved to be valuable.Besides social-demographic data, readers werequestioned on their place of residence, modesof movement, activities and frequency of visits,evaluation of functionality and comfort, emotions,privacy and surveillance, preferred/usualplaces, et cetera.Children’s drawings of the library were also usedto supplement their interviews through more informalconversation (Eder and Fingerson 2002).The use of this set of techniques allowed not onlyfor the collection of diversified types of data butalso for the triangulation of methods.Envisioning reading in public libraries as a publicservice, I assume favoring the provision ofdemocratic spaces to be enjoyed as places ofencounter and discovery (Audunson 2005), beit for culture, leisure, information, or learningpurposes. A commitment with the intentionalityof the constructed research object and with thepurposes of the research is also assumed in aneffort to look at this social reality through theeyes of others, establishing a dialogical relationwith the social actors in presence, and makinga stance for a critical perspective that rejects unquestioned,single-sided, simplistic interpretations(Haraway 1991).Constructing the Case:A Public Library’s SpaceThe Almeida Garrett Public Library was inauguratedin 2001 and soon achieved high occupationrates. This is the second public library in the city,the older one being more directed to research,with only one small room with free-access to theshelves.The library is inserted within a 19 th century largepublic park in Porto. Its romantic design includesrose gardens, lakes, gigantic trees, and a magnificentview over the Douro River. Presently, ithosts a sports pavilion, a restaurant, and a children’spark. The area is well-served by publictransportation, and the library is half way fromboth city centers, the historical and the tertiarycentre.The three dimensions Lefèbvre (1991) posits asfundamental in social space analysis – form,function, and structure – were empirically appliedto ensure that mere visibility is overcomeand that social and power relations are unveiled.Further categorization of empirical data developedthrough qualitative, thematic analysis, partiallyemerging from the theoretical frameworkand partially constructed from empirical datacoding (Seale 2004).Concepts and FunctionFigure 2. The main façade of the Almeida Garrett Library.Source: photo by indicopleustes, Flickr.The architect, José Manuel Soares, wanted to “bring to have a first contact with books,” as well as for students;a library where one could walk in or out free-the garden into the library,” instead of imposinga building to the garden. Similarly, the control of ly, “in continuity with the public space.” He plannednatural light should neither block a relation with the a flexible space, adaptable through time. Inspired bysurroundings nor veil the singularity of the place. the idea of a Jesuit church, he drew a central, collectivenave, and lateral, small spaces, which mightThese were the central concepts to the architecturalprogram, as transmitted by the administration: free simultaneously facilitate individual appropriationaccess to stacks; a library for “those who are about and avoid dispersion.226©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 227

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User ProfilesStructureForm and DesignEvaluating and Sensing SpaceFigure 3. The inner face of the main façade to theright, the park trees may be seen at the end.Figure 4. Rear façade.The lobbies and staircase are overlaid with verywhite marble. In a brutalist manner, rows ofhalved pine-wood logs dress, as a curtain, theUV filtering glass main façade, dissimulatingit amidst the garden. The remaining floors andA Place Within ReachThe location was also appreciated, most of the intervieweduse public transportation to get there, somejust walk. Many come from neighboring cities.furniture are made of light-colored wood, whichalso partially lines most of the interior walls, andwalls are painted predominantly white.The building is generally accessible for those withlimited mobility; a lift is also available to transportbaby prams.Simple, pure lines, well-defined surfaces predominate.The ceiling has a wavy design for acousticimprovement.A computer workstation is dedicated to the blindor amblyopic.This is an almost open space, though separate,specialized areas were conceived. Alongside themain floor runs a corridor leading to the adults’Crossing the winding garden paths, however, maybe difficult for blind persons who sometimes askfor personal guidance.areas. The children’s area, by the entrance and ina slightly inferior level, is separated from thoseA Place to FeelSource: photo by Eva Lima.According to some readers, the building’s insertionin the park is acknowledged and appreciated as“it’s integrated in Nature.” Actually, only childrenuse it frequently. Visitors may glance at neighbor-Source: photo by Paula Sequeiros.Soares stated that he tried to avoid a hierarchicaldistribution of services by floors: the hierarchyof spaces was strategically used instead to createdecreasing noise levels as visitors progress alongby a glass wall, not reaching the ceiling, addedlater to soundproof the incoming noise. In themain floor there is a series of corners with sofas,tables in sets of two or four by the front, and backfaçades; at the far end, there are tables in rowsand an area with computers and Internet access;in the middle, a mezzanine reveals an inferiorlevel for multimedia and computers with Internetconnection.Further to an initial difficulty in qualifying space,readers resorted to hypallages (Lefèbvre 1991)when praising the light and transparency and theintegration in the park. In my view, the often mentionedtransparency and openness are, above all, thearchitect’s well-succeeded translation of the conceptsof free-access and continuity within publicspace underlying the architectural program.ing houses, urban insertion was not concealed.The library occupies two of the four levels, whilean art gallery, a garage, and a technical area occu-through them, still allowing for a global readingof space. However, power relations associated tospace usage were to be observed in the multimediaregion use – including the TV sets availabilityA patio mediates the space between the cafeteriaand the children’s area, so relatives may waitthere and still watch over their children, whichAlthough adults are not frequent visitors, theydeclared that the garden transmitted a calmingsensation.py the other two. Visibility over the whole surfaceis allowed in each floor.– in the use of the mezzanine or in the creation ofa reading atmosphere. All of these are analyzedis in accordance with Eigenbrodt’s desirable requirementsof “communication, access, orienta-No particular remarks were made on light, ventilation,temperature, or acoustic conditions, al-further, and are dealt with in detail by Sequeirostion and freedom of designing library facilities forthough both the architect and the maintenanceWireless connection to the Internet is available.(2010; 2011).everyone” (2008:101).officer acknowledged ventilation problems.228©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 229

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User ProfilesReaders expressed their great satisfaction to beTranquility, organization, concentration, the pos-A curious story of users’ appropriation was reg-brary, reading “is never-ending, it means findingable to enjoy such a high quality space, and deval-sibility of integrating a stimulating intellectualistered: spaces, presently serving as reading sur-the words for things, resting, and reflecting…veryued those issues.I could observe how readers weaved their readingcocoons: reading gave way to an absent impertinence,(Certeau 1984), desensitizing from other physicalstimuli: two peacocks paced unnoticed along thewindow-sills during one of the interviews.Emotionally, although indulging in diverse activities,they collectively wove a reading atmosphere(Sequeiros 2010; 2011), a mixed product of the socialspatial relations (Lefèbvre 1991) and of physical,sensory, emotional, and aesthetic features.labor ambiance were singled out as valued characteristics.Such an atmosphere, however, is notenjoyable if staying home.For a few readers, with personal histories of surpassingbarriers to become library users, theirpresent status is proudly felt as an accomplishment:a woman, daughter of manual workers whotoiled to get their children educated, and whobecame blind in her adolescence, now reads inBraille; a retired male reader, attending the SeniorUniversity, rejoices in watching young peoplestudy, a chance he didn’t get in his own time.faces all around the mezzanine, were originallydesigned to be waist-level shelves. As users wereuncomfortable when picking books from them,and this is a coveted area for its central emplacement,they began removing those shelves and sittingthere. The management did not oppose. Someparticular forms of space appropriation and tacticsof place-making could be observed, and displacingsome pieces of furniture is an accepted practice.Children may bring in their toys and drawingmaterials. Chairs were moved according topersonal tastes. Some users, particularly students,sometimes use tricks (Certeau 1984) to create additionalspace and to signal that they don’t wantpleasurable.” “If I stopped leading the life I’mused to in public spaces, I would certainly missa true pleasure and the real harmony I’m lookingfor” [woman, 40 years].The need for privacy is differently felt, seemingto vary according to housing conditions, gender,and social class: a young woman dislikes beingstared at “in an unpleasant way” by men; thehomeless reader does not oppose to having hisscreen watched while surfing, “they’re not goingto take any bite away from me!” The sole idea oflack of privacy in the library makes the youngcouple, sharing a single social-housing apartmentcompany: they scatter books and personal objectswith twelve others, laugh out loud: home was theA Public Place, Personal and Privateon neighboring tables to reserve space. After all,this silent competition appears to be based on as-place where they lacked privacy the most. Petitstates: “[t]he absence of intimacy is perhaps theFigure 5. Studying in the mezzanine.sumptions of a legitimated presence supported bythe credentials of their occupational status: stu-best poverty indicator, even more than income”(2001:118).dents are naturally expected to be found here.Cell phones ringing is the most annoying intrusionPersonal, private space created by reading is likereported, occasionally leading users to ask for staffa bubble, soft, but protecting. The rules of co-intervention.reading are passed along with learning to read.Bourdieu developed the concept of habitus toAural technology is sometimes used to reinforcedesignate “a system of lasting and transposablethose personal, individualized atmospheres (Bulldispositions which, integrating past experiences,2006). Wearing headphones also signals a wishfunctions at every moment as a matrix of percep-not to be disturbed.tions, appreciations and actions and makes possiblethe achievement of infinitely diversified tasks”Almost all referred to a form of relational contract(1979:72). It is this practical knowledge, this set of(Certeau 1984) to tacitly regulate co-presence: us-dispositions that entitles readers to naturally ex-ing a public space requires concessions over thepect not to be disturbed.personally reserved one.“I need my private space, [but] live among a lotLockers in the lobby are rarely used. Security lockSource: photo by Paula Sequeiros.of people,” a therapeutic community. In this li-chain cables for portable PCs may be borrowed230©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 231

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User Profilesat the reception as some thefts were registered insome behaviors that are more or less predictablemiddle-aged or elder women: gender differencesless cultural capital than books (Bourdieu 1979),the past.and there is a certain intrinsic order here that iswithin illiteracy rates do not seem to explain theirrelaxed attitudes and bodily postures developedmotivating” [female student, 40-year-old].absence; unlike men and younger women, theirin this area are clear markers of a corporal hexisSurveillance by security guards and cameras,leisure is still most likely confined to domesticity.tied to class (Bourdieu 1977).which are not spontaneously noticed, are felt asThe apparent social diversity is appreciated, seniorThe single exception was a woman who becameprotective measures. The library is sensed as a safespace, as the surrounding garden is, in general.readers like watching younger people and children,“different faces every day,” the homeless reader de-a frequent library visitor during her long residenceabroad.Readers’ Profiles of a Public LibraryA Place for ConvivialityVisiting the library is a social act: children are usuallyaccompanied by adults, some adults and adolescentscome in pairs or groups. At times, a certainsmall talk goes on, maybe around the latestnews headlines, as the observed case around thesharp rise in bread prices. Co-presence is valued,even if others are not addressed to; usual facesmay be memorized and discreetly followed.clares to enjoy the social and age diversity.Differences and InequalitiesThe most economically dispossessed revealeda unique capacity to reflect on (and cherish!) theopportunities offered by a public library, revealingalso that these perspectives were closely tiedto their social positioning, what Haraway (1988)named the vantage points of the subjugated. Theyalso expressed great concerns about probableNor did I find evidence of ethnic segregation inspite of the regular presence, then, of a noisy andlarge group of African adolescents.The spot for the visually impaired is appreciated,though underused.In spite of positive staff attitudes regarding socialinclusion, some aspects call for improvement. Theurban figure of the homeless person may embodyWith this vision of a library inside a wide parkin the back of my mind, some metaphors aroseas a meaningful way to communicate the characteristicsof profiles. Leaning on Haraway’s use ofmetaphors (1988), these devices were used to addmore sense to the features of profiles, intendingto rely on common situated knowledge (as characteristicsassociated to animals in folk tales).Simultaneously, they were used to rely on theperspectives of those observed, their values andmeanings. These profiles were an original resultbudget cuts within the ongoing privatization ofsubjective insecurity feelings, leading to fanta-of this case study, while showing some similarityThe need to socialize is clearly felt by many. Prox-public services.sizing and amplifying real insecurity situationsto others previously published, as referred.imity without propinquity, according to Park’s ex-(Fernandes 2003). Symptomatically, no real dan-pression (as cited in Tonkiss 2005), a withdrawalSome users referred to what they considered toger situation was ever reported on the premises.Beesinherent to reading overlaps with the need forbe the legitimate practices (Bourdieu and DarbelAs they began entering in groups to watch films,privacy characteristic of urban lives. A former1966:60) within a library. They sometimes com-homeless readers were targeted as a problem byThe purpose of occupational users is to activelytypographer, nowadays a homeless person, says:plain if other readers do not meet these stan-some users who complained about couches beingoccupy their time in a useful way, whether they“above all, I like coming here a lot when I’m feel-dards, informally prescribing what they assumeused to sleep on, and TV sets being occupied forpresently have a paid work or not. Their strongering down, I come in and it seems I reinvigorate!to be the adequate behavior. Which is clearly cor-too long. Subsequently, one TV set was removed,motivations: to benefit from an environment fa-Crossing that door seems like home to me, as if itrelated with the predominating class status: man-one was assigned for documentaries, only twovoring study and from free resources. Tasks maywas my own family, I feel superbly well!”ual workers are seldom found here, the averagewere left for feature films. I could observe thatbe organized and planned in detail, from subjectsuser is the student or the more educated, intellec-some normal users do sleep in the (comfortable!)to schedules. They may stay for the whole day,Some students and informal scholars declared thattual worker, as usually occurs at a national levelcouches upstairs, which is ignored by staff andseveral days, a week: “I leave when the lights gothey look particularly for the togetherness (Ba-(Freitas, Casanova, and Alves 1997; Fortuna andother readers, generally.off, [when] I have no choice! … Now that my daykardjieva 2004) propitiated by a collective atmo-Fontes 2000).has ended, I may focus on something else” [malesphere of order and concentration: “look, all theThe architect planned to avoid discrimination inreader, 34-year-old, unemployed]. A female assid-other people are also doing the same as I am, soI could not find evidence from field observationthe allocation of space, associated to floor status.uous reader belongs to the so-called residents, the[this is useful] to soften things a little [laughing] ifto support the generalized assumption on femi-Still, signs of social differentiation could be traced,local librarians’ nickname for the regulars. “Theit’s something I don’t like to do, that’s what I try tonization of library spaces. However, a clear gen-attached not to space but to document physicalday goes by more quickly, it’s more productive”think about” [male student, 34-year-old]; “there areder difference was perceived in the absence ofsupport: multimedia, in the lower floor, requires[female, 28-year-old, unemployed].232©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 233

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User ProfilesThey research and write on matters accordingButterfliesAnd yet, another interesting case: a very young“Here above it’s more for reading, down thereto their education or curiosity, they train for jobcouple comes in pushing two baby prams. Both[multimedia] it’s more for leisure, to be more re-competitions. Unemployed or retired are wordsavoided in personal narratives, surely for thecommon social stigma; but their disposition anda work ethic, adapted to their present situation,all seem to shape their practices. Were they at anoffice or university, we would not hesitate to statethey are working.Some of the adults, all holding degrees, come toenjoy the company of others and the togethernessof the like-minded, which help discipline theirwork; some are elderly citizens: one man, strollingfrom one continent to another, benefits from theInternet access to update his biographical site; anotherone needs “something to occupy his time;”a woman comes mostly to use computing facilitiesshe can’t personally afford. For half of the interviewed,using the Internet is the main purpose ofStrolling readers, unlike occupational ones, haveno specific activity or purpose, just want to strollaround and spend time in a pleasant and accompaniedway, although generally not interacting –resembling Wirth’s (1964 [1938]) urban strollers.While strolling they glance at newspapers andmagazines, music or video CDs, Internet pages,books, eventually picking items regardless ofsupport. Less qualified (secondary school or less),they are manual workers, retired, unemployedpeople of different ages, some are children.Most used areas are multimedia, couches, circulatingzones. The mentioned homeless readercomes for one or two hours every day. His streetcompanions persuaded him: “you watch a movieand when you go out you feel quite another person!”He enjoys age diversity, watching new faces,22-year-old and under the minimum educationallevel, the mother is enrolling as a reader,he guides her as an experienced user (here andabroad where he was raised). They live in a singleroom, sharing a single social-housing apartmentcrowded with unemployed or under-qualified relatives.They plan to come with the children anduse the Internet every Saturday, which they valuefor the information on baby care, “more than thedoctor says” during consultations, to look for babygames, and to send SMSs. She reads very little, butshe reads aloud for the babies. He prefers filmsand music. They value this wide, clean, orderedspace, quieter than a cybercafé, where they canfinally find some privacy.Sparrowslaxed” – an African immigrant, in his forties,comes to the library to enjoy several rest days. Aninternational truck driver added another librarycard to those issued in European cities where heoccasionally lived. He intends to email friendsand relatives, scattered all over the world, andto spend time enjoying whatever documents areavailable. He is the only adult in this group. It’sworth noting that, in spite of the dreams of a leisuresociety, and in spite of a growing number ofpeople without paid work, leisure activities stillcarry the burden of a stigma under a dominatingproductivist ideology. While consumerist leisureactivities are well-envisaged, that may not be thecase of others, more tolerated than supported – asa user said, you should not do in a library “thingslibraries aren’t meant for.”the visit, two brought their portables and listenedto music with headphones; another two referredto the Internet as a secondary resource.but, above all, reading the newspaper, especially –and most ironically – the one he got fired from. Heappreciates closed spaces where he can feel safe.For recreational readers the library is mainly a recreationand conviviality space. Sparrows gaily engagein flock flights, peeping, and playing all thetime. Most of the multiple readers interviewedAll the others are children who burst in accompaniedby relatives and teachers. The interviewedare aged from 4 to 8.Other main activities vary, reading newspapers isthe most frequent; a female reader is a multiple user(varied resources in diverse supports); one studies;another borrows books and trains computing andlanguage skills, benefiting from an environmentshe considers more stimulating for studying thanthe therapeutic community she lives in; anotherone writes notes on the city’s history.Another 50-year-old stroller, a former car mechanic,acknowledges that others come in seeking “notto be alone,” which he himself does not admit tobe doing. Having used to read intensely, “maybeit was a refuge,” he nowadays has an eye condition,reason he declares for preferring the Internetwhich he can’t afford at home.A 9-year-old girl comes every Saturday in the com-occasionally bring their own toys in, they attendevents, including reading aloud. They may meetand join other children in games, or participate inschool visits.Most used regions are the children’s and the multimediaareas. Almost all of them also take a walkin the garden or go to the children’s park.They draw, play computer games, read books, orattend reading sessions. Almost all of them havebooks at home. They use chairs, cushions, or lieon the floor. They know what they’re not allowedto do: to scribble on books, to step on top of tables.Laughing and moving at ease, sometimes theyrun. Some are scolded by the staff for using theramp to get to the top of stacks.Their activities stay anchored to the tables and becomevisually noticeable when writing, plugginglaptops, changing belongings from one place topany of an adult sister and an elder brother. Regrettingshe can’t stay longer for the Story Hour – her sistermust cook lunch – she reads a little at home; her“I read grown-up books about trucks, at schoolI only read teaching books, I borrow some andplay with the computer [here].” As a regular play-On Saturdays, during Story Hour, the room becomestoo narrow to accommodate all the childrenanother. They occupy the same regions as studentsbrother, 12-year-old, reads a lot, especially before fall-er, an 8-year-old boy, created a user profile in a PC.and their relatives. As the temperature rises, booksand scholars, further on referred to.ing asleep, and always borrows a film before leaving.He comes from an adjacent city with his parents.and sheets of paper are used as fans.234©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 235

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User ProfilesThe majority prefer to play with the computer.mined by the absence of a proper locus” and “[t]hejust a few use the Internet for that purpose, theirtheir health. In her own words: “this is their sec-A 7-year-old boy, a multiple reader, draws a libraryspace of the tactic is the space of the other” (1984:36-readings are instrumental, although perhaps, asond home,” “they get accustomed to us, and we tograsping several crayons at the same time: “books37). Students compete for space, silently, but actively,detailed below, in surprising ways. Coincidently orthem!” An anecdotal case may, in spite of its singu-are multicolored;” using several small squares, hecommon-sense assumptions on adequate uses andnot, several disclosed to be reserved persons andlarity, depict how they feel entitled to this specialorders the sheet’s blank space in a fashion similarusers appear to legitimize their presence, takingdeclined to be interviewed. No significant socialcare: an elderly male reader once knocked at theto the computer game he played with; he depictstheir occupation as a natural and sufficient creden-interaction with other users or staff was observed.staff entrance door, carrying his own sofa, and ask-himself and inscribes “I read” in the space sig-tial. Some express their contentment for an environ-ing to have it placed beside his usual table.naled as Library; the external context is a smilingment that has no complete silence and state a prefer-They occupy the press corner, sitting on sofas.bright sun, stars, and his football club symbol.ence for a light background murmur.Their attitude is discrete, not so relaxed as in theThey use the complaints book, a resource scarcelymultimedia area. Places remain occupied all dayknown to other users.AntsOwlslong with a high rotation, readers sometimes havingto wait for their turn.This familiarity, the frequency and duration of vis-Student readers come to study, sometimes in groupsScholar readers, a small group in this library, indulgeits, their competition for personal attention, all fa-or dyads. Some of the interviewees are still attend-in researching some favorite theme – frequentlyAn elder male reader admits that, although he likescilitate their acting as a pressure group. They haveing their degree classes, one is taking a Master’slocal history – or to complete a formal education,to read, he sometimes has short-memory issues.a noticeable role in the tacit regulation of conducts,course, they come to study themes in their specialtydomains, their ages range from 24 to near 40.They are motivated by conviviality, and by a relaxedenvironment, joining others equally occupied.The choice for this library and their readingare instrumental, as many university librariesstudying autonomously, at their own pace. Theyare also drawn by conviviality. As experiencedusers, they know every corner. They frequentlytake notes from readings and write essays. Theirpresence, quite discrete, is highly regarded bothby other users and staff. They’re very likely to beresidents.“Knowledge, it simply makes you grow, [but] that’snot for me, not anymore,” so reading simply becamea part of his exercise to stay mentally healthy.A man in his thirties searches the Internet, whichhe appreciates a lot, since it is free. He looks for a joband reads several newspapers, especially sports pa-as in the production of a reading atmosphere (complaintson noise levels, on inadequate behaviors).Counteracting this, we may still hear some commentariesfrom less skilled personnel, judgingthem for “not doing a thing in life, besides goingthere,” associating negative values to this form ofleisure.don’t usually allow group study. The library’s bibliographicresources aren’t much used.They come mostly after lunch, carrying their ownbooks, sometimes laptops, some use mobile audioto create aural privacy.An elderly scholar states how it pleases him to findanswers in the library’s collections for the “doubtsthat trouble” him, and how he enjoys watchingyounger people at study. He also made a point of declaringthat such a cultural good should not be mea-pers, compares the news, and sends e-mails.The Residents, a SubgroupResident readers are the regulars, tending to concentratearound the mezzanine. It is a privilegedA single note on a particular kind of reader: theloners – I could trace numerous lonely people, peopleto whom a collective, common space like this isprobably the only opportunity to feel accompaniedand to be inserted in a lively atmosphere.They mainly occupy individual tables, worksta-sured only according to financial standards, consideringboth its importance to the “cultural yield ofspot to visually control the whole place. This wasmy first assumption, which the interview with theConclusionstions with Internet access on ground or inferiorthe population” and its contribution to citizenship.architect confirmed as very plausible.floors, and, eventually, the vacant tables at the ex-The adopted methodology proved to be adequatetreme end. Sometimes they use tricks to create extraCatsThis subgroup is mainly composed of scholars butto support an in-depth, prolonged, and committedspace: clothes, bags, books are scattered, signalingalso of occupational readers.approach to understanding this social reality.they are not willing to share the next coupled table;To keep up with the news, to read newspapers orthey sometimes frown at people chatting, makingmagazines, is the purpose of informed readers. El-Some elder male readers benefit from the specialConceptually, the comprehensive analysis of rela-clear that their labor is being disturbed. As Certeauder users predominate; it is an almost exclusivelycare of a very attentive librarian: noticed absencestions among public reading practices, space use,signaled, these tactics are “a calculated action deter-male group. Usually, they do not use other media,may trigger her need to be further informed aboutand readers’ practices allowed for an integrated236©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 237

Paula SequeirosReading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User Profilesvision of the usage of resources, associated toemotions and meanings. It also afforded clues asto a social analysis of those relations, according tothe selected dimensions of class, gender, age, ethnicity,power relations, education, et cetera. Spaceappropriation proved to be a relevant dimension toanalyze reading in a public library and to constructmeaningful users’ profiles. The consideration ofspatial social relations rendered the butterflies’ activitiesvisible, space appropriation being essentialto this profile, not previously documented, to myknowledge. The same occurred with the associationof social inequalities and power relations tothe usage of regions, as was the case of the removalof TV sets in the multimedia area.The architectural program’s concepts were translatedinto the building’s design, they were perceived,even if communicated through linguistic devices,and appreciated.Almeida Garrett’s urban location is convenient,although probably not determinant, judging fromthe number of readers drawn from neighboring localities;easiness of public transportation is appreciated.The library building is finely integrated inthe surrounding garden. Rather than a traditionallibrary, it is being used as a civic centre. The libraryprovides enough differentiation and flexibility forpersonal or group appropriation of space and resources,receives readers from different social con-a self-fulfilling occupation, to enjoying a space ofquality and safety, to gratuity, to playing, to havinga place to study, to relaxing, to collecting usefulinformation for everyday-life purposes, or toenjoying privacy.Social and usage diversity must be deepened andcherished to stimulate the participation in a democraticspace that fosters the co-presence and theconnection of these differences. The reading atmosphereis welcoming for its scale, spatiality, materials,and social interaction, but should be extendedto absent or under-represented social groups. Thisreading atmosphere should also be nurtured bythe institution as a value to preserve.The analysis of the different reading and socialpractices categorized above, and of their connectionto space appropriation, may inform the management’sdecisions to improve services and toprovide space. It might foster a clearer vision ofa public library’s role, of what readers appreciatethe most, in general, and what particular groupsvalue and need.AcknowledgmentsMy doctoral research project was supported bythe FCT, Ministry of Science, Portugal, and thePOPH/FSE.ReferencesAabø, Svanhild, Ragnar Audunson, and AndreasVårheim. 2010. “How do public libraries function asmeeting places?” Library & Information Science Research32(1):16-26.Audunson, Ragnar. 2005. “The public library as a meeting-placein a multicultural and digital context: The necessityof low-intensive meeting-places.” Journal of Documentation61(3):429-441.Audunson, Ragnar et al. 2007. “Public libraries, socialcapital, and low intensive meeting places.” InformationResearch 12(4). 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QSRAvailable Onlinewww.qualitativesociologyreview.orgFor all sociologists for whom interpretative paradigm and qualitative researchmethodology are basic perspectives of studying social reality. In order to enablea free flow of information and to integrate the community of qualitativesociologists.EVERYWHERE ~ EVERY TIMECultures of Narrativeand Narratives of Culture& Special Summer EditionVolume IX ~ Issue 3July 31, 2013EDITORS OF THEMATIC ISSUE: Antony J. Puddephatt,Steven Kleinknecht& Carrie B. SandersEDITOR-IN-CHIEF: Krzysztof T. KoneckiASSOCIATE EDITORS: Anna Kacperczyk, Sławomir MagalaEXECUTIVE EDITORS: Łukasz T. Marciniak,Magdalena WojciechowskaMANAGING EDITOR: Magdalena ChudzikLINGUISTIC EDITOR: Jonathan LillyCOVER DESIGNER: Anna KacperczykON THE COVERS: Installation of Elena Tkachenko from Russia (2010)Presentiment of love, Central Museum of Textiles in Łódź (2013)ISSN: 1733-8077