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THE JESUIT RELATIONSANDALLIED DOCUMENTSVOL. LXIV


The edition consists of sevenhundred and fifty setsall numberedNo.. 1^^5


Jean-Baptiste de Saint-Vallier,


The Jesuit Relations and Allied DocumentsTravels and ExplorationsOF THE Jesuit MissionariesIN New France1610-1791THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITAL-IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA-TIONS AND NOTES ILLUSTRATED BY;PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILESEDITED BYREUBEN GOLD THWAITESSecretary of the State Historical Society of WisconsinVol.LXIVOttawas, LOWER Canada, Iroquois,Illinois: 1689 -1695CLEVELAND: ZbCMmvO\iO3:BvOtbCt0Company, publishers, m dcccc


Copyright, igooBYThe Burrows Brothers Coall rights reservedThe Imperial Press, Cleveland


EDITORIAL STAFFEditorTranslators .Assistant EditorBibliographical AdviserReuben Gold ThwaitesFiNLOW AlexanderPercy Favor BicknellCrawford LindsayWilliam PriceEmma Helen BlairVictor Hugo Paltsits


CONTENTS OF VOL. LXIVPreface to Volume LXIV .Documents:—. .11CLIX. Lettre ecrite k M. le GouverneurGeneral de la [nouvelle] franceSeptentrionale. Etienne Carheil;[Mackinac, 1689]CLX. Relation de la defaite des Angloisa Quebec. Michel Germain DeCLXLConvert; [Quebec, October, 1690]Lettre ecrite a M*". le Comte de FrontenacGouverneur et LieutenantGeneral pour le Roi en Canada.Jacques Bruyas ; au Sault pres.Montreal,.April 5, 1691 56CLXII, Lettre a Quelques Missionnaires duCanada. Pierre Millet; Onnei^t,2240July 6, 1 69 1 . . .6^CLXIII. Memoire Pour les Iroquois Chrestiensdu saut en Canada. Anonymous;. .February, 1692 .108CLXIV. Lettre au R. P. Jean Chauchetiere,^ Limoges. Claude Chauchetiere;Villemarie, August 7, 1694. 116CLXV. Lettre au P. Jacques Jouheneau, kBordeaux. Claude Chauchetiere;Villemarie, September 20, 1694 . 142


CLXVI. Lettre au R. P. Jacques Bruyas,Superieurde la Miffion, en formede Journalde la Misfion de I'lmmaculeeConception de N. D. auxIlinois. Jacques Gravier; [Peoria,]February 15, 1694158CLXVII. Lettre k un Pere Missionnaire deChine. Jean de Lamberville; Paris,.January 23, 1695 238CLXVII I. P*^ G. Marest iter et missio in sinumHudsonium in ora septentrionaliCanadsean. 1694. Epistola ad R.P. Thyrsum Gonzales, PraepositumGeneralem Societatis Jesu, Romae.Gabriel Marest; Quebec, October,....••. • • • 2601695Bibliographical Data: Volume LXIV 269Notes273


ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL LXIVPortrait of Jean-Baptiste de Saint- Vallier,'II.second bishop of Quebec. Photoengravingfrom original oil paintingthe inCardinal's Palace, Quebec FrontispieceFacsimile ofhandwriting of P. J. M.Chaumonot, S. J. ; selected"from hisPriere en temps de guerre," sent inthe form of a letter to Jacques Bruyas,S. J.;original in the archives of St.Mary's College, Montreal. ProbableIII.IV.58View of old Jesuit college and churchthe uponChamps de Mars, Montreal, built in1692-94, burned in 1803135Plan indicating exact site of old Jesuitbuildings in Montreal, relative to thepresent City Hall and Court House .151


PREFACE TO VOL. LXIVFollowing is a synopsis of the documents containedin this volume :CLIX. Etienne Carheil writes to the governor(now Frontenac) from Mackinac, to warn him of thedissatisfaction prevalent among the Ottawas, whoare inclined to form an alliance with the Iroquois.Carheil vigorously denounces the inaction andtimidity of recent French policy toward the Iroquois,and says that there isnothing left for the Algonkinssave to secure peace as best they can, for the Frenchno longer protect them. The Hurons at Mackinacare really taking the same course as the Ottawas,but are more politic and crafty in their methods. Ifthese tribes are allowed to make peace for themselves,the Iroquois and the Dutch will monopolizethe fur trade, to the exclusion of Canada. Carheilwarns the governor that he cannot count upon theaid of the upper tribes, if he shall decide to makewar upon the Iroquois. They have released theprisoners from that nation, and have forcibly indicatedtheir contempt for the French alliance ;theirreasons for this are given at length. They reproachthe French with weakness and cowardice, and tauntthem with having accomplished so little in theSeneca campaigns. They regard the French allianceas also injurious to their trade, in which they get


12 PREFACE TO VOL. LXIVmore advantage from the English. Carheil, after''From this it will besummarizing the case, adds:seen that our savages are much more enlightenedthan one thinks; and that it is difficult to concealfrom their penetration anything in the course ofaffairs that may injure or serve their interests." Heurges, accordingly, vigorous measures by the governoragainst either the Iroquois or their inciters, theDutch.CLX. Michel Germain de Convert writes to afriend an account of the English expedition of 1690against Quebec. The enemy, on October 16, summonthe city to surrender, on an hour's notice; butFrontenac refers them, for answer, to his cannon.They inflict a heavy cannonade upon the town, butwith only slight;damage and make two raids uponneighboring settlements. Within ten days fromtheir arrival, they restore the French prisoners, anddepart for Boston. The English sustain severe losses,which are mentioned in detail. Many interestingparticulars of the siege are recounted. The successof the French is ascribed to the intercession of theVirgin Mary, which kindles anew the fervor of hervotaries. The Lorette colony sends its warriors torepel the English a false rumor that the enemy is;approaching causes the other Hurons to take immediateflight to the woods, whither the missionariesaccompany them. The land expedition undertaken,at the same time, by the English against Montrealis also compelled by sickness to retrace its route,—" a second stroke from the hand of our good God tooverthrow the designs of our enemies upon poorCanada."


PREFACE TO VOL. LXIV 13CLXI. Bruyas also writes (April 5, 1691) toFrontenac, regarding matters at Sault St. Louis.An Iroquois and Dutch army have captured someSault Indians, but have given these freedom. ThreeMohawk chiefs then go to the Sault, claiming todesire peace. Bruyas relates the proceedings of acouncil held there between these deputies and theChristian Indians. He thinks that the Mohawksreally wish peace, and hastens to lay the wholematter before the governor, for his information andguidance. The Dutch have promised to send backcertain French prisoners, now held at Albany.CLXII. Pierre Milet relates, in a letter to someof his Jesuit brethren, his capture by the Onondagasin 1689, and his experiences among the Oneidas,during the succeeding two years. He is seized bythe former, while on their way to commit the terriblemassacre at Lachine. They present him to theOneidas, among whom are some influential Christiansavages, who cause his adoption into a family wherethe chieftainship is hereditary; he thus becomesvirtually a chief of the tribe. The English aregreatly displeased thereat, and make repeated effortsto induce the Oneidas to surrender Milet to them;but the savages refuse to do so, and Milet is thus ableto exert among them a strong influence for Frenchinterests, against the English. He is allowed libertyto live as he chooses, but within the Oneida village.CLXIII.This is a sketch of a memorial to be sentto Count de Pontchartrain, recounting the servicesrendered to the French in Canada by the ChristianIroquois at Sault St. Louis. During the late war,these Indians did excellent service as scouts, andbrought in many prisoners. They have refused to


14 PREFACE TO VOL. LXIVabandon their religion, for which they have sufferedtorture and even death, remaining constant to thelast breath. Nearly half of their warriors haveperished while fighting in aid of the French the;widows and orphans of these men are in greatpoverty, and the king is requested to extend themaid.CLXIV. Claude Chauchetiere writes to hisbrother Jean (August 7, 1694) an account of affairsin Canada at that time. He describes some recenteclipses, and compares their appearance in Canadawith that in France. Iberville, who has gone toHudson Bay to take Port Nelson from the English,wished Chauchetiere to go with him;but Silvy hasbeen sent instead.A bitter ecclesiastical war isgoing on betweenBishop St. Vallier and the Jesuits and Recollets.The bishop has adopted arbitrary measures in variousmatters; he also inveighs against Callieres,governor of Montreal, who has always been one ofChauchetiere's penitents, and even threatens thelatter with interdict. The Father relates variousinstances of his combats with St. Vallier over ecclesiasticalaffairs.The Sault Christians, especially those belongingto " Catherine's band," continue in Christian fervorand practice. The women have given up gambling;and confraternities are being formed, especiallyamong the young girls. The pious deaths of twoIroquois women, captured and burned by theirpagan tribesmen, are recounted in detail. Thewriter thinks that piety like theirs would prevailamong the savages, were it not for the intemperancethat has become so ' 'general among them and our;


PREFACE TO VOL. LXIV 15bishop, who is so zealous, has not yet ventured toopen his mouth to banish drunkenness from hisdiocese." The missionaries wish that they couldtake their beloved savages far away from the French,to remove them from temptations to vice.Chauchetiere mentions the ecclesiastical relationsbetween the Sulpitians and the Jesuits and the; goodwork which Milet is doing in his captivity at Oneida.He then describes the comfort and prosperity thatCanada now en j 03^8. Agriculture is successfully;pursued and the Sulpitians have a vineyard ofFrench grapes, which is now producing fruit. Otherkinds of fruit are enumerated as growing and ripeningat Montreal; and this year is seen, for the firsttime, a white lily, which grows in the Jesuit garden.The Sulpitians have recently dedicated their churchat Montreal. Chauchetiere sends his brother somecuriosities from the New World — a piece of breadmade by an Illinois savage from wild fruit, and aspecimen of buffalo's fur. The summer has beencold and rainy this year and, for the first time in the;history of Montreal, the melon crop is a failure.The Jesuit college there, in which Chauchetiereteaches mathematics, may have to be given up, forlack of funds to maintain it. Various items ofinformation about himself and others are given;"and a postscript pathetically says, I must preach,but I have no sermons."CLXV. Chauchetiere writes (September 20, 1694)to a friend in Bordeaux. The Cayugas and Senecasare asking for peace, but Frontenac haughtilydeclines their proposals, and gives them thirty dayswherein to accede to his terms. Meanwhile, the otherIroquois tribes are intriguing with the English at


16 PREFACE TO VOL. LXIVAlbany. The missionaries, however, find much consolationin the piety and faith of the Sault Christians.The martyrdom of these, described in the precedingdocument, isagain told here, Two briefly. Jesuitshave come out this year; one of these is Pinet, whoat once goes to the Western missions. Chauchetierementions various matters of interest,—^the captureof a ship, with several priests on board, who aresent back to France the French;expedition to HudsonBay; his class at Montreal in mathematics andnavigation; his other occupations; the difficultieswith the bishop, etc.CLXVI. This is Jacques Gravier's report (datedFebruary 15, 1694) to his superior at Quebec, Bruyas,of the mission among the Illinois tribes. Returningto them from the Miamis, in April, 1693, Gravierdedicates his new chapel at the French fort nearPeoria. The savages residing at this place send, inMay, envoys to secure an alliance with the Missouriand Osage tribes. Gravier observes among thePeorias great indifference to his instruction, andlearns that the leading elders are opposedto thefaith ;and that, while they receive him in friendlymanner, "in order to save appearances," they tryto prevent their people from going to the chapel forprayer and instruction, "until the corn was ripe, andthe harvest over." Gravier also encounters anobstacle in the superstitious dread of baptism ascausing death. On June 10, he gives a feast, atwhich he rebukes the people for their neglect ofreligion, and warns them of their danger. As mostof the adults persist in their infidelity, the Fatherdevotes himself to the instruction of the children.He recounts the conversion of a young widow who,


PREFACE TO VOL. LXIVYlin the midst of corruption, seems to be saintly bynature.About June 20, the envoys sent to the Sioux tribesreturn, with deputies from those tribes. Graviertheselongs for aid in his mission, that he may visitnew tribes and instruct them. He relates someinstances of the opposition made to his labors by thePeoria chief, who is a leading medicine-man, and byothers of that craft. The Kaskaskia chief has marriedhis daughter to a French trader ;through theinfluence of the latter, he becomes a convert toChristianity, and openly professes his faith. Anepidemic of disease appears in the " village, afterthey began to eat new corn, squashes, watermelons,and other half -ripe fruits." Gravier tries to baptizethe sick, especially the children, but is often repulsed ;and many even blame him and his preaching for thedisease. He describes certain of the superstitiousobservances that he has seen among these savages.During the late summer, he visits the people in theircornfields outside the village, and, on September26, nearly all the inhabitants depart to their winterquarters. He is able, although with great difficulty,to administer some baptisms among these peoplebefore their departure among them is the daughter;of the new Peoria chief.Gravier relates the circumstances attending themarriage of Ako, the French trader, with the•daughter of the Kaskaskia chief. At first sherefuses to marry, desiring to live only for God. Herfather drives her from his cabin, and blames Gravierfor her disobedience.All the people are ordered tostay away from the chapel, but some refuse to obey.The French commandant not only refuses to support


18 PREFACE TO VOL. LXIVthe Father, but reviles and slanders him." God"granted me," he says, the grace to bear all thesehumiliations in a quite tranquil state of mind, itseems to me." Finally, the girl consents to marryAko, and her father makes an abject apology toGravier. The husband, although a dissolute man, isthoroughly converted by his Indian wife's piety.This girl, although only seventeen years old, doeswonders as a missionary helper,— instructing, rebuking,or pleading, as the case may require.Gravier accomplished much for the instruction ofhis flock by a series of pictures illustrating the Bible,in which task Marie aids him greatly, making hisexplanations even more intelligible to their mindsthan he can. The Father also gives instruction inthe catechism; his cabin is so crowded that peoplecannot stir, and " the most arrogant become like children,"at this exercise. It is true that the hope" ofgetting a red bead, which is a fruit of the size of asmall bean, which has been sent to us from Martiniqueand other islands (Oh, that I had a bushel ofthem !),or a needle, a medal, a cross, or a rosary(especially if it be red), a small knife, or other curiousobject, given as a reward, incites the children toanswer well; but they must answer very well forseveral days, to obtain either the rosary, the redbead, or a cross, and for the other articles in proportion."By March, Gravier finds itnecessary toenlarge the chapel, because so many come to it.Heis greatly encouraged by the docility of these people,and the blessings that follow his labors among them.He had baptized 206 persons during the months ofApril to November, inclusive, in 1693. The influenceof the converted chief and his family is a


PREFACE TO VOL. LXIV 19valuable aid to the missionary's efforts; " or ratherthey do all, and I do nothing, or almost nothing."He requests more missionaries from France for thisfield.CLXVII. Jean de Lamberville, now in Paris,writes (January 23, 1695) to a missionary friend inChina. He gives an outline of affairs connectedwith the Iroquois during the last ten years. Hementions his attempts to secure peace between thosesavages and the French, and the perfidious actionsof Denonville toward both himself and the Iroquois;also the captivity and release of Milet.Lamberville is in great danger, in consequence ofDenonville 'streachery toward the Iroquois; and hisEnglish friends at Albany offer him a horse andescort to go to them for refuge, which he declines.The Iroquois, learning of French treachery, notifyLamberville to leave their country; he then goes toFort Frontenac, to serve as chaplain. An epidemicof scurvy breaking out among the garrison, the missionaryfalls ill with it, and is at the point of death.A French ofiicer removes him to Montreal,— draggedover snow and ice in the depth of winter, during aweek's journey,— where the Sulpitians take care ofhim. His health being partially restored, he returnsto France.Before leaving Canada, Lamberville goes to meetan Iroquois army who have come to attack Montreal,in order to make peace with them, if possible. Hesecures a truce; but, two months later, Iroquoisenvoys on their way to Montreal are treacherouslyassassinated by Hurons, and war again rages. TheIroquois now declare that the French need not hope


20 PREFACE TO VOL. LXIVfor peace with them until they also secure it withthe English.CLXVIII. Gabriel Marest sends to the fathergeneralan account (dated October, 1695) of his recentexpedition to Hudson Bay, whither he goes withIberville's expedition. Marest describes the captureof the fort; the sickness which prevails among theFrench during the winter, and his labors in theirbehalf; the aspect of that far Northern region, andthe leading characteristics of its savage inhabitants.Marest uses what little leisure he can secure inlearning the language of these people, and does whathe can for their conversion.R. G. T.Madison, Wis., February, 1900,


CLIX, CLXDocuments of 1689-90CLIX.— Lettre ecrite a M. le Gouverneur General de la[nouvelle] france Septentrionale. Etienne Carheil; [Mackinac, 1689]CLX.— Relation de la defaite des Anglois a Quebec. MichelGermain DeCouvert ; [Quebec, Octobre. 1690]Sources : Doc. CLIX. we obtain from an apograph inthe Legislative Archives of Quebec. Doc. CLX. is froman incomplete MS. (possibly a contemporary apograph) inthe Archives Nationales, at Paris.


22 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 64Lettre ecrite par le Rev'd. Pere Carheil, Missionnairede la Compagnie de Jesus aM. le Gouverneur General de la[nouvelle] france Septentrionale.JE suis bien fach6 de me voir oblige k vous 6crirecelle ci pour vous donner avis que nous voilkenfin reduits k I'^tat ou j'ai toujours cru queI'esp^rance de la paix nous devait reduire je n'aijamais dout6 qu'elle ne fut impossible, non plus quetous ceux qui connoissent le mieux par1'experienced'une longue demeure le genie de 1' Iroquois et surtoutI'onnontagu^ le plus fourbe de tous, quelque peineque nous ayons eue jusqu'au temps quel'on avaitmarqu6 pour I'assembl^e k soutenir 1' esprit de nospauvres sauvages dans le deplaiser continuel queleur causaient les n6gociations d'une paix qu'ilssavaient n'etre que mendiee k force de caresses,d'honneurs et de presents, et qui par consequent6taient autant de t^moignages publics de notre faiblesse,nous n'avions pas laiss6 toutefois d'etre assezheureux pour les retenir dans leur devoir jusqu'a ceterme aprfes cela c'^tait a ceux qui Gouvernaient cesn6gociations de montrer par effet la v6rit6 de ce qu'ilpromettaient et de faire voir a nos peuples I'ennemiqu'ils croyaient devenu docile et soumis h. leur Volonte,mais helas dans le temps qu'il le fallait faire,qu'ont ils eu? que des maisons brulees, que des frangaistues ou captifs, que des chevelures enleu6es, que


1689-95] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 23Letter written by Reverend Father Carheil,Missionary of the Society of Jesus, toMonsieur the Governor-GeneralofNorthern new france.very sorry toJAM see myself compelled to writeyou this letter, to inform you that we are at lastreduced to the condition to which I have alwaysbelieved that the hope of peace would reduce us.^ Ihave never doubted that peace was impossible— norhave all those who, from the experience of a longresidence among them, know the dispositions of theIroquois, and especially of the onnontague, the mosttreacherous of all. Notwithstanding the difficultythat we had up to the time designated for the assembly,in sustaining the minds of our poor savagesamid the continual displeasure caused them by thenegotiations peace,— for a which they knew to beonly begged for, by dint of attentions, of honors, andof presents; and which, consequently, were but somany public proofs weakness,— of our we were,nevertheless, fortunate enough to maintain them intheir duty until that time. After that it was forthose who Conducted those negotiations to demonstrateby performance the truth of what they hadpromised ; and to let our tribes see the enemy who,as they supposed, had become docile and submissiveto their Will. But alas ! at the time that this shouldhave been done, what had they obtained? Nothingbut houses burned, french killed or captured, scalps


24 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64des corps ^ventres, qu'un d^gait universel de toutela chine qui devait cependant etres alors la mieuxgard6 de tons les Cotes, et enfin qu'une consternationuniverselle de tout Montreal. Ce n'est pas le succesque leur promettaient des ambassades et Conferencesde paix, mais c'est celui qu'il Craignaient et dont lacrainte ferait toute leur peine, que veut on maintenantqu'ils pensent; que veut on qu'ils fassent?voyant, comme ils disent, Onnontio trompe et vaincujusqu'^ present par Tennemi, quelle esperance peut-illeur rester de sa protection, lorsqu'ils n'y voyent quede la foiblesse et de I'inipuissance a ton pu croirequ'apres leur depart de Montreal ou ils venaient devoir les Iroquois triompher durant toute la Campagne,qu'on lui laissait libre ils eussent encored' autre parti k prendre que celui qui nous obligea kfaire la guerre pour leur en imposer, ils voulaientalors faire eux memes leur paix par leur propresn^gociations avec Tennemi qui avait amene quantitede leurs gens qu'ils tenaient Captifs; on les enempecha, et on leur fit prendre le parti de la guerreavec nous, mais comme au lieu de la continuer, sitotle premier desseins qu'on en avait forme, on leChangea, Je ne sais comment, est des negociationsde paix qui ont donne le temps et les moyens a I'enneminon seulement d'etre leur vainqueur Commeauparavant, mais d'etre le notre : ils se voient aujourd'huireduits de nouveau par cette Conduite de pureinaction a prendre encore le meme parti, et ^ fairesans la participation d'onnontio ce qu'ils auraientvoulu qu'il fitpar lui.lis ont done conclu dans leur Conseil, d'un Consentementuniversel, apres leur retour de Montreal


1689-95] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 25taken, and bodies ripped open; but a universaldestruction of all la chine ^— which should, nevertheless,have been the best guarded on all Sides;and, finally, but universal consternation throughoutthe whole of Montreal. This is not the successpromised them by embassies and peace Conferences,but it is that which they Feared, and the dreadwhereof would constitute all their trouble. What dowe wish them to think now; what do we wish themto do? When, as they say, they see Onnontiodeceived and vanquished up to the present by theenemy, what hope can they still retain of his protectionwhen they see naught but weakness and impotence?Can one suppose that, after their departurefrom Montreal, — where they had just seen theIroquois triumph throughout the whole Campaign,during which he was allowed to do as he pleased,—they could take any other action than that whichcompelled us to carry on war to overawe him?They then undertook to make peace themselves,through their own negotiations with the enemy, whohad taken away many of their people, whom theywere holding as Captives. Our savages were preventedfrom doing so, and were induced to resolveupon carrying on war with us. But, instead of continuingit, as soon as the first decision was taken itwas Changed, I know not how, into negotiations forpeace that gave the enemy both time and means to;vanquish not only them. As formerly, but also ourselves.They now see themselves, by this Conductof pure inaction, reduced once more to the necessityof again taking the same step, and of doing, withoutonnontio 's participation, what they would havedesired him to do.


26 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64de rentrer dans l'Amiti6 et dans 1' alliance de notreennemi par une Ambassade qu'ils envoyent aux sonnontouansEt ensuite aux autres nations pour m6nagerleur paix.lis n'y auront point de peines puisqu'ellesles doits6parer de nous, puisque ce sont nos plus grandesforces qu'elle va nous oter pour les leur donner et queles anibassadeurs sont leurs prisonniers memes queLa Petite Racine accompagn6 de quelques autres outaouasdoit aller remettre entre leurs mains, an restece n'est plus un dessain cache qu'ils veuillent derobera notre connoissance et que nous ayans appris ensecret par des personnes de confidence, mais aimeaffaire de notoriete publique, et qu'ils ont voulu nousfaire savoir par une declaration solenelle en pleinConseil.Quoique le huron soit de la partie autant et pentetre plus quel'Outaouais neanmoins comme il est toujoursplus politique pour se menager avec nous quene sont les autres, il n'a pas parle avec tant d'amertumeet tant de hauteur quel'Outaouas. II s'estcontents de dire qu'il 6tait trop enfant pour se m^lerd'une entreprise de cette nature et de vouloir yformer quelque opposition, qu'il laissait faire sesfreres qui croyaient avoir en cela plus d' esprit quelui; que c'6tait a eux de r6pondre de I'evenement, etnon pas k lui qui avait beaucoup moins de penetrationqu'ils n'en avaient. Je ne doute point que dansr execution il ne doive faire bien plus qu'ils ne dit,mais c'est qu'k pres toute 1' incertitude de quelqueschangement de fortune qui pent arriver de notre c6t6en apprenant d' autres resolutions 1' oblige encore


1689-95] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 27Therefore, in their Council held since their returnfrom Montreal, they have resolved by unanimousConsent to regain the Friendship and alliance of ourenemy, by means of an Embassy which they aresending to the sonnontouans, And afterward to theother nations, to obtain peace.They will have no difficulty, because it will separatethem from us ; because it will take away ourgreatest strength from us, to give it to the enemy ;and because the ambassadors are their own prisoners,whom La Petite Racine, accompanied by some otheroutaouas, is to deliver into the hands of the Iroquois.Moreover, it is no longer a hidden design that theywish to conceal from our knowledge, and which wehave secretly learned from confidential sources : butit is a matter of public notoriety, and one which theyhave chosen to tell us by a solemn declaration in fullCouncil.Although the huron be concerned in it perhapseven more than is the Outaouais, nevertheless, ashe is always more politic than the others inon keepinggood terms with us, he did not speak with somuch bitterness and arrogance as did the Outaouas.He contented himself with saying that he was toomuch of a child to interfere in an undertaking ofthat nature, or to seek to raise any opposition to it;that he left his brothers to act, as they thought thatthey had more sense than he regarding that matter;that it was for them to be answerable for the result,and not for him, who had much less penetration thanthey. I have no doubt that, in the execution of theproject, he will do much more than he says ;but itis, after all, the uncertainty of some change of which fortunemay happen in our favor on learning of other


28 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64d'user de cette reserve, pour avoir par Ik quelquelieu de ressource aupres de nous.Voilk Monseigneur, ou en sont nos affaires en cesquartiers, c'est k dire, dans la derniere extremite ouelles puissent arriver, la finpuisquede cette ambassadene pent etre que celle d'amener au plustot etr Iroquois et le flamand, 1' Iroquois comme maitre dela guerre,le flamand comme maitre de la traiter etdu commerce, run et I'autre comme souverains detons ces peuples k notre exclusion, c'est ce qui estinfaillible, et qui se va executer avec tant de diligenceet de promptitude que je ne sais si vous aurezle temps d'en 1'pouvoir pr^venir execution; ils sesont hates de conclure I'ambassade dans la craintequ'ils avaient, qu'apresla defaite des francais aMontreal d'esperant d'obtenir jamais par la voie denegociations une veritable paix Ton ne prit enfinune bonne fois la resolution de faire la guerre etqu'ensuite il ne leur vint un ordre pour cela de votrepart, c'est k quoi il ne faut plus penser, puisqu'il esttrop tard: il le fallait faire lorsqu'ils 6taient encore kMontreal imm6diatement apres le coup fait par lesennemis, ils le souhaitaient et on les y eut trouv6stons disposes mais pr^sentement il ne faut pluscompter sur eux pour la guerre depuis le depart deleurs ambassadeurs qui les obligent k se tenir enrepos pour attendre leur retour et le succes de leurnegociation.Toutes les Ceremonies d'honneur que Ton a faitesaux prisonniersla veille de leur renvoie par la c61ebredans du calumet, qui est une Marque publiqued' alliance, ne nous fait que trop voir dequelle maniereEt avec quelle fermet6 ils seront unis ensemble contre


1689-95] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 29resolutions, that compels him still to employ this reserve,so that he may thereby have some hold upon us.Such, Monseigneur,is the state of affairs in thisquarter,— that is to say, at the last extremity whichthey can reach. For the result of that embassy canonly be to bring at once both the Iroquois and thefleming— the Iroquois as the master in war; thefleming as the master in trade and in commerce and;both as sovereigns of all these nations, to our exclusion.This is infallible, and will happen with suchdiligence and promptness that I know not whetheryou will have time to forestall its execution. Theyhave hastened to conclude the embassy, throughfear that, after the defeat of the french at Montreal,and in despair of ever obtaining a firm and lastingpeace by means of negotiations, it might be decidedonce for all to make war; and that afterward anorder might come from you to do so. This must nolonger be thought of, because it is too late. Itshould have been done while they were still at Montreal,immediately after the blow struck by the enemy.They then desired it and all would have been foundready for it but at ;present they must not be reliedupon for the war, since the departure of their ambassadors,which compels them to remain quiet to awaittheir return and the result of their negotiations.All the Ceremonial honors paid to the prisonerson the eve of their dismissal, by the famous calumetdance, which is a public Token of alliance, shows usbut too clearly in what manner And how firmly theywill be united against us. But what makes this stillmore evident is that, at the very moment when theywere giving these public proofs of esteem to theprisoners whom they were about to send away, they


30 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 64nous. Mais ce qui nous le fait voir encore d'avantage,c'est qu'en memes temps qu'ils donnaient cest^moignages publics d'estime aux prisonniers qu'ilsallaient renvoyer ils donnaient tout au Contraire desmoyens des m^pris qu'ils faisaient de notre allianceet de votre protection, comme nous nous opposionsfortement k ce renvoie, en leur representant I'ordrequ'Onnontio nous donnait par ces derniers de faireen sorte qu'ils gardassent paisiblement sur la natteleurs prisonniers jusqu'^ ce qu'il leur fit savoir sesdernieres volontes touchant leurs personnes, ils nelaissent pas de s'entenir ^ ce qu'ils avaient concluentr'eux, et pour nous montrer que ce n'6tait passans beaucoup de sujets qu'ils s'engagaient a cetteentreprise, ils voulurent nous en donner publiquementles raisons.^Elles se reduisent toutes k une principale qui estque la protection d'onnontio sur laquelle ils avaientfond6 toute leur esperance d'etre delivres de leurennemi n'etait pas telle qu'ils s'etaient faussementimagines que jusqu'k present ils avaient toujours crule frangais guerrier, soit pour sa multitude, soit pourson Courage, soit pour I'abondance et la diversitedes instruments de guerre qu'il savait faire, mais queI'exp^rience leur avait fait voir qu'il I'^tait beaucoupmoins que I'lroquois, qu'ils ne s'etonnaient plus s'ilsavaient 6te silongtemps sans rien entreprendre pourleur defense, que c'^tait la connoissance de sa proprefoiblesse qui les empechait qu'apr^s avoir vu avecquelle lachete il s'^tait laiss6 de faire cette dernierefois "k Montreal, il leur 6tait evident qu'ils n'avaientplus rien attendre de &,sa protection, que non seulementelle leur 6tait inutile par son impuissance, mais


1689-9.5] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 31on the Other hand expressed the contempt they feltfor our alliance and for your protection. When westrongly opposed their sending the prisoners away,and represented to them the order given us byOnnontio in his last commands,— to make them keeptheir prisoners quiet on their mats, until he madeknown to them his last wishes with regard to theircaptives,— they nevertheless persisted in the agreementmade between them ;and to show us that theywere not entering upon that undertaking withouthaving considerable cause therefor, they wished togive us their reasons publicly.These may all be reduced to one prime reason,which is, that onnontio's protection— on which theyhad based all their hopes of being delivered fromtheir enemies — was not what they had wronglyimagined it to be; that hitherto they had alv/aysthought that the frenchman was warlike throughnumbers, through Courage, and through the numberand diversity of the implements of war that he couldmake. Experience had shown them, however, thathe was much less so than the Iroquois; and theywere no longer surprised that he had remained solong without doing anything for their defense, sinceit was the knowledge of his own weakness thathindered him. After seeing the cowardly mannerin which he had allowed himself to be defeated onthis last occasion at Montreal, it was evident to themthat they could no longer expect anything from hisprotection not only was it useless to them owing to;his powerlessness, but it had even become injuriousto them, because of the difficulties in which it hadinopportunely placed them, through his seeking tosave himself.


32 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol, 64quelle leur etait meme devenue nuisible par lasengagements ou elle les avait jet6s mal a propos pourtacher lui meme de se d^gager.Premierement done que son impuissance avait et6visible des Ik premiere attaque qui fut donn6e k Sonnontouansoii la vigoureuse resistance de I'ennemi klaquelle il ne s'attendait pas I'ayant dtonne, il n'osale poursuivre dans la suite se contentant de faire laguerre aux bleset aux ecorces qui ne resistaient pasni ose rien fairecomme lui que depuis il n' avait puque de continuelles negociations pour mendier lapaix par la necessite de son impuissance, et partoutes sortes d'abaissements, qui ne montraient quetrop sa faiblesse. Que bien loin de se disposer a allerde nouveau attaquer I'ennemi, dans son pays,iln'osait meme pas de defendre, lorsqu'il en etait attaqu^de tous cotes que contre toutes les apparences etmeme contre des Evidences et des experiences ducontraire il s'opiniatrait "k attendre la paix, de peurd'etre oblige de se battre, aimant mieux tous souffrirque de retourner au Combat, que tant s'en faut qu'illeur eut fait rendre leurs prisonniers, ce qui 6tait lesujet de la guerre qu'au Contraire on I'avait oblig6de rendre lui meme ceux qu'ils n'avaient eus que partrahison, jusqu'k faire revenir de france ceux qu'ony avait envoyes, et cela lorsque I'ennemi fort eloignede penser k renvoyer les siens, les faisait brulerpubliquement sur les chemains publics et dans tousses bourgs: que dans la derniere descente de I'ennemik Montreal au lieu d'opposer armee d armeeet I'attendre de pied ferme pour lui livrer bataille,puisqu'il avait appris son approcbe avant qu'il arrivat,il s'^tait renferme dans des forts, lui laissant la


1689-95] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 33In the first place, then, Onnontio's powerlessnesshad been manifest at the very first attack upon Sonnontouans,wherein the unexpected and vigorousresistance of the enemy surprised him and he did notafterward dare to pursue him,— contenting himselfwith warring against the corn and the bark houses,that did not offer resistance like the foe. Sincethen, he had never been able, nor had he ventured,to do anything beyond continual negotiations to begfor peace, rendered necessary by his own powerlessness,and accompanied by humiliations of all kinds,which but too clearly manifested his weakness.Moreover, very far from preparing to go to attackthe enemy again in his own country, he did not evenventure to defend himself when he was attacked onall sides; but in spite of all appearances, and evenof evidence and experience, to the contrary, hepersisted in waiting for peace, for fear that he mightbe compelled to fight, preferring to endure all ratherthan again to have recourse to Battle. Far fromcompelling the foe to surrender his prisoners, whichwas the object of the war, he had himself, on theContrary, been compelled to surrender those whomhe had seized solely through treachery and even to;bring back from france those who had been sentthither,'^— and this when the enemy was very farfrom thinking of sending back his own, but burnedthem publicly on the highways and in all the villages.In the last descent of the enemy upon Montreal,instead of opposing army to army, and standing hisground, and giving battle, when he had heard of hisapproach before his arrival he shut himself up in hisforts,— leaving the country open to the foe to burnand ravage, which he did. He did not seem to know


34 LES RELATIONS DES J^SUITES [Vol.64campagne iibre pour bruler et ravager tout comme ila fait, qu'il ne paraissait pas qu'il sut aller k la decouverteou du moins qu'il n'osait pas le faire de peurde s'exposer au danger d'etre decouvert lui meme lepremier, que par toutes ces preuves si manifestes, iletait ais6 de voir que le frangais est sipeu en etat deles proteger qu'il ne pent pas se d6fendre lui meme:jusques Ik qu'il s'etait vu oblige de recourir "k la protectionde r Anglais pour le prier par un Ambassadeurenvoye expres a Orange d'arreter les continuellesirruptions de 1' Iroquois.Mais que ce qui leur deplairait d'avantage est quela protection des frangais outre quelle leur est inutilepar son impuissance leur est meme nuisible tant pourle commerce que pour la guerre pour le Commerce,par ce quelle leur ote malgre eux la traite de 1'anglaisqui leur etait incomparablement avantageux pour lestenir uniquement attache k la sienne contre. toutes leslois de la protection qui consistent k maintenir.Ceux que Ton protege dans la liberte de leur commerce,autrement que ce n'6tait plus une protection,mais une veritable usurpation pour la guerre, parcequedepuis son commencement, toute la conduite des;frangais k leur egard n'a et6 que de ne rien faire deson cote contre I'ennemi, et de vouloir que de leurcote lis fissent tout, que partant si ils ne Assent desmarches contre lui pour qu'il les arr^tat k Cataro-Kouy, qu'ils fissent quelques beaux coups pour qu'ily satisfit par des presents et pleurat les morts, qu'ilsfissent des captifs pour qu'il les delivrat de leursliens et les renvoyat aux ennemis, que 9a ete la toutela Conduite jusqu'k present, Conduite qui etait pleinede duplicity, puisque evidemment elle ne tendait qu'k


1689-95] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 35that he should go— out to reconnoiter, or, at least,he did not dare to do so, lest he might exposehimself to the danger of being the first discovered.From all these evident proofs, it was easy to see thatthe frenchman is so little in a position to protectthem that he cannot even defend himself, — so muchso, that he had been compelled to have recourse tothe protection of the English, and to beg them,through an Ambassador sent expressly for thepurpose to Orange, to check the continual incursionsof the Iroquois,But what most displeases them is, that the allianceof the frenchman, besides being useless to themthrough his powerlessness, is also injurious tothem, both for commerce and for war. It is so inCommerce, because it takes away from them, againsttheir will, the trade of the english, which wasincomparably more advantageous to them, in orderto keep them bound to Onnontio's. This is contraryto all the laws of protection, which consist in maintainingin the libertyof their trade Those whom oneprotects; for otherwise it is no longer a protection,but a veritable usurpation. The french alliance alsoinjures them in war — because, from its commencement,the whole conduct of the frenchman towardthem has consisted in doing nothing on his sideagainst the enemy, and only in expecting them, ontheir side, to do everything. Thus, if they did notmarch against the enemy to stop him at Catarokouy,they should strike some telling blows, in order thathe might give satisfaction by presents, and weep forthe dead that ;they should make prisoners, in orderthat he might free them from their bonds, and sendthem back to the foes of these tribes. Such had been


36 LES RELATIOI^S DES JASUITES [Vol.64les engager k attirer sur eux toute la guerre, et sed6gageant entierement par la paix qu'il tachait defaire dans cette vue; que s'il n'avait point d 'autreprotection leur donner h.qu'une paix de cette nature,ils aiment mieux se proteger eux memes et allernegocier leur paix par leur propre action, que dedemeurer abandonn^s par la france aux vengeancescertaines de leur ennemi qu'ils ne voyaient pas pourquoionnontio renvoyait les captifs, ne voulait pasque de leur cote ils renvoyassent les leurs, ni quelleprotections il y avait pour eux en cela: qu'k le bienexamine ils n'y trouvaient rien que d' entierementcontraire k la protection, qu'une volonte k les engagerk etre les victimes de ceux auxquels ils n'avaientpas rendu eux memes leurs Captif que dans tous les,Mouvements qu'il les avait obliges de faire contreles Iroquois pendant qu'il demeurait immobile etdans I'inaction c'etait plustot eux qui le protegeaientque ce n'etait lui qui les protegeait, qu'apres tout celails s'etonnoient qu'^ leur derniere entrevue h. Montrealil les eut menaces de les abandonner. Commes'il ne I'avait pas fait depuis longtemps, et que toutesa conduite n'eut pas 6te un abandon tacite et secretde tous leurs interets qui ne pouvaient nullements'accorder avec les negociations de paix qu'il feraitcontinuellement.Ce sont Ik Monseigneur, toutes les raisons qu'ilsnous ont apport^es pour nous Convaincre de la necessiteoil ils etaient de faire cette Ambassade a Sonnontouanspar oil Ton peut voir que nos sauvages sontbeaucoup plus eclaires qu'on ne pense, et qu'il estdifficile de rien caclier k leur penetration de tout cequi peut nuire ou servir k leurs interets dans les


1689-95] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 37his whole Conduct tip to the present— a Conduct fullof duplicity, since evidently it tended solely to inducethem to bear the whole brunt of the war, while hecompletely extricated himself by the peace that hetried to make with that object. They said that, ifhe had no other protection to give them than a peaceof that nature, they preferred to protect themselves,,and to go to negotiate their peace by their ownacts, rather than let themselves be abandoned byfrance to the certain vengeance of their enemy.They did not see why onnontio sent back his captives,and would not let them send back theirs, orwhat protection he gave them in doing this ; but, onthat was notexamining closely, they found nothingentirely opposed to protection,— nothing but a wishto induce them to be the victims of those to whomthey themselves had not restored their Captives.In all the Attacks that he had compelled them tomake upon the Iroquois, while he remained motionlessand inactive, it was rather they who protectedhim than he who protected them. After all this,they were surprised that, at their last interview inMontreal, he had threatened to abandon them,— Asif he had not long done so ;and as if his whole conducthad not been a tacit and secret abandonment ofall their interests, which could in no wise agree withthe negotiations for peace that he would continuallycarry on.Such, Monseigneur, are all the reasons that theygave us, to Convince us of the necessity in whichthey were placed of sending that Embassy to Sonnontouans.From this it will be seen that our savagesare much more enlightened than one thinks and;that it is difficult to conceal from their penetration


38 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.64affaires le ; respect que je dois ^ la conduite de touteslas personnes auxquelles Dieu a donne la puissancede nous gouverner, m'aurait fait un scrupule de vousexposer avec autant de liberte que je viens de fairedes sentiments aussi desavantageux que le sont ceux1^. Si je n'avais cru que le bien public demandaitque vous le sussiez tels qu'ils les ont pour juger parla disposition de leur esprit, de ce qu'ils sont capablesde faire contre nous en faveur de notre ennemy, etdu remede qu'il y faut apporter, ce qui est certainc'est que si I'lroquois n'est arrete par la grandeurdes affaires qu'on lui fera \k bas de votre cote, ou parcelles qu'on fera aux flamands, qui sont le principede ses mouvements il ne manquera pas de venir icise rendre maitre de tout. Ce nous est assez que vousle sachiez pour vous reposer ensuite sur les lumiersde votre sagesse, et malgre le danger ou nous sommes,vivre dans une parfaite assurance attendant k voirde quelle maniere il plaira h. la divine providence dedisposer de nous.Je suis avec un veritableEt profond respectMonseigneur,Votre tres humble, trfesObeissant ServiteurEtienne Carheil, religieuxde la Compagnie de J6sus.' '[Endorsed Re9ue, par M*" le Comte de frontenac.A : Quebec le \y Septembre 1690"]


1689-95] CARHEIL TO FRONTENAC 39anything in the course of affairs that may injureor serve their interests. The respect that I owe tothe rule of all persons to whom God has given thepower of government over us would have made mescruple to communicate to you, as freely as I havedone, sentiments so unfavorable as these, had I notbelieved that the public welfare demanded that youshould know them, just as they exist among thesavages. I do so in order that you may therebyjudge of the disposition of their minds, of what theyare capable of doing against us in favor of ourenemy, and of the remedy to be applied. It iscertain that, if the Iroquois be not checked by theextent of the operations against him on your sidedown below, or of those against the fiemings, whooriginate his movements, he will not fail to comehere to make himself master of everything. It issufficient for us that you should know it, to relythereafter upon the enlightenment of your wisdom ;and, in spite of the danger in which we are placed,to live in entire confidence, waiting to see in whatmanner divine providence shall please to disposeof us.Iremain with trueAnd profound respect,Monseigneur,Your very humble and veryObedient Servant,Etienne Carheil, religiousof the Society of Jesus.[Endorsed: " Received by Monsieur the Count defrontenac. At Quebec, September 17, 1690."]


40 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64Relation de la defaite des Anglois a QuebecLES Anglois de Baston apres auoir pris le portroyalet toute I'Acadie et apres auoir pill6L'Isle Percee, de la maniere que vous I'au^sapparemment deja apris, sont enfin venus au moisd'octobre par la riuiere S^ Laurens auec une flotte de30 Vaisseaux pour prendre Quebec. Jls ont dabordenleve 3. de nos barques qu'ils ont rencontr^es dansla riuiere: Jls ont paru a la rade de Quebec le 16d'octobre. Le mesme jour ils ont somm6 par escritM^. le gouverneur de leur donner toutes les munitionsde bouche et de guerre, deraser tous les forts,de leur abandonner a discretion et les biens et lespersonnes des habitans, et qu'apres cela on parleroitd'accommodement; qu'au reste ils ne donnoientqu'une heure pour deliberer sur cela. on leur ar^pondu a I'jnstant mesme, qu'on esperoit que Dieune fauoriseroit pas des traitres a la religion et a leurRoy legitime et que la bouche de nos Canons et de;nos mousquets alloit repondre a leur lettre. Le 18sur le soir ils ont fait une descente sur la coste dunord entre Beauport et Quebec au nombre de 1500hommes auec 5 pieces de canon de 6 a 8 liures deballe: ils ont tue a cette descente 4 francois et enont blesse 7: ils sont demeur^s camp6s 3 iours aterre, ils y ont brusle 6. ou 7. metairies, Enleu6quelques bestiaux, tue 2. francois Et blesse 13 dansdiuers combats qui se sont donnas. Le 21 jls ont


1689 - 95] DE CO U VER T TO FRONTENA C 41Account of the defeat of the English at Quebec.THE English of Baston, after having taken portroyal and all of Acadia, and after having pillagedIsle Percee in the manner that you haveevidently already learned, finally came in the monthof October by way of the river St. Lawrence, with afleet of 30 Ships, to take Quebec. They tookpossession at the outset, of 3 of our barks, which theyencountered in the river.They appeared in theroadstead of Quebec on the i6th of October. On thesame day, they summoned Monsieur the governor inwriting to give them all the provisions and militarysupplies, to raze all the forts, and to surrender tothem at discretion both the property and persons ofthe habitans,— adding that, when this was done,they would talk of an accommodation;furthermore,'they would give only one hour for deliberation uponthis.They were answered, on the instant, that weexpected that God would not favor traitors to religionand to their legitimate King; and that the mouthsof our Cannon and our muskets would answer theirletter.4 On the i8th, toward evening, they made adescent upon the north shore, between Beauport andQuebec, to the number of 1,500 men, with 5 piecesof cannon carrying balls of 6 or 8 livres. In this raidthey killed 4 frenchmen and wounded 7. Theyremained 3 days encamped on the land, where theyburned 6 or 7 farmsteads. Carried off some cattle,killed 2 frenchmen, And wounded 13 in various com-


42 LES RELA TIONS DES /£S UITES [Vol. 64abandonne leur camp et ont regagne leurs Vaisseauxa la faueur de la nuict. Depuis le i8 iusquau 20ils ont terriblement cannonne Quebec, haute et basseVille: ils ont tire 1500 coups de canon, qui ont faitpour 15 ou 20 escus de dommage dans Quebec, tu^un enfant entre la grande Eglise et notre college, etrien dauantage. Le 23 ils se sont retires de deuantQuebec et sont alles tenter une descente a lisle d'orleans,mais sans succ6s. Le 25 estans deja a 5ou 6.lieiies de Quebec jls ont rendu nos francois tant ceuxquils auoient pris dans nos barques sur la riuiereque les autres quils auoient emmenes de port roial aBaston et quils avoient ensuitte tires de la prison deBaston pour les mettre sur la flotte et pour s'en ser-et en rendant nosuir dans I'expedition de Quebec;ils ontprisonniers ils ont re9U les leur. Apres quoirepris la route de Baston Jls ont dit qu'ils reviendrontau printemps et on leur a repondu qu'on aurarhonneur de les reuoir auant ce temps laVoila tout ce que les Anglois ont fait a Quebec.Voicy maintenant ce qu'on leur a fait. 1° on leur atu6 pr6s de 100 hommes et outre ceia on Leur en ablesse un fort grand nombre, quandils ont fait ladescente et le reste du temps quils sont demeur^scampes a terre. 2°. notre Canon qui portoit des bouletsde 18 a extremement endommag^ leurs 4 grosVaiss^. qui battoient Quebec: L'Amiral a dabordperdu son pauillon, il a eu son grand mas coupe amoitie et celui de misenne rompu,il a eu sa chambreperc6e et sa galerie brisee, il a est6 en plusieursendroits perc6 a I'eau, et il a este contraint de seretirer precipitemment auec les 3 gros Vaisseaux quin'estoient pas moins jncommodes que luy pour se


1689-95] DE COUVERT TO FRONTENAC 43bats that were fought. On the 2 ist, they abandonedtheir camp, and regained their Ships under cover ofnight. From the i8th to the 20th, they cannonadedQuebec terribly, both the upper and lower Towns;they discharged 1,500 cannon-shots, which caused 15or 20 escus worth of damage in Quebec, and killeda child between the great Church and our college,but did no other harm. On the 23rd, they retiredfrom before Quebec, and attempted to make a descentupon the isle of Orleans, but without success. Onthe 25th, being by that time 5 or 6 leagues fromQuebec, they restored our french people— not onlythose whom they had seized in our barks upon theriver, but others, whom they had brought from portroial to Baston, and whom they had afterward takenfrom the prison of Baston, to place them upon thefleet and to make use of them in the expeditionagainst Quebec. Upon restoring our prisoners, theyreceived theirs, after which they resumed their wayto Baston. They said that they would return inthe spring; and we told them that we would havethe honor of seeing them before that time.That was all the English accomplished at Quebec.Now see what was done to them. i.Nearly 100of their men were killed; and, besides, a very greatnumber of Them were wounded when they weremaking their raid, and afterward when they wereencamped on land. 2. Our Cannon, which carriedballs of 18 [livres], greatly damaged their 4 largeShips which attacked Quebec. The Admiral's shiplost its flag, at the outset, and had its mainmastcut in two, the mizzenmast broken, its cabin pierced,and its stern-gallery shattered. It sprang severalleaks, and was constrained to withdraw precipitately


44 LES RELATIONS DES Jl^SUITES [Vol. 64mettre hors la portee de notre canon qui les alloittons 4 couler bas sils eussent encore attendu une deses descharges. 4°. on a force les ennemis de nouslaisser un cable et une ancre de mille escus (c'est legros cable et la grosse ancre de L'Amiral) de plus 3.Chaloupes, les cinq Pieces de canon de la descentemonte Sur leurs affus, quantite de boulets, un estendart,un tambour, et quelques douzaines de grosmousquets.Les francois qui estoient prisonniers dans lesVaiss^. Anglois ont dit que notre canon auoit tu6un fort grand nombre de nos Ennemis et dessus etentre les ponts, et qu' outre cela ily En auoit encorequantite destropi^s. Jls ont aioute que le generalde cette flotte, qui s'en estoit raporte a ce que nosprisonniers de Baston lu}^ auoient dit des forces deQuebec, sestoit plaint a eux de ce 1'qu'on auoittrompe et de ce que les boulets de Quebec estoienttrop gros; qu'il auoit mesme temoigne qu'il en vouloitemporter un a Baston pour se disculper. Ceuxde nos francois qui auoient est6 tir6s de la prison deBaston pour estre mis sur la flotte Angloise et quele general consultoit souuent dans la route sur plusieurschoses concernantes 1' execution de son entrepriseont raporte que Ton auoit cru a Baston la prisede Quebec si seure qu'auant que de se mettre encliemin pour cela les officiers de la flotte et autresinteress^s auoient fait vuider dans les formes plus devingt proces au suiet du riche butin qui seroit fait aQuebec et nommement pour decider a qui appartiendroientles six Chandeliers d'argent de I'Eglise desJesuitesces mesmes francois ont assure que le desseinde ces heretiques Estoit de chasser du Canada


1689-95] DE CO U VERT TO FRONTENAC 45with the 3 large Ships, which were not less injuredthan it was, in order to get out of range of our cannon—which would have sunk all 4 of them, if theyhad waited for another of its volleys. 4 [i.e., 3].Weforced the enemy to leave us a cable and an anchorworth a thousand escus (itwas the great cable andthe heavy anchor of The Admiral)— and, besides,3 ;Shallops the five Pieces of artillery used in theirdescent, mounted Upon their ;gun-carriages a quantityof bullets; a standard, a drum, and severaldozen heavy muskets.The frenchmen who were prisoners in the Englishthe prison of Baston to be placed upon the Englishfleet, and whom the general frequently consultedupon the way about various matters relating to theexecution of his enterprise, reported that at Bastonthe capture of Quebec was believed to be certain.So sure were they that, before setting out on theexpedition, the officers of the fleet and others interestedhad had more than twenty lawsuits settled inregular form on the subject of the rich booty thatwould be obtained at Quebec, and especially to decideto whom should belong the six silver Chandeliers ofShips said that our cannon had killed a very greatnumber of our Enemies, both above and betweenthe bridges and; that, besides these, a great manywere also disabled. They added that the commanderof this fleet, who had depended upon what our prisonersfrom Baston had told him about the forces atQuebec, had complained to them that he had beendeceived, and that the bullets of Quebec were tooheavy— adding that he had even declared that hewould take one of them to Baston, to exculpate himself.Those of our french who had been taken from


46 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64les Ecclesiastiques et les Religieuses, d'ammenercelles cy a Baston et de renvoier ceux la en franee ;car pour les Jesuites, on leur deuoit a tons couperles oreilles pour en faire des chapelets aux bandolieresdes soldats, et puis leur casser la teste.Depuis que les Anglois ont paru devant Quebecjusqu'a leur depart La banniere de N. D. a touiours€\.€exposed en baut du clocher de la grand' Eglise.c'est sous ce saint drapeau que nos pauures habitantsont combatu et Vaincu. Et en memoire d'uneprotection de Dieu si visible et si extraord*"^. obteniielintercession de N. D. on donnera le nom de N.parD. de la Victoire a une Eglise qui est commence6depuis quelques annees et qu'on acheuera de bastirau milieu de la basse Ville, outre cela tous les ans onfera une grande feste auec procession Solemnelle le4 dimanche d'octobre.A mesme temps que les Anglois attaquoint Quebecpar la riuiere, une armee de 2000 sauuages nommesLoups et de 4000 Anglois devoit venir par lesterres fondre sur Monreal. La diuision s'y est miseau moment quil falloit marcher. La maladie quiestoit parmi les Anglois s'estant communiquee auxLoups et quelques uns en estants morts, Les Loupset mesme ils les ontont en prise auec les Anglois,pilles. Apres quoi chacun sest retire en son particulier.Voila au jugement de tout le pais un secondcoup de la main de notre bon Dieu pour renuerserles desseins de nos ennemis sur le pauure Canada.Les Viuants et les Trepasses ont profite de lentreprisedes Anglois. Jl s'est fait des Conuersions aQuebec et de la bonne maniere qui apparemment nes'y seroient pas faittes encore si tost: et tant de


1689-90] DE CO UVERT TO FRONTENAC 47the Jesuit Churcli. These same frenchmen haveasserted that the intention ofthese heretics Was todrive from Canada the Ecclesiastics and the Nuns,to take the latter to Baston, and to send the formerback to france; but, as for the Jesuits, they were tocut off the ears ofall these, to make chaplets for thebandoleers of the soldiers, and then break their heads.From the time when the English appeared beforeQuebec until their departure. The banner of OurLady was continually displayed from the top of thesteeple of the great Church it was under this sacred;flag that our poor habitants fought and Conquered.And, in memory of the so evident and extraordinaryprotection of God obtained through the intercessionof Our Lady, the name of Notre Dame de la Victoirewill be given to a Church which was begun someyears ago, and which is to be completed, in themiddle of the lower Town. Besides this, a greatfestival will be held every year, with a Solemnprocession, on the 4th Sunday of October.At the same time when the English attacked Quebecby way of the river, an army of 2,000 savagesnamed Loups, and of 4,000 English, were to comeby land to fall upon Monreal. Dissension aroseamong them, at the time when they were to beginthe march. A malady which was prevalent amongthe English having communicated itself to theLoups, and some of them having died. The Loupslaid the blame upon the English, and even plunderedthem. After that, each army withdrew to its ownquarter. Therein is seen, in the opinion of thewhole country, a second blow from the hand of ourgood God to overthrow the designs of our enemiesupon poor Canada,


48 LES RELATIONS DES jlSUITES [Vol.64miracles que notre bon Dieu a faits en faueur de sonpautire peuple (car c'est ainsi que Ion en parle communementicy) ont admirablem^ rallum6 partout laferueur envers la tres benite Vierge Sous la protectionde qui on a combattu et vaincu et c'est auec;une extreme consolation que nous voions venir icyde toutes parts en pelerinage dans notre petite chapellede N. D. Lorette nos pauures habitans, les unspour accomplir des voeux faits en son honneur, lesautres pour renouueller la protestation d'estre a sonseruice toute leur vie, et les uns et les autres pourla suplier de solliciter aupres de N. S. leur entiereconuersion. Pour ce qui est des trepasses on a faitdire partout quantity de messes et a Quebec et aMonreal pour les Ames du purgatoire dans la penseeque celles qu'on en feroit sortir viendroient a notresecours dans nos besoins, ainsi quil est quelquefoisarriue dans d'autres pais en pareille occasion. C'estLe p. Chaumonnot, un de nos plus anciens missionnaires,qui a donne ouuerture a cette oeuure de piet6 ;elle a este extremem^ bien receiie de tout le monde.Monseig''. nre Euesque I'a authorisee de sonapprobation et de ses exhortations, et nos feruentsEcclesiastiq ont fait merueille.;Pendant le siege de Quebec nos P. P. et f. f, sesont partages par la haute et basse ville dans lescorps de garde et dans les autres sentineltes pour laconsolation de nos Combatans; Le R. P. Superieurest reste au College auec quelques uns de N. N.p. p. et f. f. les plus aages: ils estoient resolusd'attendre la nos Ennemis, et quand Jls seroientarriu^s, d'aller dans I'Eglise et y receuoir le coup dela mort au pied du grand Autel.


1689-95] DE CO U VERT TO FRONTENAC 49Both the Living and the Dead have profited bythe expedition of the English. It made someConversions in Quebec, and in a happy manner, whichevidently would not have been made there so soon ;and the many miracles that our good God haswrought in favor of his poor people (forit is thusthat they are commonly mentioned here) havewonderfully rekindled, everywhere, fervor towardthe most blessed Virgin, Under whose protection wehave fought and conquered. It is with extreme consolationthat we see coming here, from all parts, ourpoor habitans upon a pilgrimage to our little chapelof Our Lady Lorette,— of some to fulfill vows madein her honor, others to renew their profession ofbeing at her service all their lives, and both tosupplicate her to solicit Our Lord for their completeconversion. As for the dead, many masses haveeverywhere been caused to be said, both at Quebecand at Monreal, for the Souls in purgatory, with theidea that those who should be delivered from thatplace would come to our help need,— in our as hassometimes happened in other countries, upon similaroccasions. It was father Chaumonnot, one of ouroldest missionaries, who introduced this work ofpiety; it was extremely well received byall thepeople. Monseigneur our Bishop authorized it byhis approbation and by his exhortations; and ourfervent Ecclesiastics have done wonders.During the siege of Quebec, our Fathers andbrethren distributed themselves in the upper andlower towns, among the guards and the other sentinels,for the consolation of our Combatants. TheReverend Father Superior remained at the College,with some of the oldest among Our fathers and


50 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64Pour nous autres missionnaires de Lorette quin'estions pas exposes de si pres au peril, nous enauons este quittes pour coucher 2 nuicts dans lesbois auec nos sauuages hurons. Le jour que lesAnglois firent leur descente, nos guerriers huronsetoient auec les habitans de beauport et de beaupr6pour receuoir les ennemis quand ils mettroient pieda terre. Ces habitans qui n'estoient que 200 jBirentdabord auec nos sauuages trois vigoureuses dechargesde mousqueterie a ported sur les Anglois: apres quoicelui qui comandoit nos gens voiant que le nombreexcessif des Ennemis alloit nous accabler commandaa son monde de reculer et de se battre a la sauuage.Alors 2 de nos hurons prirent I'epouuante et vinrenta toutes jambes nous dire que tout estoit perdu etque tous les francois estoient morts; quils auoientvu parmi les Anglois 200 Loups (cestoient des Angloisdeguises en sauuages) et que ces Loups alloientinfailliblement desoler tout auec la hache et le feu.Cette nouuelle nous fut apportee sur les 10 heuresdu soir. A 1' instant tous nos hurons commencent aplier bagage et disent que pour eux ils s'en vontdans les bois. nous ne pumes les arrester jusqu'aumatin et nous primes le parti de les suiure dans lesbois a un quart de lieiie de nostre Village, emportantauec nous ce qui estoit de plus sacre dans nre petitechapelle. il nous ressouuint alors de la fuite de N.S. en Egypte. 2 jours apres nos autres guerriershurons qui auoient est6 plus fermes vinrent noustrouuer et nous rasseurerent un peu, Ensuite de quoinous reuimes tous ensemble au Village. On Vientd'apprendre que I'Amiral de la flotte Angloise estcoule bas dans la riuiere, ne pouuant plus tenir contre


1689-95] DE CO UVERT TO FRONTENAC 51brethren; they were resolved to await our Enemiesthere, and, when They should arrive, to go into theChurch, and there receive the death-blow at the footof the great Altar.As for us others, the missionaries of Lorette, whowere not so nearly exposed to the danger, we hadleft the place, to sleep 2 nights in the woods withour huron savages. The day when the Englishmade their descent, our huron warriors were withthe habitans of beauport and beaupre, to receive theenemy when they should set foot on land. These habitans,who numbered only 200, at first fired with oursavages three vigorous volleys of musketry uponEnglish,— theafter which, he who commanded our people,seeing that the excessive number of the Enemywas about to overwhelm us, ordered his people tofall back and to fight in the savage manner. Then2 of our hurons took fright and came at full speedto tell us that all was lost, and that all the frenchwere dead that ; they had seen among the English200 Loups (they were Englishmen, disguised assavages); and that these Loups would infalliblyproceed to desolate everything with hatchet and fire.This news was brought to us about 10 o'clock in theevening. Upon the instant, all our hurons began totie up their baggage, and say that, for their part,they were going away into the woods. We couldnot detain them until morning, and we decided tofollow them into the woods to a quarter of a leaguefrom our Village, carrying with us what was mostsacred in our little chapel. We then recalled to mindthe flight of Our Lord into Egypt. Our other huronwarriors, who had been more steadfast, came, 2 dayslater, to find and to reassure us somewhat,— After


52 LES RELATIONS DES J^SUITES [Vol.64les ouuertures que le canon de Quebec luy auoitfaittes.La flotte des ennemis n'etoit encore qu'a 6. ou 7.lieiies de Quebec, quand on a apris que nos Vaiss^.marchands estoient dans la riuiere. I'on a enuoie audeuant d'eux quelques Canotsle long des terres pourles auertir. Le Glorieux, Le S*. Xauier, et unefregate sont entr^s dans la riuiere du saguenai a 25ou 30 lieiies de Quebec du coste du Nord, pour attendreque les Anglois fussent passes. On dit que nos3 Vaisseaux sortant du saguenai se sont trouu6s aremboucheure de cette riuiere a mesme temps queles Anglois acheuoient de passer: et on admire commentils n'ont pas est6 pris par les Ennemis. Onattribue ce coup a S^^. Anne et a S*. francois Xauiera qui Ton sestoit addresse par un voeu expres pourI'heureuse arriuee de nos nauires.Vous voies, mon cher pere, que voicy un paismiraculeux. et comment n'y trouueroit on pas Dieuqui s'y fait sentir en tant de manieres si extraordinaires?Demandes luy un peu pour moy,sil vousplaist que je puisse auoir quelque part aux faueursquil repand sans cesse sur une infinite de Saintsmissionaires et de SS. Ecclesiastiques qui sont icy,pour que je puisse auec eux croistre de jour en jouren sa connoissance et en son S^ Amour.Je suis auec bien du respect et de tout mon coeurMon R


1689-95] DE CO U VERT TO FRONTENAC 53We"which we returned, all together, to the Village.have Just learned that the Admiral's ship of theEnglish fleet ran aground in the river, not beingable to hold out longer against the apertures that thecannon of Quebec had made in it.The fleet of the enemy was still only 6 or 7 leaguesfrom Quebec, when it was learned that our merchantShips were in the river. Some canoes were sentalong the shore to meet and warn them. The Glorieux,The St. Xavier, and a frigate entered thesaguenai river at 25 or 30 leagues from Quebec onthe North shore, to wait until the English hadpassed. It is said that our 3 Ships, going out fromthe saguenai, found themselves at the mouth of thisriver at the same time that the English were nearlypast it and we wonder that ;they were not capturedby the Enemy. This event is attributed to St. Anne?nd to St. francis Xavier, to whom a vow had beenaddressed expressly for the safe arrival of our ships.You see, my dear father, that here is a miraculouscountry; and how could one therein not find God,who makes himself felt in so many and so extraordinaryways? Pray to him a little for me, ifyouplease, that I may have some part in the favors thathe bestows, without ceasing, upon a great numberof Holy missionaries and of Saintly Ecclesiastics whoare here, that I may with them increase from day today in his knowledge and in his Holy Love.I am with great respect and with all my heart,My Reverend father,Your very humble and veryobedient servant in Our Lord,Michel Germain DeCouvert,"^of the Society of Jesus.


clxi — clxiiiDocuments of 1691-92CLXI.— Lettre ecrite a M^ le Comte de Frontenac.JacquesBruyas ; au Sault pr^s Montreal, 5 Avril, 1691CLXII.— Lettre a Quelques Missionnaires du Canada.Pierre Millet ; OnneiSt, 6 Juillet, 1691CLXIIL— Memoire Pour les Iroquois Chrestiens du saut enCanada. Fevrier, 1692Sources : Doc. CLXI. is from an apograph preservedin the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal. Doc.CLXII. is from a MS. (probably a contemporary copy) inthe Library of Congress, Washington, D. C; the translationisby John Gilmary Shea, and is reprinted, with a fewemendations, from the U. S. Catholic Historical Magazine,vol. ii. Doc. CLXIII. is from an apograph in theDominion Archives, Department of Agriculture, Ottawa.


56 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64Lettre ecrite par le Reverend Pere Bruyas dela compagnie de Jesus, a M^ le Comte deFrontenac Gouverneur et LieutenantGeneral pour le Roi en Canada.Au Sault prh Montreal,le 5 Avril 1691.MONSEIGNEUR,Vous aurez dejk appris qu'un parti de centquarante agnies et Flamands ayant faitprisonniers dix ou douze des sauvages du Sault ilsleur ont donn6 la liberte et ont depute trois de leurschefs pour savoir s'ils seraient les biens venus aupresde leur p^re Onnontio a qui ils souhaitaient dedemander la paix qu'ils esp6raient obtenir et degarder inviolablement avec lui pour marquer le d6sirardent qu'ils ont de finir la guerreils se sont haterd'arriver en Canada pour nous faire savoir qu'unearmee de huit cents Iroquois devaient bientot fondresur nos terres, et enlever s'ils le peuvent tous ce quiest entre les trois Rivieres et Montreal, car troisd6put6s etant entr^s dans ce fort sans armes et enamis, y ont 6te bien refus de nos sauvages qui onteu bien de la joie de les voir en de si bonnes dispositions,lis leur ont fait quatre ou cinq petits presentspour savoir d'eux leur veritable dessein. Par le premiercollier ils les ont remercies de ce quils ontenvoys les prisonniers qu'ils avaient faits, et ont6pargn^ ceux qu'ils eussent pu faire s'ils eussent


1689-95] BRUYAS TO FRONTENAC 67Letter written by Reverend Father Bruyas, ofthe society of Jesus, to Monsieur the Countde Frontenac, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King in Canada.At the Sault near Montreal,April 5, 1691.MONSEIGNEUR,You will have already learned that a party ofone hundred and forty agnies and Flemings,who captured ten or twelve savages of the Sault,gave them their liberty, and deputed three of theirown chiefs to ascertain whether they would be welcometo their father Onnontio, whom they wishedto sue for peace,— which they hoped to obtain, andto preserve inviolably with him, in order to provetheir ardent desire to put an end to the war. Theyhastened to arrive in Canada, to inform us that anarmy of eight hundred Iroquois would soon swoopdown upon our lands, and carry off, ifthey could,all the people between three Rivers and Montreal.When the three deputies entered the fort, withoutarms and as friends, they were well received by oursavages, who were greatly rejoiced at seeing themso well inclined. They gave the deputies four orfive small presents, in order to ascertain from themwhat their true intentions were. By the first collarthey thanked them for having sent back the prisonerswhom they had taken, and for having spared


68 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64voulu tous nos sauvages 6tant de cote et d' autre, etexposes ^ etre enlev^s par les premiers qui les decouvriraient.lis les ont aussi remerci^s de I'avis qu'ilsleur ont donn6 du gros parti d' Iroquois qui descend.Le deuxieme present a 6te pour dire aux Agnies queleur pere Onnontio, sera bien aise d'apprendre laresolution qu'ils ont de vivre sous son obeissancecomme doivent faire de veritables enfants, Maisqu'ils parlent tous de bon, et non pas comme sont. . .les Onnontagues qui frapp6 en meme temsen etait caress^. Par le troisieme collier, ilsqu'ilsont demand^ aux Agnies qu'ils leur fissent savoir enquel tems environ on les renverrait au Montreal oilils trouveront leur Pere qui doit y monter cet 6t6.Le quatrieme present fut pour leur faire ressouvenirque les Chretiens de la Montague, Lorette et Sillerysont aussi les enfants d' Onnontio, et les freres dessauvages du Sault, et parlent quils prennent lesmemes pens6es a leur egard. Le dernier present a^t6 pour les extorter a faire cesser tous actesd'hostilite, tant sur les francais que sur les sauvagesenfants d'Onnontio. lis leur ont recommande d'avertirles loups leurs alli6s de cette suspensiond'armes afin qu'ils ne brouillent pas les affaires. lisont fini leur harangue en leur donnant deux Flamandspour qu'ils ramenent J/'', le Chevalier cV Eau ettous les francais qui sont k Orange. L'Agnies ^repondu que c'est tout de bon qu'il veut la paix, cesont les guerriers qui la demande et I'ont conclue deleur cote, non par les Anciens qu'ils n'ont pas vouluconsulter parce qu'ils ne sont pas tou jours bien sinceres,outre que tous ceux qui avaient de 1' esprit auxAgniers sont morts. // a rendu le Collier par lequel


^i'


1689-95] BRUYAS TO FRONTENAC 59those whom they could have taken had they wished, —as all our savages were scattered here and there,and in danger of being carried away by the first whomight discover them. They also thanked the deputiesfor the warning given them of the large body ofIroquois who were coming down. The second presentwas to tell the Agnies that their father Onnontiowill be greatly pleased to learn their resolution tolive under his authority, as true children should do ;But that they must really mean what they say, andnot do like the Onnontagu^s, who struck while theywere being caressed by him. By the third collar theyasked the Agnies to let them know about what timethey would be sent back to Montreal,— where theywill meet their Father, who is to come up this summer.The fourth present was to remind them thatthe christians of laMontague, of Lorette, and ofSillery are also children of Onnontio, and brothers ofthe savages at the Sault, and say that they have thesame thoughts regarding them. The last presentwas for the purpose of exhorting them to suspend allhostile acts, both against the french and against thesavages who are children of Onnontio. They requestedthe Agnies to inform the loups, their allies,of this suspension of hostilities, so that they mightnot embroil matters. They concluded by haranguingthem, and handing over to them two Flemings,in order that they might bring back Monsieur theChevalier d' Eau and all the french who are at Oransfe.^The Agnie replied that he is earnest in his desirefor peace ; that the warriors ask for it, and have concludedit on their own account, and not through theElders — whom they would not consult, because theyare not always very sincere; moreover, all those


60 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64on le remerciait des prisonniers qu'ila renvoyes, endisant que c'est une reconnoissance de la bonte quefeu M"". de S^ Heleine eut pour eux k la journee deCorlard, n' ay ant pas voulu se servir de I'avantageque sa bonne fortune lui avait donn^e sur eux dontil aurait fait, plus de trente captifs. II a assur6 qu'ilse promet de faire "kagreer Corlard et aux autresnations Iroquoises, le dessein quil a de vivre enpaix avec nous, et s'ils ne veulent pas I'imiter, il leslaissera battre et les regardera en fumant paisiblementsur sa natte.Cotmne cette affaire est de la derniere consequence,il lui faudra bien du temps pour disposer touteschoses.C'est pourquoi il laisse deux de ses gens auSault pour y attendre les volontes de leur pere, lispartiront incontinent apres les avoir suer par M*". deCallieres a quiil aura la bonte de les signifier et luiles fera savoir aux Agni6s par le moyen de ces deuxdeputes.Les Flamaiids qui sont une vingtaine avec lesAgnies ont ete bien aises de revoir leurs compatriotes.lis ont fait dire que Corlard ou celui qui tient saplace, enverra infailliblement les fran9ais qu'ondemande.Les Agniers ont promis de s'en retourner incessammentet de faire rebrousser chemin k tous les partisqu'ils rencontreront. lis ont exhorte nos sauvagesk se tenir sur leurs gardes et ^ ne pas s'^loigner deleur fort, de peur d'etre attrapes par quelque Loupou Iroquois.Les deux susd. d6putes doivent meme aller au


1689-95] BRUYAS TO FRONTENAC 61among the Agniers who had sense are dead. He gaveback the Collar by which he was thanked for the prisonershe had restored, saying that this was done outthe lateof gratitude for the kindness shown them byMonsieur de Ste. Heleine on the day of Corlard, whenhe refused to benefit by the advantage that his goodfortune had given him over them, and which wouldhave enabled him to take over thirty prisoners.'^ Heasserted that he would promise to make Corlard, andthe other Iroquois nations, concur in his design to livein peace with us and; says that, ifthey will not imitatehim, he will leave them to be beaten, and will watchtheir defeat while smoking quietly on his mat.As this matter is of the utmost importance,it willtake him much time properly to arrange matters.Wherefore he leaves two of his people at the Sault,to await the orders of their father. They will startat once, on learning them from Monsieur de Callieres,to whom Onnontio will have the goodness to communicatethem and the latter will make them known;to the Agnies through these two deputies.The Flemings, about twentyof whom are with theAgnies. were greatly pleased to see their countrymenonce more.They sent us word that Corlard, or the personwho takes his place, will send back without fail thefrench for whom we ask.The Agniers promised to return at once, and tomake all the bands that they might meet retracetheir steps. They exhorted our savages to be ontheir guard, and not to stray from their fort, lestthey might be caught by some Loup or Iroquois.The two aforesaid deputies will also go to meet the


62 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64deuant de cette grande armee pour lui apprendre cequi s'est passe entre eux et nous.Voilh Monseigneur, le precis, de ce qui s'est dit depart et d'autre. S'il m'est permis de dire mon sentimentsur ce que j'ai vu et entendu, je crois qu'ilsparlent sincerement et que les choses s'acheminenta faire une paix solide avec cette nation, et par leurmoyen, avec toutes les autres.La maladie, la cherte des hardes, et la perte dequantite de braves, les ont degoutes d'une guerrequ'ils n'ont prise que par force et pour repousser lesviolences qu'on leur a faites. C'est aussi le sentimentdes plus raisonnables qui soient au Sault. lisne doutent pas cette fois de la sincerite, des Agniesd'autant plus qu'ils envoyent une vingtaine qui ontquitte le camp pour se rendre a nous et risquer avecnos Sauvages, s'ils n'eussent leve le picquet, je croisque le tiers de cette petite armee se fut dissip6 pourvenir s'habituer au Sault. Ce changement surprendavec sujet tout le monde. Pour moi, comme jene veux pas etre leur caution ni repondre de leurpers6v6rance, aussi ai-je de la peine k entrer dansle sentiment de ceux qui parlent mal de ces deserteurs.Nos pauvres sauvages en sont tout ^ fait consoleset regardent ce coup comme un miracle, si Dieu nousdonne par votre moyen ce que les Agnies vousdemandent et ce que tout le monde souhaite avectant d'ardeur, Je ne doute point que nous n'ayonsici les deux tiers des Agnies, C'est ce que jedemande tons les jours k Notre Seigneur, et qu'ilvous inspire tout ce qu'il jugera de voir contribuerk augmenter^sa gloire et agrandir la colonic.


1689-96] BRUYAS TO FRONTENAC 63great army that is coming, to inform them of whathas passed between them and us.Such, Monseigneur, is a summary of what was saidon both sides. If I may be permitted to express myopinion upon what I have seen and heard, I thinkthat they speak sincerely; and that matters tend toa firm peace with that nation, and through themwith the others.Disease, the heavy cost of clothing, and the loss ofa number of braves, have disgusted them with a warupon which they entered solely because they werecompelled to do so, and in order to repel the violencethat was done to them. This is also the opinion ofthe most reasonable men at the Sault. This time—they have no doubt of the sincerity of the Agnies,all the more so that they see about twenty of themwho left the camp to surrender to us, and to riskthemselves among our Savages. Had they notstruck camp,I believe that one-third of that littlearmy would have disbanded, and have come todwell at the Sault. Such a change astonishes everyone, and with reason. For my part, althoughI do notwish to be their surety or to answer for their perseverance,I also find some difficulty in concurring inthe opinion of those who speakill of these deserters.Our poor savages are quite consoled at it, and considerthis a kind of miracle. If God give us throughyou that which the Agnies ask of you, and which everyone so ardently desires, I have no doubt that we shallhave two-thirds of the Agni6s here. That is what Iask of Our Lord every day, and also that he mayinspire in you whatever he may deem advisable tocontribute to the increase of his glory and the developmentof the colony.


64 LES RELATIONS DES JJ&SUITES [Vol.64Ce sont les voeux que lui fait celui qui est avectout le respect possible,Monseigneur,Votre tres humble ettres ob^issant serviteurJ. Bruyasde laCompagnie de J6sus


1689-95] BRUYAS TO FRONTENAC 65Such are the prayers offered to him by one whoremains with all possible respect,Monseigneur,Your very humble andvery obedient servant,Jacques Bruyas,of the Society of Jesus.


66 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64Lettre du Pere Millet a Quelques Missionnairesdu Canada.A ONNEI8T Jour de L'Octauede s^ Pierre et de s*. Paul 1691Reuerends PeresMES Vous serez le m'asseure bien aises dapprendrela maniere dont les Iroquois etsurtout les Onneii^ts mont conserue La vie depuisque je fus pris au fort de Frontenac jusqu'a present,vous aurez le Crois de la Consolation & les Gens debien en beniront Dieu.le ne vous diray quun mot de la maniere que Jefus pris auec le Chirurgien S^ Amand que I auoismene auec moy a 1 Instances des Onnontagues, pourseigner disoient ils quelques uns de leurs guerriers,pour nous mieux tromper lis nous auoient faitentendre que leurs gens estoient allez a Montrealpour y faire des propositions de paix, Le Chirurgienfut pris a la Cabane des malades quil alloit penseret moy a celle des anciens et des Capitaines, quiy estoient assemblez pour diuerses affaires sur lesquelleslis me vouloient disoient ils consulter. Etpour faire prier Dieu un pretendu moribond, maiseffectivement pour me faire prisonnier. L'on medemanda si les officiers & les Soldats ne sortoientpoint,le repondis que non & quon m'envoyoit pourS9auoir ce quils souhaittoient de moy & des autresVous payerez done pour tons me dit on & aussitost


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 67Letter of Father Millet to Some Missionaries inCanada.REVERENDOnneiout, Octave ofSt. Peter and Paul, 1691,Fathers,You will be, am I sure, very glad to learnthe way in whicli the Iroquois, and especiallythe Onneiouts, have preserved my life from my captureat fort Frontenac to this time.^ It will, IBelieve, Console you, and good People will bless God.but a word of the manner in which II will saywas captured with Surgeon St.Amand, whom I tookwith me at the Request of the Onnontagues, inorder to bleed some of their warriors, as they said,the better to deceive us. They had given us tounderstand that their people had gone to Montreal tomake proposals for peace. The Surgeon was takento the Cabin of the patients whom he was to attend,and I to that of the sachems and Chiefs, who wereassembled there to discuss various subjects,— onwhich They said they wished to consult me. Andhave me pray for a pretended dying man, but reallyto make me a prisoner. I was asked whether theout. I answeredofficers and Soldiers did not goNo, and that I was sent to Learn what theydesired of me and the others." You must pay thenfor all," they told me; and at once two of the strongestFellows, who had been selected to arrest me,Sprang on me, seized me by the arms, and took


63 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.64deux Estaffiers des plus forts qui auoient este choisispour marrester se letterent sur moy, me saisirent parle bras et mosterent mon breuiaire et tout le resteque lauois sur moy, chacun me faisoit diuersreproches d'auoir tous jours este fort contraire auxIroquois mais le Capitaine Manchot dOnneib't me ditque je ne craignisse rien, & que Les ChretiensdOnnei^t que lauois baptist me conserueroient la vielauois besoin de cet appuy, parceque les Anglois diton auoient fait mon procez et mauoient desja faitbrusler en Effigie. le susdit Capitaine me recomandaaux guerriers qui me menoient de ne me pas laisserdepouiller & de me mener auec mes habits lusqualeur nation; mais si tot quil m'eut quitte pour seloindre a 300 Iroquois de toutes les nations qui sortirentde leur embuscade pour tascher de mauoir descompagnons de fortune & de surprendre le fort silslauoient pu Ion me demanda et tira en meme temsma Ceinture, I'autre prit mon Chappeau un y. mostala soutane, un 4^, la Chemise Enfin d'autres metirerent mes bas & mosterent mes souliers. lis nefut mesme demand^me laisserent que le Cal^on quipar des considerables qui disoient quils lauoientsong6 Mais mes conducteurs sopposerent a sesobseruateurs de manuals songes & marracherent desmains de Ceux qui me vouloient m'assacrer surIheure & qui estant Irritez du manuals traittementquils disoient auoir receu des francois par monmoyen, mauoient Iett6 dans I'Eau «& foul6 aux piedz.L Entreprise des Iroquois sur le fort de frontenacnayant pas reussy, a cause quon manqua de prendreun francois qui sy refugia et qui auertit quils estoientembusquez. Ion me detacha dun arbriseau ou Ion


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 69away my breviary and everything else I had aboutme. Every one addressed reproaches of one kindor another for having always been very much opposedto the Iroquois but Chief Manchot of Onneiout told;me to fear nothing, that The Christians of Onneioutwhom I had baptized would preserve my life. Ineeded this support, because the English, it is said,had tried me and already burnt me in Effigy. Thesaid Chief commended me to the warriors who werecarrying me off, not to let me be stripped and takeme in my clothes To their tribe ;but as soon as heleft me, to Join 300 Iroquois tribes,— of all who wereleaving their ambuscade to endeavor to give mesome companions in misfortune, and to surprise thefort, ifthey could,— I was demanded, and at thesame time my Girdle was taken off, another took myHat, a 3rd took away my soutane, and a 4th myShirt. In fine, others pulled off my stockings, andtook away my shoes. They left me only my Breeches,and even they were demanded by some men ofimportance, who said that they had dreamed; Butmy guard opposed these observers of bad dreams,and rescued me from the hands of Those who wishedto massacre me on the spot, and who, Incensed atthe ill treatment they professed to have receivedfrom the french through my influence, had Thrownme into the Water, and trampled me under foot.The Attempt of the Iroquois on fort frontenac havingfailed, because they did not succeed in capturing afrenchman who contrived to get in and warn themof the ambuscade, I was untied from a sapling towhich I had been bound, to await them on the banksof the lake ;and I was put barehead into a Canoeto take me, in Company with 3 or 400 Iroquois, to


70 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64mauoit \\€ pour les attendre sur le bord du lac & Lonme mit teste nue dans un Canot pour me mener enCompagnie de 3 ou 400 Iroquois a deux lieiies plusbas que le fort de Frontenac, dans une Isle ou lonattendoit le gros de larmee Irroquoise de 1400 homesCe fut la que le fus receu auec de grandes hueesdes Iroquois Superieurs qui bordoient toute la costepour me voir Lie & amene come en triomphequelques uns se mirent a I'Eau pour me receuoira la dessente du Cannot ou ils me firent chanter aleur mode,le Chantay done une Chanson que Je fissur le Champ et quils repetent et me font repeterquelq^ fois par diuertissementOngienda Kehasakchoiia Jay Este pris de mesEnfansOngienda Kehasakchoiia Jay Este pris de mesEnfansPour remerciment de ma chanson un honnontouanme donna un Coup de poing proche de I'oeil ou il melaissa la marque de ses ongles en sorte que lon doutoitsi cestoit un coup de couteau lon me mene dece pas dans les Cabanes des OnneiWts ou lon ne permitpas que lon me fit aucune insulte ni mesme quonme fitdavantage chanter a I'lroquoise. quelquesparticuliers seulement menvoyerent querir et mefaisoient prier Dieu et chanter des Cantiques deL Eglise soit seul soit auec les autres francois captifsquon y amenoit quelque fois et qui chantois auecmoy le Veny Creator Spiritus &cSur le Soir nous dessendismes Jusquk huict lieuesdu fort, ou lon passa deux lours Ce fut la ou unefemme de honnontouan que le ne connoissois pas, merendit un seruice considerable en me donnant une


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 71an Islandtwo leagues below fort Frontenac, wherethey awaited the main body of the Irroquois army of1,400 men.It was there that I was received with great shoutsby the Upper Iroquois, who lined the whole shore tosee me Bound and brought as it were, in triumph.Some rushed into the Water to receive me as theCanoe neared the shore, where they made me sing asong, in their fashion, as I did on the Spot, andwhich they repeated and made me repeat severaltimes for sport:—Ojtgienda Kehasakchoiia I have Been taken by myChildren.—Ongienda KeJiasakchoua I have Been taken by myChildren.To thank me for my song, a honnontouan Struckme with his fist near my eye, leaving the mark ofhis nails, so that one would have thought it a strokeof a knife. After this I was taken to the Cabins ofthe Onneiouts, where they did not permit any otherinsult to be offered me, nor even let them compel meto sing again in the Iroquois style. Some individualseven sent for me and made me pray to God, and singHymns of The Church,— either alone or with otherfrench prisoners, who were sometimes brought there,and who sang with me the Veni Creator Spiritus, etc.Toward Evening, we dropped down eight leaguesbelow the fort, and spent two Days there. It was atthis place that a woman of honnontouan, whom Idid not know, rendered me an important service, bygiving me a Kind of english cap, because I was bareheadedand often exposed to the rays of the sun,which had Affected me greatly. This woman afterward,passing by This place, made herself known to


72 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64Espece de bonnet a langloise, parceque jestois testeniie & souvent expos6 aux rayons du soleil quimauoient desja fort Incomode, cette feme cest depuisfait connoitre a moy en passant par Icy Cest lamere dAndotiennons chrestien de la montagne Dieula veille recompenser de la Charite quelle me fit forta propos et de bonne grace.De la Larmee se repandit lusq'a Otonniata ouElle sejourna 3 lours Elle y tint Conseil de guerrele fus bien pres de passer le pas & destre Immolecome une victime publique, 3 francois etoient captifsauec moy deux queM''. de Valrenne auoit donnezpour aller auec Onnonaragon porter a Montreal lapremiere nouvelle de la dessente des Iroquois, et quiestoient tombez dans lambuscade quon leur auoitdress6 a deux lieues du fort & le Chirurgien qui futpris auec moy Les Onnontagues qui auoient leue laChaudiere de guerre a la sollicitation des Angloisnous auoient [blank space in MS.'\ aux quatres nations& II ne leur restoit personne pour Jetter dans cetteChaudiere de guerre qui devoit animer le couragedes guerriers La Resolution fut done prise de nousremettre ala disposition des Onnontannes afin quilschoisissent eux mesme celuy qui leur Seroit pluspropres pour leur dessein, & probablement le sortseroit tombe sur moy tant parceque de me fairemourir ceust este une marq. de guerre sans paix tellequils sembloient le vouloir, que parcequon me faisoitgeneralement passer pour un g[r]and Criminel dEstatIroquois & anglois, un Capitaine dOnnei^t me vintprendre un Jour sur le midy & me mena lie comelestois au Conseil de toutes les nations Irroquoisesassemblies sur une Colline voisine Ion me mit a cost^


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 78me.She is the mother of Andotiennons, a christianat la montagne. God reward her for her Charity,which she rendered me so seasonably and with sucha good grace.From that place The army straggled To Otonniata,^where It remained 3 Days. There a Council of warwas held. I was near passing the line, and beingImmolated as a public victim. There were 3 frenchmenprisoners with me,— two whom Monsieur deValrenne ^° had given to go with Onnonaragon to conveyto Montreal the first information of the descent ofthe Iroquois, and who had fallen into the ambuscadelaid for them two leagues from the fort ;and theSurgeon who was captured with me. The Onnontagues,who had taken up the war-Kettle at theinstigation of the English, had surrendered us to thefour nations; and They had no one left to Throwinto that war- Kettle which was to rouse the courageof the warriors. The Resolution was accordinglyadopted to restore us to the disposition of the Onnontannes,so that they might themselves select the onebest suited for their purpose; and the lot wouldprobably have fallen on me, both because puttingme to death would have been a signal for warwithout peace, such as they seemed to desire, andbecause I was generally held up as a great Iroquoisand english State Criminal. One Day at noonan Onneiout Chief came for me, and took me,bound as I was, to the Council of all the Irroquoisnations assembled on a neighboring Hill. I wasplaced beside the surgeon, whom I found inthe posture of a prisoner of war as well asmyself; the two other Prisoners were not there,because Those who had the disposal of them were


74 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64du chirurgien que le trouu6 en posture de prisonnerde guerre aussi bien que moy, les deux autres Captifsne se trouuerent pas, parceque Ceux qui lesauoient en leur disposition sestoient dispensez pourla chasse & les auoient menez auec EuxCest a monavis ce qui rompit la partie ou qui me sauua pourcette fois la du danger, nous ne somes pas tousassemblez dit un ancien Goiogoen & apres mauoirconsidere quelq^ tems II me dit que le priasse Dieu,Je demanday si cestoit pour mourir & on me dit quenon & que le priasse seulem^ Dieu a mon ordinaire,Et me leue done & fis la priere en Iroquoise a fin quetout le monde lEntendit le noubliay pas de prieren particulier pour tous mes auditeurs. La prierefinie on me fit rasseoir a terre, Ion me deslia un demes bras & peu apres on menuoya au Camp desOnnei^ts, a peine y fus-Je rendu que plusieursconsiderables dentre Eux me vinrent tesmoigner leurloye de ce que lestois reuenu lis auoient eu peurpour moy & me dirent quils nestoient pas participansdu Conseil tenu pour mettre entre les mains desOnnontagu6s, que le Capitaine seul qui mauoit meneauoitfait un coup de sa teste, sans leur en parler quecela narriueroit plus & quon me meneroit a Onnei^ts.En Effet des le Lendemain lis detacherent deuxCapitaines auec environ 30 personnes potir m'yConduire pendant que larm^e poursuiuoit sa routevers Montreal.Dans toutesles Cabanes des Onnei^ts Je fus assezbien traitt6 pendant le voyage ; lis me preparoientEux mesmes la natte & sils auoient quelqs* chose deb>on a manger ils men faisoient part des premiers,mais Ils noublioient pas le soir de me remettre La


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 75scattered hunting, and had taken them Along.Thisis, in my opinion, what broke up the scheme, orwhat saved me that time from danger."We arenot all assembled," said a Goiogoen sachem; and,after looking at me for some time. He told me topray to God. I asked him whether it was to prepareto die; and I was told No, and that I should onlypray to God in my ordinary way. I accordingly roseand made a prayer in Iroquois, in order that allmight Understand it. I did not forget to pray inparticular for all my hearers. When the prayerended, I was made to sit down on the :ground oneof my arms was unbound, and I was soon after sentto the Camp of the Onneiouts. I had scarcelyreached it before several of the leading men amongThem came to express their Joy that I had returned.They had been alarmed for me, and told me, thatthey had not taken part in the Council held to putme into the hands of the Onnontagues, that only theChief who had led me there had done it, of his ownimpulse, without consulting them; but that thisshould not occur again, and that I should be conductedto Onneiout. In Fact, the Next day Theydetached two Chiefs with about 30 men to Conductme, while the army pursued its march towardMontreal.On my journey I was pretty well treated in all theCabins of Onneiout; They Themselves prepared amat for me, and ifthey had anything good to eat,they gave me my share among the first but at ;nightThey never forgot to put The Rope around my Neck,feet, and hands, and around the Body— for fear,They said, lest God should Inspire me to escape,and they be deprived of the advantage and glory of


76 LES RELATIONS DBS /^SUITES [Vol.64Corde au Col aux pieds & aux mains & par le trauersdu Corps de peur disoient lis que Dieu ne minspira deme sauuer & quils n'eussent pas I'auantage & la gloirede me ramener jusq' a le*". nation mais le nauois pascette pensee & laimois mieux mourir si Dieu levouloit a Onneiyt qui estoit le lieu de mon anciennemission q^. en pas un autre endroit du monde Ionne me chargea de rien durant Le Chemin Sinon quesur la fin du voyage un des deux Capitaines qui meconduisoit me donna son sac qui etoit fort leger aporter a la derniere couchee a dix lieiies donnei^tJe rencontr^ une Cretienne nom^e Marie qui medonna de la part de son pere & de sa m.ere un grandChapelet enfil6 de laton, ou ily auoit une bellemedaille de la s^^. famille. Elle me dit de me lemettre au Col, ce que Je fis heureuse rencontre quime remplit le Coeur de Consolation & fitquasiperdre Esperance a la leunesse qui me menoit de sepouuoir diuertir a me uoir brusler a leur arriveeselon quils ont coutume de faire au premier Captifquils amenent quand lis sont determinez a la guerre,mais ils la perdirent presquentierem* lorsq, a deuxlieiies de le''. bourgade nous rencontrasme une autreCrestienne de la premiere noblesse dOnnei^t quimattendoit auec sa fiUe que Jauois autrefois baptis6ea mesme jour quelle et auec son mary quietoit lesecond Capitaine qui me conduisoit & qui ayantquitt6 larm6eExpres pour me conduire plus seurementauoit pris le deuant deux Jours auparauantpour avertir sa feme de mon approche lis estoienttous la Venus au deuant de moy auec diuers petitsrefraischissemensdu pays dont cette femme Chrestienneme pourueut abondamment & me demanda a


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 77conducting me to the nation. But I had no suchthought, and preferred to die if God willed it, atOnneiout, which was the place of my former mission,rather than in any other place in the world. I wasnot loaded with anything during The March, Exceptthat toward the end of our journey, one of the twoChiefs who had charge of me, gave me his bag,which was very light, to carry. At the last sleepingplace, ten leagues from onneiout, I met a Christianwoman named Marie, who in the name of her fatherand mother gave me a large Rosary strung on tin,with a fine medal of the holy family. She told meto put it on my Neck, which I did. Happy meeting!which filled my Heart with Consolation, and almostmade the Young braves who conducted me lose Hopeof being able to enjoy themselves seeing me burntat their arrival, as it was the custom to do with thefirst Prisoner brought in, when They had determinedon war. But they lost it almost entirely, when twoleagues from the town we met another Christianwoman, of the first nobility at Onneiout, who awaitedme with her daughter, whom I had formerly baptizedthe same day as herself; and with her husband,who was the second Chief in whose chargeI was,—and who having left the army, on Purpose to conductme more safely, had gone on two Days ahead tonotify his wife of my approach. They had all Comethere to meet me, with several little refreshmentsof that country, with which this Christian womanprovided me abundantly and she asked me to whom;of Those who accompanied me I wished to be given.Then she took the Rope off my Neck, and unboundmy arms. She gave me a white shirt and a Blanketof fine stuff that belonged to her daughter. Would


78 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64qui de Ceux [qui] maccompagnoient le voulois quelleen donnast, Ensuitte elle mosta la Corde du Col &me deslia les bras elle me donna une chemise blanclie& une Couuerture d'etoffe fine qui appartenoit a saII sefille, auroit on cru que parmy des Sauuagesseroit trouve une aussi genereuse amiti6 & une aussigrande reconnoissance dauoir receu le baptesme quecelle la Cestoit la veille de s*. Laurent Et tous lematin Je mestois dispose le moins mal que jauois pua tout ce qui pourroit arriuer 8c a souffrir le feu silEstoit besoin a limitation de ce grand sainct MaisI'auoiie que leus peine a retenir mes larmes voyantla Charite & le Coeur de ces pauures Sauuages Cbrestiens.Estant un peu reuenu a moy, le demandaysi Cestoit pour orner la Victime & si Je deuoismourir a mon arriuee La bonne Crestienne me ditquil ny auoit encore rien dasseure & que le Conseildonneist en decideroit en son ternsUn Guerrier mauoit desja preste des otonniata unpetit Justau Corps tout neuf quon ne me voulut pasoster pour lors & les Chrestiens mayant encore donnede nouuelles hardes Ion me fit continuer ma routeauec les liur^es des deux plus considerables familiesdonneiyt de celle de L'ours et de celle de la tortueLon envoya incontinent avertir les anciens quejestois proche afin quils vinssent aussi au deuant demoy et quils allumassent un feu dattente endeja dela bourgade, ils y vinrent mais lis nestoient pas tousdans la mesme disposition desprit que Ceux dont leviens de parler, un ancien apres mauoir saiu6 a laSauuage voulut par trois fois me donner un coup depoing dans le visage Mais come lauois Les bras libresle paray trois fois Le Coup quasi sans que ly fisse


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 79any one have believed that among Savages Therewould be found such generous friendship, and suchdeep gratitude for having received baptism, as this?It was the eve of st. Lawrence's day, And all themorning I had been preparing myself, as well as Icould, for whatever might befall me, and to endurethe fire, if need Be, in Imitation of that great saint;But I confess that I could scarcely restrain my tearson beholding the Charity and Heart of these poorIndian Christians. Having recovered a little, Iasked whether It was to adorn the Victim, andwhether I was to die on my arrival. The goodChristian woman told me that nothing had yet beensettled, and the Council of onneiout would decide inits own time.A Warrior had already lent me, at otonniata, alittle Jacket, perfectly new, of which they did notwish to deprive me then; and, the Christians havingalready given me new clothes, they made me continuemy journey with the livery of the two mostimportant families of onneiout, that of The bear andthat of the tortoise."Messengers were at once sent to notify the sachemsthat I was near, in order that they should also cometo meet me, and kindle a fire of awaiting within thetown; they came, but They were not all in the samestate of mind as Those of whom I have just spoken.One sachem, after saluting me in Indian fashion,three times tried to strike me in the face with hisfist; But, as My arms were free, I thrice parried TheBlow, almost without reflection. And, when theIndian had desisted, they made me sit down near thesachems, And Chief Manchot, the husband of thegood Christian woman, who had chosen to conduct


80 LES RELATIONS DES jiSUITES [Vol.64reflexion & le Sauuage ayant desiste on me fit asseoiraupres des anciens. Et le Capitaine Manchot maryde la bonne Chrestienne qui mauoit voulu conduirelusq. la, les harangua et leur dit la part des autresCapitaines, qui suiuoient larmee que le ne venoispas come Captif mais comme missionnaire qui reuenoitvisiter mon troupeau que leur volonte estoit quonme menas dans la Cabane de Conseil & que je fussea la disposition des agoianders ou gens daffaires dupays & non pas a la disposition de la soldatesq. nydu peuple ainsy quil me remettoit entre leurs mainsEt pour luy quil se retiroitUn Ancien de la famille de Tours grand amy desAnglois harangua ensuitte fortement disant quelestois du party du gouuerneur de Canada quirenversoit La Cabane Iroquoise et qui auoit brusl6 lesbourgs des Tsonnonb'a II en dit tant que Je craignisque le feu qui estoit la ne fut allum6 pour mebrusler auant que lentrasse dans le bourg come lisfont quelq^. fois, mais il adoucit un peu son discours,sur la fin et dit que puisq^. les Capitaines auoientrecomande quon me menast en la Cabane de Conseilqui est une Cabane priuilegiee. II falloit my conduireon donna cette Comission a un home de lanation q'on appelle Skannehokii^ie du pays des Loups& naturaliee chez les IroquoiseJe passay ce manuals pas sous la Conduitte dece protecteur qui eut soin desloigner plusieursYurognesse qui me vouloient Insulter & marresteren chemin Je fus Etonne de voir la quantite demonde qui se presentoit de tons costez & Ion me fitentrer en cette Compagnie dans la Cabane duConseil qui estoit deuenue Une Cabane de Guerre par


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 81me Thus far, harangued them and told them, in thename of the other Chiefs who followed the army,that I did not come as a Prisoner, but as a missionarywho returned to visit my flock; that it was theirwill that I should be taken to the Council Cabin andput at the disposal of the agoianders, or people whomanaged the affairs of the country, and not at thedisposition of the soldiery or people, as he nowplaced me in their hands; And, for himself, hewithdrew.A Sachem of the bear family, a great friend of theEnglish, then made a strong speech, declaring thatI belonged to the side of the governor of Canada,^~who was overthrowing The Iroquois Cabin, andwho had completely burned the towns of the Tsonnonwa.He said so much that I feared that the firewhich was there was kindled to burn me before Ientered the town, as They sometimes do; but hisspeech at the close grew milder, and he said that,as the Chiefs had recommended that I should betaken to the Council Cabin, which is a privilegedCabin, I must be taken there. This Commissionwas entrusted to a man of the nation called Skannehokwie,from the country of the Loups, and naturalizedamong the Iroquois.Ipassed that bad country \sc. road] under theGuidance of this protector, who carefully kept aloofseveral Drunkards who wished to Insult me and stopme on the way. I was Astonished to see the numberof people who appeared on all sides ;and in thisCompany I was made to enter the Council Cabin,which had become A Cabin of War by the Intrigues->of the english and other Enemies of the faith.It was The Cabin of our good Christian woman,


82 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64les Intrigues des ang-loislaet des autres Ennemis defoyCestoit La Cabane de notre bonne Chrestienne carElle my recent auec bien de laccueil, mais il fallutbientot apres me cacher les yurognes et les yurognessesvenant de toutes costez nous assaillir & diremilles Injures a ceux & a celles qui me protegeoientlettant des pierres contre la Cabanne et menajant detout renverser & dy mettre le feu puis que la guerredisoit on est c6manc6e, II ne faut pas nous en oterles premiers fruits qui nous en viennent, La bonneChrestienne sa feme Gouentagrandi, ma dit quelleauoit souffert quoy quauec peine quon chantast laguerre dans sa Cabane, plutot que dans une autre afin de me pouuoir plus aisement sauuer la vie ou dela Conseruer au gouuerneur de Canada ou a quelq^.considerables francois silz auoient le malheur destrefaits prisonnier & de vray nonseulem^ Elle ma Conserue,mais elle a encoreconserue plusieurs francoistant dans sa Cabane que dans les autres, et on pentdire que sil sest fait ou sil sen fait encore quelq^'. biendans cette mission cest a cette bonne femme apres-Dieu a qui Ion en doit la premiere LouangeDeux autres lours apres que la furie des yurognesfut pass^e mes amis uoulurent me faire luger monproces & decider mon sort auant queles chosessaigrissent dauantage sil y auoit des Iroquois tueza monreal ou ils etoient allez a la guerre Je fusconduit au lieu ou les chefs des deux families de la.Tortue & de Tours etoient assemblez pour deciderde mon sort, lun et lautre conclut quil falloitattendre le retour des Guerriers & Scauoir plusparticulierementleurs Intentions et celles des.


168y-95] LETTER OF MILET 83for She received me there with great welcorae; butit was soon afterward necessary to conceal me,drunken men and women coming from all sides toassail us and utter a thousand Insults against thosewho protected me,— Hurling stones against theCabin, and threatening to overthrow everything and"to set it on fire. Since war," said they, " is begun,we must not be deprived of the first fruits that cometo us," The good Christian woman, Gouentagrandi,told me that she suffered great distress, when warwas sung in her Cabin, rather than in some other, inorder to be able to save my life more easily, or toPreserve that of the governor of Canada or anyother frenchman of rank, if they had the misfortuneto be taken prisoner. And, in fact, She has not onlyPreserved me, but she has also preserved severalother french, both in her Cabin and in others ;and itmay be said that, if any good has been done or isnow done in this mission, it is to this good womanafter God that the first Praise is due.On two other Days after the fury of the drunkardshad passed, my friends wished to have my caseDecided, and my fate settled, before matters becamemore exasperated, in case any Iroquois were killed atmonreal, where they had gone in war. I was takento the place where the chiefs of the two families,the Tortoise and the bear, had assembled to decideon my lot. Both concluded that they must wait forthe return of the Warriors, and Know more particularlytheir Intentions and those of the Onnontaguezbefore coming to any determination that meanwhile;The town should be assigned as my prison, and thatI might visit what Cabins I Chose. I remained inthis State About three weeks, where I had nothing


84 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol. 64Onnontaguez auant que de rien determiner; que cependanton me donnoit La bourgade pour prison &que le pourrois visiter les Cabanes que le Voudroisle demeuray trois semaines Enuiron dans cet Estatou le nauois a souffrir que des yurognes qui etoientImportuns & faisoient diuerses menaces, dans lesvisittes que le faisois on mappelloit ordinairem^Genherontatie le mort ou le mourant qui marche &Ceux qui retournoient dorange petite ville desanglois nen apportoient aucune nouuelle qui me futfauorable Mais si dun Coste lauois ces petites Croixa souffrir iire bonne susanne & les autres Chrestiensa son exemple me furent un grand sujet de consolation;Car sans parler du soin quon auoit de moydes Enfans apour le temporel, Ion mapportoitbaptiser on menuoyoit des malades ou des affligez aconsoler des adultes venoient se confesser et merendre Comte de lEstat de leurs Conscience depuismon depart, Ion me venoit trouuer pour prier Dieu,et pour dautres besoins spirituels lusqS', dans les petitsreduits ou Ion me cachoit de peur des yurognes Ionme preparoit la natte pour le dimanche Et pour lesfestes Et lors quon Etoit Importune dans les CabanesIon portoit la natte dans les champs, pour y prierDieu plus a lEscart et plus en repos.Ce qui me consola aussi beaucoup fut deux Croixque le trouu6 plant^es sur les tombeaux de deuxchrestiens deffuncts depuis mon depart de cettemission. le ne parleray que dune pour le presentlauois un bon chretien qui faisoit profession ouuertedu christianisme et qui chantoit sans aucun respecthumain dans la chapelle lorsq^. le demeurois autrefois Icy en qualite de missionaire II ne soublia pas


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 85to suffer except from the drunkards, who were Importunateand made various threats. In the visitswhich I made I was generally called Genherontatie—"The dead or "dying man who walks; and Thosewho returned from orange, a little english town,brought no tidings favorable to me. But if on oneHand I had these little Crosses to suffer, our goodsusanne and the other Christians, following herexample, were a great source of consolation to me ;For, not to speak of the care they took of my temporalwell-being, they brought me Children to baptize,they sent the sick or afflicted to me to comfort;adults came to confession, and to give me anAccount of the State of their Consciences since mydeparture. People came to me to pray to God, andfor other spiritual necessities. Even in the littlelurking places where they hid me for fear of thedrunkards. The mat was prepared for me onSundays And holidays; And, when we WereDisturbed in the Cabins, the mat was taken into thefields, to pray God there more Apart and in greaterpeace.What also greatly consoled me was two Crosseswhich I found, planted on the graves of two christianswho had died after I left this mission. I shallspeak only of one for the present. I had a goodchristian who made open profession of Christianity,and who, laying aside all human respect, sang inHe did not in my absence forgetthe chapel when I formerly dwelt Here in the capacityof missionary.the Esteem with which God had Inspired him forhis faith, but persevered constantly in his good practices;And Having fallen from the top of a tree tothe ground, crushing his whole body, He suffered


86 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64en mon absence de lEstime que Dieu luy auoit Inspixeede sa foy, mais II continua tousjours dans sesbonnes pratiques Et Etant tombe du haut dun arbrea terre ou II se brisa tout le corps II souffrit son maldurant 50 lours quil surv6cut a Sa chutte auec grandepatience ainsy que les Chretiens men ont asseure, IIles fit souvent assembler pour prier Dieu pour luysur tout aux approche de la Mort & ordonna quapresson deceds on planta une Croix sur son tombeaupour marque quil uouloit mourir chretien et quil nereconnoissoit pour ses veritables parens que Ceuxqui seroient Chretiens comme luy cestoit La Coutumede ces pauures Chretiens orphelins de sassembleret prier ainsy les uns pour les autres surtout dansles maladies «& dans les diuers accidens qui leursarriuoient. Ceux mesme qui ne lestoient pas lesImitoient & faisoient de petits festins pour les assembleret faire baptiser leurs Enfans, & trouuer parleurs prieres quelques remedes a leurs maladies soitdu Corps soit desprit, dautres me tesmoignoientquelqS'.fois combien mon absence leur auoit donne depeine nayant personne auec qui lis peussent vraymentse consoler ou qui put guerir leurs consciencesEt qui se trouuoient souuent blessees au milieu dunenation peruerse & dans un estrange boulversementdEsprit ou les Ennemis de la foy et des francoisportoient tout a la guerre, mais venons [a] la decisionde mon procez.Larmee des Iroquois quifit le Coup de la [blankspace in MS.'\ Estant de retour II sa trouua quil y enauoit trois de cette nation qui y estoient demeurezentre autres un Capitaine considerable qui sestoitenyur^ et fut tue dans une Caue II ne voulut pas se


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 87Ms pains for 50 [30— Shed\ Days that he survived Hisfall— with great patience, as the christians assuredme. He made them frequently come together to prayto God for him, especially as Death approached; andhe ordered that after his death a Cross should be setup on his grave, to show that he wished to die a christian,and that he did not recognize as true kindredany but Those who became christians like him. Itwas The Custom of these poor orphaned christians toassemble and pray in this way for each other, especiallyin sickness and the various accidents that befellthem. Even those who were not christians Imitatedthem, and made little banquets to bring them togetherand have their Children baptized, and find throughtheir prayers, some remedy either for Body or mind ;others sometimes expressed to me how much theyhad grieved for my absence, having no one withwhom They could really console themselves, or whocould heal their consciences. And who often foundthemselves shocked amid a perverse nation and in astrange disturbance of Mind, when the Enemies ofthe faith and of the french excited all to war. Butlet us come to the decision of my trial.The Iroquois army which made the Attack on(Lachine) Having returned. It was found that threeof this nation had remained there,— among others,a leading Chief who got drunk and was killed in aCellar. He would not allow himself to be taken.This had Irritated the Irroquois Warriors, who, notsatisfied with the prisoners whom they had brought,demanded that I should be presented with the others,as Being also a Prisoner. Our Christians, Fearingthat the Warriors, who love Carnage and glory inkilling men might cut off one of my fingers or


88 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64laisser prendre, cela auoit Irrite les Irroquois Guerriersqui nestant pas contans des prisonniers quilsauoient emmenez demanderent que le fus representeauec les autres come Estant aussy Captif nos;Chretiens Craignans que les Guerriers qui aimentle Carnage et faire gloire de tuer des homes ne mecoupassent quelqS'. doigt ou me fissent quelque autreoutrage pour ma cheminer a la mort me cacherentplus soigneusement que lamais. lis me faisoientcoucher, tantot dans une Cabane tantot dans uneautre et quelque fois mesme dans les Champs afinque les guerriers Et les yurognes ne me pussent pastrouuer, ma protectrice pas dessus tous les autresloignoit la prudence a son Zele pour me tirer dudanger ou I estois elle alloit au dessein au deuant deses parens qui estoient des plus considerables guerriersafin de les preuenir. Elle leur raconta comeElle mauoit conserue Jusqs*. au tems la quelle Estoitresolue de continuer a le faire de toutes ses forcesquon ne me pourroit faire aucun manuals traittementquelle ne le sentit vivement elle mesme, quelle neme representeroit que lorsque les anciens sassembleroientpour determiner du sort de tous les CaptifsEt quon ne mauoit pas mis encore en liberte, lisluy repondirement quelle auoit bien fait et quellecontinuat a la bonne heure dans cette resolutionEnfin le Jour arriue que notre sentence deuoitestre port^e nous Estions quatre qui courrions risquedestre brulez, nous Comparumes tous pour estredonnez ou mis a la place des Irroquois qui auoientEste tuez par les francois Et en suitte estre Jugezen dernier ressort, leus le tems pendant quonExaminoit notre procez de faire confesser & donner


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 89commit some other outrage on me, to open the way tomy death, concealed me more carefully than Ever;they made me sleep sometimes in one Cabin, sometimesin another, and sometimes even in theFields,so that the warriors And drunkards could not findme. Above all others, my protectress Combinedprudence with her Zeal to extricate me from thedangerI was in. With this view she went to meether relatives, who were some of the most influentialwarriors, in order to anticipate them. She toldthem how She had preserved me Till that time, andthat she Was determined to continue to do so withall her might that no ill treatment could be done to;me that she would feel deeply herself, that shewould not bring me forward till the sachems assembledto decide the fate of all the Prisoners, And tillI had been set at liberty. They replied that shehad done well, and that, so far as they cared, shemight adhere to her resolution.At last the Day came when our sentence was tobe pronounced. We Were four who ran a risk ofbeing burned. We all Appeared to be given or tobe put in place of the Irroquois who had Been killedby the french, And then to be Judged in a finaltribunal. While they were Examining our case, Ihad time to hear the confessions of my comrades inmisfortune and give them absolution. Two of themwere burned: for my own part, I could only commendmyself to the providence and the mercy ofGod. I was sent back to different Councils or fromtribunal to tribunal,— because, on the one Hand, Ipassed among our Irroquois as a great criminal andgreat deceiver, who had caused their fellow-countrymento be seized under pretext of a st.John's day


90 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64L absolution a mes compagnons de fortune dont IIy eneut deux de bruslez, pour moy le ne pouuois que merecomander a la prouidence & a la misericorde deDieu le fus renuoye a diuers Conseils ou de tribunalen tribunal a cause que dun Cost6 [ie] passois parmynos Irroquois pour un grand criminel et grand trompeurqui auoit fait emprisonner leur compatriottessous pretexte dun festin de la s^ lean et I'autreI estois proteg6 par des Chretiens dont quelques unsestoient les plus notables du pays et Ion ne pouuoitme faire mourir sans les affligerPlusieurs Cependant crurent que Je n'en reviendroispas Ion mauoit desja oste le Chapellet du Col,et Ion mauoit peint le visage de rouge & de noircome une victime du demon de la guerre et de lacolere Irroquoise, mais la famille a qui Ion cestoitdesja rapporte de tout estant de nouueau rassembleeou il fut permis aux femmes les plus considerablesde se trouuer, on me fit un trait d'amy en me donnantpour un Capitaine mort de maladie depuis longtems,plutost que pour un de ceux qui auoient est6tuez a lattaque des francois en un lieu nome la Chineau dessus de Montreal ou qui auoient este arrestezprisonniers au fort de frontenac, & transportez enfrance que Ion comptoit au nombre des morts ceCapitaine se nommoit Otasset^ qui est un ancien nomdes premiers fondateurs de la republiqS'. Irroquoise,le nomme Gannassatiron qui par cette donnationestoit deuenu lunique maitre de ma vie en usa tresII ne Consulta que les guerriers de saobligeamment,famille & demanda seulement ladvis des deux Chretiensqui me protegeoient le plus & qui ne manquerentpas de Conclurrent Incontinent auec luy a la


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 91festival ;and on the other, I was protected by ourchristians, some of whom were the most notable inthe country, and they could not put me to deathwithout afflicting them.Many, However, thought that I would never getoff; the Rosary had already been taken off my Neck,and my face had been painted red and black, as avictim to the demon of war and Irroquois wrath.But the family to which all had been already referredhaving assembled again, where the most importantwomen were allowed to attend, a friendly act wasdone me by giving me instead of a Chief who haddied long before of disease, rather than for one ofthose who had been killed in the attack on the frenchat a place called la Chine above Montreal, or whohad been arrested as prisoners at fort frontenac andtransported to f ranee, who were reckoned as numberedwith the dead. This Chief was named Otasset6,which is an ancient name of the first founders^^of the Irroquois republic. The one named Gannassatiron,who by this donation became sole master ofmy life, used it;very obligingly He Consulted onlythe warriors of his family, and asked advice onlyfrom the two Christians who protected me most, andwho of course Concurred At once with him in theassurance of life which He gave me by these words :Satonnheton Szaksi— " My elder brother, you areresurrected." At the same time, he had two of theleading sachems summoned to Reportit to them :these sachems made fine speeches and congratulations,exhorting me to uphold the Interests of theirnation more than I had yet done. Some Days after, afeast was given to the notables of the town. Thehost of Father de Lamberville, named Garakonti6,


92 LES RELATIONS DES JASUITES [Vol.64vie dont II me donna asseurances par ces parollesSatonnheton Szaksi, mon frere aisn6 vous estesressuscite II fit en mesme terns appeller deux desprincipaux anciens pour [le] leur faire Scauoir cesanciens firent de belles harangues et des remercimensen mexhortant a porter les Interests de leur nationplus que le nauois encore fait quelqs*. lours apres onfit un festin aux notables du bourg, Ihoste du Perede Lamberville nomme Garakontie frere du Gapitainede la nation dOnnontague & frere du fameuxGarakontie qui le premier a porte ce nom fut appell6a la Ceremonie ou Ion me donna un nouueau nompour marque autentiq^. que lesOnneiHts mauoientadopte & naturalist Irroquois Ion mauoit aussyrendu mon Chapellet & pour surcroist de petitbonheur Gannassatiron craignant que leusse faimdans son logis ou IIny auoit pas beaucoup de bled mefit mettre dans celuy de ma protectrice qui est de lamesme famille ou lauois deja demeur6 pendant 3Semaines, ou Ion mauoit si bien deffendu, Et ou setiennent tous les Conseils dimportance, Cest la ounous celebrons les festes & les dimanches & ou Ionma prepare une natte ou une petite Grotte qui estdediee a N. s. mourant x*° morituroLes Anglois ne furent pas contans de la decisiondes Onneiiits en ma faueur lis en firent dabord desreproches a mes principaux Protecteurs Tegahoiatiron& a sa femme qui estoit leur allee en traittechez Eux & leur auoit donne un petit billet quunIrroquois mauoit fait Escrire auec du Charbon en lapresence & a la Sollicitation de ma Protectrice pourluy acheter quelques hardes qui demandoit a unAnglois de ses amis les ;Anglois mescontans quon


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 93brother of the Chief ofthe Onnontagu6 nation, andbrother of the famous Garakontie who first bore thatname, was invited to the Ceremony, where a newname was given to me, as an authentic mark that theOnneiouts had adopted me and naturalized me as anIrroquois. My Rosary had also been restored to me;and, to crown my little happiness, Gannassatiron,fearing that I might feel hunger in his cabin, whereThere was not much corn, put me in that of myprotectress, who is of the same family,— where I hadalready remained for 3 Weeks, and where I had beenso well defended, And where all the ImportantCouncils are held. It is there that we celebrate theholidays and Sundays, and where a mat has beenprepared for me, and a little Grotto which is dedicatedto Our dying lord, christo morituro.The English were not pleased with the decisionof the Onneiouts in my favor ;They at first reproachedmy main Protectors Tegahoiatiron and his wife, whohad gone to trade with Them, and had given thema little note which an Irroquois had made me Writewith Charcoal, in the presence and at the Request ofmy Protectress, to buy some goods for him whichhe ordered of an English friend of his. The English,displeased at their sparing my life, and wishing touse this opportunity for my ruin, At once mountedtheir horses to go promptly and report to all theIrroquois nations that I had written very bad things.The Christian woman, who Knew how reluctantly Ihad Consented to Write the note, because I clearlyforesaw that ill- Minded heretics would make troubleout of it, asked to see the note and recognizing it," Is this," She said," the bad things that have beenWritten to you?It was I who made him Write them


94 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64m'lit donne la vie voulant profiler decette occasionpour me perdre monterent Incontinent a cheual pouraller plus promptement raconter a toutes les nationsIrroquoises que lauois escris de force, mauuaiseschoses La Chrestienne qui Scauoit la peine queJauois eu a Consentir dEscrire ce billet parceque Jepreuoyois bien que les lieretiq^. mal Intentionnezmen feroient des affaires demanda a voir ce billet.& layant reconnu sont cela done dit Elle les mauuaisesaffaires quon vous a Escrittes. Cest moy quiles ay fait Escrire. Et le scay quil nest fait mentionla dedans que de telles choses. II faut que Vousayez L Esprit bien mal fait de dire tant de mensonges,de faire silongtems parler un meschant billet dontJe Scay le Contenu & de decrier ainsy un pauureInfortun6 : Elle leur ferma la bouche pour cette fois,& son Mary adjoute si vous auez la guerre auec lesfrancois battez vous bien a la bonne heure, mais nechargez pas a tort Celuy qui nous appartient & dontles affaires sont distingu^es de celle de la guerre.Cela Nempescha pas que les Anglois nappellassentde la decision des Onnei^ts aux Irroquois d' Annie &D Onnontagu6, Les Caualiers firent diuerses Coursespour ce Sujet aussi bien que pour leur grand desseinde guerre. Mais Inutilement pource qui me regardoittoutes leurs Intrigues & leurs Sollicitations nontseruy qua leur apprendre quayant Une fois donn6 lavie a quelquun Ce nestoit pas leur Coustume de laluy oster.Les Anglois nayant done que rien gagner par cettevoye. lis firent dautres tantatiues pour me retirerdicy. Un de leur deputez me vint Un Jour fairecompliment dans ma petite Grotte de la part de


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 96know that he mentions only such andthere, And Isuch things in it. You must have a very badlyformed Mind to tell so many lies, to make all thislong talk about a wretched note, of which I Know theContents, and to slander in this way a poor Unfortunateman." She shut their mouths that time, and"her Husband added : If you are at war with thefrench, fight them as much as you like but do not;bring false charges against a Man who belongs to us,and whose business is very different from that ofwar."This did Not prevent the English from appealingfrom the decision of the Onneiouts to the Irroquoisof Annie and Onnontague. Their Mounted men.made several Journeys about the Matter, as well asfor their great war project, but to No purpose. Sofar as I was concerned, all their Intrigues and theirSolicitations served only to teach them that, theIndians having Once given a person his life. It wasnot their Custom to deprive him of it.The English then having gained nothing by thisjourney, made other efforts to withdraw me fromThis place. One of their deputies came to me OneDay, to compliment me in my little Grotto, in thename of Monsieur The Commissary at Orange, on thethat He felt com-Condition of my Captivity, sayingpassion for me, that he was making effectual Plansto deliver me and have me sent back to Quebec that;he would give two Indians for me, etc. ThereuponI assured him that, after the obligations I was underto the Onneiouts, I could not leave them. He Interruptedhis Compliments to tell me that the Englishwould not Suffer me Here I ; replied that that wasthe affair of my brothers and of all the Onneiouts,


96 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.64Monsieur Le Commissaire dOrange sur lEstat de maCaptiuit6 disant quil me portoit compassion quilefficacement a me deliurer & a me faireSongeoitremener a Quebec: quil donneroit deux Sauuagespour moy &ce. Sur ce que le luy temoignay qu'apresles obligations que lauois aux Onnei8ts le nepouuois pas les quitter II Interrompit ses Ciuilitezpour me dire que les Anglois ne me Souffriroient pasIcy a quoy le repondis que ce seroit laffaire de mes:freres & de tous les Onnei^ts Et quil falloit Saddressera Eux II dit quil le feroit, aussitot on me vintappeller pour assister a la harangue de cet Envoy6du general des :AngloisII Sortit apres moy Et nousentrasmes luy par une porte & moy par une autre aulieu de L'assembl6e, ou II deuoit parler qui estoit lelogis de mon frere Gannasatiron. II dit dabord quetrois Gouverneurs Anglois tenoient leur Conseils deGuerre a Orange, Mais que Celuy de Neufyork LesInuitoit particulierement a les venir trouver pourfaire une nouuelle alliance auec Eux. Les Deputezde toutes les Nations Irroquoises se rendirent aOrange ou II leur fit de grandes conjoiiissances dugrand succez que leurs armes auoient eu depuis peusur les frangois au lieu nomm6 La Chine II lesExhorta de nouueau par diuers presens a la guerreII leur adjoiita quil leur abandonnoit le fort deFrontenac dont lis se feroient aisement les Maistrespuisque la Garnison y mouroit de faim. Mais larm^edes Irroquois ny Estant arriuee quapres que les fran-9ois leurent abandonne, lis neurent pas la gloire deles en auoir chassez, On y trouua encore bien desviures qui firent voir que ce nestoit point la faim quiauoit fait quitter ce poste Mais plustost la dif&culte


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 97And that he must apply to Them. He said he woulddo so. I was immediately summioned to attend theharangue of this Envoy of the English general He:"Went out after me, And we entered the place ofassembly, he by one door and I by another. Theplace where He was to speak was the cabin of mybrother Gannasatiron. He began by saying thatthreeEnglish Governors were holding a Council ofWar at Orange, But that the Governor of New yorkespecially Invited Them to come and meet them,and form a new alliance with Them. The Deputiesof all the Irroquois Nations proceeded to Orange,where great rejoicings were made over the greatsuccess which their arms had recently had over thefrench at the place named La Chine. He againExhorted them to war by various presents. He toldthem further that he gave up fort Frontenac tothem, and that They could easily become Masters ofit, as the Garrison was dying of ;hunger but as theIrroquois army Did not reach it till after the frenchhad abandoned it, They had not the glory of havingdriven them out. Much provision was still foundthere, which showed that famine had not driventhem from that post. But rather that the difficultyof revictualling when necessary had induced TheGovernor of Canada to recall his Soldiers.'*Beside this, the English had formed the projectof three armies; The first was to go by way of TheRiver of the Irroquois, The Second by way of Lakesaint Sacrement, and the Third by sea, to besiegeQuebec, where the three armies were to unite.But This grand project did not succeed in the wayThey had flattered themselves : The Two land armieswere broken up by a special Providence of God.


98 LES RELATIONS DES JAs UITES [Vol.64de la ravitailler lors quil en auroit est6 besoin auoitporte Le Gouuerneur de Canada den rappeller lesSoldats.Les Anglois outre cela auoit forme le dessein detrois armees La premiere deuoit aller par La Riuieredes Irroquois La Seconde par le Lac du sainct Sacrement& la Troisiesme par mer pour assieger Quebecou les trois armees deuoient se reunir.Mais Ce grand dessein ne reussit pas comme lisse I'estoient promis Les Deux armies de terre furentrompiies par une particuliere Prouidence de DieuLa petite verolle arresta entierement la premiere, &dissipa aussi la Seconde ou II y auoit quatre CensAnglois qui furent obligez de rebrousser chemin parordre des Irroquois quon pouuoit dire au moins ence tems la, plutost Maistres des Anglois que lesAnglois ne lestoient des IrroquoisII ne resta de cette Seconde armee quun party quiattaqua les Francois de la Prairie de la MagdeleineLe Gouuerneur de la nouuel Yore fitemprisonnertrois ou quatre des principaux Capitaines Angloisqui auoient ramene leurs trouppes Sans auoir ExecuteLes ordres de nous enleuer la nouuelle franceou de la Saccager. Cest de Quebec que nous apprenonsla mauuaise reuscite de leur troisiesme armeeEt on a bien fait de men Escrire aussy bien que dedautre choses. Car sans cela les Anglois enquantiteferoient bien accroire aux Irroquois en racontantleurs victoires & leurs proiiesses. Mais Dieu soitbeny de ce quil a Conserue Le Canada que le dangerEuit6 fasse sages les Gens du pays pour laduenirBella premunt hostilia da robur fer auxilium O DeusMisericors


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 99The smallpox stopped the first completely, and alsoscattered the Second, in which There were fourHundred English who were compelled to march backby order of the Irroquois,— who, at least at thattime, might be said to be more Masters of theEnglish, than the English were of the Irroquois.Of this Second army nothing was left but a partywhich attacked the French at la Prairie de la Magdeleine.The Governor of new Yore put under arrestthree or four of the principal English Officers, whohad brought back their troops Without having Carriedout The orders to wrest new france from us, orSack it. From Quebec we learned of the wretchedfailure of their third army; And they did well toWrite to me about it and many other things. As butfor this the English would have made the Irroquoisbelieve them, by rehearsing their victories andprowess. But blessed be God, that he has PreservedCanada. May the danger they have Escaped teachthe People of the country wisdom in the future.Bella premunt hostilia,da robur, fer auxilium — O DeusMisericors.The Fish — That is the name of the Governor ofManath or new York^^— has earnestly exhorted theIrroquois not to Listen to me, and especially tobeware of my Letters. His side must be weak indeed.If my pen can demolish it But It must be that the;Spirit of God is working, And I Believe that it willbe the sins of the English, rebels to their King,rather than my pen, which will overthrow them.Here We See and Hear of so many ill-devised plansemanating from the English, that the Irroquois,Are not Intoxicated,when They Seem much morereasonable than They.


100 LES RELATIONS DES j£:SUITES [Vol.64Le Poisson Cest le nom du Gouuernetir de Manathou nouuelle York a fort recomand6 aux Irroquois dene me pas Escouter & sur tout de me donner degarde de mes Lettres son party seroit bien foible,Si ma plume le pouuoit renverser Mais II faudroitque lEsprit de Dieu sen meslat. Et Je Crois que ceseroit les pechez des Anglois rebels a leur Roy & ala foy plutost que ma plume qui les renuerseront.Nous Voyons et nous Entendons passer Icy tant dechoses mal concertees qui viennent des Anglois queles Irroquois Semblent beaucoup plus raisonnablesquEux quand lis ne Sont pas Yures.Les Onnei^ts mayant adopte pour un nomm6 Otas-de son uivant Estoit homme de Conseil Etset6 quiqui passoit de toute anciennete pour auoir [ete] un desSoutiens de la Nation lis mobligent quelques foisdassister aux Conseils quand ce ne seroit que pourscauoir dequoy II est question pour leur en fairerapport au moins quand ce sont des choses deConsequence pour le pays.Les Anglois Et Ceux qui suiuent leurs InterestsOnt peine de my voir lis voudroient bien menExclurre Et me priuer de voix actiue et passiue,Les vrays OnneiSts au contraire & Ceux qui soutiennentencores Les interests de la foy & de leur terremy authorisent le plus quils peuuent, Et commeI'honneur de Dieu & de lEglise se trouuent bien souuentmeslez dans ces sortes daffaires publiques, lesuis oblig6 moymesme de parler dans plusieurs occasionsqui regardent le Seruice de Dieu parceque lesSauuages qui dependent des Anglois pour la traitten'osent ordinairement rien dire qui leur puissedeplaire, Et le ne connois quasy que notre bonne


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 101The Onneiouts having adopted me for one calledOtasset^, who in his lifetime Was a member of theCouncil, And who was regarded from all antiquity ashaving been one of the Mainstays of the Nation,They oblige me sometimes to attend the Councils,ifonly to know what the matter in question is, toexplain it to them — at least, when these are Importantaffairs that concern the country.ItAnnoys the English, And Those who upholdtheir Interests, to see me there, and They wouldmuch like to Exclude me, Or deprive me of votingor being chosen to any position. The true Onneiouts,on the other hand, and Those who stillsupportThe cause of the faith and their country, give me allthe authority there that they can. And, as the honorof God and the Church is often intermingled inpublic affairs of this kind, I am myself compelled toServicespeak on many occasions which regard theof God; because the Indians, who depend on theEnglish for their trade, generally dare not sayanything that can displease them. And I know hardlyany one except our good Susanne Gouentagrandiwho speaks to them boldly, and who maintainsthoroughly her rank of agoianders for the faith Andfor the land of Onneiouts.Gannasatiron, my brother, once spoke to thempretty boldly For, as They were always ImportunateAnd ;made several attempts to get me into theirhands, sometimes with the sachems, and sometimeswith him, because they always referred them to him,They asked him how it came that he Alone wasmaster"of my person, and not the sachems. It isbecause Itook him as my brother, and because I wonhim in war; And so far He belongs to me, as what


102 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.64Susanne Gouentagrandi qui leur parle hardiment &qui soutienne for[t] bien son rang dagoianders pourla foy Et pour la terre dOnnei^tsGannasatiron mon frere leur a aussi parle une foisassez hardiment Car comme lis llmportunoient tousjours,Et faisoient diuerses tentatiues pour m'auoirtantost aupres des anciens et tantost aupres de luyparcequon les luy renuoyoit tousjours lis luy demanderentdou venoit que luy Seul estoit le maitre dema personne et non pas les anciens Cest que le laypris pour mon frere et que le lay gagne a la guerre,Et partant II est a moy comme ce que vous auez dansvos maisons est a vous, Mais a vray dire Je nensuis plus le maistre II est deuenu mon aisne Et lenay fait maistre les Chrestiens, sur qui vous auez biende la peine a rien gagner Et Je vous Conseille dedesister. Comme neantmoins lis continuoient encoresleurs poursuittes II dit au Commissaire KSiter quilentierement lesperance de memmener Et quilperditn'en parlat plus lamais. Le Commissaire mappellastLe lendemain a lEscart Et me fit dire par un Interpretteque lusque a present II auoit fait son possiblepour me tirer de Captivite mais que le ne lauois passecond^ Et que le mauois tenu compte de toutes sespoursuittes non plus que des offres obligeantes quilm'auoit fait faire. Monsieur le Ministre d'Orange,Je luy respondis que Je luy estois oblige et a Monsieurle Ministre de leurs offres mais que Je lauroiseste encore d'auantage si les offres & les Complimensauoient est6 suiuis de quelque bon effet, Mais que cenauoit este que des paroles en lair qui ne se soutenoientpas & se Contredisoient les unes les autressans que leusse ueu rien de Solide, ny mesme un


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 103you have in your house belongs to you. But, to tellthe truth, I am no longer his master. He has becomemy elder brother, And I have made the Christianshis master; And, as you will not find it easy to getmuch from them, I Advise you to desist." Yet, asThey still pushed the matter. He said to the Commissary,Kwiter,^^ that he must give up all hope ofcarrying me off. And that he must say No moreabout it. The Commissary called me Aside Thenext day. And told me through an Interpreter thathe could to releaseup To this time He had done allme from Captivity, but that I had not supported him,And that I had paid no regard to all his eflforts, anymore than I had to the obliging offers made to meby Monsieur the Minister at Orange.^" I repliedthat I was much obliged to him and to Monsieur theMinister for their offers, but that I would have beenstill more so, if the offers and Compliments hadbeen followed by any good result But that ;they hadbeen only words in the air, which did not harmonizeand really Contradicted each other, without my beingable to see anything Solid, or even a single word inwriting on which I could rely or by which any Kindof Satisfaction was made for all that they hadUnjustly made me lose Onnontague— at which wasa place in some sort privileged and Devoted to thediscussion of affairs of peace, especially concerningthe Irroquois nations. I said that, moreover, nomatter what tempting offers at Orange might bemade to me, I could Never resolve to leave theOnneiouts, to whom I was under too great obligation,—which I could Never acknowledge except bysacrificing myself, in Imitation of Jesus Christ, fortheir temporal And Eternal Welfare.


104 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64seul mot de lettre sur lequel le pusse me fier ou parlequel on me fit quelque Sorte de Satisfaction de toutce quon mauoit fait tres Injustement perdre a Onnontaguequi estoit un lieu en quelque fa9on priuilegi6& Consacr6 pour traitter les affaires de la paix surtout le qui regardoit les nations Irroquoises, qu'aureste quelque party auantageux qu'on me fit a Orangele ne pourrois lamais me resoudre a quitter lesOnnei^ts a qui I'auois trop dobligation, que le nepourrois reconnoitre quen me sacrifiant a limitationde Jesus Christ pour leur Salut temporel Et Eternel.Nous nous separasmes la dessus ou depuis cetems la Les Anglois mont laiss6 assez en repos quoyque le scache que le leurs suis Icy une grande Espineau pied. Mais si Je les pouuois aussy Seruir selonDieu pour leur conversion Et pour le repos publiqS".Je le ferois de tout mon Coeur Et Joublirois tout letort quils mon fait.De tout ce que dessus vos reuerence[s] peuuentluger combien lay besoin du secours du Ciel et desprieres des gens de bien pour vous engager dauantagea ne nous les pas Epargner, Je vous diray encoreun mot de Zele de ma bonne Protectrice.Les Iroquois d Agnie qui a cause de leur voisinagedes Anglois leurs Sont fort attachez, ont tent6 demenleuer sous pretexte de venir entendre le Jour denoel Les Confessions de quelques Chretiens qui sontparmy Eux Mais notre bonne Chretienne Gouentagrandiqui n Ignoroit pas leur dessein. Responditaux Enuoyez, que Ceux qui auoient tant denuie deprier Dieu & de se Confesser le jour de Noelpouuoient venir Eux mesmes a Onneii^ts Et quellevoyoit assez lartifice des Anglois au pouuoir de quion me vouloit liurer.


•And."_-: . islS8»-So] LETTER OF MILET 105T'nrrr-:.' :-'-irtei. ;.-i since IJiat time The7.Zr. r'--' ':.:: -^ '--::"- •_- _.i:ipi.rative qiiiet, althotig'liTlioni in theirI li:i."-- -.'.1-.-. -.j^'/.t Here I am a greatsides: !:.: :: I .;:/. i also Serve them before God far--.':iT:r . :- -.rrr. : And for the public repose, I -srouldd: s: ~::.i -11 ~ y H-^rt, And I would, forget all the"t::!^- -.li-ry'z :is.""- i:ne me.Frc " il 1 -.1.- \ .--z --- z y : ':jr reverences may Judge: : -. - : 1- r:. .; .1-- I -•: i the help of Heaven and the prayers-- z It. To indnce yoti more earnestly notto W::r_l: : 1 i :liem, I Trill say a word more of the Zealof my g'. I'i r r : - . : t - 5 .Tlii Ir :of Agnie— who, being very near theEz^l'.-li. Are strongly attached to the~ — tried to-carry me c~ :pretext of wishing me to come onchristnias Day to hear The Confessions of someChrisrl'.r. 5 who are among Them; Bnt our goodChristian Gonentagrandi, who was not Ignorant oftheir designs. Told the Messengers that Any whowere so amadous to pray to God and go to Confessiona: C':ir:?t~^5 conld. Themselves come to Onneionts,Ani -.I1A-. slif S.2.—thrr"gh the trick of the English,i-- :"_-_ : ~T li.i" is -.lir}-wished to deliver — e.L-i:_r; :1it 7:::elain that the good woman hasOften — gi"t- r 10 speak in the Coimcils, She hasgive- st-"rr.il :t.-.-:- to bring people tog-ether. Andto ^-'.""t ^rt.i:er i-: l-:.::-_:ry .— to the festivals of Christmas,Z^i^l^i^T, easier. --., to snch an extent that inthese feasts v"- r..i-.t raised the standard of holy^r.i.e in :..rrthey do not wish to Hear there:of H-ly "^'"-r. -- :'-e Hope that Heaven will be ononr side. And that Those who obstinately refnse tozz:.: -.liT ". :.:r :: God, wlio does mot love the shedi-n^":: 1: _-.::.^n blood. And who does not wish war


106 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64Outre la pourcelaine que cette bonne femme maSouuent donnee pour parler dans les Conseils Ellea fait diuers festins pour assembler le monde Et pourrendre plus celebres les festins de noel, des Rois dela resurrection &ce. tellement que dans ces festinsnous auons leue lestandart de la sainte paix, Et encas quon ny veille pas Entendre de la Sainte guerre,dans lEsperance que le Ciel sera pour nous Et queCeux qui seront opiniatres a ne pas ecouter la voixde Dieu qui naime pas I'effusion du sang humain Etqui ne veut point de guerre si elle nest sainte tostou tard seront :punis Et Ceux au contraire qui nousfauorisent seront recompensez, au reste nous mettonstous nos petits desseins entre les mains de DieuEt aux pieds du Crucifix ny chercbant que la gloirede son sainct nom & le salut auec le repos des peuplesle les recommande encores aux Saincts Sacrifices &prieres de vos Reverences a qui Je suis de Coeur &auec respectMes R


1689-95] LETTER OF MILET 107unless it is holy, will sooner or later be punished,And on the other hand Those who favor us will berewarded. Yet we put all our little designs in thehands of God, And at the foot of the Crucifix, seekingonly the glory of his holy name, and the salvationwith the quiet of the nations. I commend themonce more to the Holy Sacrifices and prayers of yourReverences, of whom I am in Heart and with respect,My Reverend Fathers,Your very humble and veryobedient servant in Our Lord,Pierre Millet,of the Society of Jesus.I would have much more to Write, but time doesnot permit. This, with God's help, will be forsnother occasion.


108 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64Memoire Pour les Iroquois Chrestiens du sautenCanadafevrir 1692De PONTCHARTRAIN.A tres htimblement suplie de vouloir bienMONSEIGNEURse souvenir des services que les coloniesd' Iroquois Chrestiens etablies en la nouvelle franeeont rendus. et rendent encore aux francois pour ladefense de qui presque la moitie est perie en sebattant en braves gens contre les Anglois et contreles Iroquois leurs parens, et autres sauvages nosennemis, dont ils ont tu6s on pris un bon nombredepuis la guerre. Ils les decouvrent partout et nousavertissent de leurs marche ce; que les francois nepeuvent pas faire comme eux dans les bois ou ils ontsouvent atteints avec leur vitesse ordinaire diverspartis qui emmenoient des Captifsfrancois et sauvagespour les bruler "k petit feu. lis les ont attaquezsur terre et sur les Eaux; ou ils se sont jettez encombattant, ils les y ont defaits a la nage, et leuront enleve leurs prisonniers qu'ils ont ramen^s.La Religion nous les a si fortement attaches, quilsont meprise les caresses, les presents, et les menacesdes autres Iroquois, leurs Compatriotes qui les solicitoientd'abandonner notre party, et de retourner aveceux pour nous faire la guerre conjointement. lisont souffert en genereux Chretiens, et en constansamis des francois des incisions cruelles qu'ils leur


1689-95] SERVICES OF CONVERTS 109Memorial in Regard to the Christian Iroquoisof the saut in Canada.MONSEIGNEURFebruary, 1692.DE PONTCHARTRAINIs very humbly supplicated to please rememberthe services that the colonies of ChristianIroquois established in new france have renderedand are stillrendering to the french, — for thedefense of whom almost half of these savages haveperished while fighting as brave men against theEnglish, and against the Iroquois, their relatives,and other savages, our enemies, of whom they havekilled or captured a goodly number since the war.They find them out everywhere, and warn us oftheir marches, which the french cannot do as theycan in the woods,— where, with their ordinary swiftness,they have often overtaken various parties whowere bringing back french and savage Captives, toburn them at a slow fire.They have attacked theenemy on land and upon the Water, into which theyhave often thrown themselves while fighting; andhave there, while swimming, defeated the foe, andtaken away their prisoners, whom they brought backwith them.Religion has so strongly attached them to us thatthey have despised the caresses, the presents, and thethreats of the other Iroquois, Compatriots,—theirwho were soliciting them to abandon our side andreturn with them, in order that all together might


110 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64ont fait sur le corps, la mutilation de leurs doigts, etles tourmens du feu dans lesquels plusieurs ontexpire sans qu'on aye pu ebranler la fid61it6 quilsont voue a Dieu, et au :Roy jusques la que tous ceuxet celles a qui les ennemis ont donn6 la vie aprezavoir et6 pris, sont tou jours revenus vers nous pourconserver le christianisme qu'ils y ont embrasse,pour nous informer aussi des desseins des anglois,et des Iroquois, et pour nous donner des preuvesincontestables qu'ils font dans nos interests.Vu que la guerre les occupe trop pour avoir leursbesoins par le moyen de la Chasse, Sa majesty eut labonte de leur accorder I'an passe quelque gratificationen vertu de laquelle on k donne des hardes a ceuxqui venoient de tuer ou de prendre des ennemis.II y a pareillement beaucoup de pauvres veufves,et enfans orfelins dont les peres et les maris ont est^tues a la guerre qu'ils ont entreprise pour nous, quietant destitu6 du secours quils recevoient de leurchasse, sont dans une extreme disette de touteschoses. Si le Royvouloit bien etendre sa cliarit6jusque sur ces fidelles amis des francois elle luyseroit d'un grand merite devant Dieu, et a ces bonsChretiens un nouveau motif bien engageant pourcontinuer leurs services, voyant qu' aprez leur mortleurs femmes, leurs enfans, et leurs pauvres parensne seroient pas delaissez.II est indubitable quecette liberality seroit tr6savantageuse a la nouvelle franee a qui Ton assureroitle secours de ces vaillans sauvages que les ennemistachent par toute sorte de voyes de nous oter parcequeleur maniere de faire la guerre dans les bois


1689 - 96] SER VICES OF CONVER TS 111make war against us.They have suffered, as braveChristians and constant friends of the french, cruelincisions that have been made upon their bodies,mutilation of their fingers, and the torments of thefires in which many have expired ;have vowed toyet these sufferingscould not shake the fidelity theyGod and to the King. So great has been that fidelitythat all, both men and women, whose lives the enemyspared after capture, have always returned to us tocontinue in the Christianity that they have embracedhere, to inform us also of the designs of the englishand of the Iroquois, and to give us incontestableproofs that they are acting in our interests.Seeing that the war occupies them too much forsupplying their wants by means of the Chase, Hismajesty had the goodness to grant them last year3ome gratuity, by virtue of which those who havejust killed or captured enemies have been givenclothes.There are likewise many poor widows and orphanchildren whose fathers and husbands have beenkilled in the war which they have undertaken for us,who, being destitute of the help they received fromtheir hunting, are in an extreme want of all things.If the King would please to extend his charity thusfar to these faithful friends of the french, it wouldbe a great merit to him before God; and to thesegood christians a new and very attractive reason forcontinuing their services, seeing that after their deaththeir wives, their children, and their poor relativeswould not be forsaken.There is no doubt that this liberality would bevery advantageous to new franee, to which the helpof these valiant savages would be assured. Their


112 LES RELA TJONS DES JJ^SUITES [Vol. 64lesdeconcerte, et qu ils leur seroit plus ais6 de nousinsulter si nous en 6tions privds.Pendant quelques attaques que ces Iroquois Chretienssoutirent vigoureusement I'an pass6 dans leurfort du saut, tout ce quils avoient d'artillerie crevail plairk a Monseigneur de Pontchartrain de leurfaire donner sil luy plaist ceux petits canons, oudeux couleurines.


1689 - 95] SER VICES OF CONVER TS 1 13enemies try in all sorts of ways to take them fromus, because their manner of making war in thewoods disconcerts the foe, and because it would beeasier for the latter to injure us if we were deprivedof these allies.During some attacks that these christian Iroquoissustained vigorously last year in their fort of thesaut, all the artillery that they possessed burst.May it please Monseigneur de Pontchartrain ^^ tohave them given, if he please, those little cannon,or two culverins.


clxiv— clxviiiDocuments of 1694-9^CLXIV.— Lettre au R. P. Jean Chaucheti^re, a Limoges.Claude Chauchetiere ; Villemarie, 7 aout1694CLXV.— Lettre au P. Jacques Jouheneau, a Bordeaux.Claude Chauchetiere ; Villemarie, 20 Sept.1694CLXVL— Lettre au R. P. Jacques Bruyas, Superieur de laMiffion, en forme de Journal de la Million derimmaculee Conception de N. D. aux Ilinois.Jacques Gravier ; [Peoria], 15^ Fevrier, 1694CLXVIL— Lettre a un Pere Missionaire de Chine. Jeande Lamberville ; Paris, 23 Jan :, 1695CLXVIIL— P''5 G. Marest iter et missio in sinum Hudsoniumin ora septentrionali Canadaean. 1694. Epistolaad R. P. Thyrso Gonzales, PrsepositumGeneralem Societatis Jesu, Romas. GabrielMarest; Quebec, oct., 1695SOURCES: Docs. CLXIV. and CLXV. are from a copy,in St. Mary's College archives, Montreal, of an apograph byFather Martin, which is now in Quebec. Doc. CLXVI. isreprinted from Shea's Cramoisy series, No. i. Docs.CLXVIL and CLXVIII. are from Rochemonteix's//.fz^z/^^,t. iii., pp. 613-620 and 628-630, respectively.


116 LES RELATIONS DES jtSUITES [Vol.64Lettre du P. Chauchetiere a son frere.A ViLLEMARiE, ce 7 aout 1694.MON R. Pere Pax X".Pour vous faire un pen de part de nos math6-matiques, ie vous diray qu'ayant leu dans le petitlivret de la connoissance des temps que I'eclipse delune qui est arriv^e ici le 1 1Janvier, et qui nous aparu la lune s'allant couclier a ouest-nor-Ouest, neput pas vous paroistre parcequ'il y a cinq lieures dedistance entre vostre meridien et le vostre, et lesoleil ne se levant sur nostre horison qu'^ 7 heures38 minutes, nous pouvions voir la lune; Pour ce quiest de celle du soleil qui vous arriva le 22 juin k 4heures et un quart du soir, et arriva a nous entreonze et demie avant midi a cela de particuHer quevous I'avez veu fort petite, car le disque du soleilne vous estait convert que de 4 doigts, et nous levismes convert de 8 ;il ne restoit du soleil qu'uncroissant semblable a la lune vers son premier quartier;le milieu fut a midi et demi, la fin de I'eclipsefut k une heure, partie eclipsee estait au nor-ouest.Elle nous dura pres de deux heures. Nous nepumes voir celle du 7 juillet, i'en avois averty desle 22 de juin, mais comme la lune estoit couverte ason lever, elle ne nous paru que sur les 9 heures etI'eclipse avoit commence avant 8 heures. Faites vosreflexions sur les prochaines eclipses et nous les


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO HIS BROTHER 117Letter byFather Chauchetiere to his brother.ViLLEMARiE, this 7th of august, 1694.Reverend Father,MY Pax Christi.To give you sotae share in our mathematics,Imay tell you that I read, in the little book aboutthe knowledge of the times, that the eclipse of themoon that occurred here on the nth of January, andappeared to us while the moon set in the west-northwest,could not be visible to you, because there is adifference of five hours between your meridian andours; while, as the sun rose on our horizon only at38 minutes past 7 o'clock, we were able to see themoon. As regards the eclipse of the sun that wasvisible to you on the 22nd of June at a quarter past4 in the afternoon, and to us between elevenand half past eleven in the morning,it had thispeculiarity, that you saw it as a very small one for;the sun's disk appeared to you to be covered tothe extent of only 4 fingers, while to us it seemedcovered to the extent of 8. There remained of thesun merely a crescent, like that of the moon in itsfirst quarter ;the eclipse was at its height at half pasttwelve, and it was over at one o'clock; the eclipsedpart was toward the northwest. It lasted about twohours. That of July 7 was not visible to us. I hadgiven notice of it on the 22nd of June; but, as themoon was clouded over on rising, itappeared to usonly about 9 o'clock, and the eclipse had begun


118 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64envoy^s.II estoit parti de QuebeK une grandebarque qui estoit all6e k la pesche de la morue, maisdeux quesches angloises estant survenues I'ont priseet debarqu6 une partie de I'equipage, et ont emmeneI'autre a Baston. Deux vaisseaux venus de Franceconduits par deux braves Canadiens, capitaines devaisseau, freres d'un de nos petits escholiers, ontpense m'emmener avec eux h. la baye d' Hudson, oh.ils vont faire la guerre aux Anglois et prendre leport Nelson qui a este a nous ;quelque temps j'auroiseu \h. une belle navigation et une petite paroisse denos Saultois, c'est k dire de nos Iroquois chr^tiensqui demeurent au Sault. J'aurois hyverne a plus de50 de latitude, c'est k dire oil le soleil I'hyver nes esleve sur I'horison qu'ala hauteur des arbres etoil iln'y a a bien dire qu'un crepuscule; mais le peremathematicien de QuebeK, nomm6 le pere Silvie quia,desja hyverne Ik, y est alle. Pour venir auxnouvelles des Iroquois, on a de faibles esperances dela paix on attend une diette g^nerale des nations a:Montreal dans un mois, si 1'Iroquois ne nous trompepoint. On a appris par un francois qui s est eschapp^recemment des iroquois et qui fut pris quand on me menaa cataraKou il y a cinq ans, que le pere Milet, captifdepuis quatre ans aux iroquois et qui in avait succM^ aufort de frontenaK ou il fut pris, est fort consid6re desgens de son village; mais qu'il a bien a souffrir desgens des autres villages et des anglais, quoique le ministrenomm^ d" ollius qui parle bon francois ait bien soulag^ cepire dans sa captivity; c est un vrai martyr de charity etvn homme de Dieu envoyi pour convertir les Sauvages etconsoler les fraft^ois captif s. Pour nous, nous sommesicy k demesler bien des choses avec nostre Evesque.


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO HIS BROTHER 119before 8. Study the next eclipses, and let us knowthe result. A large bark sailed from Quebek for thecod-fishery, but two english ketches appeared andcaptured it, landing a portion of the crew, and takingthe remainder to Baston. Two vessels that camefrom France under the command of two worthyCanadian ship-captains, brothers of one of our littlepupils, nearly took me with them to Hudson's bay,where they are going to fight the English and totake port Nelson, which was ours for some time,^^This would have been a fine voyage for me, and Iwould have had a little parish Saultois,— of our thatis, of our christian Iroquois who dwell at the Sault.I would have wintered beyond the 50th degree oflatitude — that is to say, where the winter sun risesabove the horizon only to the height of the trees,and where there is really only twilight. But thefather who teaches mathematics in Quebek, namedfather Silvie, who has already wintered in thatregion, has gone thither. To come to news ofthe Iroquois, we have some slight hopes of peace ;we expect a general diet of the nations at Montrealin a month, if the Iroquois do not deceive us.We have learned from a frenchman recently escapedfromthe iroquois, who was captured when I was taken tocatarakou five years ago, that father— Milet who hasbeen for four years a prisoner among the iroguois, andwho succeeded me at fort frontenak where he was captured—is highly esteemed by the people of hisvillage but that he has much to endure from the;people of the other villages andfrom the english— althoughthe minister, whose name is d'ollius, and who speaksfrench well, has greatly relieved the father in his captivity.The father is a true martyr to charity, and a man of God,


120 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64II a establi les approbations limitees; il a ordonn^qu'on ne ferait point de congregation les dimanchesan matin; il a oste les communions g^nerales;il ainterdict les pp. recollets; il m'a menac6 plus d'unefois d'interdit sur une affaire que j'ai eu a demesleravec luy a 1' occasion du gouverneur de Villemarie,qui a est6 mon penitent de tout temps, que nostreevesque a traite d'adultere, de scandaleux, de seditieux,voulant se mettre au dessus de I'^vesque. Lesperes Recollets ayant presante une protestation aM'' I'evesque qui ne vouloit entendre aucune raison,ont ouvert leur eglise, et leve I'interdit. L'affairene manquera pas de faire du bruit en France notre;congregation ne se tient plus qui avait plus de 50congreganistes. Nous avions coutume de faire tonsles jeudis les saluts du S*^ Sacrement. Monsieur1evesque ne nous en a laisse que deux par mois, et adonne les autres a M.M''^ de S^ Sulpice, lesquels nevoyaient pas de bon oeil les religieux establis dansleur ville. II veult qu'on refuse la communion sansaucune raison, si ce n'est que les communions sonttrop frequentes en Canada. Son pr6d6cesseur quivoit tout cela, est un s* homme, monsieur de Lavalet dit avoir este bien trompe quand ils'est demis deson evesche en faveur de celuy qui contre son esperancenous tourmente et ne prend a tasche que d' humilierles religieux. Mon affaire est celle-ci; M*" I'evesqueavait fait une ordonnance par laquelleil vouloitqu'on refusast a notre gouverneur les sacrementss'il n'y avait amendement, on accusait ce gouverneurd' avoir trop de familiarite avec une veufve, sur desvisites trop frequentes, et sur des soupfons, et surune longue habitude. Je luy promis que je ferais


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO HIS BROTHER 121sent to convert the Savages and to console the captive french.For our part we are occupied in clearing up manyaffairswith our Bishop. He has established limitedapprobations he has ordered that we shall have no;meetings of the congregation on sunday mornings;he has taken away general communions he has;interdictedthe recollet fathers; he has threatened memore than once with interdiction. This last occurredin connection with a matter that I have had to settlewith him regarding the governor of Villemarie he; has always been a penitent of mine, but our bishophas styled him an adulterer, a scandalous liver, anda seditious man, who is trying to put himself abovethe bishop. The Recollet fathers, after presentinga protest to Monsieur the bishop, who refused to hearany reason, have opened their church and raised theinterdict. This affair will not fail to produce asensation in France. Our congregation, whichcontained over 50 members, meets no more. Wewere in the habit of holding the benediction ofthe Blessed Sacrament every thursday. Monsieur thebishop allows us to do so only twice a month, andhas given the others to the Gentlemen of St. Sulpice,who did not look favorably upon the religious establishedin their town.^ He wishes us to refusecommunion, for no other reason than that communionsare too frequent in Canada. His predecessor,monsieur de Laval, who sees all this, is a holy man,and says that he was greatly deceived when hedivested himself of his bishopric in favor of himwho, contrary to his expectations, harasses us, and seeksonly to humiliate the religious. My case is this Monsieurthe bishop had issued a decree by which:he ordered us to refuse the sacraments to our


122 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUJTES [Vol. 64de mon coste, comme avals j toujours fait et que jeferais mon devoir. Cecy se passa au commencementdu caresme; pendant le caresme il fit diversesassemblees et publia douze cas reserves. II n'y enavait qu'un dans ce diocese qui estoit pour lesfrangois qui pechaient avec les sauvagesses. M'r^vesque d'a present dit que dans son dernier voyagede France, les evesques de France lui avaient dit quec'estait inouy qu'un diocese fut sans cas reserves:sur cette raison il en a mis. Je fus trouver Monseigneurpour luy demander pouvoir d'absoudre duncas reserve, et alors il me traita comme un petit^cholier, et me fit bien des questions, et voulut taxerla penitence sans s$avoir le mal, me demandant siles personnes demeuraient dans 1' occasion d'inceste,c' estoit la matiere. Je vis qu'il se defiait bien demoy et de ma morale. Cependant je me soumis h.tout une fois pour toutes. II voulut me tenter etme faire parler sur nos privileges mais je me tiens:bien reserv6 sur ce sujet. Quelques jours apres, lespaques approchants je fus le consulter sur les moyensqu'on pouvait prendre pour nostre gouverneur. IIfit en homme de cour, me donnant du galimathiaspour m' engager et en cas qu'il n'eust pas reussy,jeter toute la case sur moy. Cependant je m'en suistir6 le plus adroitement que j'ay pu et notre gouverneura fait ses paques ^ QuebeK, et ma conduite a6te approuvee de nos sup^rieurs; il n'y a eu quenostre Eveque qui m'ait blasme.De la mission du Sault choses admirables. Pource qui regarde nos Sauvagesils ont continue cetteann^e dans leurs ferveurs comme ils ont coutumede faire. La troupe de Catherine (dont je vous


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO HIS BROTHER 123governor, unless there were an improvement in hisconduct. The governor was accused of being ontoo familiar terms with a widow,— on account of toofrequent visits, of suspicions, and of a long-continuedhabit. Ipromised him that, for my part, I wouldact as I have always done, and would do my duty.This happened at the beginning of lent. Duringlent he held several meetings, and proclaimed twelvereserved cases. There was but one in this diocese,and it related to the french who sinned with thesavage women. Monsieur the present bishop saysthat, on his last journey to France, the bishops inthat country told him that such a thing as a diocesewithout reserved cases was unheard-of; for thatreason he established some. I went to ask Monseigneurfor authority to giveabsolution in a reservedcase. He treated me like a little school-boy he put;many questions to me, and wished to allot the penancewithout knowing the evil,— asking me whetherthe persons lived in the opportunity for incest,—that was the matter. I saw that he was verysuspicious of me and of my morality. NeverthelessI submitted to everything, once for all. He wishedto tempt me and make me speak about our privilegesbut I was very reserved on this point. Some;days afterward, as easter was approaching,I went toconsult him on the measures to be taken with respectto our governor. He acted like a man of the court,treating me to a rigmarole in order to entangle me,and, in the event of his being unsuccessful, to cast theblame on me. Nevertheless, I extricated myself aswell as I could our ;governor performed his dutiesat Qu6bek and my conduct was approved by ourour Bishop alone blamed me.superiors ;


124 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64envoyais la vie V an pass^e, je ne s^ay si vous V avez reqileparcequ' un de nos navires se perdit retournant en France^et peut-estre ces papiers estoient-ils dedans, car vous nenien parlez pas, fy avais mis son portrait.) La troupede Catherine continue dans la pratique des vertusles plus chrestiennes et dans les pratiques heroiquesqu'elle a entrepris cet hiver les plus endurcis furent:touches de Dieu et firent une action qui merited'estre ecripte; elle a 6te appellee hotoiio7igannandic'est a dire penitence piiblique parcequ'elle se fit aunom de tous : les hommes assembles selon les formessauvages, c'est a dire en festin detesterent I'yvrogneriequi les dominait, ce qui se fit en cette sorte;apres avoir convenu ensemble sur ce qu'ils pourraientfaire pour satisfaire k Dieu, ils conclurentqu'il falloit que chacun parlast pour soy. en plaineassembl^e, et que ceux, ou qui par maladie, ou parautre raison ne pourraient pas le faire feront parlerquelqu'un en leur nom : cela se fitpour se prepareraux fetes de noel. chacun parla selon que I'espritde penitence les faisait parler, et quelques uns parlerentplus par les larmes qui sortoient en abondancede leurs yeux que par leurs paroles, entrecoupees desoupirs. L'effet a suivy les paroles: les femmesdont le demon etait le jeu, la vanite et la volupte,on entierement renonc6 au jeu;ily a un an qu'onn'en entend plus parler. II se fait parmy elles desconfrairies, et surtout parmy les jeunes fiUes pours entraider mutuellement k vivre en chretiennes etse preparer aux actions les plus h6roiques.IIy a deux ans que deux sauvagesses furent prisespar les iroquois et brulees par les mains de leurspropres parents en haine du christianisme aussy


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO HIS BROTHER 125I have admirable things to tell of the Sault mission.As regards our Savages, they have continuedthis year as fervent as they are accustomed to be.Catherine's band (I zvrote you her life last year. Iknow not whether you have received it because one of ourships was lost while returning to France, and those paperswere perhaps on it, and you do not speak ofit. I hadplaced her 'portrait therein.) Catherine s band continuein the practice of the most christian virtues, and inthe heroic exercises that they have undertaken. Lastwinter the most hardened were touched by God, andperformed an act that deserves to be written down.^^It was called hotouongannandi, that is to say, publicpenance," because it was done in the name of all.The men, gathered together according to the savagecustom,— that is, at a feast,— expressed their detestationof drunkenness, which mastered them. Thiswas done as follows after :agreeing together as towhat they could do to give satisfaction to God, theycame to the conclusion that each should speak forhimself in full meeting; and that they who onaccount of illness, or for any other reason, wereunable to do so, should have some one speak intheir names. This was done to preparefor thefestival of Christmas. Each spoke as the spiritof penance moved him and some did so more;eloquently by the tears that flowed in abundancefrom their eyes, than by their voices broken by sobs.Words were followed by results the; women, whosedemons were gaming, vanity, and voluptuousness,completely abandoned the first of these ;for a year,we have heard no more about it. Confraternitiesare being founded among them, and especiallyamong the young girls, with the object of mutually


126 LES RELATIONS DES J^SUITES [Vol.64bien qu'en haine du Sault. La i^""^. etait une veufve,la 2*. une jeune femme de 22 ans qui avait un petitenfant; elles etaient allies chercher des noix dansle bois, elles y furent prises. On les mena commeesclaves et on les traita tres-mal par les cheminsUn fran9ais qui a vu I'liistoire, et qui s'est eschappedepuis, raconte cecy par toute la ville. La plusjeune arrivant au village, regut mille coups de couteauxet une graisle de coups de bastons, mais d'unefagon si r^signee et si patiente qu'elle touchait toutle monde. On ne laissait pas de la charger despaquets et des hardes des chasseurs elle arriva done;dans la cabane ainsy mal-traitee, toute couverte desang, les epaules toutes enfl^es: en y entrant, danssa propre cabane, elle fut regardee comme une bestede ses parents: I'endroit ou elle s'assit fut marquepar le sang qui sortait continuellement de toutson corps; et pendant une si affliction, on neI'entendait que prier et remercier Dieu. Elle mourutdans le feu dans lequel on la jetta bientot apresson arrivee en vray martyre. La veufve qui futaussy brulee, commenga son martyre en cette fagon:quand elle fut au poteau elle s'agenouilla et exhortaI'assemblee a remercier Dieu de la grace qu'il luyfaisait de souffrir pour luy et les exhorta "k se fairechrestiens, et k quitter leurs mechantes coutumes:elle disait souvent dans le tourment: mon Dieu,pardonnez leur, car ils ne sgavent ce qu'ils font;apres qu'elle eut fait le signe de la croix, on luyappliqua les fers qu'elle voyoit sans frayeur, etcomme si le corps qui souffrait n'eust pas est6 a elle.Quand elle fut toute brulee, on la detacha, et aussitotelle alia se remettre ^ genoux sur les charbons


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO HIS BROTHER 127assisting one another to live as christians, and toprepare themselves for the most heroic actions.Two years ago, two savage women were capturedby the iroquois, and burned by the hands of theirown kindred, out of hatred for Christianity, as wellas hatred for the Sault. The ist was a widow; the2nd a young married woman 22 years old, who hada little child. They had gone to gather nuts in thewoods, when they were captured. They were carriedaway as slaves, and were very badly treated onthe way. A frenchman who was a witness of theoccurrence, and who afterward escaped, related thefollowing throughout the town. When the youngerwoman reached the village, she received innumerablestabs from a knife, and a shower of blows fromclubs— but with such patience and resignation thatall the people were touched. The hunters did notfail to load her with their packs and clothes. Shereached the cabin after having been thus ill-treated,covered with blood and her shoulders galled. Onentering her own cabin she was looked upon by herrelatives as a beast; the place where she sat wasmarked by the blood that continually flowed fromthe whole of her body; but throughout her greataffliction she was heard only to pray to God and tothank him. She died, a true martyr, in the fire,into which she was cast shortly after her arrival.The martyrdom of the widow, who was likewiseburned, began in this wise: when at the stake, sheknelt and exhorted all present to thank God for thefavor that he conferred on her of suffering for him;and she also exhorted them to become christians,and to forsake their evil customs. During thetorture she frequently exclaimed:" My God, forgive


128 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.64de feu ;elle tomba, quelqu'un luy allant arracher lachevelure elle se reveilla et donna encore des signesdes sentiments de la piet6 qu'elle avait dans le coeur;Enfin elle rendit sa bienheureuse ame en priant etse repentant de ses probes et soupirant apres la croix.J'ai ete long temps le confesseur de I'une et deI'autre, et puis dire qu'une si heureuse fin a ete larecompense d'une bonne vie, Cette bonne veufveavait perdu son mary il y avait long-temps, etn'avait qu'un fils qu'elle a laisse bien instruit, etelle vivait dans toutes les vertus que s* Paul demanded'une veufve L'autre etait mariee fort jeune avecun fantasque et inconstant mari avec lequel cependantelle faisait bon menage, Elle estoit I'aisneede deux soeurs dont la cadette est encore an sault,leur mere les laissa fort jeunes. Cependant apresla mort de cette bonne mere les deux filles faisaientelles leur menage tres-bien et avec 1' edification detout le monde. On ne parle icy en ville que de lamort ^difiante de ces deux personnes. Si on bannissaitla boisson parmi les sauvages, on convient qu'ilsferaient honte aux vieux chrestiens de 1'Europe dansla facon de vivre etdans la pratique genereuse de lavertu, Mais il faut que notre eglise ait sa part dela persecution que le diable fait au christianisme parla boisson, et nostre evesque qui est si zele n'ajamais ose ouvrir la bouche encore pour bannirI'yvrognerie de son diocese. Cc vice et la guerre sontdeux grandes oppositions au christianisme qui nepent subsister parmy des espritsfoibles durant de sigrandes tentations. Nous souhaitons tons, commes^ Franc. Xavier, nous voir si loin des frangois avecnos chers sauvages que nous n'ayons plus telles


1689-95] CHAUCHETIERE TO HIS BROTHER 129them, for they know not what they do." After shehad made the sign of the cross, they applied theirons. She gazed on these unflinchingly, and as ifthe body that suffered were not hers. When shewas burned all over, she was untied, and at onceknelt on the glowing coals; she fell, but, when someone tried to tear off her scalp, she came to herselfand gavestill further expression to the sentimentsof piety that filled her heart. Finally she surrenderedher blessed soul while praying, repenting ofher sins, and sighing for the cross. I was for a longtime the confessor of both these women and I can;say that this so happy ending was the reward of agood life. This good widow had lost her husbandlong before, and had but one son whom she left wellinstructed ;she lived in the practice of all the virtuesthat St. Paul demands of widows. The other womanhad been married, when very young, to an exactingand inconstant husband, with whom neverthelessshe lived in peace. She was the elder of two sisters,the younger of whom is still at the sault; theirmother was taken from them while they were veryyoung. Nevertheless, after the death of that goodmother the two girls lived together very happily,and to the edification of all. People in the townstill speak of the edifying death of these twopersons. If liquor were banished from among thesavages, it is admitted that they would shame theold christians of Europe by their manner of living,and by their noble practice of virtue. But ourchurch must have a share of the persecution that thedevil wages against Christendom by means of liquor;and our bishop, who is so zealous, has not yet venturedto open his mouth to banish drunkenness from


130 LES RELATIONS DES J]lSUITES [Vol.64pierres d'achappement. Nous voyons dans ces sauvagesles beaux restes de la nature humaine qui sontentierement corrompus dans les peuples polices. Detoutes les 1 1passions ils n'en ont que deux la colere;est la plus grande mais encore en ont-ils peu dans;I'exc^s lors de la guerre. Vivre en commun sansproces, se contenter de peu sans avarice, estre assidusau travail, on ne pent rien voir de plus patient,hospitallers, affables, liberaux, moderns dans leparler; enfin tous nos pp. et les fran9ois qui ontfrequente les sauvages estiment que la vie se passeplus doucement parray eux que parmy nous. La foiqui trouve toutes ces preparations y fait un progr^ssurprenant. lis souhaiteraient n' avoir jamais connuque les robes-noires ils :repetent cette parole, quelleconfusion pour nos f ran9ois chrestiens Mo7i occupa-!tion sera cette a^in^e comme V an pass^, c est h dire (V estreprotordgent de Villemarie avec 12 ou /j ^clioliers etj'enseigne les mathematiques a certains jeunes gensofficiers dans les troupes. Nous avons les dimanchesnos confessionnaux qui nous occupent et les premiersdu mois c'est le plus souvent moy qui presche: etquoique les messieurs de sK Snlpice ne gardent qu'uncertain ext^rieur avec nous, cependant les grandesfetes nous allons au choeur avec eux entendre TofficeII y aet chanter vespres et mesme aux processions.nous une convention que nous dirons pour euxentre eux etchacun une messe, et ils en disent pour nous une fois V an,nous a la feste de la presentation de la ^' Vierge, et euxpendant V octave de s' Ignace; et quand nous mourons nousfaisons les suffrages accoutumis des deffunts: cependantils sont fort hierarchiques. L'ordre de notre collegeest d entrer a 9 h. et la messe se dit k dix le soir;


1689-95] CHAUCHETIME TO HIS BROTHER 131his diocese. This vice and war are two great obstaclesto Christianity, which cannot maintain itself in weakminds amid such strong temptations. We all desire,as did St. Francis Xavier, to see ourselves so faraway from the french with our beloved savages thatwe may no longer have such stumbling-blocks. Wethe fine remains of humansee in these savagesnature which are entirely corrupted in civilizednations. Of all the 1 1passions they experience twoonly; anger is the chief one, but they are not carriedaway to excess by it, even in war. Living in common,without disputes, content with little, guiltlessof avarice, and assiduous at work, it is impossibleto find people more patient, more hospitable, moreaffable, more liberal, more moderate in their language.In fine, all our fathers and the french whohave lived with the savages consider that life flowson more gently among them than with us. Thefaith, finding allthese predispositions, makes astonishingprogress with them. They wish that theyhad never seen any but the black gowns and; theyrepeat this to the confusion of our french christians !My occupation this year will be the same as duringlast— thenamely, that of proto-regent of Villemarie, with12 or /J pupils; and I teach mathematics to someyoung men who are officers in the troops. On sundayswe have our confessions, which keep us busy ;and on the firstSunday of the month itis most oftenI who preach. And although the gentlemen of st.Sulpice observe only certain outward relations withus, nevertheless on the principal feasts we go withthem into the choir to hear the ofifice, and chantvespers, and even in the processions. There is anagreement between them, and us that we shall each say a


132 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.64j'entre ^ 3 h et k 4 heures je fais la mathematiquejusqu'k cinq. Le R. P. Supirieur n attend que la paixpour pouvoir m envoy er aux iroquois ou nostre pire captif,il a toute liberty dansle R. P. Millet fait mille biens^son village et il est le refuge des franqois esclaves conimeluy et des sauvages convertis. II nous 6crit et nousluy escrivons par les sauvages mesmes, et sans lesHollandois id est anglois nous serious encore bienreceus parmi ces peuples. Vous nous fait es le recit dela mis^re de franee, ce nest pas ainsy dans ce pays, lebled y est commun, on a fait du citre au lieu de vinet les arbres s'y multiplient tous les jours avec succes,nousyavions I'an passe d.' excellents melons, maiscette terre est fort Mt^roclite pour les plantes qui voulentde la chaleur. L'on pretend cependant cette anniefaire du vin, car ily a icy proche une vigne appartenanteaux Messieurs qui produit du raisin de franee.On ne sait pas encore ce que le pais peut porter parcequ'onne s'attache qu'a avoir du bled et du foing;les pommiers sauvages et de pepin, portent de fortbonnes pommes et les branches prennent de bouturefacilement; les pechers y portent abondamment,mais comme la vigne, c'est "k dire quele fruit esttout k terre, parcequ'il fault couvrir cet arbre depaille ou d'autre chose au mois d'avril de peur qu'ilne gele: les poiriers sont plus d61icats j'en vis unqui fleurit I'an pass6 deux fois, une fois au printemps,et 1' autre fois au coeur de Teste. On a viiecette annee un pommier charge de grosses pommesen juin et qui avait une de ses branches toute enfleur. Les cerisiers n'y produisent presque pas defruit, ils ne font que fleurir et pousser des brancheset des racines en sigrande quantity qu'il se fait une


1689-95] CHAUCHETIERE TO HIS BROTHER 133mass for them, and they say one for us once a year,— weon the feast of the presentation of the blessed Virgin, andthey during the octave of st. Ignatius; and when any onedies on either side, we say the usual prayers for the dead.hierarchical. The order ofNevertheless, they are veryour college is to enter at 9 o'clock, and the mass issaid at ten. In the afternoon, I enter at 3 o'clock;and, at 4, I teach mathematics until five. TheReverend Father Superioriswaiting only for the peace tosend me among the iroquois where our captive father, theReverend Father Millet, isdoing a vast amount of good.He enjoys full liberty in his village, and is the refuge ofthe french who, like him, are slaves, and of the convertedsavag-es. He writes to us and we write tohim, through the savages themselves; and, were itnot for the Dutch,— that is, the english,— we wouldbe once more welcome among those tribes. Youinform, us of the misery that prevails in franee; but it isotherwise in this country. Grain is common; cider ismade, instead of wine; and trees are successfullyraised,becoming continually more numerous. Lastyear we had excellent melons; but this country is veryunreliable for plants that require heat. However, it isasserted that wine will be made this year; for close byis a vineyard belonging to the Gentlemen, whichyields french grapes. What the country can produceis not yet known, because we try to grow only wheatand hay. The wild apple-trees, and those that areraised from seeds, bear very fine apples, and thebranches are easily grafted. The peach-treesproduce abundantly, vine,— but like the that is, thefruit is all on the ground, because the tree has to becovered with straw or other protection until themonth of april, lest it freeze. The pear-trees


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136 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64forest d'arbres au pied, mais on ne sgait pas les fairesont comme duretenir. ily a des prunes noires quidamas noir lesquelles passent I'hyver dans I'arbre etsont excellentes au primptemps. J'en aimange aupied de I'arbre ^ Tascension qui estaient de Tan:passe le froid les cuit comme le feu et deviennentcomme celles qui ont passe par le four : le soleil lesramollist.IIy a des coings assez beaux, mais I'arbrevient comme les peschers, il fault le couvrir I'hyver.Cette annee nous avons eu rarete dans nostre jardin,c'est un lys blanc; iln'y en a point eu encor icy.Les mm. amassent de la pierre pour faire un beauclocher : le leur est comme un des clochers de nostre6glise de poitiers, mais de bois sur la charpente;mais I'autre sera de pierres. On fit a la pentecostela dedicace de leur eglise, c^remonie qui n'avoitjamais 6t6 veue "k Montreal :Mgrb^nit aussi nostreChapelle, k laquelle ceremonie je fis le sousdiacred'honneur et le pere Vaillant le diacre. II nous fitce plaisir en s'en allant, c'est un prelat tres zel6, maistrop jeune pour le pais. Je vous envoie un morceaude pain venu de 500 lieues d'icy, il vient des ilinoisil est fait de nefles ou cormes ;il a fort bon gout lepoll que vous y verres est du poil de beuf lequel beufa comme la criniere d'un cheval qui lui pend sur ledevant de la teste.J 'ay vii passer icy le pere pinet,car il n'est demeure qu'une nuit et un jour; d'icy ilest alle au sault attendre son canot qui devait passerla riviere pour le prendre. Nous n avons point eud'este cette annee, car depuis I'eclipse ou le 22 juintons les premiers quartiers de lune ont este fort pluvieuxet la terre n'a point echauffe. Nous n avons


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO HIS BROTHER 137are more delicate ;I saw one that blossomed twice— last year once in the spring, and once during thecourse of the summer. This year we saw an appletreeloaded with large apples in June, which had onebranch all in blossom. The cherry-trees bear hardlyany fruit ; they do nothing but blossom and shootout branches and roots— in such numbers that aforest of trees grows up at their feet, but the peopledo not know how to keep them down. There areblack plums resembling black damsons, whichremain on the trees during the winter, and areexcellent eating in the spring. I have eaten someat the foot of the tree, on ascension day, which hadbeen borne in the previous year. The cold cooksthem as does fire, and they become like those thathave gone through the oven; the sun softens them.There are quinces that are fairly good, but the treegrows like the peach-tree, and has to be covered duringwinter. This year we have had a rare flower inour garden, a white lily; there have been none hereas yet. The gentlemen are preparing stone to builda fine steeple; theirs is like one of the steeples ofour church in poitiers, but is made of wood restingon the framework ;the other will be built of stone.On pentecost the dedication of their church tookplace, a ceremony never before witnessed in Montreal.Monseigneur also blessed our Chapel, at whichceremony I acted as subdeacon of honor, and fatherVaillant as deacon. He did us this honor on goingaway; he is a very zealous prelate, but too youngfor the country. I send you a piece of bread whichhas come from a place 500 leagues from here. Itcomes from the ilinois countryit is made of medlars;or services, and has a very good taste. '^^ The fur


138 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64point eu de melons cette annee, h. peine aurons-nousde la semance. c'est ce que je n'ai pas encore vua, Montreal et chacun s'en estonne; cependant lesarbres fruitiers sont bien chang6s de pommes. onfera du citre en pen de temps dans ce pais et memedu vin puisque les mm. du Seminaire esperent danspeu pouvoir se passer des vins de franee. Plusieursont de la vigne dans leurs jardins et le raisin y estfort bon. Nous sommes k 45 de latitude commaLimoges k la supputation de Clavius, qui ne se penttrompu qu'en minute k cose que I'etoile meridiennes'approche encore du pole et que 1' apogee du soleilest k present dans le scorpion. Je ne scay ce que jedeviendray. Comme notre college de villemarien'est pas fond6, on n'est pas d'avis d'y entretenirdavantage un regent. Nous enseignons neanmoinset je me prepare k continuer ma mathematique. J'aydeux ou trois de mes disciples sur les vaisseaux etj'en ay un qui est souspilotte dans un navire du Roy.Cependant notre Reverend Pere Superieur me dittou jours de me tenir pret pour aller aux iroquois sila paix se fait ou pour aller k la baie d' Hudson.Je me port e assez bien: il ny a que deux jours cependantquef avals un grand tnal de tete. T ai peine h lire quelquefoissans lunettes, je ne m en sers pourtant pas encore.Je fus il n'y a que deux jours voir M*" I'intendantpour voir s'il n'y aurait pas le moyen d' avoir lecong6 de Pierre Moreau qui estoit autrefois de la compagniede M"^ de la chassaigne, il est k present kcontrecoeur; son cong6 ne sera pas pour cette ann6e.Je voudrais faire quelque chose "k la consideration dupere Sadry pour I'amour de vous.


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO HIS BROTHER 139that you will see in the package is that of the ox,which has a mane like that of a horse, hanging onthe front of its head. I saw father pinet ^ while hepassed through here, but he remained only a nightand a day from here he went to the sault, to wait;for his canoe, which was to cross the river to get him.We have had no summer this year; for, since theeclipse or June 22, the weather has been very rainyduring the moon's first quarters, and the earth hasnot become heated. We have had no melons thisyear; we shall barely have enough for seed. Thishas never yet been seen at Montreal and every oneis surprised at it. Nevertheless, the apple-trees arewell loaded with fruit ;cider will soon be made in— this country, and even wine, for the gentlemen ofthe Seminary hope shortly to be able to do withoutwine from france. Many have vines in their gardens,and the grapes are very fine. We are on the45th parallel of latitude, as is Limoges, according— tothe computation of Clavius, who can be mistakenonly as to minutes, because the meridian star stillapproaches the pole, and the sun's apogee is at presentin the scorpion. I know not what will becomeof me. As our college of villemarie is not endowed,we are not of opinion that a teacher should be maintainedthere any longer. We teach, however; andI am preparing myself to continue my mathematics.I have two or three of my pupils on the ships, andone is second pilot on board a King's ship. Nevertheless,our Reverend Father Superior always tellsme to hold myself ready to go to the iroquois, ifpeace is made; or to go to Hudson's bay.I am in fairly good health; only two days ago, however^ Ihad a very violent headache. I findit difficult sometimes


140 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64Saluez, je vous prie, tons nos bons amis, ceux dema vol^e et surtout le pere Jaques de la nouhe il ne;se souvient peut-etre plus de moy.Adieu, mon cher Pfere et cher frfere, je ne cesse deme souvenir de vous h. I'autel et ailleurs,Claude Chauchetierede la Compagnie de Jesus.II faut prescher et je n'ay point de sermons."A mon Reverend Pfere le P. Jean[Addressed:Chauchetiere de la compagnie de Jesus h. Limoges."]


1689-95] CHAUCHETIME TO HIS BROTHER 141to read without spectacles; however, I do 7iot use them yet.I went only two days ago to see Monsieur the intendant,to ascertain whether it would not be possibleto obtain the discharge of Pierre Moreau, who formerlybelonged to Monsieur de la chassaigne'scompany, and who is now at contrecceur ; his dischargecannot be obtained this year.^ I would liketo do something for the sake of father Sadry, throughlove for you.I beg you to present my greeting to all of ourgood friends, to those of my year, and especially tofather Jaques de la nouhe; he probably no longerremembers me.Farewell, my dear Father and dear brother; Inever cease to remember you at the altar andelsewhere.Claude Chauchetiere,of the Society of Jesus.I must preach, but I have no sermons.[Addressed: "To my Reverend Father, FatherJean Chauchetiere, of the society of Jesus, at Limoges."]


142 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64Lettre du P. Claude Chauchetiere, missionnaireM .au Canada, au P. Jacques Jouheneau,a Bordeaux.A ViLLEMARiE, ce 20 Sept. 1694Pax XtiNous sommes dans I'attente de la paixavec les Iroquois et dans I'esperance que les pourparl^sque nous avons avec eux r6ussirant un jour.Ce que aurait desja reussi si les Anglais n'y mettaientpas d' obstacles par leurs conseils, par leurs presentset par leurs armes. lis font ce qu'ils peuvent pourpartager la terre avec nous. lis ont avance cetteann6e dans les terres vers les Illinois et les Miamis,qui sont vers le sud, ^ 40 degr^s lat. nord, ou nousavons de belles missions que les Anglais et Iroquoisauront bientot detruites, s'ilsy sont etablis. II y a 8jours que deux nations iroquoisesvinrent demanderla paix, mais tandis que deux sont venues k Montreal,3 sont allies ^ Orange parler aux Anglois, sgavoir lesaniez, les Onneiouts, les Onnontagues; et les deuxqui sont descendues par icy sont les Goiog^ens etles Tsonnontoiians ;on a refus6 leurs presents, et onleur a dit que nostrechaudiere ^tait encore haute etqu'on ne leur donnoit que 30 jours de d61ay apr^slesquels nous aurons une plus grande guerre quecelle que nous avons eu avec les sauvages si ce n'estque Dieu qui conserve ce pais par une providence


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO JOUHENEAU 14SLetter by Father Claude Chauchetiere, missionaryin Canada, to Father JacquesJouheneau, at Bordeaux.ViLLEMARiE, this 20th of September, 1694.MY Reverend Father,Pax Christi.We expect peace with the Iroquois and hopethat the negotiations that we have had with themwill some day be successful. They would alreadyhave been so, had not the English opposed obstaclesto itby their counsels, by their presents, and bytheir arms. They are doing what they can to dividethe land with us. This year, they have advancedinto the interior in the direction of the Illinois andthe Miamis,— who live toward the south, at 40degrees of north latitude ; and among whom we havefine missions, which the English and the Iroquoiswould soon destroy ifthey once established themselvesthere. ^ Two iroquois nations came, 8 daysago, to sue for peace; but, while these two cameto Montreal, 3 went to Orange to confer with theEnglish,— namely, the aniez, the Onneiouts, and theOnnontagu^s the two that came down here are the;Goiogwens and the Tsonnontouans. We refusedtheir presents, and told them that our kettle was stillhung; and that we gave them a delay of only 30days. After that, we shall have war on a larger scalethan we have had with the savages, unless God, whopreserves this country through an extraordinary


144 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64extraordinaire ne nous aide, comme nous esperons,j>ar les priires des bons Chrestiens du Sault de S' Xavier,notre chere mission, on la ferveur est toujours la mesme,ou Dieu se fait bien voir dans la personne de ces pauvresSauvages qui contifiuent a embrasser Ics plus bellespratiques de la vie chrestienne et religieuse. Nous ycomptons trois ou /j. martyrs, bruUs par leurs propresparents dans leurs propres cabanes, h cose qiiils nont pasvoulu quitter la foy et les franqois. Je les connaissaistous, et en ai souvent confess6 quelques uns il; y aparmy ceux-1^ une jeune femme, laquelle fut priseily a un an a une lieiie de nostre village :elle 6toitnourice et avait un petit enfant de deux ans k soncol. Elle fut emmenee k son pais, ou elle fut tresmal regiie. Elle eut la bastonnade si rudement queTon nous a rapporte qu'il n'y avoit endroit sur soncorps qui ne fut tout en sang, et pour marque de cecion rapporte qu ayant jette un paquet qu'on luy avaitmis sur le dos, sur la natte ou on luy dit de s'assoyer,tout aussy tot la natte fut toute couverte de sang.Peu de temps apres on attacha son petit enfant a soncol pour le brusler avec la mere. Les franjois quisont esclaves aux Iroquois sont tesmoins oculaires detoute cette boucherie et ne peuvent nous raconterces choses sans pleurer et sans tirer des larmes desyeux de ceux qui les escoutent. Ainsy on ne diraen font accroire au mondene sontplus que les Jesuitesquand ils parlent de leurs Sauvages, quisauvages que de nom ou d'habit. Les frangoiss'^chappent tous les jours et viennent k Montreal.Les Iroquois en ont rendu 13.Si les nations europeanes avec leurs eaux de vie etleur libertinage ne detruisaient pas les travaux des


1689-95] CHAUCHETI^RE TO JOUHENEAU 146providence, come to our aid. We hope that he willdo so, in response to the prayers of the good Christians ofSault de St. Xavier, our beloved mission, where the sameJervor prevails; where God manifests himself in the personsof those poor Savages, who continue to embrace the bestpractices of a christian and religious life. We count threeor 4. martyrs there, who have been burned by their ownkindred ijt their very cabins, because they refused toabandon the faitJi and the french. I knew them all,and have frequently confessed some of them.Among them was a young woman who was captured,a year ago, a league from our village. She wasnursing, and had a little child, two years old, hangingat her neck. She was taken to her own country,where she was very badly treated. She was beatenso severely that we are informed that there was nota single part of her body that was not covered withblood; and, to prove this, it is related that whenshe threw down a pack which had been placed uponher back, on the mat whereon she was told to sit,the mat was at once covered with blood. Soonafterward, they bound her little child to her neck,to burn it with the mother. The french who wereslaves among the Iroquois were eyewitnesses ofall this butchery, and cannot relate these thingsto us without weeping, and without drawing tearsfrom the eyes of their listeners. After such instances,it will no longer be said that the Jesuits aredeluding people when they speak of their Savageswho are savages only in name or in costume. Thefrench are continually escaping, and coming toMontreal. The Iroquois have given up 13.If the european nations did not, with their brandyand their licentiousness, destroy the missionaries'


146 LES RELA TIONS DES jASUITES [Vol. 64missionnaires, nous aurions de belles ^glises dans cepays.Vous aurez appris les brouilleries qui sont entreMgr de QuebeK et les Recollets. II a interdit leureglise eux ayant obei tin mois ou environ, I'ontouverte. lis lenrs a fait des monitions, ils ont persistset puis ont montre leurs privileges qui disentqu'un 6veque ne peut interdire leur eglise qu'enmesme temps la ville ne s'oblige a les nourrir. Cetteguerre ecclesiastique entre les M.M. de S. Sulpice etles relligieux est pire que la guerre des Iroquois acose du scandale et de la difference qu'il y a entre cestemps icy et ceux de mon arrivee au Canada, ou ietrouv6 entre les eccl6siastiques et les religieux corunum et anima una. Dieu ne laisse pas de nousbSnir, parceque la rScolte a et6 bonne quoyque depuisr eclipse du mois de juin le temps ait ete extremementpluvieux et tous les renouveaux de lune durantles i^*"®.quartiers. Les 2 PP. quon a envoys cette anndesont arrives heureusement ctQuebeK, au lieu que les deuxprestres qu on a envoy^ de S. Sulpice de Paris, et les P.P.recollets qui estoient dans un navire no^nm^ le S. Joseph,ont /// pris h 60 lieues de Quebec par les Anglois qui.les ont renvoySs sans leur faire de mal. C'estoientdes flibustiers de la virginie qui se refugient k.Baston. Un de nos deux Peres a este choisy aussytost pour estre aumosnier d'un navire du Roy qui vak la Baye d' Hudson, oujefusse alU sifeusse eu le tempsde descendre a QuebeK pour m'embarquer pour tenirclasse de mathematique dans le vaisseau et hyvernerau nord.J 'ay vu le P. Pinette arriv^ de notre provincequi se porte bien et qui n'a demeurS que 6 jours "k


1689 - 95] CHA UCHETIME TO JO UHEMEA U 147work, we would have fine churches in this country.You will have learned of the dissensions betweenMonseigneur of Quebek and the Recollets. He laidtheir church under an interdict; they submitted fora month or so, and then openedit. He admonishedthem;they persisted, and showed their privileges^which state that a bishop cannot lay their churchunder an interdict unless at the same time the townbind itself to support them. This ecclesiastical warbetween the Gentlemen of St. Sulpice and the religiousis worse than the Iroquois war, on account ofthe scandal, and of the difference between thepresent times and those that existed on my arrivalin Canada— when I found among the ecclesiastics,and the religious cor unu-yn et anima una. God ceasesnot to bless us, as the harvest has been good, notwithstandingthe fact that, since the eclipse in themonth of June, the weather has been very rainy atthe renewals of the moon, during the ist quarters.The 2 Fathers sent out this year'^^ have reached Quebeksafely; while the two priests who were sent from St.Sulpice in Paris, and the recollet Fathers, who were on aship named the '' St. Joseph,'' were captured, 6o leaguesfrom Quebec, by the English, who sent them backwithout doing them any injury. They were filibustersfrom Virginia, who take refuge in Baston. Oneof our two Fathers was at once chosen to be chaplainof a King's ship sailing to Hudson's Bay, whither Twould have gone, had I had time togo dow?t to Quebek toembark on it, for the purpose of teaching a class inmathematics on board the ship, and of wintering inthe north. I have seen Father Pinette, who has comeout from our province; he is quite well, and remainedonly 6 days at Quebek. He came up at once^


148 LES RELA TIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol. 64QuebeK.II est aussy tost monte et a demeur6 deuxjours ^ Montreal, et s'en est alle a 500 lieiies d'icy.L'an est fort 6difie de son zele et de son detachement.II a fait essay de la vie de missionnaire en venant ^Villemarie dans les barques, tou jours vent contraireet faisant quatorze lieiies en quinze jours par unepluie continuelle, loge sub dio, I'enseigne ordinairedu Canada. II m'a dit quelques nouvelles de la provinceet m'a laisse en appetit d'en S9avoir davantage.// ma dit que V. R. se portoit bien, ce qui m a fort rejoiiyaussy bien que la lettre qu elle rn a fait Ihonneur de m e-crire. Je suis icy comme I'oyseau sur la branchepour prendre mon vol au premier jour. II s'en estpeu fallu que je n'aye 6t6 ^ Baie d'hudson oil le dernieraumosnier a et^ tu6 par un malheureux fran9oisemporte de colere. On m'avait aussy destine pourmonter k MissilimaKinac prendre la conduite de lamission des Hurons. Enfin je suis demeure icy onnous avons une espece de college qui n'est pointfond6, mais je crois que MM", de Villemarie neI'auront pas longtemps, s'ils ne le fondent a cose queles revenus de notre mission sont fort petits. J'aides escoliers qui sont bons cinquiesmes; mais j' enai d'autres qui ont la barbe au menton auxquelsj'apprends la marine et les fortifications et autrescboses de mathematiques. J'ai un de mes escholiersqui est pilote dans le navire qui va au nord. De plusnous confessons icy les dimanches et festes. Nousprechons une fois le mois dans nostre 6glise. Mgrnous a deffendu de faire des cat6cliismes et de basnages\_sc. tournage?], c'est k dire un petit discourssur les [blank space in MS.'\ ce qui se fait "k QuebeK.


1689 - 95] CHA UCHETltRE TO JO UHENEA U 149remained two days atMontreal, and went to a place500 leagues from here. We are greatly edified byhis zeal and abnegation. He experienced some ofthe trials of a missionary's life while coming toVillemarie in the barks ;for the winds were contraryall the time, and they made only fourteen leagues infifteen days,— amid constant rain, and lodged suhdto,—th.Q usual sign for lodgings in Canada. Hegave me some news from the province, and left mewith a keen desire to learn more. He told me thatme muchYour Reverence was quite well; this has givenpleasure, and so has the letter which you have done methe honor of writing to me. I am here like a bird ona branch, ready to take flight at any moment. Iwas very nearly going to hudson's Bay, where thelast chaplain was killed by a wretched frenchmanwho was in a transport of rage.^ It v/as alsointended that I should go up to Missilimakinac, toassume the direction of the Huron mission. Finally,I remained here, where we have a sort of college,which is not endowed but I think that the Gentle-;men of Villemarie will not have it long unless theyendow it, because the revenues of our mission arevery slight. I have pupils who are good fifth-classscholars; but I have others with beards on theirchins, to whom I teach navigation, fortification, andother mathematical subjects. One of my pupils ispilot on the ship which sails to the north. Moreover,we hear confessions on Sundays and holidays,and preach once a month in our church. Monseigneurhas forbidden us to teach catechism or givethe tournage^— that is, to deliver short discourseson the \blank space in MS.\ as is done in Quebek.Can he prevent our doing so, and also from holding


oOInAopartc 2HcnOor Dmc"T3 H^m O•z rHor mQ> zDoH 2.D. tr.10 os ^in CT>r > zDo ocHc73na:wB*no zHm >r?0cnroBo c(/)cnotnHoHcn


152 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64Peut-il nous en empecher, comme aussi de faire lescongregations.Les MM. de S. Sulpice apprehendentque nous ne ruinassions leur paroisse. Cest pourcela que nous rtous jettons plustot du cost^ des Sauvagesque du costd des frangois pour ne leur faire point d'ombrage.Cependant toute la ville est bien aise quenous soyons icy et blasme les MM""^ les prestres denous traitter de la sorte. Nous esp6rons les restablissementde tous nos employs peut-etre par lechangement d'6vesque. Nous sommes icy fort mallog6s pour les bastiments, mais bien pour la veue,k un arpent de terre hors la ville. Notre eglise esteloignee d'un demi arpent de nous, le jardin estentre deux, et pour y aller il faut etre expose k lapluie, au vent et h. la neige, parceque nous n'avonspas de quoy nous bastir. Nous ne demandons knostre Reverend Pere Superieur qu'un petit bastimentde vingt pieds au bout de nostre eglise, mais iln'a pas de quoy nous contenter. Mon sort ordinairea est6 de me trouver tousjours en de nouveaux establissementset quelquefois il a fallu que je fisses mamaison rnoy mesme. Dieu veuille m'en donner unebonne dans le ciel. II me semble avec cela qu'il n'ya que 3 jours que je suis en Canada, parceque souventon n'a pas loisir de s'ennuyer. Quoyque les occupationssemblent petites, elles sont continuelles et ilfaut suppleer k tout par soy-mesme et ce qui est plussur c'est que le travail ne paraist point. IIy a deuxans que j 'avals des maux de tete de 15 en 15 jours,ce n'^tait que d'epuisement, car depuis un an je n'enfus pas sy incommode, a cose que j'ay un peu plusde repos.J'eus aussi en mesme temps une eresipelle


1689 -95] CHA UCHETlkRE TO JO UHEMEA U 153meetings of the congregations? The Gentlemen ofSt. Sulpice fear that we shall ruin their parish.That is the reason tvhy we exert our activities in the directionof the Savages more than in that of the french, soas not to give them umbrage. Nevertheless, thewhole town is well pleased to have us here, andblames Messieurs the priests for treating us as theydo. We hope for the restoration of all our occupations,perhaps through the change of bishop. Weare very badly lodged here, as regards the buildings;but very well as regards the view, at anarpent from the town. Our church is half an arpentfrom us ;the gardenis between the two. When wego to the church, we are exposed to the rain, thewind, and the snow, because we have no means tobuild. We ask our Reverend Father Superior foronly a small building, twenty feet long, at the endof our church ;but he is unable to grant our request,through lack of funds. My usual lot has been tofind myself ever in new establishments; and sometimesI have been obliged to build m.y dwelling viyself.one in heav-May God be pleased to give me a gooden. With all this, it seems to me that I have beenonly 3 days in Canada because we frequently haveno leisure to be lonely. Although the occupationsseem slight, they are continual ;and one is obligedto supply everything oneself — and, what is mostcertain, the work done does not show. Two yearsago, I had headaches every fortnight. They weredue solely to exhaustion, because for a year I havenot been so troubled by them, as I have a littlemore rest. I also had erysipelas at the same time, —which left marks on my legs, and the attackswhereof are incurable in country,— this as well as a


164 LES RELA TTONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64qui m'a laiss6 des marques aux jambes dont les mauxsont incurables dans ce pais, aussi bien que le fluxde sang, et ayant est6 envoy^ au fort de frontenaKje m'y sentis attaqu6 du scorbut et ex his omnibuseripuit me Dominus. Excusez, mon R6v6rend pere,mon Scripture, on me dit que les navires partirontbien tost et cette lettre est faite ^ 4 ou cinq reprises.Obligez de la communiquer au p. Jean Chauchetierepour me d61ivrer de la peine de recopier. Le pereGale m'a 6crit de Cayenne oil il est aussy en peineque nous pour mettre en la langue du pays in nomine:patris, sanctificetur, angelus Domini et plusieursautres choses qui regardent la foy. Je lui 6cris ceque nous faisons la dessus.Mon frere m'a bien oblige de m'envoyer un cataloguede province, Je le prie de saluer le R6verendpere Tartas provincial, et le Reverend pere Verneuil,recteur du college. Je m'oubliois du R. pere Super,de la maison professe. Je prie le R. p. recteur dunovitiat de /aire dire un pater et un ave et trots \_fois\ legloria patri a ses novices pour moy. C est une devotionqui est icy parmi les Sauvages et franqois qui vont automheau de Catherine, enterr^e dans V dglise du Sault,quand ils veulent obtenir de Dieu quelque grace. Jer ay commence des lejour de son enterrement et j aitoiijours cru que cestoit elle qui au bout de V an me conservaquand le vent jetta nostre chapelle h has, oU jefus conserveselon le sentiment commun tniraculeusement et jecrus que cette sauvagessevertueuse mavait rendu en cetteoccasion les services que je lui avals rendu pendant samaladie.Saluez, je vous prie, tous ceux de nostre vol6e, etdemandez k chacun un peu de part dans leur


1689-95] CHAUCHETlkRE TO JOUHENEAU 165bloody flux; and, when I was sent to fort frontenakI felt myself attacked by scurvy, et ex his omnibuseripuit me Dominus. Excuse my writing, my Reverendfather; I am told that the ships will soon sail,and I have taken up this letter 4 or five times.Oblige me by communicatingit to father JeanChauchetiere, to save me the trouble of recopying it.Father Gale has written to me from Cayenne, wherehe has as much trouble as we have in translating,into the language of the country, in nomine patris,sanctificetur, angelus Domini, and many other thingsconcerning the faith. am I writing to him what wedo in such work.My brother has greatly obliged me by sending mea catalogue of the province. Ibeg him to conveymy greetings to Reverend father Tartas, the provincial,and Reverend father Verneuil, the rector ofthe college. I am almost forgetting the Reverendfather Superior of the house of the professed. Ibegthe Reverend father rector of the novitiate to have hisnovices say a ' ' pater, "an " ave, ' ' anc^ the ' ' gloria patri ' 'three times for me. This is a devotion practiced hereamong the Savages and the french, who go to the tomb ofCatherine, who is interred in the church of the Sault, whenthey wish to obtain some favor from God. I began the very day of her burial; and I have always believedthat it was she who at the end of the year saved me, whenit onour chapel was blown down by the storm. Then, in theopinion of all, I was miraculously saved; and I believedthat that virtuous savage repaid me on that occasion forthe services that I rendered her during Jier illness.Convey my greetings, I beg of you, to all of ouryear, and ask each of them to give me a slight shareof their memento. I am writing to the Reverend


156 LES RELATIONS DES JASUITES [Vol.64memento. J'6cris au Reverend p^re Provincial. Jesalue le P. Lordis et en finissant je salue tons nosper^set fr^res des trois maisons.Claude Chauchetierede la compagnie de Jesus.[Addressed: " A mon reverend pfere Le reverendpere Jaque Joheneau de la Compagnie de Jesus \Bourdeaux."]


1689 - 95] CHA UCHETlkRE TO JO UHEMEA U 157father Provincial. I greet Father Lordis, and, inconclusion, I greet all our fathers and brethren ofthe three houses.Claude Chauchetiere,of the society of Jesus.[Addressed : ' 'To my reverend father, The reverendfather Jaque Joheneau, of the Society of Jesus,at Bourdeaux."]


158 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.64Lettre du Pere Jacques Gravier en forme deJournal de la Misfion de I'lmmaculeeConception de N.D. aux Ilinois.MONR. P.Le i^ fevrier, 1694.C'eft avec grand plaifir que je vous informede r^tat de cette miffion des Ilinois, afin quevous jugiez par cette efpece de journal que je vousenvoie, de tout ce qui s'y eft paffe depuis le mois deMars de I'annee precedente et combien ily auroit dubien a efperer dans cette miffion, fi on y envoyoit deferuens ouvriers. Apres avoir €i6 chez les Oumiamispendant I'hiver fur les glaces, j'ai trouv6 les Ilinoisqui avoient quitt^ pendant quelques mois ce qu'onnomme Kifkafkia et Kouir akouintauh a. lis s'etaientaffembles tons les jours lors de mon abfence pourprier Dieu dans la Chapelle foir et matin, auffi exadtementquefij'euffe et6 prefent, apres quoi vnveillard infirme depuis long terns alloit par toutes lesrues du Bourg, criant que les femmes et les enfansvinfCent pareillement adorer Dieu et lui faire leursprieres,. . . et lorfqu'on m'y racontes queplufieurs enfans etoient decedes fans la confolationde les avoir baptif^s avant mon depart.Vers la fin du Mefme Mois d'Avril je benis lanouvelle chapelle qui eft batie hors du fort en vn lieu


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 159Letter by Father Jacques Gravier in the form ofa Journal of the Mission of I'lmmaculeeConception de Notre Dame inthe Ilinois country.February 15, 1694.MY Reverend Father,I have much pleasure in giving you informationrespecting the condition of this missionof the Ilinois, in order that you may be able to see,by this sort of journal that I send you, all that hasoccurred in it since the month of March of theprevious year and how; great a blessing we mightexpect in this mission, were fervent laborers senthither. After having been among the Oumiamisduring the winter, on the ice, I found the Ilinois—who had, some months before, left the places wecall Kiskaskia and Koiiir akouintauka. They had metevery day during my absence to pray to God in theChapel, night and morning, as regularly as if I hadbeen present,— after which an old man, who hadfor a long time been infirm, went through all thestreets of the Village calling out that the women andchildren also were to go to adore God, and to saytheir prayers to him,. . . and when theyinformed me that several children had died, withoutmy having had the consolation of having baptizedthem before my departure.About the end of the Same Month of April, I


160 LES RELATIONS DBS J£SUITES [Vol.64tres commode pour lesfauvages, la veille que je fiscette benedidlion et celle de la croix qui a pres de 35pieds de haut, j'invitai les fran9ois de vouloir bien yaffifter, ceux ci me promirent de s'y trouver et dedonner en public des marques de Thonneur qu'ilslui pretoient lis firent voir aux fauvages par 4decharges de leurs fuftls la veneration qu'ils avoientpour ce figne de falut.Ver le mi Mai les deputes des fauvages de cevillage accompagn^s de deux fran9ois partirent pourrechercher I'alliance des Miffouri et des Ofages, cesMarchands frangois dans la vue de faire quelquesavantageux commerce avec ces peuples leur ont faitquelque propofltions de paix "k laquelle ils n'ontconfent6 que par complaifance pour les fran9ois enconfideration de qui, ils fe font reconcilies avec lesOfages.J'aurois volontiers fait ce voyage pour voirpar moimefme, s'il y avoit quelque chofe "k faire pourla gloire de Dieu chez les Tamaroua et chez les Kaoukiaqui font Ilinois et pour fonder les Miffouri etles Ofages afin de voir ce qu'on en pourroit tirer pourle chriftianifme, ne doutant pas que je n'euffe trouu6beaucoup d'enfans et d'adultes moribonds a baptifermais parcequ'il y'k des libertins, qui pour continuerleurs defordres n'aiment pas la prefence du Miffionnaire,je me contentai de leur dire que j'aurois volontiersfait avec eux ce voyage, dont les difficultes etles fatigues m'auroient 6te agreables en travaillantpour les interets de Dieu.Vers ce terns Ik comme jetemoignois etre furprisdu refroidiffement que je voyois parmi les Peouareouapour fe faire inftruire quelque bonne mine que mefilTent les vieillards, il y en eut un qui me dit en


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 161blessed the new chapel, which is built outside thefort,^*^ at a spot very convenient for the savages. Onthe eve before blessing the chapel and the cross, whichis nearly 35 feet high, I invited the french to be goodenough to be present. They promised to be there,and to manifest in public the honor in which theyheld it.They showed the savages by 4 volleys fromtheir guns their veneration for this symbol of salvation.About the middle of May the deputies of thesavages of this village, accompanied by two frenchmen,went to seek the alliance of the Missouri and ofthe Osages. These french Merchants, with theview of carrying on an advantageous trade withthose tribes, made some proposals of peace to them ;to these they agreed solely out of complaisance tothe french, through consideration for whom theybecame reconciled with the Osages.I would willinglyhave performed that journey to see for myselfwhether anything could be done there for the gloryof God among the Tamaroua and the Kaoukia, whoare ^ Ilinois; and to sound the Missouri and Osages,in order to ascertain what could be obtained fromthem with respect to Christianity,— for I have nodoubt that I would have found many dying childrenand adults to baptize. But, as there are among themsome libertines who do not love the Missionary's presence,because they wish to continue their evil conduct,I contented myself with telling them that I wouldcheerfully have undertaken the journey with them,as its difficulties and fatigues would have been agreeableto me while working for the interests of God.About that time, as I showed that I was surprisedby the indifference to instruction that I observedamong the Peouareoua, notwithstanding the politeness


162 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64confidence que ceux de la nation avoient refolu d'empefcherqu'on ne vint k la chapelle pour m'y 6couter,parceque je decriois leur maniere et leur jonglerie,qu'on me feroit cependant bon accueil pour fauverles apparences. Je ni*apper9us bien que cet avi&6toit vrai, car le chef des Perouareoua qui eft le premierde tons les jongleurs, fit de fortes oppofitions kla foi chretienne, difant qu'il 6toit important pourle public que perfonne n'allat plus prier Dieu ^ lachapelle jufques a ce que les bleds fuffent en maturit^set que la recolte en fut faite, et qu'alors ilsexhorteroit les gens k s'aller faire inftruire. Leterme qu'il marquoit etoit long dans la penfee queje lui ferois quelqve prefent pour abreger ce tempsvoyant que je ne pouvoit rien compter fur un hommeauffi intereffe qu'il I'etoit, et qui n'avoit nulle bonnevolonte j'allai moimefme inviter les habitans de cebourg a venir apprendre le chemin du ciel fans memettre en peine des oppofitions que le diable y pouvoitformer.Je rencontrai une troupe de pleureufesqui regretoient un enfant moribund qui expira aulfitofl que je m'en voulus approcher. La grandmerequi n'ignoroit pas que je I'avois baptife depuisun antourna contre moi toute fa colere; apres m'avoir ditcent duretes elle fe jetta comme vne furie fur moime pouffant hors du logis avec beaucoup de violencede peur difoit elle que par les enchantemens du baptefmeje ne lui caufaffe et a toute I'affemblee quelquenouveau fujet de larmes. Je fouffris cette infulteavec une tranquillite et une joie qui me furprit moimefmelouant Dieu de ce qu'il me faifoit I'honneurde fouffrir quelque chofe pour fa gloire et pour lefalut des ames. La mauvaife humeur de cette femme


1689-95]ILLINOIS MISSION 163with which the old men received me, one ofthem told me in confidence that his tribesmen hadresolved to prevent the people from coming to thechapel to listen to me, because I inveighed againsttheir customs and their juggleries;that they would,however, receive me well, in order to save appearances.I saw very well that this information wastrue, for the chief of the Perouareoua, who was themost prominent of all the jugglers, strongly opposedthe christian faith — saying that it was important forthe public welfare that no one should go to pray toGod in the chapel any more, until the corn was ripeand the harvest over; and that he would then exhortthe people to go to be instructed. The period thathe fixed was a long one, for he thought that I wouldoffer him a present to shorten it. Seeing that Icould not rely in any way upon a man as interestedas he, and one animated by no good will, I myselfwent to ask the inhabitants of the village to cometo learn the road to heaven, without heeding theobstacles that the devil might oppose to it. I met aband of weeping women lamenting over a dyingchild, who expired as soon as I tried to approachhim. The grandmother, who was not ignorant ofthe fact that I had baptized him a year ago, turnedall her anger against me after; saying many harshthings against me, she threw herself on me like afury, and violently pushed me out of the—dwellingfor fear, she said, that through the enchantments ofbaptism I might give to her and to all present somenew cause for lamentation. I endured this insultwith a calmness and joy that surprised myself, praisingGod because he did me the honor of allowing me tosuffer something for his glory and for the salvation


164 LES RELATIONS DES jlSUITES [Vol.64ne fut pas de longue dur6e. Elle me fit peu apresconnoiftre quelque confideration humaine I'avoitportee a me trailer de la forte, la mort de quelquesenfans baptifes fait apprehender rapproche duMiffionnaire, lorfqu'il vifite les malades, et Tons'imagine fouvent que c'eft fait d'eux quand il leurdonne le Baptefme.Le 7 Juin vn petit enfant qui mourut apres I'avoirregu k I'infu de fes parens me fit "kexpofer bien desrebuts lorfque je voulus m'en approcher. Je n'avoisrien oubliee pour faire contenter fes parens S, procurerfon falut, mais ils me firent fortir lorfqu'il alloitexpirer, et me dirent que I'homme mourroit entier^mentet que fi I'ame uivoit, comme ie le difois, onverroit des hommes revenir fur la terre apres leurmort, et qu'ils fe fouuenoient bien que la foeur dumoribund etoit morte apres que je I'eus baptife^ etque de peur qu'il n'en arriuat encore autant du maladefije le baptifois, il ordonnoit de fortir promptementdu logis. Defefperant de venir a bout de mondeffein, jem'addreffai a un de mes amis qui n'etantpoint fufpedt s'approcha de 1' enfant qui affitoft qu'illui eut confere le facrement fans que Ton s'en apper-9Ut alia jouir du bonheur 6ternel, dont le pere et lamere vouloient le priver.Le ID Juin je fis un feftin k tons les chrefliensfelon le coutume, Ton eft en droit de dire alors toutce qu'on ueut aux convives fans qu'ils le trouuentmauvais. Je repprochai k quelques uns que jenommai leur indifference et leur peu d'afiiduite auxaffemblems dans la chapelle pour y ouir les inftrudlions.Je leur "kappris tous la maniere de fe confeffer etles liens du mariage chretien, je leur parlai du


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 165of souls. This woman's ill humor did not last long.Soon afterward, she told me that some human considerationhad led her to treat me thus. The death of somechildren who have been baptized causes the Missionary'sapproach to be viewed with apprehension whenhe visits the sick ;and it is often thought that all isover with them when he administers Baptism to them.On the 7th— of June, a little child who died shortlyafter having received baptism without the knowledgeof his parents— was the cause of my beingexposed to many rebuffs when Isought to approachhim. I had omitted nothing that could satisfy histhey made meparents, to procure his salvation but;go out when he was about to expire. They told methat man died utterly and that if the soul; lived, asI said it did, men would be seen to come back onearth after their death;that they remembered verywell that the sister of the dying child had died afterI had baptized her; and, for fear of the same happeningto the sick boy if I baptized him, they orderedme to go out of the dwelling at once. Despairing ofsucceeding in my design, I had recourse to one of myfriends ; and, as he was not suspected, he approachedthe child — who, immediately after the sacramenthad been administered to him without its being perceived,departed to enjoy eternal happiness, of whichthe father and mother were trying to deprive him.On the loth of June, I gave a feast to all the christians,according to custom. On such occasions, onehas a right to say whatever one pleases to the guests,without their feeling hurt by it. I reproachedsome, whom I named, with their indifference andtheir want of assiduity in attending the meetingsin the chapel to hear the instructions. Iexplained


166 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64bonheur des fiddles et de la grace que Dieu leur avoitfaite de les mettre au nombre de fes enfans adopt^s,tandis qu'il regarde avec horreur leurs parens etleurs compatriotes qui font autant d'efclaves duDemon et qui bruleront toujours avec lui dans lesEnfers s'ils ne fe conuertiffoient :que au refte leurbon ou mauvais exemple etoit d'un grand poids pouravancer et pour empefcher la converfion de leurparens. Parce que beaucoup de veillards et d'autresgens niari6s perfiftent encore dans leur infidelite, jeme fuis applique le mieux que j'ai pu a faire desinftrudtions aux enfans et au Neophytes jufques kleur depart pour I'liyvernement. Entre quantityd'enfans qui s'y font trouv6s quelques vns faventdeia fort bien leur catechifme, la plufpart des grandesfilles fe confeffent fort bien et ily en a qui m'ontfait des confeffions generales de toute leur vie avecune exadtitude furprennante. Au milieu d'une nationcorrompue qui fe permet toute forte de libertinageje trouve une jeune veuve que les parens auoientfelon la couftume engagee dans la mariage fans femettre en peine de favoir fi elle vouloit fe marierou non; elle n'eut pas le courage de temoigner a fesparens I'averfion qu'elle en avoit, mais elle en eutaffez pour etre longtems avec fon mari fans changerfa premiere refolution, comme il I'aimoit beaucoup,il ne la quitta point pour en prendre une autre etetant enfin pres de mourir il dit aux parens de lafemme qu'il la leur rendoit telle qu'ils la lui donnee,ilpria fon frere, qui n'etoit pas encore marie de lavouloir epoufer, I'affurant qu'il avoit vecu avec ellecomme avec fa foeur, mais elle n'y a jamais vouluconfentir quelques inftances que les parens en ayent


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 167to all of them the manner of confessing, and thebonds of christian marriage;I told them of theblessedness of the faithful, and of the favor thatGod had done them by placing them among thenumber of his adopted children. I told them thathe looked with horror upon their relatives and countrymenwho were so many slaves of the Devil, andwould burn with him forever in Hell, unless theybecame converted; and that, moreover, their goodor evil example was of great weight in promoting orpreventing the conversion of their relatives. As agood many old men and other married people stillpersist in their infidelity, I have devoted myself, aswell as I have been able, to instructing the childrenand Neophytes until their departure for winter quarters.Among the great number of children who haveattended, some already know their catechism verywell ;most of the older girls confess themselves verywell, and some have made general confessions to meof their whole lives, with astonishing accuracy. Inthe midst of a corrupt nation which indulges in licentiousnessof every kind, I find a young widow whoseparents, as is their wont, made her marry withouttaking the trouble of ascertaining whether shewished to be married or not. She had not thecourage to manifest to her parents the aversion thatshe felt for it ;but she had enough to remain a longtime with her husband without altering her firstresolution. As he loved her dearly, he would nottake another wife; and, when at the point of death,he told his wife's parents that he gave her back tothem as they had given her to him. He begged hisbrother, who was unmarried, to marry her — assuringhim that he had lived with her as with a sister ;but


168 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64faites pendant 3 ans, elle defiroit fort d'etre chretienne,mais elle n'ofoit point m'en parler, quoiq'elleme le fit dire par fes compagnes, et qu'ellevint tous les jours k la chapelle depuis 4 ans: je I'aibaptifee le printems dernier, apres m'avoir decouuertavec beaucoup d'ingenuite le fond de fon ame, jefuis perfuade de I'horreur qu'elle a de tout ce qui eftcontraire a la purete, elle m'a dit franchement que ledeffein qu'elle auoit d'etre toujours feule, c'eft k direde ne pas fe marier ne venoit que I'averfion qu'elleauoit pour tout ce qu'elle entendoit et voyoit fepaffer entre les gens mari^s de fon pays, et qu'ellene penfoit pas que fe fut parceque Dieu aime particulierementles Vierges; qu'elle n'auoit pas€\.€inllruite pour avoir cette penfee ; mais que dorenavantelle diroit toujours ^ Dieu que lui feul poffederoitentierement toutes fes affedtions que fon coeuretoit trop petit et lui trop grand pour le partager.Depuis qu'elle m'a declar6 fes intentions, elle a faitparoiftre un zele admirable pour fe faire inftruire,et elle ne s'eft pas dementie jufqu'ici, je tache deI'affermir dans fa refolution contre I'inconftance naturellede ces fauvages et de lui perfuader qu'elle fedoit defier autant d'elle mefme que de ceux avec quielle eft obligee de vivre, et qu'autrement elle I'oublieroitbientofl de s'aquitter des deuoirs de fonbapteme.Vers le 20^ de Juin les Frangois et les fauvagesqui etoient partis d'ici le mois precedent pour allerdemander I'alliance des Ofages et des Miffouris dansI'efperance du grand profit qu'ils tireroient de leurcommerce font revenus avec deux chefs de I'un etI'autre village, accompagnes de quelques anciens et


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 169she would never consent, notwithstanding the pressingsolicitations of her parents during 3 years. Shedesired greatly to become a christian, but she didnot venture to speak to me of it, although she madeher companions tell me of it, and came to the chapeldaily for 4 years. I baptized her last spring. Asshe has bared the depths of her soul to me, withmuch ingenuousness,I am convinced that she has ahorror of everything that may be contrary to purity.She told me frankly that the resolution she had takento live always alone — that is, not to marry— wasdue to the aversion that she felt for all that she heardand saw done by the married people of her country.She did not think that it was because God speciallyloves Virgins, and she had not been taught to havethat idea; but said that, in future, she would alwaystell God that he alone fully possessed all heraffections— that her heart was too small, and he toogreat, to divide it. Since she has told me of herintentions she has displayed admirable zeal in seekingto be instructed ; and, so far, she has not beliedherself. I endeavor to strengthen her in her resolutionagainst the inconstancy that is natural to thesesavages, and to persuade her that she must be onher guard as much against herself as against thosewith whom she has to live; and that, otherwise, shewould soon neglect to perform the duties imposedon her by her baptism.About the 20th of June, the French and the savageswho had left here during the previous monthto seek the alliance of the Osages and Missouris, inthe expectation of the great profits that they wouldderive from the trade with the latter, came back withtwo chiefs from each village, accompanied by some


170 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64de quelques femmes, quoique ces Marchands fe foucientpeu de leur faire connoiftre Dieu et le Millionairedans tout ce qn'ils entreprennent de confiderableavec des fauvages; ils font neantmoins tons venusme voir et je leur ai fait ^ tons le meilleur accueilque j'ai pu je les ai men6es a la chapelle et je leurai parle comme s'ils m'entendoient bien, ils fe fonttrouu^s k la meffe, et ilsy ont et6 tres modeftes h.Texemple des Ilinois qu'ils m'ont entendu plufieursfois inftruire et les faire prier Dieu, ils m'ont temoigneune grande joie de I'efperance que je leur aidonn6 de les aller voir pour le donner de I'efprit.C'eft ainfi qu'ils parlent, mais etant feul je ne puispas affifter ni vifiter les autres bourgs des Ilinois quifont fur le flleuve de Mifliffipi. Les Ofages et lesMiffouri ne me paroiffent pas fi fpirituels que lesIlinois, leur langue me femble tres difficile lespremiers ne defferent pointles dents et les autresparlent encore plus de la gorge que les premiers.Une jeune homme Peouareoua, baptife depuis longtemset bien inftruit qui m'obligea I'annee precedentede lui defendre I'entree de mon logis et de le menacerde le chaffer de I'eglife, donna lieu de croire afes compatriotes que le chagrin qu'il en avoit, et6capable de lui faire dire et faire contre le Chriftianifmetout ce qu'on defireroit de lui. Le chef desPeouareoua et de tons les jongleurs avec quelques unsde fes parens du mefme parti et de plus confiderablesdu bourg n'oublierent pas pour aigrir fon efpritcontre les Neophytes, et contre le Miffionaire, tu nenous as pas voulu croire, lui dirent fes parens tu tesvoulu attacher k la Robe Noire et il t'a . . .nous ne te emprifons pas ainfi, nous avons piti6 de


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 171elders and some women. Although these Merchants,in all the dealings of any extent that they have withsavages, care very little about telling them of Godand of the Missionary, the visitors all came, nevertheless,to see me, and I welcomed them as heartilyas I could. I took them to the chapel, and talkedto them as ifthey understood me well ;they werepresent at mass, and behaved with great modesty,following the example of the Ilinois — whom theyheard me instruct on several occasions, and causeto offer prayers to God. They manifested great joywhen I led them to hope that I would go to seethem, to give them — sense such is the expressionthat they use. But, as I am alone, I cannot assistor visit the other villages of the Ilinois, which are onthe banks of the Mississipi river. The Osages andthe Missouri do not appear to be as quick-witted as theIlinois; their language does not seem very difficult.The former do not open their lips, and the latterspeak still more from the throat than they.A young Peouareoua man — baptized long ago andwell instructed, but who compelled me during theprevious year to forbid him entrance to my lodging,and to threaten him with expulsion from the church —led his countrymen to believe that his chagrinwould induce him to say and do everything thatmight be asked from him against Christianity. Thechief of the Peouareoua and of all the jugglers, withsome of his relatives,— of the same party, andamong the most notable persons village,—of theomitted nothing to embitter his mind against theNeophytes and against the Missionary.Thouwouldst not believe us," his relatives said to him;**thou wouldst attach thyself to the Black Gown,


172 LES RELATIONS DES jtSUTTES [Vol.64toi et tu auras part ^ nos feflines: que les Kafkafkiaprient Dieu s'ils veulent et qu'ils obeiffent k celuiqui les inftruit; fommes nous Kafkafkia et pourquoilui obeirois tu toi qui eft Peouareoua'^. puifqu'il t'avex6 il faut que tu declare publiquement que tuquitte la pri^re, quelle ne vaut rien ;je fairai feftindit le chef de Peoiiareoua et j'inviterai tous les vieillardset tous les chefs de parti tu; y feras auffi invito ;apres avoir parl6 de nos medecines et de ce que nousont enfeign6 nos grands peres et nos ayeux cethomme venu de loin a-t-il de meilleurs medicinesque nous pour prendre fes coutumes. Ses Fables nefont bonnes qu'en fon pays, nous avons les notres quine nous font pas mourir, commes les siennes. Cesdifcours et autres femblables plaifoient extremementk ce libertin nomme Antoine, qui ne pent neantmoinsfoutenir longtems les reproches de fa confciencequoique les ennemis de la foi lui peuvent direpour lui faire renoncer tout a fait au chriftianifme,ils I'affurerent en vain que j'avois des crapauds dontje faifois des compofitions pour empoifonner lesmalades :perf uad6 du contraire il prit ma defenfe etprelle du falutaire remords de fa faute, il revint metrouver pour fe reconcilier avec Dieu. II m'a racontaalors tout cequi ces charlatans dechaines contremoi avoient fait, et dit pour me rendre odieux k laNation, et qu'un de fes jongleurs avoit enveloppe uncrapaud vif dans un mechant linge en pluGeursdoubles ou il I'auoit etouffe et ecraff^ afin de s'enfervir comme d'un poifon fort pr^fent, pour me faireperir par le mefme venin, dont je faifois difoit il,mourir les Malades lorfque je les approchois par lefeul ordorat d'un crapaud; tout ceci ^toit fonde fur


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 173and he has . . . thee. We do not thus despisethee; we have pity on thee, and thou shalt havea share in our feasts. Let the Kaskaskia pray toGod ifthey wish and let them obey him who hasinstructed them. Are we Kaskaskia? And whyshouldst thou obey him, thou who art a Peouareoua?Since he has vexed thee, thou must declare publiclythat thou abandonest prayer; that it is worthless."" I shall hold a feast," said the Peouareoua chief,' *and I shall invite all the old men and all the chiefsof bands;thou also wilt be invited. After speakingof our medicines and of what our grandfathers andancestors have taught us, has this man who has comefrom afar better medicines than we have, to makeus adopt his customs? His Fables are good only inhis own country we have; ours, which do not makeus die as his do." These discourses and other similarones gave great pleasure to the libertine, whosename was Antoine;but he could not long withstandthe reproaches of his conscience, whatever the enemiesof the faith might say to make him completelyrenounce Christianity. In vain they assured himthat I had toads, wherewith Icompounded poisonsfor the sick. Convinced as he was of the contrary,he took up my defense; and, impelled by salutaryremorse for his sin, he came to me to be reconciledto God. He then related to me all that those charlatans,who were enraged against me, had done andsaid to make me odious to the Nation. He told methat one of those jugglers had wrapped up a live toadin several folds of ragged linen, in which it hadsuffocated ;and had crushed it, to use it as an activepoison, in order to make me perish by the samevenom with which, he said, I caused the death of


174 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64ce qu'il m'avoit oui dire que je m'^tonnois que lesenfans maniaffent auffi facilement qu'ils faifoientdes crapauds que nous n'oferions pas toucher ainfidans notre pays, et qu'un crapaud portoit la mortavec foi.Cette empirique s'eleve done et va prendreau milieu de la cabane ce peloton de vieux haillons,ou il avais enveloppe fon crapaud,il le decouvre etdit aux vieillards afCembles, mes freres vous allezvoir que cet Antoine fe va faire mourir lui mefme,s'il ofe flairer feulement ce linge qui fera caufe defa mort. Que je meure, dit Antoine j'en fuiscontent pour faire voir votre malice, je flairerai votrecrapaud. On fe tint dans un grand filence, nedoutant pas qu'il ne mourut incontinent: il flaireseffedtivement a plufieurs reprifes et porta le crapaudjufqu'a fon nez: Je ne fuis pourtant pas mort, dit-il,au Jongleur, tu vas mourir tout a I'heure lui dit-il,il fiaire encore le crapaud plufieurs fois, et refta dansla cabane plus de deux heures. Le jongleur fachede ne point voir I'effet de fon poifon bailie la tefteet ne dit plus mot bien honteux et bien furpris de cequ'Antoine ne mourut point, et encore plus de I'ouirdire que ceux qui n'6toient point chretien feroientdamnes. Les vieillards fe retirent en difant kAntoine, nous fommes convaingus qvi' Ajfjfapita c'efl lenomme de Jongleur, n'a pas dit vrai, et nous fommesbien aife que vous ne foyez pas mort. On a tenucela bien fecret, car je n'en ai pas entendu parler etce jeune homme ne me I'a decouvert que fort longtems apres que cela eft arriv^. Ce Neophyte quidepuis 6 ou 8 ans etcit tout ulcer6 d'ecrouelles et quine faifoit que trainer eft deced6 apres s'6tre bi6nconfeff^, et j'ai fujet d'efperer que Dieu lui aura fait


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 175the Sick when Iapproached them, through the meresmell of a toad. All this was based upon the fact ofhis having heard me say that I was surprised to seethe children handling toads as freely as they did,because we would not touch them thus in our country;and because a toad carried death with it. Thisempiric rises, therefore, and goes to the middle ofthe cabin to pick up the bundle of rags in which hehas wrapped up his toad he uncovers it and;says tothe old men assembled there: " My brothers, youwill see that this Antoine will bring about his owndeath if he merely smells of this cloth, which will bethe cause"of his decease." Let me die," saidAntoine, ' * I shall be content to do so to expose yourmalice; I will smell your toad." All observedprofound silence, not doubting that he would at oncedie. He actually smelled of it several times, andlifted the toad up to his nose. " And still I am notyet dead," he said to the Juggler. " Thou wilt dieshortly," the latter replied to him. He againsmelled of the toad several times and remained inthe cabin for over two hours. The juggler, irritatedat seeing his poison without effect, hung his headand said not another word— being quite ashamedand also quite surprised that Antoine did not die,and still more at hearing him say that those whowere not christians would be damned. The oldmen withdrew, saying to Antoine: " We are convincedAssapita'— that that is the Juggler's name—" has not told the truth, and we are glad to see thatyou are not dead." This was kept very secret, for Idid not hear itspoken of; and the young man toldme of itonly long after it had happened. ThisNeophyte— who for 6 or 8 years was covered with


176 LES RELATIONS DES J^SUITES [Vol.64mifericorde. La maladie a commence dans ce bourgau mois d'Aout, c'eft ^ dire des qu'on a commence^ manger du bled nouveau, des citrouilles et desmelons d'eau et autres fruits k demi murs. IIy aeu bien des enfans et des jeunes gens malades et jen'approche pas de tons auffi facilement que jevoudrois. IIy en ^ qui font tellement prevenus parles jongleurs que dans la crainte que je ne leur donnequelque medecine, ils difent qu'ils fe portent bien etdefaprouvent mes frequentes vifites, Ton crie contremoi, comme fi j'etois la caufe de la maladie et de lamortalite, quoiqu'au refte il ne meure que tres peude perfonnes:quelques enfans feroient mort fans lebapteme, fi j'euffe attendu le confentement desparens, il faut ufer d'addreffe dans ces cas, les petitesenfans qui meurent me fcavent bongr6 lors'quils fontdevant Dieu. Quelques jongleurs fe declarent ouvertementcontre moi, et font tout ce qu'ils peuventpour decrediter notre religion. Les plus retenuspour fauver les apparences me font quelqu'amitie,tandifque lous main ilsempechent autant qu'ilspeuvent qu'on fe faffe inftruire. Je tache auffi demon cote d'entretenir et de cultiver I'efprit de la foidans les grandes perfonnes, qui Ton embraffee. Lesjeune femmes donnent icibeaucoup de vogue k lapriere par les inftrudlions et par les conferences queje leur fais; ily en a plufieurs qui fe confeffent fouventet fort bien et deux jeunes filles de 13&,14 ans,ont commence par vne confeffion generale de touteleur vie, fi exadte que pour ne rien oublier elles fefont fervies de petits morceaux de bois comme nousnous fervons de jettons, eta chaque chofe dont elless'accufoient ou qu'elles croyoient etre peche, elles


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 177scrofulous ulcers, and who could barely drag himselfabout— died after making a good confession, and Ihave reason to hope that God has had pity on him.Disease broke out in this village in the month ofAugust,— that is, after they began to eat new corn,squashes, watermelons, and other half-ripe fruit.Many children and young people were sick, and Ihad not as free access to all of them as I would havewished. Some are so prejudiced by the jugglersthat, through fear that I may give them medicine,they say that they are quite well and disapprove ofmy frequent visits. They cry out against me as ifI were the cause of the disease, and of the mortality—although, in fact, but few people die. Some childrenwould have died without baptism had I waitedfor their parents' consent. Strategy must be employedin such cases. The little children who dieare grateful to me when they are before God. Somejugglers openly oppose me, and do all they can tocast discredit upon our religion. Those who aremore wary show me some politeness, to save appearances,while in an underhand way they do everythingin their power to prevent the savages frombeing instructed. On my part,I also endeavor tomaintain and cultivate the spirit of the faith in theadults who have embraced it. The young womenhere greatly contribute to bring prayer into favor,through the instructions and lectures that I hold forthem. There are many who confess frequently andvery well; and two young girls from 13 to 14 yearsof age began by making a general confession oftheir whole lives — so thoroughly that, in order to forgetnothing, they made use of little pieces of woodas we use counters; and, as they mentioned everythingof which they accused themselves, or which


178 LES RELA TIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol. 64laiffoient tomber une de ces petits morceaux de boiscomme les grains d'un chapelet. Un vieillard enfit autant quelques terns apres en fe confeffant etc'eft la coutume parmi eux de compter ainfi quandils fe defient de leur memoire.Le chef des Kafkafkia et fa femme depuis lemariage de leur fille avec un frangois fe font rendusfort affidus aux inftrudlions et m'ont prie de lesdifpofer au bapteme. Leur gendre contraint par lesreproches de fa confcience a avou6 k fon beaupere et^ fa bellemere que toutes les fables qu'ils avoientracontees ku desavantages des miffionnaires n'etoientque des fidtions que la medifance et la calomnielui avoient fait inventer pour empefcher les gensd'embraffer notre fainte foi, et pour plaire k certainslibertins, qui I'avoient gage d6biter des menfongeset m'obliger s'il avoit 6te pofQble ^ quitter le pays,afin que je ne fuffe pas temoin des defordres dequelques debauches ainfi qu'ils le defiroient; maisqu'a prefent qu'il avoit lui mefme pris le parti defe faire chretien, ils refuferoient tous les prefens,qu'en lui faifoit pour dire dorenavant du mal de moienfuite il exhorta ces 2 catechumenes k s'affedtionnerk la priereet "k fe rendre dociles a mes inftrudtionsajoutant que pour n'etre pas trompes il falloit s'attacherau miffionnaire, qui recherchoit que le falut deleurs ames, au lieu que les autres fran9ois aimoientla plufpart de leurs marchandifes, fans fe mettre enpeine de les retirer de I'etat de damnation, ou ils lesvoyoient. Ces deux bons fauvages ont fait de fibonnes reflexions fur tout ce que leur gendre et leurfille leur ont raconte du malheur de ceux qui refufentmes bons avis, que fans m'en parler, ils ont agre6


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 179they considered a sin, they dropped one of thesesmall pieces of wood, like the beads of a rosary.An old man did the same, some time afterward, whileat confession ;and it is a custom among them to countin this manner when they mistrust their memory.The chief of the Kaskaskia and his wife have,ever since the marriage of their daughter with afrenchman, been very assiduous at the instructions,and have begged me to prepare them for baptism. ^*^Their son-in-law, forced by the reproaches of hisconscience, has admitted to his father- and motherin-lawthat all the falsehoods which he had told todiscredit the missionaries were but fictions. Thedesire to slender and calumniate had urged him tofabricate these, to prevent people from embracing ourholy faith, and, to please certain libertines whohad induced him to spread falsehoods, and compel me,if possible, to leave the country. This they wishedme to do, so that Imight not witness the evil conductof some profligates. But this frenchman said that,now that he had resolved to become a christian, hewould refuse all the presents that might be givenhim to speakill of me in the future. He afterwardexhorted the 2 catechumens to be devoted to prayer,and docile to my instructions, adding that, in ordernot to be deceived they must cling to the missionarywhose sole desire was the salvation of their souls;while the other frenchmen chiefly cared for theirmerchandise, without troubling themselves aboutrescuing them from the state of damnation in whichthey saw them. These two worthy savages reflectedso seriously on all that their son-in-law and daughtertold them respecting the unfortunate condition ofthose who refuse my good advice that, withoutspeaking to me of it, they agreed that the chief


180 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 64qu'il fit la declaration publique de la refolution qu'ilavoit prife de fe faire chretien. Pour rendre cetteadtion plus celebre il fit feftin aux chefs de tousles villages et aux plus confiderables de Peouareoua,tous fameux jongleurs, 11renonga ouvertement atoutes leurs fuperftitions et les invita par unaafl:ezlongue harangue ^ ne pas eftre plus longtemsles ennemis de leur propre bonheur en refiflant^ la grace du chriftianifme que Dieu leur offroitpar mon miniflere: il s'etendoit fort au long furrimportance du falut et fur les peines que je medonnois de leur procurer, non obflant toutes les oppofitionsqu'on me faifoit: tout le monde leur reponditpar un Nikana, c'eft ^ dire, Mon ami, qui eft leurfigne d'applaudiffement. C'eft ce que j'ai apprisd'un de ceux qui 6toient k ce feftin, car il ne m'enh. nullement parle ;le mefme foir fa femme fit unfeftin k toutes les femmes de fon bourg pour leurdeclarer auffi qu'elle vouloit fe faire chr^tienne.Pour les mieux eprouv6r je ne temoignai rien ni kI'vn ni a I'autre de ce que j'avois appris. lis m'ontpreffe depuis de les baptifer ce que :je leur ai accordeapres plufieurs marques qu'ils m'ont donnees devouloir s'acquitter des devoirs du chriftianifme.Pour rendre la ceremonie de leur baptefme plus utileet plus celebre, j'ai crie dans tout le bourg qu'onaffiftat a leur baptefme ; je fus bien aife que beaucoupde monde en fut temoin, j'ai profits de cetemploi pour exhorter les autres h. les imiter. J'alloisdans leurs cabanes leur annoncer le Royaume deDieu fans me mettre en peine de ceux qui femocquoient de toutes des inftances que je faifois pourles gagner ^ J. C. et pour leur decouvrir les artifices


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 181should publicly declare the resolution which he hadtaken to become a christian. To make this actmore solemn, he gave a feast to the chiefs of all thevillages, and to the most notable amongthe Peouareoiia,all famous jugglers; he openly renounced alltheir superstitions, and urged them in a rather longharangue to be no longer the enemies of their ownhappiness, by resisting the grace of Christianitywhich God was offering to them through my instrumentality.He dwelt at great length upon theimportance of salvation, and upon the trouble that Itook to procure it for them, in spite of all theobstacles placed in my way.All replied by exclaimingNikana,— that is to say, ''My friend'''— which istheir way of applauding.I learned this from onewho was present at the feast, for the chief neverspoke to me of The it. same evening, his wife gavea feast to all the women of her village, to informthem also that she intended to become a christian.The better to try them, I let neither of them knowwhat I had learned. From that time, they urgedme to baptize them ; Igranted them that favor afterthey had given me several proofs of their desireto perform the duties of christians. To make theceremony of their baptism more profitable and moreimposing, I proclaimed throughout the village thatall were to be present at their baptism.I was veryglad that many witnessed it. I took advantage ofthe occasion to exhort the others to imitate them.I went into their cabins to preach God's Kingdomto them, without heeding those who scoffed at allmy solicitations to win them to Jesus Christ, and toreveal to them the artifices employed by theDevil to deceive them and prevent me from giving


182 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64dont le Demon fe fervoit pour les tromper et pourempefcher que je leur donaffe de TEfprit (c'eft leurmaniere de parler.) Vn des plus anciens vieillards,zele pour les anciennes coutumes du pays apprehendantque fon credit et celuy de fes femblable nefouffrit quelques diminution, fi on embraffoit la foialia criant dans le :bourg vous tous qui avez jufqu'iciecoute ce que vous k dit la robe noire, venez dansma cabane; je vous inftruirai auffi de ce que j'aiappris de mon grand pere et de ce qui nous devonscroire, laiffez aux gens de loin leurs fables etattachons nous a nos traditions.Le 1 8Septembre il mourut un enfant fans baptefmepar I'opiniatrete des parens qui me rebuterenttoujours lorfque je me prefentois pour lui donner cefacrement; afinque le malheur de ce petit infortun6fut I'occafion du falut des autres, j'ai crie dans lesplaces du bourg que je deplorois le perte de I'araede cet enfant qui maudiroit eternellement fes parens :vous qui avez des enfans mourans qui ne font pasencore baptifes, leur difai-je ne differez pasS. lesapporter a la chapelle, ayez pitie d'eux comme j'enai pitie. Je fus longtems a-parcourir le bourg afinde me faire bien entendre; des le lendemain j'enbaptifai cinq il y en a deja vn qui efl dan& le ciel Jeles amescompte mes peines pour rien fachant ce queont coute au fauveur; par I'entetement et par larefifhance des parens,il en efl parti plufieurs pourrbyvernement de fix mois. A I'occafion des maladesje me fuis donne beaucoup de mouvement, afin dene pas manquer de procurer le ciel a ces petits innocens,je ne trouvois du terns pour dire mon breviareque pendant la nuit: avant que la maladie eut couru


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 183them Sense (such is their way of speaking).One ofthe oldest among the elders — full of zeal for the ancientcustoms of the country and apprehending thathis credit and that of his class would be diminishedif — their people embraced the faith went throughthe village, calling out: " All ye who have hithertohearkened to what the black gown has said to you,come into my cabin. I shall likewise teach you whatI learned from my grandfather, and what we shouldbelieve. Leave their myths to the people who comefrom afar, and let us cling to our own traditions."On the 1 8th of September, a child died withoutbaptism through the obstinacy of the parents, whocontinually repelled me when Ipresented myself toadminister the sacrament. In order that the calamityof that unfortunate little one might be the opportunityfor the salvation of the others, I called outeverywhere in the village that I deplored the loss ofthe soul of that child, who would eternally curse itsparents." Ye who have dying children not yetbaptized," I said to them, " delay not to bring themto the chapel. Have pity on them, as I have." Iwalked through the village a long time, in order tobe heard by all. On the following day I baptizedfive, one of whom is already in heaven. I countmy trouble as nothing, for I know how much soulshave cost the savior. Owing to the obstinacy andresistance of the parents, many have gone away forthe six months' wintering. Ioccupied myself a gooddeal in behalf of the sick, that Imight not fail tosend these little innocents to heaven. I could findtime to say my breviary only during the night.Before the disease spread through the villages, Iwas well received everywhere; and the old men told


184 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64dans les villages; jetais bien re9u partout,et lesvieillards me difoient que la priere ^toit bonne, ilsm'exhortoient fans qu'ils priallent eux mefme a faireprier et a bien inflruire les femmes et les enfans, afinqu'on ne fut pas malade mais des que la contagionfe fut repandue, Ton me regardoit dans la plufpartdes cabanes comme I'oifeau de la mort et Tonvouloit me faire refponfable de la maladie et de lamortalit6, j'en rejettoit la caufe avec plus de fujetfur la jonglerie, leur faifant remarquer que la maladien'avoit commene6 que depuis qu'ils avoient jongleet qu'en derifion de I'eau benite et de I'afperfion queje fais les jours de dimanche dans fa cbapelle, ilsauoient fait une afperfion impie dans leur jongleriepublique; que Dieu avoit punis par la mort d' unevieille arriue6 peu de jours apres qu'elle eut contrefaitnos ceremonies, et vne autre par le dec^s de fonenfant et que la maladie et la mort etoient entreesdans les cabanes de ceux qui etoient les plus fuperftitieux,Comme ily a toujours ici du monde loge dansles champs k plus d'une lieue du bourg, jufqu'audepart pour I'liyvernement j'ai continue mes petitsexcurfions depuis le mois de Juillet, jufqu'au 24 ou25 Septembre. Apresavoir dit la meffe et fait lapriere de grand matin, j'allais alternativement vifiterceux qui etoient dans leurs champs de bled et decitrouilles. A vne lieue du bourgily a vn petitvillage fur vn coteau dont le pied eft baign6 d'uneriviere qui fait vn payfage tres agr^able h. la vue, j'yaffemblois ceux et celles qui s'y trouvoient et afinque les autres qui Etoient dans les champs fuffentinformes de ma venue, je criai comme j'avois


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 185me that prayer was a good thing. Without themselvespraying, they exhorted me to make the womenand children pray well, and to instruct them, so thatno disease might break out ; but, when the contagionspread, I was looked upon in most of the cabins asthe bird of death ;and people sought to hold meresponsible for the disease and the mortality. Iattributed the cause thereof with greater reason tojugglery, and pointed out to them that the diseasehad commenced only since they had practiced thoseceremonies, and — in mockery of the holy water, andof the sprinkling with it that Iperformed every sundayin the chapel— had performed an impious sprinklingin their public jugglery.I reminded them thatGod had inflicted punishment by the death of anold woman, a few days after she had imitated ourceremonies; that he had punished another by thedeath of her child; and that disease and death hadentered the cabins of all the most superstitious.As there are always people here who dwell amidthe fields, at a distance of more than a league fromthe village, until they depart for their winterquarters, I continued my short excursions from themonth of July to the 24th or 25th of September.After saying mass and prayers very early in themorning, I went to visit alternately those who werein their corn and squash fields. At a distance of aleague from the village is a small one, on a hillwhose base is bathed by a river, constituting alandscape very agreeable to the sight. I gatheredtogether those who were there; and in order toinform those who were in the fields of my arrival, Icalled out, as I was in the habit of doing in thevillage, that all were to come to prayer. I said the


186 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64coutume de faire dans le bourg qu'on vint h. la priere.Je la faifois dans la cabane du plus confiderable dulieu qui etoit jongleur de profeffion mais qui nede paroiftre avoir beaucoup de zele pourlaiffoit pasqu'on vint honorer et affifter au cathechifme deuxfois la femaine. Quelques vns fe fcandaliferent quej'entrois chez ces hommes qui toutes les nuits, difaiton,etailloit les Manitous dans la cabane et y chantoith. leur honneur jufqu'au jour et qu'en leur maniereil avoit fait un feftin fort fuperftitieux. En effet y6tant all6un jour qu'on ne m'y attendoit pas je vis3 ou 4 depouilles de ferpents pendues auec quelquesplumes peints et quelques peaux de diuers petitsoifeaux fort beau, je ne fitspas femblant d'avoir rienvu, je declamai cependant fortement contre la jonglerieet contre ces genies imaginaires qui n'ont nicorps ni ame lis ne; parurent plus depuis ce ternsla, mais peu de jours apres je vis un petit chienpendu au bout d'une perche piquee en terre, jen' avals rien vu de pareil depuis que je fuis parmiles Ilinois, j'en fus furprls n'ayant encore et€ convaincupar aucune experience qu'ils faffent des facrificesa leurs ManitHs ou qu'ils leurs pendentchiens ou autres beltes pour faire cefler les maladies.Tout ce qu'ils ont coutume de faire eft que dans leurainfi desfeftins, ils difent; mon Manit«, je te prepare ou jete donne a manger, mais les cuifiniers mangent toutet I'on ne prefente rien n'y Ton ne met rien a partpour le Manit8. Je demandois ce que fignifioit cepetit chien qu'on avoit pendu h. cette perche Ton medit qu'il etoit mort de Maladie et que pour empefcherque les enfans ne le touchaffent ils I'avoient mis enun lieu qu'ils ne puffent y atteindre, un vieillard qui


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 187prayers in the cabin of the most notable man in thevillage,— a juggler by profession, who neverthelessmanifested a very zealous desire that his peopleshould honor and attend catechism twice a week.Some were scandalized at my entering the dwellingof this man, who was reported to exhibit the Manitousin the cabin every night, and to sing in theirhonor until daylight; and who had, according totheir custom, given a very superstitious feast. Infact, having gone there one day when I was notexpected, I saw 3 or 4 serpent-skins hung up, withsome painted feathers, and the skins of various verypretty small birds. I pretended not to have seenanything; I strongly inveighed against jugglery,and against those imaginary spirits that have neitherbody nor soul. They did not make their appearanceafter that; but, a few days afterward, I saw alittle dog suspended at the end of a pole stuck intothe Iground. had never seen anything of the kindsince I had been among the Ilinois. I was astonished,for I was not yet convinced by actual experiencethat they offered sacrifices to their Manitous,or that they thus hung up dogs or other animals tostay diseases. All that they are in the habit ofdoing consists in saying at their feasts: " My Manitou,I prepare for thee, or Igive thee, food." Butthe cooks eat everything, and offer nothing, or putnothing aside for the Manitou. I asked what wasmeant by the little dog hanging on the pole. I wastold that it had died of a Disease; and that, toprevent the children from touching it, it had beenput where they could not reach it. An old man, whosaw very well that I was not satisfied with this explanation,told me that it was to appease the lightning,


188 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.64ne me contentois pas de cela, me ditvit bien que jeque c'^toit pour appaifer le tonnerre, parce que I'unde fes enfans avoit €te malade le jour qui auoit beaucouptonne. Apres avoir montre I'inutilit^ de cettefuperrtition en prefence de bien des gens, j'arracliaide terre la perche et la jettai avec le chien dans lesherbes et je continual ma vifite, car apres avoir faitprier Dieu, je vifitai de terns en tems tous ceuxqui avoient leurs champs dans ce canton la; mapromenade etoit toujours de trois bonnes lieues,en fort beau chemin et qui me fembloient courtes acaufe des pofes que jefaifois en diuers endroits ouje m'arretois.Tout le monde partit pour Thyvernement le 26Septembre k la referve de quelques vieilles quirefterent dans 14 ou 15 cabanes et d'vn affez bonnombre de Kafkafkia. Quelque diligence que j'ayefaite pour que Ton n'embarquaffe pas les petitsenfants malades fans avoir re9u le baptefme, il m'eneft 6cliappe quelques uns que les parens n'ont pasvoulu me permettre de baptifer, j'en ai pourfuivid'autres jufqu'a I'embarquement afin de tacher deleur donner leur viatique pour I'eternite, bien m'enprit de ne mettre pas rebuts des railleries que lesparens et toutes les femmes qui etoient prefque as'embarquer firent de mes inquietudes, car Dieurecompenfa mes peines par le falut de plufieurs deces petits innocens. Le chef des Peouareoua ^tonn6de me voir au bord de I'eau, demanda ce que jefaifois la et C j'attendois la mere d'un enfant malade:[je] luirepondis en raillant que je voulois baptifer fonenfant, fur quoi ilfe mit k faire quelques plaifanteries:ne vous etonnez pas, lui dis ie, et k ceux qui


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 189because one of his children had been ill on aday when there had been a great deal of lightning.After pointing out, in the presence of many persons,the uselessness of this superstition, I pulled the poleout of the ground and flung it, with the dog, uponthe grass, and continued my visits ; for, after makingthe savages pray to God, I visited from time to time allwhose fields were in that quarter. My walk alwayscovered fully three leagues, over a very good road ;and the distance seemed short to me, owing to the staythat I made at the various places where I halted.All the people left for their winter quarters on the26th of September, excepting some old women,who remained in 14 or 15 cabins, and a considerablenumber of Kaskaskia. Notwithstandingall thetrouble I took to prevent the sick children frombeing embarked without receiving baptism, someescaped me whose parents would not allow me tobaptize them. I followed others as far as the placeof embarkation, to endeavor to give them their viaticumfor eternity.I did right in not allowing myselfto be repelled by the railleries with which theparents and all the women, who were on the point ofembarking, treated my anxiety; for God rewardedmy efforts with the salvation of several of these littleinnocents. The chief of the Peouareoua, who wassurprised to see me at the water's edge, asked mewhat I was doing there, and whether I was waitingfor the mother of a sick child. I replied jestinglythat I wished to baptize his child, on which hebegan to"joke. Be not surprised," I said to him"and to those who were present, if I have beenstanding here so long. I am much more surprisedthat no pity is shown to the children, who are and


190 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.646toient pr6fent s'ily a li longtems que ie me tiensici debout; je m'etonne bien plus de ce qu'on n'apas pitie des enfans qui font et feront efclaves dud^mon s'ils meurent fans baptefme. Quoique cetteraifon ne leur foit pas evidente pour fe defaire demes importunites on a fouffert que i'en ai ondoy6plufieurs. J'avoue que je n'ai pas 6te fi fcrupuleuxcette annee pour les baptefmes des petits enfantsmalades, que je I'ai et6 les autres prec6dentes; jeleur ai donn6 "kinfgu de leurs parens, n'ayant pascru devoir toujours attendre leur confentement acaufe qu'ils etoient moins touches du bonheur ou dumalheur eternel de leurs enfans malades que de lafauffe crainte qu'ils avoient que le baptefme ne lesfit mourir, car c'eft ce que tachent de perfuader lesennemis de la foi, que le baptefme fait mourir lesenfans et c'eft le reprocbe qu'on me fait fouventdans les plufpart des cabanes; quand je leur parlede la neceffit6 de falut, j'ai fouvent de la peine kperfuader a vne mfere dont le premier enfant baptifeeft mort de faire baptifer le fecond, ou le 3^., il eftbon de ne pas fe rebuter, et ily a bien des femmesqui pour ne pas me voir fouvent dans leur logis, oum'informe de la fant6 de leurs enfans me les ontjeapportes ^ I'eglife pour lesj'aye trouue cette annee plusfaire baptifer et quoiquede r6fiflance dans laplus grande part des parens que les ann6es precedentespour les baptefme de leurs enfans nouueauxn6s j'en ai neanmoins beau coup plus baptifesque I'annee paffee dont quantite fon bien-heureux, etprient maintenant pour le converfion de leurs parens.Comme dans ces commencemens je ne puis prefquerien gagner fur I'efprit des vieillards, des peres et


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 191who will be the slaves of the devil, if they diewithout baptism." Although this reason was not anobvious one to them, to rid themselves of my importunitiesI was permitted to baptize several privately.I confess that I have not been so scrupulous thisyear with reference to the baptism of sick little childrenas I was in Iprevious years. have administeredit to them without the knowledge of their parents,and have not always thought best to await theirconsent; because they were affected less by theeternal happiness or misfortune of their sick childrenthan by their erroneous dread that baptism wouldcause their death. For the enemies of the faithstrive to convince them that baptism causes the childrento die ;and this is the reproach that is frequentlyaddressed to me in most of the cabins, when I speakto them of the necessity of salvation. I oftenexperience great difficulty in persuading a motherwhose first baptized child has died, to allow me tobaptize the second or the 3rd. One must not bediscouraged, and there are many women who, inorder not to see me often in their dwellings, where Iinquire about the health of their children, havebrought them to me in the church to have them baptized.Although this Iyear met with more resistancefrom the majority of the parents than in previousyears, regarding the baptism of their new-bornchildren, I have nevertheless baptized many more thanlast year,— many of whom now enjoy eternal happiness,and pray for their parents' conversion. As inthese beginnings I can produce hardly any effect onthe minds of the old people, the fathers and mothers,I endeavor to put into practice the advice given bySt. Francis Xavier with respect to their children.


192 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.64des meres, je tache de pradtiquer le confeil de S.Fran9ois Xavier k I'egard de leurs enfans, nam utgrandiores et parentes celejlibeatitudine excidunt eorumquidem ijii liberi ac pueri friientur qui prius huj'us lucisu/uratn quain baptifmalem. innocentiam amittent.C'eft ce que dit ce grand ferviteur de Dieu de ceuxde la cofte de la Pecherie. Quoiqu'il y ait d^fia danscette miffion naiffante beaucoup d'adultes baptif6srinconftance de tons ces fauvages et la corruptioneft figrande parmi les peuples du midi qu'il y aplus fujet de craindre pour les Ilinois que St. F. X.n'avoit de craindre pour les Indiens de 1' Orient, paucosad Cceluni pervenire niji eos qui quatuordecim amiisminores cuin bapti/mali innocentia excedunt. Au reftequoique je ne confere pas toutes les c6r6monies dubaptefme des adultes aux filles au deffous de 19 ans,je n'en baptiferai aucune au deffus de 6 ou 7 ans quine fache les prieres et qui ne foit aulTi bien inftruiteque les adultes et a qui je ne faffe faire tous les actesneceffaires avant que de les baptifer. II n'y en apas vne qui eut vn peu de connaiffance qui ne facheque Dieu defend ^ celles qui fe marient d'epoufervn homme qui a deja vne femme et la derniere fiUed'enuiron 19 ans que j'ai baptifee avant le departpour rbyvernement n'a recues le baptefme qu'apresque fon pere qui eft le nouveau chef des Peouareoua,m'a affur^ qu'il ne la marieroit pas a un homme quile feroit deja.Quoique parmi ces peuples il y ait beaucoup decorruption, apres tout le nombre de fiUe nubiles etde nouvelles mariees qui fe confervent dans I'innocenceeft beaucoup plus grand que de celles qui fontdans le . . . et la ferveur de celle qui eft marine


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 193Nam ut grandiores et parentes celesti beatitudine excidunt,eorum quidem isti liberi ac pueri fruentur qui prius hujuslucis usurain quam baptistnalem innocentiam atnittent.That is what this great servant of God says ofthose on the coast of la Pecherie [land of sin?].Although there are already many baptized adults inthis nascent mission, the inconstancy of all thesesavages and the corruption among all these southerntribes are so great that there is more to fear for theIlinois than St. Francis Xavier had to dread in thecase of the Indians of the East,— paiicos ad Caelumpervenire nisi eos qui quatuordecim annis minores cumbaptismali innocentia excedunt. Moreover, although Ido not confer all the rites of the baptism of adultson girls under 19 years of age, I will not baptize oneabove 6 or 7 who knows not the prayers, and who isnot as well instructed as the adults, and whom I donot cause to make all the necessary acts beforeadministering baptism. There has not been onewith a little knowledge who did not know that Godforbids those who marry to espouse a man whoalready has a wife; and the last girl, about 19 yearsof age, whom Ibaptized previous to their departurefor winter quarters, receivedafter herbaptism onlyfather, who is the new chief of the Peouareoua, hadassured me that he would not marry her to any manwho already had a wife.Although there is a great deal of corruption amongthese tribes, after all, the number of nubile girlsand of newly-married women who retain their innocenceis much greater than those in the . . .and the fervor of her who is married to SieurAko has nothing of the savage in it, so thoroughlyis she imbued with the spirit of God. She tells me


194 LES RELATIONS DES JASUITES [Vol.64au Sieur Ako n'a rien de fauvage, elleeft tellementremplie de I'efprit de Dieu, et me decouvre lespenf^es et les hauts fentimens quelle en a avec tantd'ingenuit^ que je ne faurois affez remercier Dieu defe communiquer abondamment fi ^ vne jeune fauvageau milieu d'vne nation infidele et corrompue.IIfallut bien lui livrer des combats pour la faire confentirau mariage car comme elle 6toit dans le deffeinde ne fe marier jamais pour etre toute ^ J. C. ellerepondit fon 'k pere et a fa mere qui me I'amenerenten compagnie du fran9ois qu'ils vouloient avoir pourgendre qu'elle ne vouloit pas fe marier: qu'elle auoitdeja donn^ tout fon coeur a Dieu et quelle ne vouloitpas le partager, ce font ces propres paroles quin'avoient pas encore ete ouies dans cette barbaric,furent elles mal regues et comme jeauffi fes parolesdis franchement que ces fentimens n'etoient pasfauvages et qu'il n'y avoit que Dieu qui les lui putinfpirer. Son pere, fa mere et encore plus le fran-9ois qui la recherchoit en mariage fe perfuaderentque c'etoit moy, qui la faifois parler ainli. Je leurdis que Dieu ne lui ordonnoit pas de fe marier, maisauffi qu'on ne pouuoit pas I'y contraindre, qu'elleetoit feule la maitreffe de faire I'un ou I'autre pourcraindre d'offenfer Dieu. Elle ne me repondit rien,ni a toutes les inftances ni a toutes les menaces defon pere et de fa mere qui fortant tons chagrins nepenferent plus qu'a faire 6clater leur col ere contremoi, s'imaginant que c'etoit moi qui defendois a leurfille de donner fon confentement.Comme je faifois le cri dans le bourg pourvenir "kla priere, le p^re m'arreta en paffant par devant facabane et me dit que puifque j'empechois fa fille de


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 195the thoughts and the elevated sentiments that shehas regarding God,— with such ingenuousness that Icannot sufficiently thank God for revealing himselfso intimately to a young savage in the midst of aninfidel and corrupt nation. Many struggles wereneeded before she could be induced to consent tothe marriage, for she had resolved never to marry,in order that she might belong wholly to JesusChrist. She answered her father and mother, whenthey brought her to me in company with the frenchmanwhom they wished to have for a son-in-law,that she did not wish to ;marry that she had alreadygiven all her heart to God, and did not wish to shareit. Such were her very words, which had never yetbeen heard in this barbarism. Consequently— herlanguage was received with displeasure; and as Ifrankly stated that such sentiments were not thoseof a savage, and that God alone could have inspiredher with them — her father, her mother, and stillmore the frenchman who wished to marry her, wereconvinced that it was I who made her speak thus.I told them that God did not command her not tomarry, but also that she could not be forced to doso ;that she alone was mistress to do either the oneor the other, in the fear of offending God. Shemade no answer either to all the entreaties or to all thethreats of her father and mother, who went awayquite chagrined, and thinking of nothing but ventingtheir anger against me,— imagining that it was I whoprevented their daughter from giving her consent.As I went through the village calling the savagesto prayers, the father stopped me when Ipassedbefore his cabin, and told me that, inasmuch as Iwas preventing his daughter from obeying him, he


196 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.64lui obeir ilempecheroit auffi d'aller ^ la chapelle et enmefme terns fortit de fon logis criant et fe dechainantcontre moy et ferm6 le palTage a ceux qui me fuivoient.Une partie de Kafkafkia ne laifferent pasde venir ^ la chapelle, comme les Peouareoua, faifantle tour du four [sc. bourg] pour fe derober h. fa vue.II venoit de chaffer fa fille de fa maifon apres luiavoir ote fon juftaucorps, fes bas et fes fouliers etfes petits ornemens, fans qu'elle dit un feul mot, niverfer une feule larme. Mais quandil voulut luioter ce qui I'a couvroit. Ah! mon pere que voulezvousfaire lui dit-elle, laiffez moi, e'en eft aflez je nevous donnerai pas ce qui me refle, vous m'oterez lavie plutoft que de me I'arracher; fon pere s'arreftetout court et fans lui dire un feul mot, la chafle horsde fa maifon: n'ofant paroiftre en cet etat elle s'allacacher dans les herbes au bord de I'eau, ou un vieillardcatechumene qui venoit h. la chapelle la trouvantlui jetta fon juftaucorps, dont elle fe couvrit et vintauffitoft k la chapelle, repondit k toutes les priereset au chant avec lesautres, comme s'il ne lui etoitrien arrive. Elle m'attendit apres la priere je I'exhortaid'avoir bon courage et de faire precifement ceque Dieu lui infpireroit fans rien craindre. Je la fisconduire a la derobee dans la maifon de celui quiI'avoit couverte de fon juftaucorps.Des la mefme nuit fon pere affembla les chefs desquatre villages et leur dit que puifque j'empechoisque les fran9ois s'alliaffent a eux, ajoutant centautres fauffetes ^ ce qu'il avoit dit, il les conjuroitd'empecher que les femmes et les enfans n'allaffentk la chapelle. II ne lui fut pas difficile de perfuaderce qu'il voulut a des gens qui d'eux mefmes ne


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 197would also prevent her from going to the ;chapel atthe same time he came out of his cabin, rating meand inveighing against me, and barring the way tothose who followed me. A portion of the Kaskaskianevertheless came to the chapel, and so did thePeouareoiia, who went round the village to escape hissight. He had just driven his daughter out of thehouse after depriving her of her upper garment, herstockings, her shoes, and her petty ornaments, withouta single word of remonstrance or a single tearfrom her. But, when he wished to take away what' 'covered her, she said : Ah !my father, what areyou trying to do? Leave me; that is enough.Iwill not give you the rest ;you may take my liferather than deprive me of it." Her father stoppedshort and, without saying a word, drove her fromhis house. Not wishing to be seen in that plight,she hid herself in the grass on the water's edge,where an old man — a catechumen, who was goingto the chapel— found her, and threw her his jerkin.She covered herself with it, and at once came to thechapel, where she responded to all the prayers andchants with the others, as if nothing had happenedto her. She waited for me after prayers, when Iexhorted her to have courage and to do preciselywhatever God inspired her, without fearing anything.I had her taken secretly to the house of the savagewho had covered her with his jerkin.That very night her father gathered the chiefs ofthe four villages together, and told them that, sinceIprevented the french from forming alliances withthem,— and adding a number of other falsehoods towhat he said,— he earnestly begged them to stopthe women and children from coming to the chapel.


198 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64font encore guere portes pour le Chriftianifme,les defenfes et les menaces n'empecherent pasqu'ils ne I'y trouvat le lendemain 50 perfonnesdu village des Peouareoua, et quelques Kafkafkia auffibien que cette fille qui s'ex.pofoit a 6tre maltraites 11fon pfere I'eut rencontr6e, il envoya un efpion pourvoir fiquelqu'un entroit dans la chapelle et furprisde voir tant de monde fit crier dans le village qu'iletoit etrange qu'on n'obeit pas aux chefs, puifquemalgre leur defenfe beaucoup de gens etoient entresdans la chapelle, ainfi qu'on ne fut pas furpris s'ilmaltraitoit ceux qui s'opiniatroient ay vouloir venir.Celles qui gouvernent les jeunes femmes et lesgrandes filles de Peouareoua me dirent qu'elles viendroientle foir a la priere et que je ne fiffe pas de crisdans le bourg, je leur repondis que fi j'y manquoisje ferois croire que je craignois les defenfes et lesmenaces qu'on avoit faites, que ceux qui avoient ducourage m'obeiroient, elles vinrent en effet d'ellesmefme le foir k la chapelle mais je ne laiffai pas defaire le cri a mon ordinaire. On me repond dediverfes cabanes que je ceffaffe de faire 1 'invitation etque perfonne n'iroit prier Dieu ^ la chapelle puifqueles chefs le defendoient, que perfonne ne fortede fon logis, difoit-on, Ton vous defend de prier.Criez bien haut me dit un autre, qui eft ce qui vousobeira: en effet perfonne n'en fortit et il n'y eut quequelques petites filles qui faifant un grand tour poureviter ceux qui bouchoient les paffages, fe vinrentjoindre k celles qui m'attendoient k la porte de lachapelle. La fille du chef des Kafkafkia y vint auffiet il ne fe trouva en tout que 30 perfonnes. A peineeus je commence k chanter la Veni Creator y qu'une


1689-95]ILLINOIS MISSION 199He experienced no difficulty in making people whoare themselves still but little inclined to Christianitybelieve all he wished. The prohibitions and threatsdid not prevent there being 50 persons present onthe following day from the village of the Peouareoua,with some Kaskaskia — 2iS, well as the girl,whoexposed herself to ill treatment, had her father mether. He sent a spy to see whether any personsentered the chapel; and, being surprised to find somany people there, he caused to be proclaimed in thevillage that it was strange that the chiefs were notobeyed, since, notwithstanding their prohibition,many people had entered the chapel that therefore:they must not be if surprised he ill-treated those whopersisted in going there. Those who govern theyoung women and the grown girls of Peouareoua toldme that they would come to prayers in the evening,and that I was not to announce them in the village.I replied that, if I failed to do so, I would lead thesavages to believe that I feared the prohibitions andthe threats that had been made and that those who;had courage would obey me. They came, in fact,of their own accord to the chapel in the evening ;but I nevertheless made the usual announcement. Iwas told from various cabins to cease my call, andthat no one would go to the chapel to pray to God,"because the chiefs forbade it. Let no one go forthfrom the lodges," they said;" you are forbidden topray." "Call out very loudly," another said tome; " who will obey you?" In fact, no one cameout'; and there were only some little girls presentwho made a long detour to avoid those who barredthe way, and came to join those who awaited me atthe door of the chapel. The daughter of the chiefof the Kaskaskia came also, and there were only 30


200 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64homme d'environ 45 ans entra dans la chapelle, lecaffe-terte k la main, difant d'un ton mena^ant,n'avez vous pas entendu la d6fenfe des chefs,obeiffez leur et fortez vite ;il en prend une par lebras pour le faire fortir; mais elle tint bon, je m'enfus droit a lui, fors toimefme lui dis je, et refpedtela maifon de Dien. Les chefs leur defendent deprier, me repondit-il et Dieu le leur;commande, luidis je, tais toi et fors, je ne m'attendois pas qu'il medonnat le temps de lui dire, ce que je lui dis, enfuiteje m'en retourne au marche pied de I'autel ou jecontinual la pri^re, il en prit encore une par le braspour la faire fortir, vous n'obeillez pas leur dit-il;prends garde de ne pas facher le maitre que nousfervons ici, lui criai-je, retire toi et nous laille prierDieu, et vous qui honorez le Seigneur du ciel et dela terre, ne craignez pas, il eft avec vous, et il vousgarde. II refte encore quelques temps fans parler,et voyant qu'il ne gagnoit rien, il fe retira avec unautre vieillard qui I'avoit fuivi :je louai les affiftantesd'avoir tenu bon et d'avoir fait perdre courage k ces^miHaires du Demon, qui jaioux de ce qu'on commencek invoquer Dieu dans ce pays, a excite cettepetite perfecution ; mais ne vous en etonnez pas, ellene durera pas longtems, Dieu ne la permet que pour6prouver votre conftance.Je cru qu'il ne falloit pas fe taire apres un telleinfulte faite a Dieu. J'allai trouver le commandantdu fort qui en triomphoit; me il r^pondit en m'infultantque je m'etois attire tout cela par mon opiniatr^t6k ne vouloir pas permettre que cette fille dont j'aiparl6 ci deffus fe mariat avec le Fran9ois qui 6toitlors avec lui, et ques'il vouloit la marier il le feroit


1689-^5] ILLINOIS MISSION 201persons in all. Hardly had I begun to chant theVeni Creator when a man about 45 years of age enteredthe chapel, with a club in his hand, saying in agive me time to saythreatening tone " Have you not heard the chiefs*:prohibition? Obey them, and go out quickly." Heseized one by the arm, to make her go out; but sheremained firm. I went straight to him, and said:" Go out thyself and respect the house of God."" The chiefs forbid them to pray," he " replied.*'And God commands them to do so," I said. Besilent and go out." I did not expect that he wouldto him all that I did. I afterwardreturned to the altar-step, where I continuedthe prayer. He took another by the arm, to makeher go out. " You obey not," he said to them." Take care not to offend the master whom we servehere," I called out to him; "withdraw, and leaveus to pray to God. And you who honor the Lord ofheaven and of earth, fear not ;he is with you, andhe guards you." He remained some time longer,without saying a word; and, seeing that he gainednothing, he withdrew with another old man, whohad followed him. I praised all present for havingbeen firm, and for having caused the Devil'semissaries to lose ;courage for he it was who, out ofjealousy because the savages in this country arebeginning to pray to God, had been the cause of this"petty persecution. But you must not be frightened;it will not last long, God permitsit solely totest your constancy. ''I thought that I should not remain silent after sogreat an insult had been offered to God. I went tothe commandant of the fort who gloated over it. Heanswered in an insulting manner that I had drawnall this upon myself, through my stubbornness in


202 LES RELATIONS DES J^SUITES [Vol.64malgr^ moy: il en vint aprfes plufieurs reprochesaflez injurieux me "k charger de mille calumnies enpr^fence des Frangois, et d'un grand nombre defauuages qui s'affemblerent pr^s le fort pour I'ouirinvedtiver contre moy d'une maniere pleine de m6-pris et emport^e. Dieu me fit la grace de receuoirtoutes ces humiliations avec vn efprit affez tranquillece me femble. Pour ne pas faire croire aux fauvagesque nous nous querellions, je ne repondisprefque rien k toutes les injures qu'il me dit, et jen'elevois un peu la voix que lorfque je crus que jedevois foutenir la gloire et la culte de Dieu, et commeje voulois tou jours revenir a I'infulte qu'on avoit faitdans la chapelle dont je demandois quelque efpecede fatisfadtion et qu'on fit avec les chefs des fauvagesce qu'ilfalloit faire de peur que quelqu' autre n'envoulut faire autant ou davantageil me dit;froidementqu'il parleroit aux chefs, et au lieu de lesaifembler fur le ilchamp, attendit au lendemainapres midi, encore falloit-il que j'y retournafl!e.II fe contenta par toute fatisfadtion de m'envoyerdire que les chefs affuroient qu'il n'avoient pas dit ^cet homme de faire infulte k la chapelle, il ne tintpas a lui que le mefme fauvage ne commit encore lamefme infolence, car lorfqu'on s'aflembla pour crierla melTe, un grand orage de pluie etant furvenu, ils'imagina qu'on ne viendroit pas k la chapelle; maisayant veu le contraire il n'eut le loifir de fe pref enterlorfqu'on en fortoit, n'ayant pas aflez de foin decacher fon caffe-tete, qui paraiffoit fous fes habits.Pendant ces 2 jours le chef des Kafkafkia n'oubliarien pour tirer le confentement de fa fille par lescarefl^es, et par les menaces, il ajouta les promelfes


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 203not allowing the girl of whom I have spoken aboveto marry the Frenchman, who was then with him ;and that, if he wished to marry her, he would doso in spite of me. After several very insultingreproaches, he went so far as to utter a great manycalumnies against me, in the presence of the Frenchand of a large number of savages, who gathered nearthe fort to hear him inveigh against me in a mostcontemptuous and angry manner. God granted methe grace to bear all these humiliations in a quitetranquil state of mind, it seems to me. In orderthat the savages might not think that we werequarreling, I replied hardly a word to all the insultsthat he uttered ;and I raised my voice a little merelywhen I considered that I should maintain the gloryand worship of God, and because Ialways desired torevert to the insult that had been offered in thechapel. For that I demanded satisfaction of somekind, and that whatever was necessary should bedone with regard to the chiefs of the savages, lestsome other might seek to do as much, or more. Hereplied coldly that he would speak to the chiefs;but, instead of assembling them at once, he waiteduntil the afternoon of the following day, and eventhen I had to return to him for the purpose.For all satisfaction, he contented himself withsending me word that the chiefs asserted that theyhad not told that man to offer the insult in thechapel and it was not due to him that the same;savage was not again guilty of the same insolence.For, when we assembled to call to mass, a heavyshower fell, and he imagined that they would not.come to the chapel. But, when he found out thecontrary and came there, he was only in time tomeet them as they came out; and he was not careful


204 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64qui furent que li elle ne lui obeilToit pas, elle ^prouveroittoute forte de rigueurs de fa part, qu'abfolumenton ne prieroit plus Dieu, qu'il iroit h. la guerreet qu'elle ne le reverroit plus; elle me vint trouver,m'affura que Dieu la fortifioit et qu'elle etoit toujoursdans le deffein de confacrer k Dieu la virginite qu'elleavoit pleur6 pendant 2 jours de cette confpirationcontre la priere, dont fon pere etoit I'auteur: qu'ellecraignoit fon pere ne devint plus furieux et qu'il nefe portat a quelqu'extremite. Toutes les menacesne me font aucune peine, me dit-elle,qu'on me faitet j'ai le coeur content, mais je crains pour le parolede Dieu, car je connois mon pere et ma mere; necraignez point lui dis-je, la priere ell I'hommage deDieu. Mon pere m'a fait pitie, me dit-elle, et j'aiune penfee me dit-elle, je ne fais fi elle eft bonne, jecrois que fi je confens au ilmariage, vous 6couteraveritablement, et ily portera tout le monde; jed6fire de plaire ^ Dieu me dit elle, et c'efl pour ceiaque j'ai deffein d'etre toujours comme je fuis, pouretre agr6able a J. C. feul, mais j'ai penfe de confentircontre mon inclination 1'pour amour de lui aumariage, eft ce bien fait? Ce font tons les termes,et je ne fais que changer I'llinois en Francois. Mafille lui dis je, Dieu ne vous defend pas le mariage,et je ne vous dis pas: Mariez vous ou ne vous mariezpas: vous fi n'y confentez que pour I'amour de Dieu,et que vous croyez, qu'en vous mariant, vous gagnerezk Dieu votre famille, cette penf6e eft bonne, maisilfaut que vous d^clariez a vos parents que ce ne fontpas leur menaces, qui vous font confentir au mariage.Elle prit ce dernier parti. Comme Ton continuoitfortement les pourfuites; elle dit k fa mere, i'ai piti6


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 205enough to hide his club which showed beneath hisclothes. During those 2 days the chief of theKaskaskia made every effort to obtain his daughter'sconsent, by dint of caresses and of threats. Heassured her that, if she obeyed him not, shewould be treated most rigorously by him that;assuredly prayers would no longer be said to God ;that he would go to war, and that she would see himno more. She came to me, and assured me that Godstrengthened her that she was still resolved to consecrateher virginity to God that she had ;;wept for2 days on account of this conspiracy against prayer,of which her father was the instigator ;and that shefeared that her father would become still more"furious and proceed to extremities. All the"threats against me trouble me not," she said, andmy heart is content. But I fear for God's word,because I know my father and my mother. " " Fearnot," I said to her, " prayer is the homage paid toGod."" My father has had pity on me," she said," and I have an idea— I know not whether it is agood one. I think that, if I consent to the marriage,he will listen to you in earnest, and will induce all''to do so. I wish to please God, and for that reasonI intend to be always as am I in order to please JesusChrist alone. But Ithought of consenting againstmy inclination to the marriage, through love forhim. Is that right?" These are all her own wordsand Imerely translate her Ilinois into French. " Mydaughter," I said to her, " God does not forbidyou to marry ; neither do Isay to :you Marry ordo not marry. Ifyou consent solely through lovefor God, and ifyou believe that by marrying youwill win your family to God, the thought is a goodone. But you must declare to your parents that it is


206 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64de mon pere je n'ai aucun reffentiment de la manieredont il me traitee, ie ne crains point fes menaces ;mais je crois que je lui accorderai ce qu'il medemande parceque je crois que vous et lui m'accorderezce que ie vous demanderai. Enfin ayant dit ^fon pere qu'elle confentoit au mariage, Ie p^re, lamere et Ie Fran9ois, me vinrent trouver, comme elleetoit dans la chapelle, pour favoir d'elle fi fon peredifoit, vraie, elle repondit tout haut, je hais celui laen montrant Ie Fran9ois, parcequ'il parle tou joursmal de mon pere, la robe noire, et qu'il ment difantque c'eft lui qui m'empefche de me marier; puis ellem'a dit tout bas, ce n'eft pas par la crainte que j'aide mon pere qui me force de confentir au mariage,vous favez pourquoi j'y confens, Ie Frangois et Iepere fe retirerent bien contents pour fe difpoferaux preparatifs du mariage; mais avant que de Ieconclure entierement, je voulus que Ie p^re fit affemblerdans la cabanne tous les chefs des villages etqu'il defavoua tout ce qu'il avoit dit, puifque toutetoit faux et qu'il temoigna fon repentir de lad6fenfe qu'il leur avoit fait de prier Dieu, et qu'ilen fitquelque fatisfac5tion a laquelle ie voulu metrouver.II confentit k tout cela, et Ie fit de la manifere Ieplus foumife et la plus humiliante qu'on puiffe I'imaginerme fuppliant par plufieurs fois de lui pardonnerfon ivrognerie, c'eft k dire, fon entetement, m'apoftrophanta tous momens en faifant I'eloge de lapriere. Je n'ai iamais eu la penfee de la quitter, ditil aux affiftans, et quand je vous ai dit, d'arreterpendant quelques jours ceux et celles qui y venoient,c'etoient rufe, quand je vous I'ai dit: je vous prie de


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 207not their threats that make you consent to themarriage." She came to the latter decision. Asthe urgent solicitations continued, she said to her"mother : I pity my father. I feel no resentmentagainst him for his treatment of me, and I fear nothis threats. But I think that I shall grant hisrequest, because I believe that you and he will grantme what I ask." Finally, she told her father thatshe consented to the marriage; the father, themother, and the Frenchman came to me while she wasin the chapel to ascertain whether what her fathersaid was true. She replied aloud: " I hate him,"pointing to the Frenchman, " because he alwaysspeaks ill of my father, the black gown and he lies;when he says that it is he who prevents me frommarrying." Then in a low tone she said tome:"It is not fear of my father that compels me toconsent to the marriage. You know why I consent."The Frenchman, and the father withdrew, wellsatisfied to make the preparations for the marriage.But, before concludingit entirely, I wished thefather to gather all the chiefs of the villages in hiscabin, and retract all that he had said, because itwas all untrue; to express his regret for havingforbidden them to pray to God and to tender some;satisfaction, at which I wished to be present.He consented to all this, and did so, in the mostsubmissive and humiliated manner that can beimagined. He begged me several times to forgivehim his drunkenness,— that is, his obstinacy,—addressing me at every moment, and eulogizing"prayer. I never intended to abandon it," he said' 'to those who were present, even when I told you tostop for a few days those who were going to pray;


208 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64tout mon pouvoir d'obeir maintenant a la robe noire,qui eft votre veritable pere qui vous aime effedtivementet qui ne nous trompe point. Prenez couragemes freres exhortez tout le monde a lui obeir et a lefaire inftruire et quand it fait le cri pour aller prierDieu que tout le monde y aille. II en dit tant, ets'humilia C bas que quelque refolution que j'eulTepris de lui bien dire les Veritas en vne fi grandeaffembl^e, je me contentois de lui dire que commeie croyois qu'il parlait du coeur que je voulais bienoublier tout ce qu'il avait fait et que ie priois Dieude lui pardonner; mais qu'il fe fouvint et tous ceuxqui m'ecoutoient, que ceux qui s'attaquoient k lapriere, feroient eux mefmes. Qu'aurefte tout cequ'il leur avoit dit dans fon chagrin touchant lesmariages des Fran9ois ^toient faux et de 1 'inventionde quelques Frangois fcandaleux et que les robesnoires 6toient les temoins d'un veritable mariage,et ^ qui feuls Dieu a ordonne de prier tous ceuxqui voudront fe marier et ils feront veritablementmaries.En fortant de cette affemblee tous les anciens firentle cri dans le bourg pour venir a la priere, et je croisque tout le village, femmes, filles et enfants etles vieillards mefmes s'affemblerent autour de lachapelle, mais ie ne I'ouvris k perfonne pour leur faireconnoiftre qu'il n'y avait que moi qui gouvernoit lapriere, comme je I'avois dit dans I'affemblee, etqu'elle ne dependoit pas du caprice des hommes quepuifque je n'avois pas fait de cri, et que je n'avoisnomme perfonne pour le faire en ma place, iln'ycomme Ton ne favoitavoit point de priere ce jour la,pas pourquoi ie n'ouvrois pas la porte de la chapelle,


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 209it was a trick, when I told you to do it. I beg you,as urgently as I can, to obey now the black gown,your true father, who really loves you, and whodoes not deceive you. Take courage, my brothers ;exhort all to obey him and to be instructed, andwhen he calls out the summons to pray to God, letevery one go. He ' 'said so much, and abased himselfto such — a degree, that althoughI had resolvedto tell him all that I thought of him, before so largean assembly— I contented myself with saying that,as I believed that he spoke from the bottom of hisheart, I was willing to overlook all that he had doneand I prayed God to forgive him ;but that he andall who listened to me must remember that all whoattacked prayer would be acting preciselyas thisman had done. Moreover, that all that he had saidto them, in his chagrin, with reference to themarriages of the French was false, and was theinvention of some scandal-loving Frenchmen; thatthe black gowns were the witnesses of true marriage ;and that to them alone God had given orders topray for all who wished to marry, and they wouldbe truly married.On leaving this assembly, all the elders called outthe summons to prayers throughout the village;and I think that the whole of it— women, girls,children, and even the old men — gathered aroundthe chapel. But I would not open it to any one, inorder to show them that I alone governed prayer,as I had told them at the assembly, and that itdepended not on men's caprice that, since I had not;announced or it, appointed any one to do so in mystead, there would be no prayer that day. As noone knew the reason why I did not open the door of


210 LES RELA TIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol. 64tout le monde attendit longtems,ils fe retirerentenfin les vns apres les autres ne fachant que penfer.Le commandant du fort ne manqua pas de me blameret dit aux fauvages que puifque ie n'ouvrois pas laporte de la chapelle, il ne falloit pas prier Dieu queie n'avois qu'a m'en aller, Le chef de Kafka/kia,croyant que j'etois fache et craignant de m'avoir ditquelque chofe en s'excufant qui m'auroit choque,m'envoya le Frangois fon gendre futur, pour favoirde moi ce qui en etoit; ie lui repondis que i'etoiscontent de la fatisfadtion publique qu'il avoit faite,mais que ie ne regardois pas comme des gens quivouluffent prier ceux qui venoient "kla chapelle k lavoix des vieillards mais ^ la mienne et que commei'avois fait deux fois le cri dans le bourg fans qu'onm'obeit et qu'on fut venu "k la chapelle k la derobee,ie ferois auffi deux jours fans faire le cri,en effet iene re9U le lendemain a la chapelle que celles quiavoient ete conftantes, et je ne fis le cri que le foir.Comme la chapelle etoit prefque pleine ie leur expliquoisce que c'etoit que d'etre chreftien ou d'avoirveritablement envi de I'etre, que ceux qui craignoientplus les hommes que Dieu ne I'etoient pas, etc . . .Apres que le chef des Kafkiafkia fut allur6 duconfentement de fa fille pour fe marier au Fran9oisdont i'ai parle ci deffus, il declara "k tons les chefsdes villages, par des grandes prefents qu'il alloits'allier avec un Fran9ois; la fillepour s'y mieuxdifpofer fit fa prem*"^ communion le jour de I'Affumptionde N. D. a laquelle elle fe preparoit d^puis plusde 3 mois avec tant de ferveur qu'elle paraiffoit toutepenetr^e de ce grand myilere. II eft k croire queJ. C. I'enrichit de bien de graces dans fa premiere


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 211the chapel, they all waited for a long time, andfinally withdrew, one after another, not knowing"what to think. The commandant of the fort failednot to blame me and told the; savages that, since Idid not open the door of the chapel, they need notpray to God, and I had only to go away. The chiefof the Kaskaskia, who thought that I was angry, andwho feared that in excusing himself he might havesaid something to offend me, sent the Frenchman,his future son-in-law, to me to know what was thematter. I replied that I was content with the publicsatisfaction he had given but that I did not consider;as persons desirous of praying those who came tothe chapel at the call of the old men, but those whocame at mine; and that, as I had called out thesummons twice in the village without being obeyed,and as people came to the chapel only by stealth, Iwould therefore wait two days before I summonedthem. In fact, I received in the chapel on thefollowing day only those women who had beenconstant ;and I did not summon them until evening.As the chapel was nearly full, Iexplained what itmeant to be a christian, or to truly desire to be one ;that they who feared men more than God were notChristians, etc.After the chief of the Kaskiaskia had obtained hisdaughter's consent to the marriage with the French-have spoken above, he informed allman of whom Ithe chiefs of the villages, by considerable presents,that he was about to be allied to a Frenchman. Thebetter to prepare herself for it, the girl made herfirst communion on the feast of the Assumption of Our;Lady she had prepared herself for it during morethan 3 months— with such fervor, that she seemed


212 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64vilite, et j'ai vu fenflblement dans cette fille I'effetd'une bonne communion: comme elle n'avait pasoubli6 ce que j'avois dit de St. Henry le jour de fafete et de Ste. Cunegonde fa femme, elle efpera depouvoir perfuader la mefme chofe k celui avec quielle devoit fe marier, il n'eft pas croyable les prieresqu'elle fit a Dieu pour cela: je la laiffai dans cetteefp6rance, 6tant d'ailleurs bien inftruite des obligationsdu mariage, et de tout ce k quoi elle s'engageoit:Son mari m'a dit qu'elle lui parla d'unemani^re £i tendre et fiperfuafive qu'il ne put pass'empecher dans etre touche, et qu'il etoit tout confusd'eftre moins vertueux qu'elle, Elle a pris pourfes patronnes particulieres les Dames chretiennes quife font fandtifiees dans la mariage, favoir Ste. Paule,Ste. Fran§oife, Ste. Marguerite, Ste. Elifabeth, etSte. Brigitte, qu'elle invoque plufieurs fois le jouret leur dit des chofes qu'on ne croiroit pas d'une jeunefauvage. La premiere conquefte qu'elle fit a Dieufut de gagner fon mari qui a etait fameux en ce paysdes Ilinois par toutes ces debauches: il eft tout change,et il m'a avou6 qu'il tie fe reconnoiffoit plus luimefme et qu'il ne pent attribuer fa converfion qu'auxpri6res de fa femme, aux exhortations qu'elle luifait, et ^ I'exemple qu'elle lui donne: Et commentpouvoir refifter m'a t'il dit fouvent h. tout ce qu'elleme dit, je fuis honteux qu'un enfant fauvage inftruitdepuis peu de temps en fache plus que moi quifuis ne et elev6 dans le chriftianifme, et qu'elle meparle de I'amour de Dieu, avec une douceur et unetendreffe k faire pleurer les plus infenfibles et monexperience m'affure qu'elle me dit vrai qui n'y apoint de ioie que pour les gens de bien. Jufqu'ici


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 213fully penetrated by that great mystery. We maybelieve that Jesus Christ enriched her with manygraces on the occasion of his first visit, and I observedin this girl the manifest effects of a good communion.As she had not forgotten what I had said ofSt. Henry on the day of his feast, and of St. Cunegonde,his wife, she hoped to persuade him whomshe was about to marry to do the same. Thenumber of prayers she said to God with that object isincredible. I left her in that hope, for I had moreoverfully instructed her regarding the obligations ofmarriage, and everything to which she pledgedherself. Her husband has told me that she spoke tohim in so tender and persuasive a manner that hecould not avoid being touched by it, and that he wasquite ashamed of being less virtuous than she. Shehas taken for her special patronesses the christianLadies who have sanctified themselves in the stateof matrimony,— namely, St. Paula, St. Frances, St.Margaret, St. Elizabeth, and St. Bridget, whom sheinvokes many times during the day saying things tothem that one would not believe from a youngshe made for God wassavage. The first conquestto win her husband, who was famous in this Ilinoiscountry for all his debaucheries. He is now quitechanged, and he has admitted to me that he nolonofer recosfnizes himself, and can attribute his conversionsolely to his wife's prayers and exhortations,and to the example that she gives him. " And howcan I resist," he has often told me; " all that shesays to me? I am ashamed that a savage child, whohas but recently been instructed, should know morethan I who have been born and brought up in Christianity,and that she should speak to me of the love


214 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64ie n'ai iamais €t€ content i'ai tou jours en la confcienceag-it^e de mille remords, pourfuivit il, et j'ai tantd'horreur de ma vie paffee que j'efpere qn'aide de lagrace de Dieu perfonne ne me fera changer jamaisla r^folution que j'ai prife de bien viure k I'avenir.Pour lui faire expier fes fautes paffees, Dieu I'apermis de deplaire a quelques perfonnes qui lui ontfufcit6s de mechantes affaires et qui le rendentodieux h. tout le monde. Sa femme eft toute faconfolation par les feuls difcours qu'elle lui tient:Qu'importe, lui dit elle, que tout le monde foitcontre nous. Si nous aimons Dieu et qu'il nousaime il nous eft advantageux de payer tandifquenous vivons le mal que nous avons fait fur la terreafin qu'apres notremort Dieu nous faffe mifericorde,M'ayant oui dire que quantity de chreftiens penetr6sdu regret de leur faute et de leur douleur d'avoircrucifie J. C. par leurs peches exercent de Stes cruautesau lieu de fe traiter avec delicateffe, comme fontquelques vns, elle fe fit une ceinture d'epines qu'elleporta deux jours entiers, dont elle fe feroit extropiee,fi m'ayant fait favoir cette mortification, je ne I'eulfeobligee d'en ufer avec plus de moderation qu'elle nefaifoit; elle a de fi tendres fentimens pour J. C.fouffrant qu'elle m'a avoue qu'elle pleuroit fouventen regardant Jefus couronn6 d'epines qu'elle a dansune efpece d'appartement qu'elle s'eft pratiqu^e.Je prends plaifir k lui faire dire ce qu'elle penfe deDieu et les fentiments qu'elle en a. En verit6 iln'ya que Dieu qui les lui puiffe infpirer lui mefme:quand je penfe, dit-elle, a I'aveuglement des Ilinoisde ne pas adorer, et de ne pas aimer un Dieu figrandil m'en affiige fouvent; lui ayant demand^ fi elle


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 215of God with a gentleness and tenderness capable ofmaking the most insensible ;weep and my experienceconvinces me that she tells the truth when shesays that there is no joy except for those who aregood. Hitherto, I have never been satisfied; myconscience has always been troubled with a greatmany causes for remorse," he" continued, and Ihave such a horror of my past life that I hope, withthe assistance of God's grace, that no one will everbe able to make me abandon the resolution I haveundertaken to lead a good life in future." To makehim expiate his past offenses, God permitted thathe should displease some persons who have stirredup ugly transactions of his, and have made himodious to every one. His wife is all his consolation,through what she says to him. " What mattersit, if all the world be against us? " "she says. If welove God, and he loves us, it is an advantage to us toatone during our lives for the evil that we have done onearth, so that God may have "mercy on us after we die.Having heard me say that many christians, penetratedwith regret for their offenses and with sorrowfor having crucified Jesus Christ by their sins, practiceHoly severities upon themselves, she — insteadof treating herself tenderly, as some do— made forherself a girdle of thorns. This she wore for twowhole days, and she would have crippled herselfwith it, had she not informed me of this mortification,when Icompelled her to use it with moremoderation. She has such tenderness for JesusChrist suffering that she has admitted to me thatshe often weeps while gazing at Jesus crowned withthorns,— a picture of whom she keeps in a sort ofapartment that she has made for herself. I take


216 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64I'aimoit veritablement, elle me repondit en foupirantqu'elle etoit honteufe de ne le pas aimer autantqu'elle le devroit. II eft grand, fon amour pournous eft grand et je fuis fipetite, et mon amour pourlui eft fipetit, du moins je fouhaite de I'aimer beau-lui demandai une autre fois ficoup etc . . . jeelle aimoit la Ste. V. et ce qu'elle lui difoit. le nefais fije fais mal de I'appeller ma mire, me repondittous les termes de tendreffe de meelle, je la prie parvouloir bien adopter pour fa fille ; que ferois je fi jene I'avois pas pour mere, et fi elle ne me regardoitcomme fa fille? fuis-je capable de me conduire? je nefuis encore qu'un enfant, et je fais pas encore prier: jela fupplie de m'apprendre comment je dois dire afinqu'elleme defende contre le D6mon qui m'attaque detous cot6s, et qui me feroit tomber fije n'avoisrecours a elle, et fi elle ne me recevoit pas entre fesbras, comme une bonne mere qui regoit fon enfant quia peur; elle me dit auffi fort ingenuement qu'elle laprioit de ne pas fe facher de ce qu'elle portoit fonbeau nom de Marie, qu'elle fe reffouvenoit toujoursen difant fon chapelet de fupplier fon cher fils Jefusnotre Capitaine, qu'elle ne gataft pas fon St. nomqu'elle portoit, n'y qu'il ne fe facha pas s'il I'appeloitfa mere. Non, lui dis-je, elle ne fe fache pas de ceque vous I'appeliez votre mere, continuez a lui parlerainfi, elle vous 6coutera volontiers, et elle vousregardera comme fa fille, tandifque vous aimerezbien fon fils. Cette bonne fille a un foin admirablepour faire baptifer les enfans et les jeunes filles defon bourg et c'eft lui faire un fenfible plaifir de lachoifir pour Marraine, elle apporteelle mefme lesenfants de fes parents d'abord qu'ils font nes afin,


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 217pleasure in making her say what she thinks of God,and the sentiments she feels toward him. In truth,God alone can inspire her with them." When I"think," she said, of the blindness of the Ilinois innot adoring or loving so great a God, I am oftenafflicted at it." When I asked her whether shetruly loved him, she replied with sighs that she wasashamed not to love him as she should." He isgreat, and his love for us is great I am so insignificant,and my love for him is so small. But at ; leastI desire to love him much," etc. . . . Onanother occasion I asked her whether she loved theBlessed Virgin, and what she"said to her. I knownot whether I do wrong in calling her my mother, ' ''she replied; "I pray to her with every endearingterm, to be pleased to adopt me as her daughter.What should I do were she not my mother, and didshe not look upon me as her daughter? Am I capableguiding myself?I am still but a child, andknow not yet how to pray. I beg her to teach mewhat I should say to her, that she may protect meagainst the Demon — who assails me on all sides, andwould cause me to fall had I not recourse to her,and did she not receive me in her arms, as a goodmother receives her frightened child." She alsotold me, very ingenuously, that she begged her notto be angry at her for bearing her beautiful name ofMary; that she always remembered, while sayingher rosary, to pray to Our Lady's beloved son Jesus,our Captain, that she might not sully the Holy namethat she bore, and that he might not be angry at herfor calling Our Lady her mother. " No," I said toher, 'she is not angry because you call her mother.Continue to speak thus to her; she will cheerfully


218 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64dit-elle, qu'ils ceffent promptement d'etre lesefclaves du Diable et qu'ils deviennent enfants deDieu, et quand elle apprend qu'un enfant baptife eftmort, elle s'en rejouit et le prie d'interceder pourelle et pour tout le bourg aupres de Dieu : elle attirele plus qu'elle peut chez elle les grandes filles, etles jeunes femmes baptifee pour les inftruire et pourleur infpirer de I'horreur des danfes, des allembl^esde nuit et de toute forte de mal et pour les inftruirefur la confefQon, elle m'en amene de temps en tempspour la faire confeffer, et me vient dire quelque foistoute affligee, je n'ai rien pu gagner fur vne telle,elle craint la confeffion, tachez de lui parler vousmefme, me dit elle, et m'avertit de toutes chofesqu'elle d^couvre adroitement. Sa fageffe et favertului donne une authorite merveilleufe fur touteschofes a qui elle parle de la priere, fans qu'aucunefemme mefme agee, temoigne trouver mauvaifequ'elle les reprenne quelquefois plus fortement queje ne ferois moimefme que n'a-t-elle pas fait, pourporter fon pere et fa m^re ^ fe faire Chretiens. Ellea fouvent joint les larmes k fes prieres et depuisleur baptefme elle ne ceffe de les faire reffouvenirde ce qu'ils ont promis a Dieu, Ton ne peut s'imaginertout ce qu'elle dit a fa mere pour la porter apardonner fon oncle, frere de fa mere la mort d'unede fes efclaves qu'il a cruellement maffacr^e pour fevenger de quelques chagrins qu'il avait regu autrefois de fa foeur. Le pere et la mere de cette bonnechretienne etant fortis enfemble, la femme arm^eaufQ bien que le mari pour affaffiner le meurtrier, ellefit fi bien par fa diligence, qu'elle d^tourna le coup,et les empecha d'executer leur deflein; la mere


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 219listen to you, and will look upon you as her daughterso long as you really love her son." This goodgirl displays admirable care in getting the childrenand young girls of her village baptized, and it givesher great pleasure to be chosen as Godmother. Sheherself brings the children of her relatives, as soonas they— are born in order, as she says, that theymay at once cease to be slaves of the Devil, andbecome children of God. And when she learns thata child who has been baptized is dead, she rejoicesat this, and begsit to intercede with God for her,and for the whole village. The grown girls and theyoung women who have been baptized she induces,whenever she can, to come to her home, that shemay instruct them; and she tries to inspire themwith horror for dances, for night assemblies, and forevil of all kinds, and to instruct them regardingconfession. From time to time, she brings me onethat I may confess her; and occasionally she comesto me, quite disconsolate, to say: " I have not beenable to persuade such a one; she dreads confession.Try to speak to her yourself," she says to me; andinforms me of all kinds of things that she adroitlydiscovers. Her discretion and virtue give her marvelousauthority, especially over those to whom shespeaks of prayer without even any aged women finding— fault with her reproving them sometimes moreenergetically than I myself would do. What effortsdid she not make to induce her father and mother tobecome christians! She frequently added tears toher entreaties; and, since their baptism, she ceasesnot to remind them of the promises that they madeto God. It is impossible to imagineall that she saidto her mother to induce her to forgive her uncle, her


220 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64pen fa mourir de chagrin de ne s'etre pas vengee furce que fon depit alia fi loin qu'elle ne fe trouvoitplus a I'eglife. Sa fille prie la liberty de Tenreprendre; j'irai, dit-elle, a I'eglife fi Ton me venge,Dieu reprit fa fille defend la vengeance et veut quela punition lui foit refervee. Qu'il fafle done mourirmon frere, dit la mere, et je ferai bonne chretienne,s'il ne le tue pas je ne cefferois de chercherles moyens de le faire perir. Oh vous offenfez Dieu,lui repondit fa fille en pleurant. Apres que ce grandfeu fut un peu ralentit, elle ne ceffa point de luireprefenter le fcandale qu'elle avoit donne k notrenouvelle eglife, elle la porta ^ fe confeffer et fa conftancea effayer tous les rebuts et toutes les duretdsde fa mere, I'emporta; fur fon obftination, un jourentendant fon pere qui fe plaignoit a fon mari deI'ingratitude des Frangois pour quiil s'etoit tant defois facrifice et a quiil avoit rendu de bons offices, etil dit vrai, car fans lui les Frangois auraient €i6maffacres ici, et que les Francois qui avaient temoignele plus d'amitie, ne le regardoient feulementpas depuis qu'il etoit chretien que bien loin que lecommandant lui temoigna de la joie de ce qu'il avoitrompu tous les obftacles a fon bapteme, il le meprifoitk prefent, qu'il ne favoit que penfer a dire defon proced6 finon que les Frangois aimoient mieuxqu'il menaft une vie de fauvage que de chreftien,et qu'ils le regardoient comme un lafche de ne s'eftrepas venge de fon beau ... frere etc La fille quietoit plus pres de lui qu'il ne croyoit, fort de fon petitappartement lui dit d'une manifere fiengageante toutce qu'une fille qui aime tendrement fon pere peut luialleguer pour moderer fes chagrins; elle lui parla


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 221mother's brother, for the death of one of her slaves—whom he cruelly killed, out of revenge for someslight vexation formerly caused him by his sister.The father and mother of this good christian hadgone out together, the wife being armed as well asthe husband, to kill the murderer; but the effortsof this girl succeeded so well that she diverted theblow, and prevented them from executing theirdesign. The mother nearly died from chagrin atnot having revenged herself, and she carried herspite so far as to come no longer to church. Herdaughter took the liberty of reproving her for this." I shall go to the church," she said," if I am" "revenged." God," replied her daughter, forbidsrevenge, and wills that punishment be left to him."" Then let him make my brother die," said themother, " and I will be a good christian.If he doesnot kill him, I will not cease to seek means to"destroy him." Oh, you offend God," her daughterreplied with tears. After this great rage hadsoftened to some extent, she ceased not to representto her the scandal that she had given to ournew church, and urged her to go to confession and;her constancy in enduring all her mother's rebuffsand hard words overcame the latter's obstinacy.One day she heard her father complaining to herhusband of the ingratitude of the French, for whomhe had made so many sacrifices, and to whom he hadrendered good— service and he spoke truly, forwithout him the French would have been massacredhere. He said that the French who had displayedthe greatest friendship toward him would not evenlook at him since he was a christian ;that the commandant,far from manifesting pleasure because he


222 LES RELA TIONS DES jASUITES [Vol. 64enfuite ^ I'oreille et fe retira dans fon cabinet, fonmari qui la fuivit de prfes la trouva k fon oratoirebaignee de fes larmes an pied du crucifix, ce qui luifit croire que fon pere lui avoit dit quelque duret6,n'en pouvant tirer aucune parole, me il vint prier defavoir d'elle le fujet de fes pleurs; elle me dit quecraignant que le Diable ne fit tomber fon pere et nereveillat dans fon coeur le defir de fe venger, elleavoit demande a Dieu de la fortifier et de lui infpirerce qu'elle diroit a fon pere, et qu'en mefme tempsqu'elle fortit de fon cabinet, quelque repugnancefentit en elle mefme elle lui avoit dit monqu'ellepere, vous parlez mal, le Diable veut vous fairetomber, allez de grace vous confeffer, afin qu'on vousremette I'efprit, et que votre ame reprenne la premierebeaut6 qu'elle avoit regue au baptefme et quefon pere lui repondit Nikana qui eft un mot d'amitie etd 'approbation. Je me retirai auffitoft kmon oratoirepour en remercier Dieu dit-elle et le prier de toucherle coeur de mon pere. En effet d6s le mefme foir a4 heures de nuit, il vint me trouver avec fa femmepour fe confefl^er, comme jene m'attendois a rienmoins pour ne rien precipiter apres lui auoir rappel6le fouvenir de ce que je lui auois dit du facrementde la penitence dans I'inftrudlion qui avoit precedeleur baptefme, je les remis au lendemain et leur ditde venir que I'un apres I'autre ce qu'ils firent, leurfille en eut tant de joie que des le mefme jour elle aliatrouver fon pere et fa mere feparament pour s'enrejouir avec I'un et I'autre, et pour les encourager kfe conferver dans la grace de Dieu. D6s le moisde vSept^*"^ je lui avois fait un ordre du jour pourregler toutes fes prieres et fes occupations depuis


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 223had overcome all the obstacles to his baptism, nowdespised him that he knew not what to think or;say of such conduct, unless it were that the Frenchpreferred to see him lead the life of a savage ratherthan that of a christian; and that they consideredhim a coward because he had not revenged himselfupon his brother-in-law, etc. . . . The daughter,who was nearer him than he thought, came outof her little apartment, and, in a most winningmanner, said everything to him that a daughter whodearly loves her father can say to allay his sorrow.She afterward whispered in his ear, and withdrewinto her room. Her husband, who followed herclosely, found her in her oratory, her eyes filledwith tears, at the foot of the crucifix. This ledhim to believe that her father had spoken harshlyto her. Being unable to obtain a word from her,he asked me to find out the cause of her affiiction.She told me that she feared that the Devil wouldcause her father to fall, and arouse a desire forrevenge in his heart; so she had asked God tostrengthen her and to inspire her with what sheshould say to her father. At the same time, shehad come out of her room and notwithstanding therepugnance she felt, she had even said to him :" My father, you speakill. The Devil wishes tomake you sin ;pray go to confession, that your mindmay be soothed and your soul may resume the originalbeauty given to it by baptism." Her fatherhad replied to her Nikana, which is an expression offriendship and "approval. I withdrew at once tomy oratory to thank *'God," she said, and to entreathim to touch my father's heart." In fact, on thevery same day at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, he came


224 LES RELATIONS DES JJISUITES [Vol.64fon reveil jufqu'au foir.Je fus extremement furprisqu'elle me r6petat des le lendemain tout ce que jelui avois explique fort au long jufqu'a moindre oraifonmot a mot, comme je lui avois dit : d'en eft demefme pour tout ce qu'elle entend de la vie de N. S.et des faints ce que je trouve de meilleur en elle, eftla grande defiance et peu d'eftime qu'elle a d'ellemefme, et la priere la plus ord''^ c'eft de dire. MonDieu je fuis encore enfant, je fuis foible ^i vousceffez de me foutenir: le Diable me trompera et mefera tomber.Vu qu'apres le depart des Ilinois pour I'hyvernement,il ne reftoit que quelques cabanes de Kafkafkia,ou ils y avoit plufieurs enfants, je m'appliquaiparticulierement k leur faire le catechifme. lechoifis fa maifon pour les y affembler ef ; perant contenterfon zele de la charge du foin de les inftruire;j'ai eu le plaifir de me tenir aux 6coutes, pendantqu'elle les interrogeoit a bien repondre tous lesenfants du bourg font toujours bien venus dans lamaifon, et ils s'y plaifent lui ayant demande pourquoielle defiroit fi fort d 'inftruire les enfants, elleme repondit que c'etoit parceque Dieu les aimoitparticulierement que leurs ames avoient encore labeaut6 qu'elles avoient rejue au bapteme, et qu'ilsne connoiffent pas encore le mal ce fut affez de lui;temoigner qu'outre la priere que je fais aux affiftansdans la chapelle tous les foirs, il feroit bon qu'ellela fit dans la maifon pour toute la famille avant defe coucher, et 'klaquelle il etait auffi apropos qu'elley invitat quelques perfonnes des autres cabanes, afinque toutes enfemble la priere et I'examen le fit,comme il fe pratique dans les families Frangoifes et


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 225to me with his wife to confess,— which I hadexpected. In order not to be precipitate,— afterreminding them of what I had said to them respectingthe sacrament of penance, in the instruction thathad preceded baptism,— their Iput them off to thefollowing day, and told them to come one after theother, which they did. Their daughter was sopleased at this that, on the very same day, she wentto her father and mother separately to rejoice withboth of them, and to encourage them to maintainthemselves in God's grace. In the month of September,I had drawn up for her a daily order toregulate her prayers and occupations, from the hourof rising until night. I was exceedingly surprisedon the following day on hearing her repeat all thatI had explained to her at great length, even to theshortest prayer, and word for word as I had told her.It is the same as regards everything that she hearsabout the life of Our Lord and the lives of thesaints. That which I most approve in her is thegreat distrust and the little esteem that she has forherself. Her most frequent prayer consists in saying: ' 'My God, I am still but a child ;I am weak.If you cease to sustain me, the Devil will deceiveme and make me fall into sin. 'Inasmuch as, after the departure of the Ilinois totheir winter quarters, there remained only somecabins of Kaskaskia in which were several'children,I applied myself especially to having them taughtthe catechism. I chose her house wherein to gatherthem together, hoping to satisfy her zeal by chargingher with the duty of teaching them, I had thepleasure of listening while she questioned them, tosee ifthey answered well. All the children of the


226 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64fauvages bien r^glees; d6s le mois d'Odtobre, ellen'y a pas manque apres le fouper.Depuis que les Kafkafkia font revenus de la chaffeily a tant de gens qui en fortant de la priere viennenttous enfemble au catechifme qui s'eft fait dansmon logis tout I'hyver a caufe qu'il fait trop froiddans la cbapelle qu'il n'y a pas eu de place pour toutle monde : comme elle le faifoit auffi bien que moypendant le jour aux enfants, il s'en trouva peu pendantle mois d'0(5tobre et de Novembre aux conferenceset inflrudtions que je leur faifois. I'expliquaiaux grandes perfonnes tout le Nouveau Teftamentque j'ai en tailles douces qui reprefentent parfaitementbien ce qui eft marque dans chaque page. Aucommencement iln'y avoit qu'elle, fon mari quiefl un Fran9ois, fon pere, fa mere et tous ceux defa cabanne qui fe trouvaffent a 1'explication desimages que je faifois pendant un heure et demie;mais la curiofite de voir les images pluftot qued'entendre 1'explication que j'en faifois y a attire biendu monde.Cette jeune femme ag^e feulement de 17 ans a fibien retenu ce que j'ai dit fur cbaque image de I'Ancienet du Nouveau Teflament qu'elle les expliquechacune en particulier fans fe troubler et fans rienconfondre, auffi bien que je pourrois faire et mefmeplus intelligiblement a leur maniere k la verity, : jelui ai permis d'emporter chaque image apres I'avoirexplique en public pour s'en refraichir la memoireen particulier, mais fouvent fur le champ elle merepetoit tout ce que j'avois dit fur chaque image, etnon feulement elle les expliquoit chez elle, k fonmari, ^ fon p^re et k fa mere et ^ toutes les filles qui


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 227village are welcome in her house, and they takepleasure in going there. When I asked her why shewas so desirous of teaching the children, she repliedthat it was because God specially loved them that;their souls still retained the beauty that they hadreceived in baptism ; andthat as yet they knew notevil. I had but to tell her that, in addition to theprayers that I say every evening with those who arepresent in the chapel, it would be good to say themin the house for the whole family, before retiring.I told her that it was also advisable to invite somepersons from the other cabins to come at that time, sothat the prayers might be said and the examinationof conscience be made together,— as is done in wellregulatedFrench and savage families; and from themonth of October she never failed to do so after supper.Since the Kaskaskia have returned from hunting,so many people come after prayers all together tocatechism — which istaught throughout the winter inmy lodge, because it is too cold in the chapel— thatthere is not enough room for all. As she taught itas well as I, during the day, to the children, therewere but few during the months of October andNovember at the conferences and instructions thatI gave them. To the adults I explained the wholeof the New Testament, of which I have copper-plateengravings representing perfectly what is related oneach page. At the beginning she herself, her husband,who is a Frenchman, her father, her mother,and those of her cabin were the only persons presentat the explanation that Igave of these picturesduring an hour and a half but; curiosity to see thepictures, rather than to hear the explanations that Igave, attracted a great many.


228 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64venoient chez elle, ce qu'elle continue de faire, neparlant que des images ou de catechifme;mais auffielle a explique les images fur tout I'Ancien Teflamentaux vieillards et aux jeunes gens que fon perefaifoit affembler chez lui.Apres avoir employe le mois d'Odlobre ^ 1' explicationdes images, je continue de les affembler apresfouper dans mon logis pour leur faire le catechifme.Deux raifons m'ont porte k le faire le foir aucommencement de la nuit, i° afin qu'il s'y trouvaplus de monde, parce que les femmes font occupeespendant le jour k leur menage et ne pourroient pas fetrouver aux inftrudtions pendant un affez longtemsque dure le catechifme; 2° a caufe que les jeunesgens font k la chaffe et les enfants courrent de cot^et d'autre, et ne font prefque iamais dans leur logisque le matin et le foir c'eft auffi :pour empecher tousles mauvais difcours qui fe tiennent dans la pluspartdes cabannes k la veillee : il a plu a Dieu y donnerfa benedidtion tout I'hyver, j'ai eu tous les foirspendant deux heures plus de trois quarts du bourgdes Kafkafkia qui y font ici, auffi ^toient ils fientaffes qu'ils ne pouvoient fe remuer.II eft certain que Dieu agit particulierement enceci, car ce n'eft pas la curiofit6 d' entendre denouvelles chofes qui attire maintenant les hommes etles femmes au catechifme, puifque je n'inftruis etn'interroge tous les foirs que prefque fur les mefmeschofes. Ce qui me furprend d'avantage eft I'affiduitede la perfeverance des jeunes gens de 25, 30,et 35, et de ceux mefmes qui ont plus de 40 ans.Le chef des Kafkafkia etait k la tefte avec fonieune frere qui eft le capitaine de la jeuneffe.


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 229This young woman, who is only 17 years old, hasso well remembered what I have said about eachpicture of the Old and of the New Testament thatshe explains each one singly, without trouble andwithout confusion, as well as I could do — and evenmore intelligibly, in their manner. In fact, Iallowed her to take away each picture after I hadexplained it in public, to refresh her memory inprivate. But she frequently repeated to me, on thespot, all that I had said about each picture and not;only did she explain them at home to her husband,to her father, to her mother, and to all the girls whowent there, — as she continues to do, speaking ofnothing but the pictures catechism,— or the but shealso explained the pictures on the whole of the OldTestament to the old and the young men whom herfather assembled in his dwelling.After devoting the month of October to the explanationof the pictures, I continue to assemble thepeople, after supper, in my lodge to teach themcatechism. Two reasons have led me to do so inthe evening toward nightfall: ist, in order that morepersons might be present, because the women arebusy during the day with their household occupations,and cannot attend the instructions during therather long time that the catechism lasts; 2nd,because the young men go out hunting, and thechildren run about everywhere, and are hardly everat home except in the morning and evening also, in;order to prevent evil conversations that take place inmost of the cabins at night. God has been pleasedto bless this practice throughout the winter. I havehad every evening, during two hours, over threefourthsof the village of the Kaskaskia who are here ;and they were so crowded that they could not stir.


230 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64Les plus fiers deviennent enfants au catechifme,et nul n'a honte au catechifme de repondre auxmoindres interrogations que je fais, les peres et lesmeres font ravis lorfque j'interrog-e leurs enfants,ils les encouragent euxmefmes et me prient lorfqueje vais les vifiter chez eux de les interroger, c'eft unegrace que je ne puis pas accorder k tous ceux qui mele demandent, autrement je ne finirois jamais,il eftvrai que I'efp^rance d'avoir un grain rouge qui eflun fruit de la groffeur d'une petite feve qu'on nousa envoye des Ifles de la Martinique et autres (quen'en ai-je un boiffeau !)ou bien I'attente d'une aiguilleou d'une medaille ou une croix ou un chapelet (furtoutfi il eft rouge), un petit couteau ou quelqueautre chofe curieufe qui tiennent lieu de r6compenfe,anime les enfants a bien repondre ;mais il faut bienrepondre et plufieurs jours pour avoir ou le chapeletou le grain rouge ou une croix, et le refte enproportion.Dans toutes les cabannes particulierement deKafkafkia on ne me parle que du catechifme etj'entends avec plaifir les enfants chanter les cantiqu6sou s'entre interroger fur ce qu'ils ont appris, etlorfque les jeunes gens fe trouvent dans le logis deleurs chefs, ils y chantent jour et nuit des airs quiles inftruifent et les occupent. Les femmes de leurcofle n'en font pas moins. La fin de Fevrier ^tantcelle du froid je n'ai plus fait le catechifm^e dansmon logis qui eft trop petit pour le monde qui s'ytrouve mais dans la ;chapelle "k la mefme heure, etje continuerois tout ce mois de Mars, et plus longtems,fi je vois la mefme docilite dans une partiedes Peouareoua au retour de leur hyvernement, et fi


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 231It is certain that this is a special effect of God'sgrace, because at present the men and women arenot attracted to catechism through curiosity to hearnovel things for I instruct;and question them everyevening on nearly the same subjects. What surprisesme most is the assiduous perseverance of theyoung men of 25, 30, 35, and even of those over 40years of age. The chief of the Kaskaskia was attheir head with his young brother, who is the captainof the young men. The most arrogant becomelike children at catechism, and not one is ashamedto answer the simplest questions that I put. Thefathers and mothers are delighted when I questiontheir children ;they themselves encourage them andbeg me, when Igo into their cabins, to questionthem. I cannot grant this favor to all who ask it,for otherwise I would never reach an end. It istrue that the hope of getting a red bead,— which is afruit of the size of a small bean, which has beensent to us from Martinique and other Islands ^^(Oh,that I had a bushel of them!),— or a needle, a medal,a cross or a rosary (especially if it be red), a smallknife, or other curious object, given as a reward,incites the children to answer well ; but they mustanswer very well for several days, to obtain eitherthe rosary, the red bead, or a cross, and for theother articles in proportion.In all the cabins, especially those of the Kaskaskia,they speak to me only of the catechism; and Ihear with pleasure the children singing hymns orquestioning one another on what they have learned.And, when the young men are in the lodges of theirchiefs, they sing, night and day, chants that instructthem and keep them occupied. On their side, the


232 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64il mepeu qu'il y en ait qui frequentent la chapelle,la faudra agrandir, pnisqu'elle eft toute pleine desfeuls Kafkafkia, Ton fi juge de la docilite et de I'affidiiit6qu'ils ont pour fe faire inftruire, ily a grandlieu d'efperer que Dieu les convertira.Mes peches et la malice des hommes, n'ont pasempeche que Dieu n'eut repandu cette annee abondanmentles benedidtions fur cette miffion des Ilinoiselle s'eft accrue de deux cents fix ames que j'ai batif6esdepuis le 30 Mars jufqu'au 29 Novembre 1693.Plufieurs enfants de ce nombre font deja au ciel quiprient Dieu pour la converfion de leurs parents,depuis que le chef des Kafkafkia eft batif6 avec fafemme et fa famille qui eft de 15 perfonnes,il nerougit point de I'evangile, et ne ceffe point d'exhorteret d'inftruire jour et nuit les jeunes gens de fonbourg, et je m'appergois graces Dieu "k qu'il eft bien6coute auffi bien que fa femme qui fe trouve tou jours"k la chapellea la tefte de toutes celles de fon fexe.Je fus bien furpris a la fin de la nuit, de la voir veniraccompagnee de toutes les femmes faire un beauprefent de fuif k la chapelle (c'eft la cire du pays)me difant au nom de toutes qu'elles s'offroient kDieu pour le luminaire de la chapelle, lorfque jefaifois la grande priere, c'eft a dire pendant la meffe,et lorfque je faifois le catechifme, me priant de continuera les inftruire avec leurs enfants. Le chef dela jeuneffe accompagne d'une partie de fes camaradesfit auffi k la chapelle un femblable prefent quelquestemps apres avec le mefme compliment, fans que jeles euffe porte en aucune maniere k cette bonneadtion, et fans leur avoir rien dit que peut leur


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 233women do as much. The end of February beingthe end of the cold season, I have no longer taughtcatechism in my lodge, which is too small to holdall the people who come to it, but in the chapel atthe same hour; and I shall continue to teach throughoutthe month of March,— and longer, if I find thesame docility among a portion of the Peouareoua ontheir return from their winter quarters. Even if afew only of them come to the chapel, I shall have toenlarge it; for it is filled with the Kaskaskia alone.If one may judge by their docility and assiduity inseeking to be instructed, there is great reason tohope that God will convert them.My sins and the malice of men have not preventedGod from pouring down abundant blessings on thismission of the Ilinois. It has been augmented bytwo hundred and six souls whom Ibaptized betweenthe 30th of March and 29th of November, 1693. Manychildren among that number are already in heavenand pray to God for their parents' conversion. Sincethe chief of the Kaskaskia has been baptized with hiswife and family, consisting of 15 persons, he blushesnot for the gospel, and ceases not to exhort andinstruct the young men of his village night and day.I observe, thanks be to God, that he is listened toas well as his wife, who is ever in the chapel atthe head of all those of her sex. I was greatlysurprised, at the end of the night, to see her come,accompanied by all the women, to make a fine presentof tallow to the chapel (this is the wax of the country).She told me, in the name of all, that theyoffered it to God, to light the chapel when I saidthe great prayer— that is, during mass — and whenI taught catechism, begging me to continue to


234 LES RELATIONS DES JJ&SUITES [Vol.64donner la moindre penf^e de pr^fenter quelque chofe^ la chapelle.Le gendre du chef des Kafkafkia, qui eft maintenantauffi z^l6 pour la converfion des Ilinois, qu'ily a 6t6 autrefois contraire et qui rend de bons fervicesaux miffions m'a dit que I'entretenant dans lafamille des ceremonies de nos eglif es et des offrandesque Ton fait a Dieu de cierges, de pain beni, etc.fa belle mere lui dit :pourquoi notre pere qui nousinftruit ^ la foi, ne nous dit il pas, qu'il eft agrdablea Dieu que nous falTions auiTi quelque offrande k lachapelle: avons nous de I'efprit et favons nous cequ'il faut faire? nous imiterons volontiers les chreftiensqui donnent de quoi eclairer I'autel et faire lepain qu'on benit, et r6te prochain nous prefenteronsde notre recolte au grand Manitoua affouv, c'eft kdire au grand efprit ou genie. L'inconftance et laIeg6ret6 des fauvages eft fi grande qu'on ne peutcompter encore fur toutes les premieres d-marchesqu'ils font; mais k voir I'affiduit^ qu'ils continuentde faire paroiftre, ily a lieu d'efperer qu'agiffantauffl fincerement qu'ils font, Dieu ne permettra pasque les ennemis de leur converfion et de la milTion,ruinent ces bons commencements qui les preparent kembraffer n. S*^^.religion. Priez Dieu mon R'^ P.,qu'il conferve le chef n6ophyte, fa femme, fa familleet fon gendre dans leur i*"^ ferveur, ils font d'un grandfecours au mifflonaire, et ils en font plus que moiou plutot ils font tout et je ne fais rien ou prefquerien. Si Ton ^toit bien convaincu de ce que faitici le chef des Kafkafkia pour porter tout le monde "kfe faire inftruire et a quitter I'infidelit^ je m'affure quebien loin d'ajouter aucune foi a toutes les calomnies


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 235instruct them and their children. The chief of theyoung men, accompanied by a portion of his comrades,also gave the chapel a similar present sometime afterward, with the same compliment,— withoutmy having in any way urged them to that goodaction, and without my saying anything to themthat might give them the slightest idea of presentinganything to the chapel.The son-in-law of the chief of the Kaskaskia—who is now as zealous for the conversion of theIlinois as he was formerly opposed to it, and whomissions — told me that,renders good service to thewhile speaking in the family of the ceremonies ofour churches, and of the offerings made to God oftapers, blessed bread, etc., his mother-in-law said tohim :''Why does not our father who instructs us inthe faith tell us that it would be agreeable to God ifwe gave some offering to the chapel? Have wesense, and do we know what we should do? We willgladly imitate the christians who give what is necessaryto light the altar, and for making the breadthat is blessed; and next summer we shall givesome of our harvest to the great Manitoua assouv''—that is to say, "the great spirit, or genie." Sogreat are the inconstancy and levity of the savagesthat we cannot yet rely upon the first steps that theytake ; but, judging from the assiduity that they continueto display, there is reason to hope that, whileacting as sincerely as they do, God will not allowthe enemies of their conversion and of the missionto ruin these good beginnings, which are preparingthem to embrace our Holy religion. Pray to God,my Reverend Father, to preservethe neophytechief, his wife, his family, and his son-in-law in


236 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64dont Ton menace ici tous ceux qui font facli^squ'il fe foit fait chreftien, on lui marqueroit la joiequ'on en a, ou qu'on en devroit avoir pour I'encouragerk fe conferver dans la premiere ferveur, et aporter toute la nation h. connoiftre et a adorer le vraiDieu, et que les Fran9ois s'attireroient la benedidlionde Dieu, et fur leur perfonne et fur toute la colonie.Par tout ce detail que je vous fais de cette eglifenaiffante, vous jugez affez, mon R. P. combien cesnouveau troupeaux de J. C. ont befoin d'eftre defenduscontres les loups qui les veulent diffiper, et d'ellreaffiftes des prieres de tous ceux qui s'interreilent k lagloire de Dieu et au falut des ames; vous qui yprenez tant de part, vous aurez s'il vous plait la charityde les recommander au grande pafteur des ames,de vouloir bien prier le R. P. Provincial d'envoyerquelques braves et zeles miffionaires et de ne pasoublier dans vos SS. ss.Mon R. P.Votre tres humble et tres obeillantA Quebec.Serviteur en N. S.Jacques Gravier.


1689-95] ILLINOIS MISSION 237their ist fervor. They are of great assistance to themissionary, and do more — than I or rather they doall, and I do nothing, or almost nothing. If peoplewere really convinced of what the chief of the Kaskaskiadoes here to induce all to be instructed and toabandon infidelity, I am quite sure that— far fromgiving any credence to all the calumnies with whichhe is threatened by all here who are angry at his—having become a christian they would manifest tohim the joy they feel, or should feel. That wouldencourage him to preserve his first fervor and tourge the whole nation to know and to worship thetrue God and the French would; thereby call downGod's blessings upon themselves and upon the wholecolony. From all these details that I give yourespecting this nascent church, you will be able, myReverend Father, to judge how much these newflocks of Jesus Christ need to be protected againstthe wolves that seek to scatter them, and to be aidedby the prayers of all who take an interest in theglory of God and in the salvation of souls. Youwho take such a part in it will please have the charityto commend them to the great pastor of souls, tobeg the Reverend Father Provincial to send somecourageous and zealous missionaries, and not toforget in your Holy sacrifices.My Reverend Father,Your very humble and very obedientServant in Our Lord,Jacques Gravier.To Quebec.


238 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64Lettre du P. Jean de Lamberville a un PereMissionnairede Chine.MONReverend PereP. X^i.Paris, ce 23 Jan: 1695.Je me trouve icy depuis 3 ans sans vous yretrouver, et le souvenir d'y avoir este autrefoishonore de I'honneur de vostre amitie me confond deme voir en lieu de seuret6, tandis que vous vousexposes pour J. C. aux dangers de la vie, et que voussouffres beaucoup par la privation volontaire descommodites et des petites consolations que vous aviesen Europe, dont ceux qui y sont revenus jouissent.Nous avons appris la persecution que vous souffresque I'envie vous a suscitee, on le voit, et peut estreque Rome vous sera favorable. Le R*^ Pfere General,comme vous I'apprendres du R. P. Tachard et desretournent aux Indes, vousautres missionnaires quiinformeront de tout. Je prie nostre Seigneur qu'ilvous soutienne en un pais ou vous travailles avantageusementa sa gloire, et par le moyen des sciencesvous ouvres avec beaucoup de merite le chemin kI'Evangile. Les HoUandois ont raporte que le filsde I'Empereur porte une croix d'or au cou, et qu'il sefait instruire dans nostre religion pour I'embrasser,fiat, fiat.Depuis que j'ay eu le bien de vous voir, ily a eude grands changemens en nostre nouvelle france.


1689 - 95] LETTER BY LAMBER VILLE 239Letter by Father Jean de Lamberville to aMissionary Father o China.Paris, this 23rd of January, 1695.MY Reverend Father,Pax Christi.I have now been here for 3 years, and haveno longer found you here,^^ and the remembrance ofhaving once been honored by your friendshipconfounds me at seeing myself in a place of safety,while you are for Jesus Christ's sake exposingyourself to the risk of life, and while you aresuffering much through the voluntary privation ofhave inthe conveniences and little comforts that youEurope, which those who have returned hither areenjoying. We have learned of the persecution thatyou are suffering, which envy has incited against;youit is known, and probably Rome will be favorableto you. The Reverend Father General, as youwill learn from Reverend Father Tachard and othermissionaries who are returning to the Indies, willinform you of all, I entreat our Lord that he willsustain you in a country where you are workingadvantageously to his glory, and that by means of thesciences you may with much merit open the way tothe Gospel. The Dutch have reported that the sonof the Emperor wears a golden cross around hisneck, and that he is receiving instruction in ourreligion, in order to embrace it. Fiat, fiat.Since I had the pleasure of seeing you, there have


240 LES RELATIONS DES JASUITES [Vol.64Apres bien des annees de paix avec les Iroquois, quicommen9aient "k se faire Chretiens, on a voulu laguerre, quoyqu'ils offrissent de satisfaire, s'ils avoienttort. On a fait semblant de vouloir la continuationde la paix, et on est venu pour les surprendre ; envain, ils se sont trouves prests; et comme j'estoisencore parmy eux avec mon frere, tous les autresmissionnaires s'estant retires en ayant eu ordre dessup6rieurs, on trouva bon que je restasse encore enleur pays, s'ils le vouloient bien. lis I'agreerent etDieu voulut bien se servir de moy pour arrester I'armeede ces Barbares, qui estoient disposes ^ attaquerla nostre, qui estoit sans vivres, avancee dans leurpais et reduite en si mauvais estat par les fievres etla dyssenterie, qu'elle ressembloit a un hospital plustostqu'^ un camp, au lieu oil elle estoit passee. Lapaix se renouvella, et Ton protesta que celuy qui laromproit le i^"" attireroit sur luy I'indignation deDieu. En 1686 un nouveau gouverneur plein desid^es de la guerre telle qu'elle se fait en Europeentreprit de miner et anneantir, s'il pouvoit, lesIroquois, pour y faire fleurir, disoit-il, le christianismeet la colonic dans le pais. II m'escrit de levenir trouver pour s'aboucher avec moy sur lesafaires de ces gens-lk.Je le fus trouver a Kebec, oiiapres bien des ^claircissemens, me il dit que lesIroquois ne luy donneroient pas les etrivieres commeils avoient fait "k ses predecesseurs, qu'il sfavoit laguerre, et le moyen de les reduire "k leur devoir, quele Roy luy donneroit des hommes et tous les secoursnecessaires pour venir k bout de ses desseins. Je luyr^pondis que je voiois bien que des gens interessesle portoient k des extremit6s, qui leurs seroient


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBERVILLE 241been great changes in our new france. After manyyearsof peace with the Iroquois, who were beginningto become christians, some people desired war,although the Iroquois offered to give satisfaction, ifthey were wrong. There was a pretense of desiringto continue the peace, and then the french came tosurprise them. In vain; the savages were found tobe ready; and, as I was still among them with mybrother,— all the other missionaries having withdrawn,upon receiving orders to that effect from thesuperiors,— it was considered best that I shouldremain in their country, if they consented to it.They approved this, and God was pleased to employme to stop the army of these Barbarians, who weredisposed ours,— to attack which was without provisions,far within their country, and reduced to such abad condition through fevers and dysentery that theplace to which it had proceeded was more like ahospital than a camp. The peace was renewed, andit was protested that the ist one that broke it woulddraw upon himself the wrath of God. In 1686, anew ofovernor, full of ideas of such war as is carriedon in Europe, undertook to ruin and annihilate, ifhe could, the Iroquois,— to make, said he, Christianityand colonization flourish in the country. Hewrote to me to visit him, that he might confer withme about the affairs of those people. I met him atKebec, where, after many explanations, he told methat the Iroquois would not beat him as they had hispredecessors; that he knew how to make war, andhow to reduce them to their duty; that the Kingwould give him men, and all the help necessary tosucceed in his designs. I replied that I saw clearlythat interested people were influencing him to


242 LES RELA TIONS DES jASUITES [Vol. 64et mesme h.prejudiciables et h. la colonie frangaise, la Religion. Le gouverneur faisant semblant de serendre h. mes raisons, me deputa vers les Iroquoispour les inviter tous, en la personne de leurs chefsk se trouverle printemps au rendes vous qu'il marquapour y parler de la continuation de la paix et desmoyens de la bien maintenir avec eux, et eux avecluy. On me dit d' engager la foy et la parole qu'onleur donnoit de leur seurete et liberte de venir k cerendes vous et de Ik de retourner ches eux. J'executemes ordres. J'assemblay 40 des principaux chefsde toutes les bourgades Iroquoises. Je leur donnela parole du gouverneur. Je leur proteste qu'estantChretien et choisy par le Roy pour estre son lieutenantgeneral en ce pais-la,il falloit qu'ils crussentqu'il estoit un homme incapable de manquer k saparole ni de tromper centre le droit des gens. Surquoy ils acquiescerent a mes instances. lis furentau rendes vous, ou Ton les trompa, on les mit auxfers et dans les prisons. On leur pilla quantity depelletries qu'ils avoient aportees pour marquer auxfrangais par leur commerce qu'ils se fioient a eux.On les transporta en france. On les mit k Aix oilils sont morts de misere k la reserve de 13, qu'onleur ramena h. cause que leurs compatriotes alloientvenger cette perfidie qui fut suivie d'une 2^^ quivous estonneroit si je vous la racontois, et oil le P,Millet, ancien miss*"^ en Canada et de nostre Provinceeust bien des sujets de tristesse. II fut luy mesmeensuitte pris par les Iroquois, prest'k estre brusl6 kpetit feu apres avoir oiii cent reproches qu'ils luyfirent que c'estoit en vain qu'il les avoit instruits denos mysteres, que nous estions des perfides etc.Un


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBERVILLE 24Sextreme measures, which would be prejudicial tothem and to the french colony, and even to Religion.The governor, pretending to yield to my arguments,and invite themdeputed me to go to the Iroquoisall, in the persons of their chiefs, to be present inthe spring at the rendezvous that he designated, totalk there about the continuation of the peace, andthe means of properly maintaining it with them,and they with him. I was told to pledge his faithand word that they would be given safety and libertyto come to this rendezvous, and to return thence totheir people. I execute my orders; I assemble 40of the principal chiefs, from all the Iroquois villages.Igive them the word of the governor. I protest tothem that, as he is a christian, and chosen by theKing to be his lieutenant-general in this country,they ought to believe that he was a man incapableof breaking his word, or of violating the law ofnations. Upon that, they yielded to my urgency.They were at the rendezvous, where they weredeceived; they were put in irons and in prisons.They were plundered of a quantity of peltries, whichthey had brought in order to show the french bythis traffic that they had confidence in them. Theywere carried away to franee. They were taken toAix, where they died from destitution, — except 13,who were brought back because their compatriotswere going to avenge this perfidy. This was followedby a 2nd instance of treachery, which wouldastonish you if I were to relate it, and in whichFather Millet— a former missionary in Canada, andfrom our Province — certainly had reason forgrief. He himself was afterward captured by theIroquois, and was about to be burned at a slow fire,.


244 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.64homme et une femme, I'un et I'autre affectionnes auchristianisme et X^"^^ firent des presens et intrigu^rentsi bien qu'ils sauverent la vie audit P. Milletqu'ils adopterent pour leur pere decede il y avoitlongtemps et de leur logis ils ont fait une chapelle,;ou le P. fait ses fonctions de miss''^ de sorte qu'aumilieu de ces ennemis barbares il entretient le cultede Dieu, et y a converti beaucoup d' Iroquois. Apresavoir est6 5 ans chez eux, assistant k la mort desprisonniers frangais que Ton brusloit, et faisant donnerla vie "k d'autres, il a est6 ramene ^ Kebec, [au]capitaine de la nouvelle france avec 15 captifs fran-§ais. On a alors tant6 en vain de faire la paix avecles Iroquois, dont ceux qui sont les plus interessesdans la trahison qu'onleur a faite contre la seuretepromise; et ^ cause que j'amenois le reste des deputes,on alia par une autre route insulter et saccagerleurs Bourgades. lis ont rompu tons les projets depaix, particulierement cause des instances 'k qui leuront este faites par les Anglais voysins de la nouvellefrance de continuer avec eux la guerre contre nous ;c'est ce qui fait demander encore des troupes au Roy.La guerre fut commencee un an auparavant celle quenous ont declar^e les anglois, et 9a este pour cetteraison qu'on auroit bien voulu avoir la paix avec lesIroquois en ce pai's-lk,ou les frangois et les Iroquoiss'entrebrulent lorsqu'ils sont pris vifs.Pour ce qui me regarde me trouvant encore chezles Iroquois, lorsqu'on commenga d'arrester leursdeputes, les anglois qui n'estoient pas encore nosEnnemis en 1686, informes par des fran9ois quis'estoient retires de Kebec pour demeurer parmyeux, des pr^paratifs qu'on fesoit contre les Iroquois


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBER VILLE 245after having heard a hundred reproaches that theyheaped upon him,— that it was in vain that he hadinstructed them in our mysteries; that we weretraitors; etc. A man and woman, both stronglyattached to Christianity and to Christians, madepresents and intrigued so well that they saved thisFather Millet's life. They adopted him in place oftheir father, who had died a long time before and;of their dwelling they made a chapel, where theFather performed his functions of missionary— withthe result that in the midst of these hostile barbarianshe maintained the worship of God, and thereconverted many Iroquois. After having spent 5years among them,— being present at the death ofthe french prisoners whom they burned, and persuadingthem to grant life to others, he was broughtback to Kebec, to the captain of new franee, with 1 5french captives. Efforts were then made, but invain, to make peace with the Iroquois by those whohad been most interested in the treacherous actcommitted in violation of the safety promised them;and, while I was bringing the rest of the deputies,the french went by another route to attack andplunder their Villages. The Iroquois broke off allplans for peace, especially on account of the solicitationsmade to them by their English neighbors innew france to continue with them the war againstus ;it was that which caused still more troops to berequested from the King. The war was begun ayear before that which the english declared againstus; and it was for this reason that the frenchwould have been glad to have peace with the Iroquoisin that country, where the french and theIroquois burn each other when taken alive.


246 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Voi„ 64qui sont voysins de la nouvelle angleterre, me donnerentavis de ce qui se tramoit, et que Ton se servoitde moy pour tromper les Iroquois; et qu'ainsi nepouvant plus exercer doresnavant mon employ demiss^^ chez eux, c'estoit inutile d'y rester, de meretirer en la nouvelle York dont le Gouverneur pourle roy Jacques (qui est maintenant en france) estoitcatholique et avoit deux Jesuites anglois aupres deluy. Mais ne pouvant me persuader qu'on eustmanque de parole, je me r^solus de refuser cetteoffre, et de persuader aux Iroquois de suivre avecmoy leurs deputes, qu'ils ne s9avoient pas encoreavoir est6 arrest6s. Je renvoye done les cavaliersanglais et le cheval qu'ils m'avoient envoy6 pourm'ammener et me mettre en seurete contre la coleredes Iroquois. Comme 8 des plus notables Iroquoisestoient en chemin avec moy pour aller au susditrend^s vous, ou leurs camarades estoient dej^ arrestes^ leur insu, quelques uns 6cliap6s des mains desfrangois vinrent aporter la nouvelle de ce qui sepassoit, avant quoy j'avois receu (mais trop tard) deslettres d'avis de me retirer de pais des Iroquois parquelque moyen que ce fut, ^ cause qu'on les alloitattaquer. Les chefs des Iroquois avec qui j'estois enchemin ayant fait environ 8 lieues avec moy, medirent qu'estant informe, comme ils venoient deI'estre qu'on avoit viole le droit des gens k leur6gard j'eusse ^ me retirer chez les fran§ois, ne voulantpas que pour m'estre fie k eux, et reste dansleur pais, on leur peut reprocher que j'y estois peri,et que je devois estre enveloppe dans le malheur decette nouvelle guerre, ce ne seroit pas entre leursmains que je devois estre massacre, y estant de bonne


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBERVILLE 247As for me, finding myself among the Iroquoiswhen the french began to arrest their deputies, theenglish, who were not yet our Enemies in 1686,—informed by the french who had gone from Kebecto live among them, of the preparations that werebeing made against the Iroquois, who are neighborsof new england,— warned me of what was beingplotted. They told me that some one was makinguse of me to betray the Iroquois; that, since I couldno longer continue thenceforth my occupation of missionaryamong them, it was useless to remain there ;and that I should take refuge in new York, of whichthe Governor for king James (who is now in france)was a catholic, and had two english Jesuits withhim.^^ But, not being able to persuade myself thatcertain persons had broken their word, I resolved torefuse this offer, and to induce the Iroquois to followwith me their deputies, of whose arrest they didnot yet know. I .sent back, therefore, the englishtroopers and the horse that they had sent to takeme away, and to place me in security against thewrath of the Iroquois. While 8 of the most notableIroquois were with me on the way to the aforesaidrendezvous,— where, unknown to them, their comradeshad already been arrested, — some who hadescaped from the hands of the french came to bringthe news of what had taken place; before thishappened, I had received (but too late) letters warningme to make my retreat from the country of theIroquois by any available means, because an attackwas to be made thereon. The chiefs of the Iroquois,with whom I was on the way, had gone about8 leagues with me; they told me that, as they hadjust been informed that the law of nations had been


248 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.64foy, mais que s'ils me tuoient ce seroit parmy lesfrangois, k qui ils alloient faire voir leur ressentiment.Je me separai ainsi d'eux, et fort triste detout ce qui se passoit, et allai k ce funeste rend^svous, ou je trouve deux centIroquois, tant hommesque femmes faits prisonniers, lorsqu'ils pensoientdevoir estre bien receus. lis se recrierent contre leprocede et quelques uns qui avoient este en francenommoient souvent le Roy comme reclamant la justiceet sa protection. Apres quoy Ton fut porter ladesolation dans une contree de leur pais, dont millefusilliers Iroquois estoient lors absents sur la bonnefoy que Ton leur avoit donnee. Je ne pus obtenirque Ton relachast de ces miserables que 7 ou 8 personnesqui nous avoient rendu de bons services dansI'occasion. Quelque temps apres je me trouvai avecdix soldats sur un lac de cent lieues de long, dans unepetite barque qui fut attaquee par 800 Iroquois quiestoient dans leurs canots. Nous nous defendismesasses bien pendant 3 quart d'heure, mais ils nousalloient accabler de leur nombre lorsque le ciel futfavorable h nos voeux, et nous envoya du vent quinous d^roba a leur furie, lorsqu'ils croyoient tenirleur proye, et venger sur nous la mort de leurs camarades.Je fus ensuite par obeissance oblige de testerdans cet infortune rendes vous avec 140 soldats, dontj'estois I'aumonier. Dieu me conserva dans 2 sortiessans estre blesse proche de nos franfois 6tendusmorts a mes pieds, quelques uns desquels refurentTabsolution. Enfin les Iroquois nous ayant si fortresserres que nous ne pouvions plus avoir ny boisny eau ni rafraichissement, le mal de terre se mitparmy la garnison qui en enleva environ cent. En


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBERVILLE 249violated in regard to them, I must take refuge amongthe french. For they did not desire that, since Ihad trusted myself to them and remained in theircountry, any one should reproach them with myhaving perished there ; and, if I were to be involvedin the misfortune of this new war, it should not bein their hands that I were slain, when I was there ingood faith; but, ifthey killed me, it would beamong the french, against whom they were going toshow their resentment. I therefore parted from them,very sad at all that was taking place, and went tothis fatal rendezvous— where I found two hundredIroquois, both men and women, who had been madeprisoners when they thought that they would bekindly received. They clamored against this proceeding;and some who had been in france oftennamed the King, as if claiming justice and hisprotection. After that, desolation was carried into aregion of their country from which a thousandIroquois armed men were then absent, upon the goodfaith that had been given them. I could not procurethe release of these wretched people, except of 7 or8 who had rendered us friendly services when theyhad opportunity. Some time afterward, I was withten soldiers upon a lake a hundred leagues long, ina little bark, which was attacked by 800 Iroquois^who were in their canoes. We defended ourselvesvery well for 3 quarters of an hour; but they wereabout to overwhelm us with their numbers, whenheaven was favorable to our prayers and sent us awind, which swept us away from their fury whenthey thought to grasp their prey, and to avengeupon us the death of their comrades. I was afterwardobliged, through obedience, to remain in this


260 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64les assistant k la mort je gagnai leur mal et estantprest de mourir comme les autres, un ofificier de nostroupes estant survenu sur les neiges avec 30 hommesdont 15 estoient des Iroquois, amis et chrestiens,pour voir "k la d6rob6e I'estat oti nous estions ;aprez80 lieues de marclie sur les glaces et les neigescharges de leurs vivres, hardes, et armes, ils noustrouverent en tres mauvais estat et de peur de restereux mesmes dans ce fort, oil le mauvais air leursiit sentir d'abord les i^" commencemens de cetteCet officier qui estoit mon amy ayantestrange maladie, ils r^solurent de partir aussi tostet de faire toute la diligence possible pour ne pasestre envelopp^s ou rencontres par les ennemis.sceu du chirurgienque je n'avois plus qu'un ou 2 Jours k vivre siTon ne me tiroit de ce poste, entreprit de m'enlever"kdemy mort, refusant de faire la mesme grace kquelques autres, mesmes officiers, qui moururentensuite, mais qui estoient moins prests de la mortque moy, alleguant la longueur du voyage, I'incommoditede la saison, la necessite de porter leursarmes et vivres et leur couverture, et la necessity defaire grande diligence, k cause des ennemis qui lessuivoient "k la piste. II entreprenoit de faire pourmoy ce qu'il ne feroit pas pour un autre. L'ayant.prie de me laisser mourir, et de vouloir substitueren ma place un officier malade, il le refusa absolument.Estant done devenu desormais inutile parI'estat oil je me trouvais, le reste de la garnisonrecent I'absolution generale, tandis qu'on me portoitsous les bras, puis m 'ayant lie sur un traineau, oil 2chiens estoient atteles on se mit en chemingrospassant sur un lac glac6.La glace s'estant cass^e je


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBERVILLE 251ill-fated rendezvous with 140 soldiers, whose chaplainI was.^ God preserved me in 2 sorties withoutbeing wounded, while near by our frenchmen laydeadat my feet, some of whom had received absolution.Finally, the Iroquois having so closed us inthat we could get neither wood, water, nor freshfood, the scurvy broke out among the garrison, andcarried off about a hundred men. In assisting themat death, I caught their disease. When I, like theothers, was near dying, an officer of our troops,unexpectedly came over the snow, with 30 men, 15of whom were Iroquois, friends and christians,— tolearn privately in what condition we were for this;they had marched 80 leagues over the snow and iceladen with their food, clothing, and arms. Theyfound us in a very bad condition ; and, for fear ofremaining themselves in this fort,— where theunwholesome air made them feel, from the ist, thebeginning of this singular malady,— they resolvedto depart immediately, and to make all possiblehaste, that they might not be surrounded or encounteredby the enemy. This officer, who was myfriend, having learned from the surgeon that I hadonly one or 2 Days to live if they did not get meaway from this post, undertook to remove me whowas half dead. He refused to accord the same favorto some others, even officers,— who afterward died,but who were —less ready for death than I was,alleging the length of the journey, and the inclemencyof the season the; necessity of carrying theirarms, provisions, and blankets ;and the necessity formaking great haste on account of the enemy, whowere following in their track. He undertook to dofor me what he would not do for another. Having


252 LES RELATIONS DES J^SUITES [Vol.64fus en cet estat plong6 dans I'eau tout empacquettesur ce traineau, les chiens qui y estoient attachesme soutinrent de dessus la glace, ou ils tenoient bonavec leurs ongles. II fallut bien de fafons pour metirer de ce peril, ^ cause que la glace qui m'environnoitestoit rompue de tous costes. Enfin commaTon me tiroit de I'eau la corde cassa et je courusrisque d'estre noye. Estant retire de I'eau et remissur la glace, les chiens estant trop fatigues, quelquesCanadiens fran9ois et des soldats qui estoient avecnous, prirent la peine de me traisner, tantost sur laglace, et tantost sur les neiges, les uns apres lesautres sans discontinuer leur marche, k cause que lesIroquois poursuivoient ^ la piste, et qu'on vouloitgarder I'avantage qu'on avoit sur eux, de peur qu'ilsnous atteignissent. II fallut done, tout mouille quej'estois attendre jusqu'a 9 heures du soir k merechauffer a la faveur de la nuit, partir de nostragiste de grand matin, et se remettre sur la glace pourcacher nos pistes aux ennemis qui ne manquoient pasa nous suivre, mais de fort loin, k cause de la diligencedont on usait pendant le voyage qui dura 7jours et demy, et lorsque je fus rendu Montreal "kquiest le poste avanc6, k la teste des habitations fran-9aises, I'on me porta promptement ^ 1'hospital, otiI'on me mit sur une paillasse au coin du feu, oil jerestai 4 heures toujours prest k rendre I'ame. Par lessoins des officiers qui se trouverent 1^ et de quelquespersonnes charitables I'on me tira des portes de lamort. Dez le matin suivant, M''^ les prestres duseminaire de Saint- Sulpice, qui sont en ce lieu, meretirerent chez eux. J 'ay est6 deux ans et demy, kme remettre un peu de cet estrange mal du scorbut.


1689 - 95] LETTER BY LAMBER VILLE 253entreated him to let me die, and to consent to substitutein my place a sick officer, he absolutelyrefused.Accordingly, as I had become useless fromthat time, on account of the condition in which I was,the rest of the garrison received general absolution,while they supported me by the arms; then, havingbound me upon a sledge, to which 2 great dogs wereharnessed, they set out, passing over a frozen lake.The ice broke, and, carefully bundled upon thissledge, I was in this condition plunged into the water.The dogs which were attached to itkept me abovethe ice, to which they held fast with their claws.To rescue me from this peril needed great carefulness,because the ice which surrounded me wasbroken on all sides. Finally, when they were drawingme out of the water, the rope broke, and I ranthe risk of being drowned. Being withdrawn fromthe water and again placed upon the ice, the dogswere too much fatigued and some french Canadians;and soldiers who were with us took the trouble todrag me, now over the ice, now over the snow, byturns,— without discontinuing their march, becausethe Iroquois were following in their track; andbecause they wished to keep the advantage that theyhad over them, for fear that they might attack us.It was necessary, then, all wet as I was, to waituntil 9 o'clock in the evening to warm myself undercover of ;night and to leave our halting-place earlyin the morning, and again betake ourselves to theice, to conceal our footsteps from the enemy. Thefoe continued to follow us, but at a great distance,on account of the haste that we made during thejourney, which lasted 7 days and a half. When Iarrived at Montreal,— which isthe frontier post, at


254 LES RELA TIONS DES jASUTTES [Vol. 64Comme j'avois gagne cemal au service des soldats,les gens du roy me defrayerent pendant tout cetemps, et payerent ma depense"k ces M''^ quim'avoient si obligement enlev6 chez eux, ce fut enfevrier 1688 que cecy se passa.Les Iroquois, cependant, des la fin de 1687, avoientinsulte nostre colonie en divers endroits par lemeurtre et la captivity de plusieurs fran§ois, dont ilsavoient tue les bestiaux et brusle les maisons et lesgranges avec ceux qui s'y trouverent; et comme ilsapprochoient de Montreal avec leur armee Ton pristla resolution de se servir de moy pour conjurerI'orage, et pour leur faire quelques propositions, quifussent capables de les arrester, et par la de gagnerdu temps, jusqu'^ ce que le Roy envoyast du secoursqui pent resister k ces Barbares, et soustenir enmesme temps la guerre contre les Anglais, qui nousd^clarerent la guerre un an apres que Ton fut brouill6avec les Iroquois. Je fus port6 au devant de cesennemis, accompagne d'un officier de mes amis pourqui les chefs des Iroquois avoient de la consideration.Nostre negociation fut favorisee du ciel et nousamenasmes ^ Montreal, oil toutes les forces du paiss'6toient rendues en juin avec le Gouverneur duCanada, prest de cent Iroquois qui vinrent sansarmes avec les principaux de leurs chefs trouvernostre gouverneur, tandisque leur petite arm^e restaa 2 lieues de Ik, bien resolu de venger leurs gens, sion les maltraittoit. Le desir qu'ils avoient de retirerleurs compatriotes qu'on avoit par trahison mis auxfers, et conduits aux galeres en france comme j'ay ditcy-dessus, leur fit faire cette demarche, et se risquersur la parole du gouverneur et la nostre. lis furent


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBERVILLE 256the head of the french settlements, — I was carriedpromptly to the hospital, where I was placed upona mattress in a corner by the fire ;there I remained4 hours, always ready to render up my soul.Through the care of the officers who were there,and of some kindly people, I was drawn from thegates of death. On the following morning. Messieursthe priests of the seminary of Saint Sulpice,who are in this place, took me to their house. Ispent two years and a half in partially recoveringfrom this singular disease of scurvy. As I had contractedmy illness while serving the soldiers, theking's officials defrayed my expenses during all thistime, and paid those Gentlemen who had so obliginglytaken me to their house. It was in february,i688, that this occurred.The Iroquois, meanwhile, from the end of 1687,had injured our colony at various places, throughthe murder and captivity of many frenchmen,—whose cattle they had killed, and whose houses andbarns, with those who were therein, they hadburned. As they were approaching Montreal withtheir army, it was resolved to employ me to avertthe storm, and to make them certain propositionswhich might be capable of checking them. By thatmeans, we might gain time, until the King shouldsend aid that might resist these Barbarians, and atthe same time sustain the war against the English,—who declared war upon us a year after we hadbecome embroiled with the Iroquois. I was carriedout to meet these enemies, accompanied by an officer,—one of my friends, for whom the chiefs of theIroquois had regard. Our negotiation was favoredby heaven, and we brought to Montreal — whither


256 LES RELATIONS DES JASUITES [Vol.64bien receus, et mesme regales. lis nous reprocherentnostre peu de parole, et dirent que si on leuren manquoit encore en se mettant entre nos mainscomme ils le fesoient, leurs gens S9auroient bien s'envenger. On les rassura par toutes les manieres quipouvoient leur oster toute sorte de defiance. lispromirent mesme de faire consentir a la paix lescantons des Iroquois qui en estoient les plus eloignes,et que si on voulait bien promettre surete en revenanten apporter des nouvelles, ils feroient bien voircombien ils estoient bien intentionnes. Deux moisapres ce pourparler qui nous m6nagea une treve, lesIroquois renvoyerent eifectivement quatre de leursgens pour faire sgavoir aux frangois I'lieureux succesde leur negociation, mais ils furent malheureusementassassin^s en chemin par des sauvages de nosallies, qui ne vouloient pas que nous eussions la paixavec les Iroquois, affin que le fort de la guerre tombastsur nous plustost que sur eux. Cette mechanteaction que ces perfides nous imputerent, et qu'ilsfirent sgavoir aux Iroquois qu'elle n'avoit est6 faitequ'k nostre sollicitation, a rallume la guerre, en sorteque les Iroquois et les fran9ois s'entrebrulerent lesuns les autres d'une maniere horrible qui continuedepuis 7 ans. Les anglois joints aux Iroquois, ontattaque la colonic par les 2 extremit^s et par lemilieu. Kebec mesme a est6 assieg6 par les anglois,mais la protection toute particuliere de Dieu a eclatt^sur ce pauvre Canada, qui subsiste encore. LesIroquois en ont desol6 la 3^ partie. II faut espererque de si cruelles guerres finiront en la nouvellefrance lorsque Dieu rendra le repos k 1' Europe conjur^econtre la France. L'on a fait I'an passe une


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBERVILLE 257all the forces of the country, with the Governor ofCanada, had repaired in June— nearly one hundredIroquois, who came unarmed, with their principalchiefs, to see our governor; meanwhile their littlearmy remained 2 leagues away, firmly resolved toavenge their people if they were maltreated. Theirdesire to get back their compatriots, who had beentreacherously put into irons and taken to the galleysin franee, as I have said above, caused them to takethis measure, and risk themselves upon the word ofthe governor and ours. They were well received,and even feasted. They reproached us with ourbad faith, and said that, if we again failed to keep apromise to them when they placed themselves inour power, as they were now doing, their peoplewould know very well how to avenge it. Theywere reassured in every way that could remove fromthem any distrust whatever. They even promisedto make the cantons of the Iroquois who werefarthest away consent to the ;peace and assured usthat, if we would promise them safety to return andbring news from their people, they would showclearly how good their intentions were. Two monthsafter this parley, which procured us a truce, theIroquois did really send back four of their people tolet the french know the satisfactory result of theirnegotiation ;but those men unfortunately were assassinated,while on the way, by some of our alliedsavages who did not wish us to make peace with theIroquois, in order that the brunt of the war shouldfallupon us rather than upon them.^^ This wickedaction — which these perfidious people imputed tous; and which, they informed the Iroquois, was doneonly— at our solicitation rekindled the war ; and, as


258 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64nouvelle tentative de paix avec les Iroquois, maisen vain, les anglois de ces quartiers-lk, ont si bienintrigue qu'ils ont fait perdre toute I'esperance qu'onen avoit conceue, et les Iroquois disent qu'il ne fautpas esperer la paix avec eux que nous ne I'ayonsauparavant avec les anglois. lis ont cependantrendu le P. Millet qu'ils ont eu prisonnier I'espacede 5 ans avec quelques autres captifs. Ce pere aentretenu le culte de D. pendant sa captivite chezces Barbares et y a sauve beaucoup d'ames qui louentDieu maintenant au ciel. Pour moy, mon cher pere,ma mission chez les Iroquois 6tant entierementfermee par la guerre je me trouve icy, oil je suisprocureur de nostre mission, en attendant I'heureuxmoment qui me fasse repasser la mer pour allerfinir le peu de jours qui me restent dans nostre cherCanada. Pri6s Dieu, je vous prie qu'il me fassecette misericorde, et me croyes tou jours avec unrespectueux attachement, de V^ R^, le tres humbleet trfes ob^issant serviteur en N. S.De Lamberville S.J.


1689-95] LETTER BY LAMBERVILLE 259a result, the Iroquois and the french burned eachother in a horriblemanner, which has continued for7 years. The english, united with the Iroquois,have attacked the colony at both extremities and inthe middle. Even Kebec has been besieged by theenglish but the very special protection of God has;been shining upon this poor Canada, which stillexists. The Iroquois have desolated a 3rd of it. Itis to be hoped that such cruel wars will end in newfranee when God shall give rest to Europe, whichhas conspired against France. Last year a newattempt at peace with the Iroquois was made, but invain. The english of those quarters have so intriguedthat they have ruined all the hopes for peace that wehad entertained ;and the Iroquois say that we neednot expect peace with them until we first secure itwith the english. They have, however, restoredFather Millet, whom they had kept a prisoner forthe space of 5 years, with some other captives. Thisfather maintained the worship of God during hiscaptivity among these Barbarians, and there savedmany souls who are now praising God in heaven.As for me, my dear father, my mission among theIroquois being entirely closed by the war,here,— I amwhere I am procurer of our mission, awaitingthe happy mom.ent which will cause me torecross the sea, that Imay end in our dear Canadathe few days that remain to me. Entreat God, Ibeg you, that he may show me this mercy, andbelieve me always, with respectful attachment. YourReverence's very humble and very obedient servantin Our Lord,De Lamberville, S.J.


260 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITES [Vol.64P" G. Marest iter et missio in sinum Hudsoniumin ora septentrionali Canadse an. 1694.Epistola ad R. P. Thyrsum Gonzales,Prsepositum Generalem SocietatisJesu, Rom^e.Quebec, oct. 1695.CUM Quebeco solvimus, erant naves omninoduae, trecenti nautae, tiim milites, quae omniaad expugnandam arcem, quam Hudsonio insinu tenebant angli. Profecti igitur decima dieaugusti an. 1694, vigesima quarta septembris hueappulimus. Res quidem voti, ipso enim sub itinerisfine, ventis adversis usi, imminente frigidissimahyeme, necnon deficiente aqua, S. Annam, quae pifeimprimis a Canadensibus colitur patronam apudDeum adhibuimus, voto nos ipsi obstrinximus, triduopost ad terram applicuimus.Toto hoc navigationis tempore, sacrum face re, cumlicebat, pias hortationes identidem habere, precesrecitare, palam, mane et sero quotidie, nunc his,nunc illis,multis sane peccata deponentibus operamdare, mea fuere munia.Jamvero Hudsonium in sinum devolvunt sesefluvii duo, baud longe ^ se invicem, alter Borbonius,alter s'^ Theresiae, dictus: ad hunc sita anglorum


1689-95] MAREST TO FATHER GENERAL 261Journey and mission of Father Gabriel Marestto Hudson's bay, on the coast of northernCanada, in the year 1694. Letter to theReverend Father Thyrso Gonzales, Generalof the Society of Jesus, at Rome.WEQuebec, October, 1695.sailed from Quebec with two ships and threehundred sailors, besides some soldiers, tocapture the fort which the english occupiedon Hudson's bay. Setting out on the tenth of august,1694, we arrived here on the twenty- fourth of September.This was surely the effect of a vow for;toward the end of our voyage meeting head- winds,the excessive cold of winter being close at hand, andour supply of water failing, we had recourse to St.Anne,— who is especially reverenced by the Canadiansas their advocate with God,— and laid ourselves undera vow to her and three;days thereafter we landed.During this whole voyage I was occupied incelebrating mass when possible, often giving piousexhortations in ; reading prayers publicly every day,morning and evening; and in hearing the confessionsof many.Two streams empty into Hudson's bay at no greatdistance from each other — one called Bourbon, theother ste. Therese. Upon the latter the englishfort is situated ;into this the smaller of our shipswas brought for the winter, while the larger found


262 LES RELA TJONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 64arx. Hujusce ipsiusin alveum e navibus nostrissubducta ad hiemem minor; in Borbonium utpotealtiorem, subducta major; obsessi tum angli, ultrose dedunt, etiam pudendis conditionibus. Continueactae Deo solemni ritu gratiae ;erecta crux sublimis,barbaraque hac in regione adoratum tandem venerandumx^* vexillum.Ex quo autem hie versamur, omnin5 non cessavi :quod effecere tria maxime, concessa "k Summo Pontificeplena ad morem anni Jubilaei indulgentia: Paschalesferise, quae obvenerunt interea, tum deniqueexorta contagies.Quare ut omnium pietatem accenderem,accensae facerem satis, ut aegris adessem, modoad majorem, modo ad minorem navim aut arceminterdum currendum fuit, non sine summis laboribus.Saeviebat acutum supra cogitationem frigus, via perdumos, nives, paludosam terram, quae gelu malesolidata, vestigia passim fallebat, pedes,crura secabat;cubandum fuit sub dio; tentavit me intereafebris, necnon et communis morbus, quibus noncedendum tamen existimavi, maxime ne deessemaegris.Ergo segrotaverunt multi, obiere viginti quatuor,quos omnes praeter unum et alterum, ecclesiaesacramentis munivi. Ex his nautse quatuor, ejurataprius calvini haeresi. Hactenus de Gallis; nunc adnaturam loci et indigenas.Sita arx ad 57 gradum latitudinis; hyems hiepaene continua, puta in septembri ad junium.Quo


1689-95] MAREST TO FATHER GENERAL 268shelter in the Bourbon, as the deeper stream. Afterthis the english were besieged but; they surrenderedvoluntarily, and upon humiliating terms. Immediatelywe celebrated solemn thanksgiving service toGod: the cross was raised on high, and at last inthis wilderness honor was paidto the sacred standardof Christ. ^^Since our arrival here I have been busy continually,owing to three causes the plenary indulgence,:granted by the Supreme Pontiff after the custom ofthe year of Jubilee; the feast of Easter, whichoccurred meanwhile; and, besides, a plague whichbroke out. Accordingly, that I might arouse thepiety of all, and not fail them in their increase ofzeal, and that I might visit the sick, I found it necessaryto hasten, not without the utmost hardship, nowto the larger ship, then to the smaller, and sometimesto the fort. The cold of winter raged, bitterbeyond conception. My way led through storms andsnows, and over marshes scarcely frozen firm,—which everywhere afforded but treacherous footing,and cut my feet and legs. I had to sleep beneaththe open sky; and meanwhile I was attacked by afever and the general malady. Still I felt that Imust not yield to these lest, above all, I should failin my duty to the sick.Many were seized by illness, and twenty-fourdied,— all of whom, except one or two, I havestrengthened by the church's sacraments. Amongthis number were four sailors, who before theirdeath abjured the calvinistic heresy. So much forthe French; now for the nature of this region, andits natives.The fort is situated at the 57th degree oflatitude.


264 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 64tempore nemo foras exeat impune. Certe e nostrishuic aures, illi nares adustse, ac mihi quidem obriguitpene crus alteram. Paludosum plerumque solum,ibi arbores paucse. Virgulta tantum videre, utvepres, salices, quod autem mirabere, perdices supr^modum frequentes, item anseres, atque imprimismagna vis Caributorum. Caributus pene praetercornua dames plane similis. Barbari indigenae nihilavenae colligunt, toti sunt in venatione, qua solavictum sustinent. Nulli apud eos pagi. Vaganturerrabundi quk felicior venatus : sestatis tempore aderas maris propius accedunt. Ubi redit hyems,medias in terras recipiunt sese.Pigra gens, timida,parum ingeniosa, vitio dedita; quod ad religionem,ut captus est Canadensium.Versus lacum Superiorem his succedunt septemaut octo nationes, quarum illustriores fortitudine,numero, ingenio, Assinoboeli et Krigi. Morantur illiin pagis ad tres quatuorve menses continues : quotemporis spatio religionis ch°^ praecepta edoceripossent. Ab his spargendi divini sermonis initiumhabendum esse existimaverim.Porro ad ediscendam linguam barbarorum hujusceorae incumbere parum mihi licuit hactenus, qui operamomnem dare Gallis coactus fuerim; multatamen verba schedulis excepi:confessionem sanct^Trinitatis, Dominicam orationem, Salutationem angelicam,Symbolum ap*""*^, capita decalogi, versipatrio sermone, ut potui. Ipsis etiam aliquid de


1689-95] MAREST TO FATHER GENERAL 265There is here almost continuous winter,— that is,from September to ;June and during that time noone can venture out of doors with safety. Indeed,of our party one has frost-bitten ears, another afrozen nose while one of;my legs has become almoststiff. The groundis for the most part marshy, andthere are but few trees; only bushes are to be seen,as thorns and willows. But— what will surpriseyou— partridges, as well as geese, are very abundant;and Caribou, in particular, are found in greatnumbers. The Caribou is, with the exception of thehorns, quite like the deer. The savage nativesgather no grain, but spend their whole time in hunting,which forms their sole support. They have novillages, but roam about wherever better huntingoffers. In summer they come nearer the sea-coast,while with the approach of winter they withdrawinto the interior. They are a lazy people, timid, ofno great intelligence, and given to vice. As fortheir religion, it is like that of the rest of theCanadians.Next to these, toward lake Superior, are seven oreight tribes, of whom the most courageous, numerous,and intelligent are the Assinoboeli and Krigi}~They remain in their villages for three and fourmonths continuously, during which time they mightbe taught the precepts of the christian religion. Ihave felt that among them a beginning ought to bemade in sowing divine truth.But I have been, as yet, able to spend very littletime in learning the language of the savages on thiscoast, because I have had to devote my energies tothe French people. However, I have made lists ofI have translated into the nativemany words ;and


2G6LES RELA TIONS DES J/^SUITESfelicitate aeterna, cum se dedit occasio, balbutire nondefui. Inter eos baptismo lustravi grandiores natuduos, qui statim expiravere; infantes tres, quorumduo pariter paulo post mortui. Alterius infantulicorpus petieram &. Patre, more nostro sepeliendum.Annuit ille, ceremoniisque adesse voluit cum multise sua gente, Obstupescere scilicet barbari, ritusnostros mirari, hoc nostrse in ipsos voluntatistestimonio mirifice capi in relig^*" ch^*" bene aiSci,me ut eos adirem etiam atque etiam rogare. Hsecnarrare habui h. decima augusti an. 1694 ad 24augusti an. 1695.


1689-95] MAREST TO FATHER GENERAL 267language, as best I could, the confession of the mostholy Trinity, the Lord's prayer, the angelic Salutation,the apostles' Creed, and a summary of the decalogue.Whenever opportunity offered, I have notfailed to tell them, although but haltingly, somethingconcerning eternal happiness. Two adultsamong them Ibaptized just before their death, alsotheir infants, two of whom died shortly after.Thebody of one of these I begged from the Father, forchristian burial. He consented, and wished to bepresent at the ceremonies, together with many of hispeople. Of course, the natives looked on withamazement, wondering at our rites, and were greatlymoved by this proof of our good will toward them.They were disposed to look with favor upon thechristian religion, and begged me again and againto visit them. This is the account I have to giveof events from the tenth of august, 1694 to the 24thof august, 1695.


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. LXIVCLIXThis is a letter which, from internal evidence,appears to have been written at Mackinac in 1689,by Etienne Carheil, and addressed to Count de Frontenac.We follow what isapparently a contemporaryapograph, in the legislative archives of Quebec; itis one of the " MSS. relatifs k I'histoire de la Nouvelle-France," its press-mark being " Series 5, vol.5, pp. 2637-2649."CLXThis account of the defeat of the English at Quebec,in the autumn of 1690, was written by MichelGermain de Couvert, The MS. that we follow restsin the Archives Nationales, Paris, its press-markbeing " K 1374, No. 80." It is, however, incomplete,lacking address and date, and, apparently, theopening paragraph; from internal evidence, it appearsto have been written at Quebec, in October,1690. Possibly this MS. is but a contemporaryapograph.CLXIJacques Bruyas's letter to Count de Frontenac,written from the " Sault pres Montreal," April 5,1 69 we 1, obtain from an apograph in the archivesof St. Mary's College, Montreal. Its place ofdeposit is a cahier labeled " Quelques lettres."


Edited{Cut1FatherMrs.amongM.of| CompagnieenOneidasChicagoj270 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITESCLXIIFather Milet's account of his captivity among theOneidas (dated the octave of the feast of SS. Peterand Paul, or July 6, in 1691) is among the mostinteresting of the Jesuit documents. The originalMS. was discovered in Holland, by Henry C. Murphy,while United States minister to The Hague(1857-61). From an apograph thereof, John G.Shea gave to the public the French text of the document,in his Cram oisy series, no. 18 (Lenox enumeration),a description of which follows ' 'Relation : |de fa Captivite parmi les Onneiouts|| 1690- i. jPar le R. P. Pierre Milet de ladeJefus. withI storks] \Nouvelle- York : PreffeCramoify de Jean-Marie Shea. DCCC. LXIV."|Collation: Title, verso"blank, ileaf; Avant-Propos, " by Shea, pp. iii.-v. — verso of p. v. blank;text, pp. 9-56; no colophon.An English translation by Shea, who was theneditor of the United States Catholic Historical Magazine,was published in that periodical in April, 1888 — vol.ii. ,pp. 1 83 - 1 98 ; it also appeared at the time as a separate,pages renumbered— 8vo., pp. 18. Referenceto this publication is made by Sabin, vol. 19, p. 396.Another translation into English, with twentyeightnotes, a bibliography, and an index, wasprivately published in May, 1897, by the translator,Mrs. Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago. Following is adescription: " Captivity the in| | |1690-91 ofPierre Milet theI | Society ofJesus in FrenchI by J.M. Shea Translated|with Notes by Edward E.| Ayer | |MDCCCXCVH."


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DA TA : VOL. LXIV 271Collation: Title, p. (i); colophon on verso of title:" Seventy-five Copies have been printed for Mrs.Edward E.Ayer, during May, 1897, by the Blakely— Printing Company, Chicago" also copyrightnotice; " Contents," on p. v. ;verso of p. v. blank;"Preface" (Shea's), pp. vii.-ix. ;verso of p. ix.,blank; text, pp. 11-59; Notes, pp. 60-66; Bibliographies,pp. 67-69; Index, pp. 70-72. Size, i6mo.In the present publication, we follow an oldFrench MS. in the Library of Congress, Washington;it is probably a contemporary apograph. Ourtranslation follows that made by Shea, save that wehave, pursuant to our custom in the present series,restored all proper names to the spelling and capitalizationemployed by the writer; and have occasionallyintroduced emendations necessary to correct defectsin the text followed by Shea.CLXIIIFor the text of this memoir recounting the servicesto the French of the Iroquois converts (written inFebruary, 1692), we have had recourse to a MS. nowresting in the Dominion Archives at Ottawa, itspress-mark being " Correspondance Generale, vol.12, pp. 287-290."CLXIV, CLXVThese two letters by Chauchetiere, to brotherJesuits in France, were written at Montreal in1694— August 7 and September 20, respectively.The location of the originals is unknown, but theyare probably in France. Father Martin's apographsof them are now in Quebec; we follow copies


audansM.|Compagnie|DedepuisPar|Immaculeede{Cut272 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITESthereof by Father Larcher, which are resting inthe archives of St.Mary's College, Montreal.CLXVIIn publishing Gravier's journal of the Illinoismission for 1693-94 (dated February 15, 1694, andapparently written at Peoria), we follow Shea'sCramoisy series No. i ,which bears this :colophon" Acheve d'Imprimer ^ Albany, N. Y. par Munfell,ce 31 d'Aouft 1857." We are unable to say fromJ.what source Shea procured his text. No large-papercopies of No. were i printed; but James Lenox had acopy inlaid to match the large-paper copies of othervolumes of the series, now in Lenox Library. Theoriginal price of this volume was $1.50, or seven francs."A description follows : Relation ce| qvi s'est|passe la Mission de 1'1Conception,I Pays des Ilinois, le Mois de Mars]1693, jufqu'en Fevrier 1694. le R. Pere| JacquesGravier, de lade Jefus. withjstorks] IA Manate : la Preffe Cramoify de Jean-Marie Shea. DCCC. LVII."ICollation: Title, verso blank, i leaf; " Table,"verso blank, i leaf; text, pp. 5-65; colophon, versoof p. 65.As the above title-page was made up by Shea, toaccord with the style of others of his series, and wasnot a part of the original document, we do notreproduce it.CLXVII, CLXVIIIThese documents are reproduced from Rochemonteix's/^suites, t. iii., pp. 613-620 and 628-630,respectively.


NOTES TO VOL LXIV(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pagesof English text.)1 (p. 23).— This letter was written probably in November, 1689;it was despatched to Quebec by Zacharie Joliet, a trader then atMackinac. He arrived at Quebec near the end of December, havingaccomplished the long and perilous journey partly by canoe andpartly by land, with but one companion (Charlevoix's NouvelleFrance, t. i., p. 568; N. Y. Colon. Docs., vol. ix., p. 463). There isa discrepancy, which cannot be satisfactorily explained, in theendorsement on the document as having been received Sept. 17,1690. Parkman states that Frontenac acted on information previouslyreceived {Frontenac, p. 202); and he notes that Charlevoix'sversion (ut supraJ " does not conform with the original;" butMonseignat's memoir above cited (N. V. Colon. Docs.) states thata copy of Carheil's letter was sent to Paris in the spring of 1690;and Charlevoix says that the letter was conveyed to Frontenac byJolietZacharie Joliet was a younger brother of Louis, the explorer he;too studied in the Jesuit college at Quebec. At the age of 28, hemarried (November, 1678) Marie Niel, by whom he had threechildren. As she was married to a second husband in November,1692, Joliet's death must have occurred before that time.2 (p. 25).— Here occurs a marginal note, added to the MS."probably by some modem archivist: During the night of August5, 1689, the village of Lachine was surrounded by 1,500 Iroquois,who put everything to fire and sword, and killed about 400 persons.This is still called 'the Lachine massacre.'"— See Parkman'sFrontenac, pp. 177-179.3 (P- 33)-— Reference is here made to the Iroquois sent to Francefor service in the royal galleys (vol. Ixiii., notes 10, 24).4 (p. 41).— Denonville (vol. Ixiii., note 10), proving unequal to thetask of dealing with the Iroquois, was recalled in 1689; and in hisplace was appointed Count de Frontenac, who had been governor ofCanada during 1672-82 (vol. Iv., note 11). The latter now returnedwith orders from Louis XIV. to attack New York and the New


274 LES RELATIONS DES jASUITESEngland frontiers, in order by their conquest to crush the Iroquois.In accordance with these orders, French and Indian war-partiessurprised and captured, in succession, Schenectady, Salmon Falls,and Fort Loyal (now Portland, Me. ). In retaliation for these injuries,the English colonies sent two expeditions against Canada, late in thesummer 1690— of one by land, against Montreal; the other by sea,against Quebec. The latter was commanded by Sir William Phips,who had, but a few months before, conquered the French settlementsin Nova Scotia. Both of these attempts were unsuccessful; andPhips' s fleet, on its return voyage, was dispersed by storms — someships being lost, and many men dying from cold and disease. Adetailed account of these events, with numerous citations of authorities,is given by Parkman in Frontenac, pp. 187-190, 208-285. Cf.Rochemonteix's t. yi/.y?///'^j, iii.. pp. ii\2-'2.^\\ also the interestingcollection, by Myrand, — of nineteen contemporaneous relations ofthe siege of Quebec i6go, sir William Phips devmtt Quebec(Quebec, 1893).The king of England, James II., had become so tyrannical that— his subjects invited William, prince of Orange, who had in 1677married Princess Mary — of England, James's daughter, to come toEngland and deliver them from their ruler. Accordingly, Williamlanded in that country Nov. 5, 1688; James fled to France; and,accepting the request of the people, William and Mary were (Feb.13, 1689) proclaimed king and queen of England.5 (P- 53)-— Michel Germain de Convert (Decouvert) was born inNormandy, Jan. 5, 1653. Entering the Jesuit novitiate at Paris,at the age of eighteen (according to Rochemonteix but; twenty, asgiven in Germain's announcement of his death), he was a studentthere and at Rouen, and an instructor at Bourges and Alengon, untilhis ordination in 1687. Three years more were spent as instructorin philosophy, at Arras; he then came (1690) to Canada. He wasstationed at the Lorette mission, where he remained twentyyears. Compelled by physical infirmities to relinquish this missionarywork, he returned to Quebec, about 1710; he remained thereuntil his death, which occurred in October, 171 5.Rochemonteix says {Jdsuites, t. iii., p. 561) that St. Vallierdemanded from De Convert, superior of Lorette, that he shouldsurrender the church and clergy-house there, built at the expenseof the Jesuits, in order that the" bishop might erect it into a parish,and establish therein one of his own priests. Through his love ofpeace, the timid Father Bouvart, superior-general of the Canadamissions, yielded and agreed to this demand; and Old Lorette wastransferred to New Lorette, to the great regret of the Huronsavages." This removal occurred in 1697 (vol. Iviii., note 19).


'NOTES TO VOL. LXIV 2756 (p. 59).— Chevalier d'Aux (d'Eau) was an officer sent byFrontenac to confer with the Iroquois. The irate savages wouldnot listen to him, but seized him as a prisoner, and subjected him tomuch barbarous treatment ;he was then sent to New York, wherehe was detained by the English until August, 1692, when he foundmeans to escape to Quebec. In the autumn of that year, Frontenacsent him to France with an appeal for additional defenses forCanada.7 (p. 61). — Jacques le Moyne, second son of Charles (vol. xxvii.,note 10), was bom in April, 1659. In February, 1684, he marriedJeanne Carion, then eleven years and five months old; they had threechildren. Jacques is better known as Sieur de Ste. Helene. Heaccompanied his brother Iberville in the Hudson Bay expedition of1 686; and, as a lieutenant in the Canadian militia, won a highreputation for gallantry and enterprise. He was one of the commandersat the attack on Schenectady— referred to in the text as'the day of Corlard. ' ' This name is simply a corruption of Corlaer(Curler), the name of the first governor at Orange, or Albany (vol.XXV., note 2).Ste. Helene's career was a brief one; in one of the skirmishesresulting from Phips's attack upon Quebec he was mortally wounded,and on Dec. 4, 1690, he was buried there at the Hotel-Dieu.8 (p. 67).— Pierre Milet was born at Botirges, Nov. 19, 1635, andat the age of twenty became a Jesuit novice. His studies werepursued at La Fleche and Paris and the usual term as instructor;was spent at La Fleche and Compiegne. Upon his ordination (1668)he came to Canada, and was soon assigned to the Iroquois missions.He remained therein, mainly at Oneida, until July, 1684— when,with the other missionaries, he was obliged to return to Canada.Soon after, he became chaplain at Fort Frontenac, acting also asinterpreter; these duties engaged him during nearly four years(including a year spent at the Niagara fort), until his seizure by theOneidas in 1689. He remained in this captivity until the autumn of1694, when the tribe sent him back to Montreal. Little is known ofhis subsequent life. For a time, he was at Lorette, and he probablyministered, at other places, to the Christian Iroquois settled amongthe French. In February. 1697, a band of Oneidas came to live atMontreal, and asked that Milet might be assigned to them as missionary.Charlevoix, who was an instructor at the college of Quebecduring 1705-09, mentions that he lived several years with Milet,which would indicate that the latter spent his last years at Quebec.He died there, Dec. 31, 1708.9 (P- 73)-— Regarding Otondiata, see vol. xlii., note 10.


'276 LES RELA TIONS DES jASUITES10 (p. 73).— Philippe Clement Duvault, sieur de Vallerenne(Valrenne), was bom in 1655, at St. Germain, France. In 1685 hecame to Canada, as one of the captains of troops then sent out forthe defense of the colony. Two years later, he married JeanneBissot, by whom he had two children. He was commandant at FortFrontenac in 1689; but, by order of Denonville, abandoned that postin the autumn, returning to Montreal. His name is mentionedseveral times during the next three years, in connection with theIroquois war but no further information about him is available.;11 (p. 79).— Regarding the clans of Indian tribes, see vol. xxix.,note 6; vol. Iviii., note 2. Cf. enumeration of clans and totems inN. V. Colon. Docs., vol. ix., pp. 1052 -1058.12 (p. 81).— "The five Iroquois nations in their symbolicallanguage formed a cabin, the Mohawks holding the door and theOnondagas the fire. They called themselves as a nation Hotinonsionni(French notation) or Hodenosausee (English notation), meaning'They form a cabin.' "—Shea's note, in U. S. Cath. Hist.Mag., vol. ii., p. 190. Cf. vol. xli. of our series, p. 87.— "13 (p. 91). Otassete was one of the hereditary sachems of theOneida nation. The title descends in the female line, and Susanna'sadoption of Milet apparently enabled her to bestow the name, whichmade him actually a sachem."— Shea's note, ut supra, p. 193.— 14 (p. 97). Denonville, feeling unable to maintain Fort Frontenac,sent orders to Valrenne, its commander, to destroy and abandon thefort. That officer proceeded to do so, but the work of destructionwas too hastily performed and the;Iroquois, upon taking possessionof the place, found large quantities of stores and munitions — estimatedby Frontenac (TV. Y. Colon. Docs., vol. ix., p. 438) to beworth 20,000 6cus. In the following year (1690), Louis XIV. orderedthe walls to be razed to the ground. Later, Frontenac obtainedpermission to restore this post, which he accomplished in the summerof 1695.15 (p. 99).— " Kinshon, the Fish, by which they meant NewEngland, the authorities of which had sent them a fish as a token ofalliance. . . . The wooden image of a codfish still hangs in theState House at Boston, the emblem of a colony which lived chieflyby the fisheries."— Parkman's Frontenac, p. 199.Brodhead (New York, vol. ii., p. 309, note " *) says: As theIroquois had no labials in their language, they were obliged to say'Quider instead of ' Peter; ' Hennepin's New Discovery, 24; Colden,i., 16. 116. For this reason, I think it probable that ' Kinshon was*the nearest they could come to ' Pynchon ' [ambassador in 1677 fromMassachusetts to the . . .Mohawks]. Father Millet . . .


heandNOTES TO VOL. LXIV 277wrongly applies the name Le Poisson, or Kinshon, to New Yorkinstead of to New England."1 6 (p. 103).— By "the commissary Kwiter" is meant PeterSchuyler, the first mayor of Albany (incorporated as a city, July 22,1686). He was long a prominent figfure in New York affairs; seeN. Y. Colon. Docs., vols, iii., iv., v., vsl., passim.17 (p. 103).— The minister here referred to was Domine GodefridusDellius, who came from Holland in August, 1683, and was stationedat Albany. He was highly popular with the Indians, and showedmuch kindness to the Jesuits who instructed the Iroquois. WhenJacob Leisler usurped the New York government, Dellius, who hadalways opposed him, fled to Boston (1690); but, after Leisler's fall(March, 1691) Dellius came back to New York. He often figured inthe affairs of the colony, and was several times sent by the governoras envoy to Canada. In 1696, Dellius obtained from a few MohawkIndians a grant, to himself and others, of the entire territorypossessed by that tribe, a grant which was confirmed by GovernorFletcher. That official was succeeded, in April, 1698, by Richard,earl of Bellamont recommended;to the Assembly that this grantto Dellius should be annulled — which was done in May, 1699, as it wasproved that Dellius had obtained the land by fraudulent representationsto the Indians. He was, at the same time, deprived of hisbenefice at Albany ;and, his reputation clouded by accusations oflying, drunkenness, and other scandals, he returned to Europe in thesame year.— See A'^ Y. Colon. Docs., vols, iii., 'w., passim.18 (p. 113).— Louis Phelypeaux, comte de Pontchartrain, was bomMarch 29, 1643, the scion of a French house which had, for manygenerations, been active in the service of the State. Before attainingthe age of eighteen, he was admitted as a councilor in theparliament of Paris. In 1677, he was appointed chief president ofthe parliament of Brittany, and administered with great success theaffairs of that province. Ten years later, he became intendant offinance for the whole kingdom ; upon the death of Seignelay,son of Colbert (November, 1690), succeeded him as secretary ofstate. In 1699, he was relieved of his financial duties, beingappointed chancellor of France — a post which he retained untilJuly I, 1714, when he retired to private life, and to the practice ofreligious and charitable works. His death took place Dec. 22, 1727.Pontchartrain was a man of great ability, and in his official lifedisplayed patriotic zeal and devotion, strict justice, and unbendingintegrity he was fond of;letters, and the patron of authors.19 (p. 119).— Regarding Iberville's exploits at Hudson Bay, seevol. Ixiii., note 27. He was accompanied, in the expedition of 1694,


'278 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITESby his brother Louis le Moyne, sieur de Chateauguay — bom inJanuary, 1676, and slain at Fort Nelson Oct. 4. 1694.20 (p. 121).— It will be remembered that the Sulpitians haddirected the religious affairs of the Montreal colony since 1657, whenthey came to replace the Jesuits; and that they had been, since1663, seigniors of the island (vol. xii., note 13). The Jesuits reestablisheda residence at Montreal in 1692. The RecoUets had precededthem by ten years; Le Clercq relates {Gaspisie, pp. 568-571) thatin 1682 he went thither, by command of his superiors, to secure apiece of land (which was granted by the Sulpitians) whereon a residencemight be established for priests of their order.21 (p. 135).— The bread here mentioned " as made of medlars orservices was 'probably composed of the dried fruit of the persimmon(Diospyros Virginiana). Gravier, in his Voyage of 1700, mentionscakes of,piakimine presented to him — by the savages apparentlythe same as the " bread " described in our text.22 (p. 139).— Pierre Francois Pinet was bom at P^rigueux, France,Nov. II, 1660; and entered the Jesuit novitiate at Bordeaux, Aug.29, 1682. He was an instructor at Tulle, P6rigueux, and Pan, successively,from 1684 to 1690; he then completed his studies at Bordeaux,and departed for Canada in 1694. He was at first sent toMichillimackinac ;but in 1696 he went to Illinois, and founded themission of the Guardian Angel at Chicago, among the Miami bandslocated there. This mission was —broken up in the following yearaccording to Jesuit writers, through Frontenac's hostility, but Laval'sinfluence procured Pinet's return thither. The latter went, probablyearly in 1700, to the Tamaroas, an Illinois tribe located on theMississippi, not far from the mouth — of the Missouri a place knov/nlater as Cahokia. By letters patent of May, 1698, St. Vallier deprivedthe Jesuits of this mission, bestowing it upon priests sent outby the S^minaire des Missions 6trangeres. This proceeding wasstrongly opposed by the Jesuits, and they did not consent to thechange until 1701. Meanwhile, Pinet remained with the Tamaroas(by order of his superiors, according to Rochemonteix) until probablythe spring of 1702, and then labored among the Kaskaskias.According to Shea (Mississippi Voyages, p. 53, note), he died atCahokia, about 1704.Rochemonteix's account of Pinet's mission {/^suites, t. iii., pp.550-554, 568-572) differs in some points from the above; we havefollowed allusions in contemporary documents, and Shea's accountas given in Church in Colon. Days, pp. 537-539.23 (p. 141)-— Regarding Pierre Moreau, see vol. lix., note 44.Jean Bouillet, sieur de la Chassaigne (Chassagne), a native of Paray,


NOTES TO VOL. LXIV 279France, was bom in 1659. In 1690, he commanded the garrison atLachine; in 1698, he became governor of Montreal, and in the followingyear married Marie Anne, daughter of Charles le Moyne.Later, he was governor of Three Rivers. He died at Montreal inJanuary, 1733.24 (p. 143).— The Jesuit missions to the Illinois tribes were earlyextended to the Miamis, located between lakes Erie and Michigan.The St. Joseph River was a favorite route for the voyageurs fromMichillimackinac to those tribes, and a site at its mouth was chosenby the missionaries as a suitable location for a residence. Theyobtained from Denonville a grant upon the river, twenty arpentssquare (Margry's Ddcouvertes, t. v., p. 35). Aveneau was residingthere as early as 1690 (vol. Ixiii., note 11).25 (p. 147).— The two Jesuits who came to Canada in 1694 werePinet and Gabriel Marest ;the latter was the one chosen to act aschaplain for the Hudson Bay expedition of that year.26 (p. 149).— Reference is here made to Antoine Dalmas, vol.Iviii., note 18.27 (p. 149). — The word basnageis not to be found in the standardlexicons. A correspondent suggests that it may be tournage — citingfor this Rochemonteix's JSsuztes,t. iii., p. 559, note i, where thelatter word is used in a similar manner, but is not explained. Noneof the standard lexicons give a meaning of this sort to tournage.28 (p. 161).— The fort here mentioned was apparently at the sameplace as La Salle's Fort Crevecoeur (vol. Ivii., note 2), near the presentPeoria (St. Cosme, in Re I. du Mississippi, Shea's ed., p. 26). Herewas located the village of the Peorias and Kaskaskias, to whomGravier ministered it had; evidently been removed from its earlierlocation which Marquette visited (vol. lix., note 42).29 (p. 161).— The Osages and Missotu-is are Siouan tribes, whowere formerly located on the rivers thus named. A paper by J. O.Dorsey, " Migrations of Siouan Tribes" {Amer. Naturalist, vol.XX., pp. 211-222), gives the best available information regarding theorigin and history of these peoples. He thinks that, ages ago, allthe Siouan race dwelt east of the Mississippi,— in various regions,but as allies,— and gradually moved westward. Five tribes — theOmahas, Ponkas, Osages, Kansas, and Kwapas — were thentogether as one nation; they were called " Arkansa " by the Illinoistribes, and lived near the Ohio. At the mouth of that river theyseparated (prior to 1540), the Kwapas descending, the other tribesascending, the Mississippi. For a long time, the latter abode onthe lower Missouri; but finally, having gone farther up that stream,another separation occurred. The Omahas and Ponkas crossed the


'and280 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITESMissouri, and, after many wanderings to the north and west, finallysettled in Nebraska. The Osages settled on the river bearing theirname and the Kansas on the Kansas River.;The Tamarouas (Tamarois) and Cahokias (Kaoukia) were Illinoisbands dwelling on the Mississippi, near the mouth of the Missouri.Their village was known, later, as Cahokia, and the two bandsapparently became merged in one. The Jesuit missionaries laboredamong them until the expulsion of the order from Louisiana(1763-64).30 (p. 179). — Michel Accault (Ako), who married the daughter ofthe Kaskaskia chief, was a French trader, who in 1680 was at FortCrevecoeur with La Salle, and in that year accompanied Hennepinin his voyage on the Upper Mississippi. — Hennepin's NouvelleDecouverte (Paris, 1684), p. 187 and elsewhere.' 'Shea says {Church in Colon. Days, p. 537, note i), regardingAccault : The records of the baptisms, etc. ,in his family, beginningMar. 20, 1695, are the first extracts in the ancient Register ofFather Gravier's mission preserved at Alton. They show that thedescendants of the young convert of Father Gravier were long"prominent in Illinois. An English translation of the entry recordingthe baptism, on the above date, of Accault's infant son (the first entryin the register) is given by Wallace in his Illinois and Louisiana,p. 204.31 (p. 231).— The fruit here referred to is probably the " sea-bean "or ' Florida bean;" a round, polished, scarlet seed obtained from" "the West Indian "bead-tree" or necklace-tree — C>^w


NOTES TO VOL. LXIV 281consequent usurpation of the New York government by JacobLeisler (December, 1689). The Jesuits were driven from the colony;but Harvey retvimed in the following year, and continued his missionfor several years, until broken health compelled him to retire toMaryland, where he soon afterward died.34 (p. 251).— Lamberville refers to Fort Frontenac. He has givena minute account of the combat with Iroquois here mentioned, in aMS. (now in British Museum) printed by Rochemonteix in Jisuites,t. iii., pp. 621-627.35 (p- 257).— A full account ol this treacherous deed is given byParkman {Frontenac, pp. 173-176), who ascribes it to a deliberatescheme on the part of Kondiaronk, the noted Huron chief of Michillimackinac,to embroil the French and Iroquois, in order to preventthem from signing a treaty of peace.36 (p. 263).— The Bourbon River is now known as Nelson River;it is the outlet of Lake Winnipeg, and is navigable for steamers to127 miles from its mouth. The Ste. Th6rese is now called HayesRiver ; it enters James Bay not far from the mouth of the Nelson, atFort York (called — in early times Port Nelson).37 (p. 265). Reference is here made to the Assiniboine and Creetribes (vol. xlii., note 12; vol. xviii., note 15).


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