Linked - International Conference on Minority Languages XI

Linked - International Conference on Minority Languages XI

11 th ong>Internationalong> ong>Conferenceong> on Minority Languages(ICML XI)ong>Conferenceong> AbstractsPécs5–6 July, 2007Research Institute for Linguistics,Hungarian Academy of SciencesResearch Institute for Ethnicand National Minority Studies,Hungarian Academy of SciencesFaculty of Political and Legal Sciences,University of Pécs

The abstracts in this volume reproduce the written versions submitted by the authors.Changes have been made to the format. References have been converted to parentheticthroughout.

AcknowledgementsA number of people have made an outstanding contribution to the organization ofICML11. In the first place we would like to express our thanks to the members of theOrganizing Committee, the Faculty of Political and Legal Sciences of the University ofPécs and many volunteers.Thanks are due to the members of the Academic Committee, Anna Borbély, Susan Gal,Durk Gorter, Charlotte Hoffmann, Miklós Kontra, István Lanstyák, Marilyn Martin-Jones as well as Pádraig Ó Riagáin, Marianne Bakró-Nagy, Andrea Szalai, GizellaSzabómihály and Orsolya Nádor for reviewing 236 abstract submissions.We would like to acknowledge the generous support of the following institutions andorganizations: Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Ministry of Education and Culture,University of Pécs, European Commission FP6, Priority 7 “Citizens and governance in aKnowledge-based society” (Contract no.: 029124), European Commission, Education,Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency, “Europe for Citizens” Programme 2007-2013, Reguly Association, Oxford University Press, Palgrave Macmillan academicpublisher and the publishing house of Walter de Gruyter.v

Dear ICML11 Participant,The Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS), theResearch Institute for Ethnic and National Minority Studies HAS, and the Faculty ofPolitical and Legal Sciences of the University of Pécs are happy to welcome you to the11th ong>Internationalong> ong>Conferenceong> on Minority Languages (ICML 11) in the multilingual andmulticultural city of Pécs. The town is located in the South-West of Hungary and hassuccessfully applied for the status of the cultural capital of Europe in 2010. Due to itsgeographical location and cultural position, Pécs is an ideal bridge to neighbouring non-EU member countries, a bridge between the cultures of the Balkan and those of WesternEurope.This is the first time an ICML conference is held in an East-Central European countryafter the Eastern Enlargement of the European Union. The aim of the conference is toprovide a frame for mutual transfer of knowledge between research communities aboutthe current situation of linguistic minorities in Europe – a geographical unit in temporaltransition between a past of nation states and a future of the enlarged European Union. Itis the historical strength of the concept “nation” that makes us aware of the contrastbetween the reality of minorities determined by state borders and the ideal of a supranationalentity in which the word “minority” only has a numerical reference.The special focus of the conference is Multilingualism, Citizenship and the Future ofMinority Languages: Ideologies and Practices of Linguistic Difference in Europe.The program which we present to you here will bring together researchers working onlinguistic minorities all over the world, different aspects of bi- and multilingualism,bilingual education, ideologies of language, language and identity construction,language policy, and especially on maintenance and revitalization of minority languages.Sociolinguistic, anthropological, historical, political, legal, economic and socialapproaches offer an excellent opportunity to reflect upon the current state in the field ofresearch on minority languages propagating good research practices, contributing to theintegration of its relevant research activities into a common European Research Area,and increasing effective use of dialogue and deliberation in policy formulation andresearch.We would like to express our thanks to all of you who submitted abstracts for papers,posters and colloquia. We are especially grateful to Viv Edwards, Susan Gal and StephenMay, our plenary speakers who were kind enough to accept our invitation.We wish to all of you productive work and a stimulating conference,Csilla BarthaChair ICML11 Academic and Organizing Committeevi

Academic CommitteeDr. Csilla Bartha (Chair)Eötvös Loránd University and Research Institute for Linguistics, HASProfessor Susan GalUniversity of ChicagoProfessor Durk GorterFryske Akademy and Universiteit van AmsterdamProfessor Charlotte HoffmannUniversity of SalfordProfessor Marilyn Martin-JonesUniversity of BirminghamDr. Anna BorbélyResearch Institute for Linguistics, HASProfessor Miklós KontraUniversity of Szeged and Research Institute forLinguistics, HASDr. István LanstyákGramma Language Office and Comenius University, Bratislavavii

Organizing CommitteeDr. Csilla BarthaEötvös Loránd University and Research Institute for Linguistics, HASProfessor István KeneseiDirector of Research Institute for Linguistics, HASProfessor Erzsébet Szalay SándorDean of the Faculty of Political and Legal Sciences, University of PécsDr. László SzarkaDirector of Research Institute for National and Ethnic Minority Studies, HASDr. Anna BorbélyResearch Institute for Linguistics, HASZoltán CsipesResearch Institute for Linguistics, HASTibor PintérResearch Institute for Linguistics, HASAndrea SzőnyiResearch Institute for Linguistics, HASDr. Kinga MandelResearch Institute for National and Ethnic Minority Studies, HASDr. Balázs ViziResearch Institute for National and Ethnic Minority Studies, HASviii

Local Organizing CommitteeProfessor Erzsébet Szalay SándorDean of the Faculty of Political and Legal Sciences, University of PécsBrigitta SzabóFaculty of Political and Legal Sciences, University of PécsMáté MesterFaculty of Political and Legal Sciences, University of Pécsix

ContentsAbstracts of Plenary Lectures 1Colloquia Abstracts 6Paper Abstracts 56Poster Abstracts 132Authors’ Index 146xi

Plenary Lectures

Plenary LecturesThe economics of minority languagesViv Edwards, University of ReadingEconomics has important implications for minority languages. One of the most powerfuldeterminants, for instance, of whether parents decide to transmit minority languages istheir perception of their usefulness in terms of career prospects for their children.Similarly, parents may have doubts about the viability of minority language education:resources are more plentiful – and often more attractive – in languages of widercommunication. A number of developments, including increased political support andtrans-national cooperation, are, however, beginning to shape more positive attitudestowards both the economic usefulness and viability of minority languages. Thispresentation will examine two examples of language marketing: the ‘Twf ‘project inWales which promotes the value of bilingualism to parents; and language advocacy inSouth Africa as part of the implementation of the official policy of bilingualism. It willalso explore a co-publishing effort involving Basque, Frisian, Irish, IsiXhosa and Welshwhich addresses the problem of how to produce high quality books for children inminority languages at an affordable price.Language and Political Space: Lessons for the Study of Minority LanguagesSusan Gal, University of ChicagoMy aim in this paper is to take up three ways in which the issue of minority languagesshould be considered within the theoretical frame of “language and political space.”These three ways are (a) nation-state regimes, (b) the deterritorialization of worldlanguages, (c) the creation of “discursive space” in which the issue of minority language(and much else) is organized by a metaphor of conversation in which the projectedspeakers are organized into “sides,” “spokespersons” and “debates.”(a) In the contemporary world, the connection between language and political space ismost often defined through the regime of nation-states. In the European tradition,ethnolinguistic nationalism made linguistic form a diacritic of political belonging. Thistradition authorized an image of the world as a series of countries each with “its”language, sometimes with further subdivisions. Linguistic form thereby came to indexpolitical identity. This has become a naturalized and hegemonic imagery with globaldominance, but one that – as is well known – rarely mirrors actual linguistic practices.(b) This configuration is today actively undermined by ‘world languages’ on the onehand, and the demand for recognition by speakers who have been made into “minorities”by this national system. Multilingual speakers – whether regional speakers or migrants– contribute to making new kinds of space: on the one hand the “local” (indexed by1

Plenary Lecturesnewly minoritized varieties), the deterritorialized, and the diasporic. Most discussions ofthis social process take the existence and nature of space for granted. Yet, space itself isculturally and socially constructed. The ‘local’ and diaspora are two examples oflinguistically created spaces.(c) Finally, I discuss the virtual space of political debate, one that is the sedimentationof institutional practices in schooling, reading, mass circulation of texts, and the creationof publics. Shades of political opinion and relative standing on current issues – includinglanguage issues –are communicated through linguistic form. Political leaders subtlysignal their commitments and their “positions” through linguistic usage, as reported inmass media. Linguistic form, and form of expression become indexes of positions inpolitical spaces, within sociocultural fields of difference. This perspective suggests thatthe relation of language to space – like its connection to time – must start with analysisof the speech situation that is understood to be the “here” and “now” of deictic forms.But analysis must also widen to include the creation of spaces apprehended as political(not geographical), and where antagonists and allies are lined up (note the spatialmetaphor) as staged conversationalists in mass mediated reports.The Politics of Language Rights: Notes from the FrontlineStephen May, University of WaikatoDevelopments in political theory and in international law have seen an increasingaccommodation of language rights for minority groups in recent years. In politicaltheory, key commentators such as Will Kymlicka (1995) have argued for the recognitionof minority rights – a position I have developed further in specific relation to minoritylanguage rights (MLR; see May, 2001). In international law, a range of legislativemeasures, particularly at the supranational level, have begun to address issues of MLRand related language provision, particularly in the educational arena. Thesedevelopments mark a departure from previous practices which, shaped by the emphasison universal human rights post 2nd world war and on the tenets of orthodox liberalism,were largely antithetical to MLR.But before too much can be made of these developments, it is also important to highlightthat in many nation-states, there often still remains strong opposition to theestablishment and/or extension of language rights for minority groups. A number oftropes are regularly aired in this respect. A key one relates to the issue of social andpolitical stability - that such rights undermine social cohesion and lead to social andpolitical fragmentation. Another is that such rights reinforce an essentialist, romanticistview of culture and language; a third that the recognition of such rights delimits thesocial and economic mobility of minority language speakers and/or infringes the rightsof dominant or majority language speakers.2

Plenary LecturesDrawing on a range of international examples, this keynote lecture will examine thesearguments, and their validity. In response, it will outline how the ongoing advocacy ofMLR might address/counter these oppositional arguments in order to build a morepluralist, multilingual social and political sphere in many of today’s still resolutelymonolingual nation-states.ReferencesKymlicka, W. (1995). Multicultural Citizenship. Oxford: Oxford University Press.May, S. (2001). Language and Minority Rights: Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Politicsof Language. London: Longman. Reprinted by Routledge, 2007.3


ColloquiaCQ1Towards a Global Paradigm for Linguistic DiversityChair: Dónall Ó RiagáinOutline of what we are about to presentDónall Ó Riagáin, Chairperson, Abakan Action & Member of Linguapax ong>Internationalong>Advisory CommitteeA UNESCO ong>Internationalong> Convention on Linguistic DiversityProf. Joseph L Turi, Secretary General, Academie internationale de droit linguistiqueLanguage Rights as Human Rights – a global challengeProf. Bill Bowring, School of Law, Birkbeck College, University of LondonAbakan Action – a shared visionDr. Sonja Novak Lucanovic, Institute of Ethnic Studies, LjubljanaIndigenous Language Rights in the 21st centuryProf. Tamara Borgyakova, Khakass State UniversityLinguapax – its aims and its workDónall Ó Riagáin6

ColloquiaCQ2Minority Language between Tradition and Modernity: the Case of theItalo/Slovene BorderChair: Tom Priestly, University of AlbertaConvenor: Maja Mezgec, SLORIThe European continent, the motherland of nationalism, and the part of the world wherepolitical borders and different territorial and cultural identities are mostly interrelated, isnow facing new challenges regarding how best to represent its numerous interests withinone system. With the increase of international integration European countries began todevote greater attention to the development problems of their multicultural regions andborder areas that had to be helped to undertake certain functions in the internationalintegration process. The fostering of a more balanced regional development also resultedin a strengthening of regional characteristics, which the new model could no longerignore. Regional characteristics in turn have always been preserved in Europe bypersistent historical and cultural elements of ethnic and linguistic variety. Therefore it isnot surprising that the process of European integration based on the new regionaldevelopment model was accompanied by a parallel process of ethnic or regionalawakening of minorities and other local communities.Areas of cultural and linguistic contact with sufficient protection for preservingminorities and their languages have become multicultural areas of harmonic socialmixture and coexistence. They no longer necessarily represent a potential and actual areaof conflict between peoples and countries.The aspects related to institutionalisation of the minority language and territorialisationof the minority preservation, representing the “social space” where rules of preservationare implemented, are significant. The research and investigation of the minorities andminority languages in the contact area, their use within social and economictransformation of the European space and its social groups, represents an importantchallenge, since minority language groups are part of these ongoing transformations ofthe European space, representing a crucial development opportunity.Individual papers:Multicultural Regions and Contact Areas in the Context of European IntegrationMilan Bufon, University of Primorska, Koper, SloveniaThe European continent, the motherland of nationalism, and the part of the world wherepolitical borders and different territorial and cultural identities are mostly interrelated, isnow facing new challenges regarding how best to represent its numerous interests withinone system. With the increase of international integration European countries began todevote greater attention to the development problems of their multicultural regions and7

Colloquiaborder areas that had to be helped to undertake certain functions in the internationalintegration process. The fostering of a more balanced regional development also resultedin a strengthening of regional characteristics, which the new model could no longerignore. Regional characteristics in turn have always been preserved in Europe bypersistent historical and cultural elements of ethnic and linguistic variety. Therefore it isnot surprising that the process of European integration based on the new regionaldevelopment model was accompanied by a parallel process of ethnic or regionalawakening of minorities and other local communities. The key question forcontemporary European (though of course this is not limited to Europe) politicalgeography is, then, how the process summarised under the twin labels of socialconvergence and deterritorialization will effect the persistent maintenance of regionalidentities and the corresponding divergence of regional spaces. Or, in other words: is the‘unity in diversity’ European programme ever practicable and exportable on a worldwidescale or are we to be absorbed by a new global ‘melting pot’?Majority and Minority School in Multiethnic SocietyNorina Bogatec, SLORIZaira Vidali, SLORIThe impact of multiethnicity within primary school is the subject of investigation of theVidali and Bogatec paper, which presents the results of a survey conducted amongpupils’ parents, teachers and pupils. The school system in Trst/Trieste has developedduring the post-war period in the frame of two different language environments: themajority Italian and the minority Slovene. The presence of pupils of non-Italian or non-Slovene mother tongue along with immigrant children brought about the challenge ofharmonizing the school’s traditional role of preserving the language and identityconsidering the needs of multiethnic society in the Slovene-Italian border area.The Slovene Community in Trieste (Italy) Between Language Maintenance andLanguage Shift: an Empirical StudyDevan Jagodic, SLORIJagodic will present the results of an empirical study that aims to investigate thelanguage behaviour of the Slovene population in Trieste and to provide information onthe maintenance of the Slovene language and/or the shift to Italian. The study examinesthe language use, attitudes and ethnolinguistic vitality perceptions of two linguisticgenerations. The intergenerational comparison illustrates some divergences among thetwo samples and helps identify the variables that cooperate to establish them.8

ColloquiaLiteracy Skills in Minority Language: the Case of the Slovene Minority in ItalyMaja Mezgec, SLORILanguage skills, with special attention to literacy skills, in the minority language amongthe bilingual population are the focus of the Mezgec paper. Due to its status and itslimited public use, the members of the minority have less opportunity to develop andpreserve literacy skills in their language. The research aims to determine which factorsinfluence the acquisition of literacy skills and the relation between literacy skillsdeveloped by the individuals in the minority and in the majority languages.Predicting Minority Future: fathers’ Ideas on Transgenerational Transmission ofSlovene Language and IdentitySusanna Pertot, SLORISusanna Pertot will present a study of identities and emotions in linguistic decisionmaking within the Slovene minority social background. The research is focused on thefathers of minority male students, with whom the author conducted semi-structured taperecordedinterviews centered on their emotional investments: on the desired linguisticidentity/ies, on minority and other membership/s and on the imagined future for boththemselves and their children.Evolution of the Legal Frame of the Slovene Minority in Italy within the EuropeanIntegration ProcessesBojan Brezigar, SLORIThe legal framework, presented by Bojan Brezigar, will contribute an overview of thelegislation regarding the Slovene community in Italy, both national and regional. Thecritical approach will refer to the coexistence of the Slovenian and Italian populations,including an historical overview of the situation after WWII; finally, the paper will shedlight on efforts to establish legal basis that would ensure the protection of the Sloveneminority within modern European integration processes.9

ColloquiaCQ3Emerging from the Ashes of Linguistic Imperialism and Lighting the Fires of SignBi-lingualism – Sign Language Communities and the case for Linguistic HumanRights and CitizenshipChair: Steven David EmeryPresenters:Verena Krausneker, University of ViennaJan-Kare Breivik, University of BergenSteven David Emery, Heriot-Watt UniversityDiscussant: Gabrielle Hogan-Brun, University of BristolWhile Europe expands, sign language communities have been making significantprogress within the political, legal and social domain. The Parliamentary Assembly ofthe Council of Europe (PACE), in 2003, voted to include the protection of signlanguages in the Council of Europe – progress, however, has been mixed.Dr Verena Krausneker, from the University of Vienna, Austria, has written an expertopinion for the Council of Europe entitled “Report on the Protection and Promotion ofSign Languages and the Rights of their Users in Council of Europe Member States:Needs Analysis”. It has been an ongoing part of Deaf politics to demand legalrecognition for sign languages and concrete language rights in several specific terrainsof life, foremost education. Most of the European states and several non-Europeancountries now have an active (as opposed to laissez-faire) sign language policy and havegranted their national sign language official status in varying degrees. Dr Krausneker’spresentation will provide an overview of existing sign language laws with the key focuson recommendations concerning what should be done.Deaf communities have come together across national boundaries and worked togetheron these and other issues. With respect to sign language communities, these are culturalas well as political issues. Dr Jan-Kåre Breivik, from the University of Bergen, Norwaywill draw attention to the diversity of linguistic experiences among deaf people inNorway – and how this relates to identification. In order to avoid simplistic solutions inlanguage planning, we simply need to understand this diversity. These experiencesreflect the sad consequences of long-term denial of access to sign language, the joy ofgetting access to sign language, the need for a purist strategy and the opposition againstthe same. Diverse experiences with the use of the majority language (written andspoken) will be explored, as well as the new tendency towards deaf transnationalism(travelling and attending transnational deaf events, Internet- and other electroniccommunication) and how this globalisation influence upon linguistic identification. DrBreivik concludes by stating that there is a need for protection of national signlanguages, for bi- or multilingual education for deaf children and for recognition of theglobal feature of deaf lives.10

Colloquiaong>Linkedong> to this, Dr Steven Emery, from Heriot-Watt University, Scotland will presentfindings of his research on citizenship in the UK Deaf community, which underlines theresilience of Deaf citizens in the face of damages wrought on sign languages and Deafculture by successive generations of governments, policy-makers and medical ‘experts’.Genetic technologies in particular threaten to undermine positive developments that arefinally beginning to lead to the widespread recognition of Deaf people’s linguistic andhuman rights. Dr Emery therefore suggests Deaf people become more directly involvedin formulating policies related to, for example, the education of deaf children (via signbilingualism or multilingualism) and of language planning; it may be necessary, DrEmery concludes, to ensure sign languages are protected, perhaps with the introductionof group rights. Such a development would, it appears from Dr Emery’s research, bevital to create the space to enable Deaf self-empowerment.Each paper will be introduced by Dr Emery, and at the end of the presentations, timewill be allocated for a discussion and debate of the key issues.Dr Hogan-Brun, a Research Fellow at the University of Bristol, who has written widelyon minority language issues from a variety of different disciplines, will act as adiscussant to summarise the issues that have arisen in the colloquium.11

ColloquiaCQ4Minority language media in a globalising world: Issues of identity, representation,community and vitality.Convenors/Chairs: Sari Pietikäinen, University of JyväskyläHelen Kelly-Holmes, University of LimerickMáiréad Moriarty, University of LimerickDiscussant: Durk Gorter, University of AmsterdamMinority language media are often considered to be an important element in therevitalisation and survival of minority languages. As a visible and widely used part ofcontemporary life, media are seen to have potential to expand domains of smalllanguages, to increase awareness of them and to enhance means and motivation to usethese languages (Cutter 2001; Hale 2001). The reciprocity of media publicity andminority languages can positively contribute to language prestige and perceived valueand usefulness. As for instance Cutter (2001:308) argues it is the combination of familiarstructures and practices of the dominant language and use of minority language of aonce-stigmatised, politically powerless community in the public legitimising sphere thatmakes minority languages in media seem both normal and special.However, the processes by which and the extent to which media can positively effectperceptions, usage and viability of minority languages is a complex one, and never moreso than in today’s newly constituted mediascapes (Appadurai 1990, Rantanen 2005).Many minority media function in a complex terrain of language endangerment andrevitalization, and of political struggle and negotiation of rights, linguistic rightsincluded. This terrain, furthermore, is affected by global and national changes in, forexample, economy, legislation and infrastructure affecting all people living aroundparticular minority languages. Minority media are also a site where the global and localinteract resulting in simultaneous, partly contradictory processes of strengthening ofcultural identity and hybridization of it (Robins and Aksoy 2005). Due to ever expandingpossibilities to consume media, audiences can be seen as organizing around choicerather than being addressed according to national language or geographical locationsolely. However, the possibility also exists in this new context, that minority languagespeakers may constitute a niche media group of their own, no longer reliant on nationaland regional governments (cf. Kelly-Holmes 2001).Dilution and hybridity in the media also impact on the ways in which identities,communities and nations are narrated in media. Within this rapidly changing context,minority language media may design and utilise narratives which attempt to link pastand present resources for minority language users´ identities, and to ensure a future thatencompasses minority language identity and endangered languages. More than this,however, new mediascapes offer the possibility of a break with the past, for theevolution of new identities, which challenge the way in which minority languagespeakers have understood themselves and been understood in majority language media.12

ColloquiaThe colloquium will attempt to interpret the challenges and opportunities afforded tominority language media by this changing context, by bringing together papers from arange of minority language contexts, which will be discussed within a commonframework of issues. The main issues of concern are:1. Do new mediascapes afford minority language speakers the opportunity torenegotiate their identities?2. Have new media practices and media constellations altered the received imageof minority language speakers?3. How vital are the new networks created by new media, such as digital televisionand the Internet etc.?4. What implications do these new media practices have for traditional models oflanguage revitalisation?5. And, what might be the effects of these changing practices, images,representations and identities on the long-term vitality of minoritised andendangered languages.Individual papers:“Maybe only beautiful people can speak Irish?” Irish language television andchanging perceptions of the Irish languageHelen Kelly-Holmes, University of LimerickMáiréad Moriarty, University of LimerickOne of the more successful, yet unplanned, outcomes of Irish language televisionchannel TG4 has been the positive portrayal, through its presenters, of Irish languagespeakers as young, attractive and educationally and economically successful. Thiscontribution explores the implications of this so-called ‘TG4 babe phenomenon’ forchanging representations of Irish and linguistic vitality.Cultural hybridisation and linguistic revitalisation in Sami mediascapeSari Pietikäinen, University of JyväskyläRecent changes in cultural, political and economic environment have opened up newpossibilities and novel challenges to Sami media. Transnationalism and multilingualismare two major issuesthat need to be taken up in the context of minority media production. Both of theseprocesses can contribute to cultural hybridisation but also facilitate reinforcement ofindigenous identity. In this paper, I discuss these multilayered and interrelatedconsequences of transnationalism and multilingualism in Sami media.13

ColloquiaThe virtual linguistic landscape of Wales – promises and pitfallsDaniel Cunliffe, University of GlamorganMany language planners and language activists see the virtual linguistic landscape as animportant arena for promoting minority languages. However, the virtual landscapeassociated with a particular minority language can be difficult to identify and navigate;legislation of the virtual landscape can be problematic; the extent and quality of minoritylanguage provision is often found wanting; and the link between minority languageprovision and minority language use is largely unexplored. This contribution exploresthese issues in the context of the Welsh language.Television and the Basque languageEdorta Arana, University of the Basque CountryJosu Amezaga, University of the Basque CountryDraft outline: The aim of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the twochannels of ETB and their role in the promotion of Basque language (using Basque inone case and refering to it, and to the Basque culture as a whole, in the other).14

ColloquiaCQ5Issues in Language Planning in the Gaeltacht (Irish-speaking districts):Implementation of the Findings of the ‘Comprehensive Linguistic Study of the Useof Irish in the Gaeltacht’Chair: Conchúr Ó Giollagáin, National University of Ireland GalwayThis colloquium seeks to identify and discuss the range of challenges faced by thevarious Gaeltacht (Irish-speaking) communities which have been identified in therecently submitted (November 2006) government-commissioned report on the linguisticvitality of the Gaeltacht as a designated linguistic region: ‘Comprehensive LinguisticStudy of the Use of Irish in the Gaeltacht’.The report findings suggest that the expected linguistic benefits of the supportmechanism employed by the state, which have emphasised the need for rural andcommunal development and job creation in these regions, have been obviated to analarming extent by the failure of the state and its agencies to address the threats posed bycounterproductive practices in local and regional planning which have toleratedinappropriate (in a linguistic sense) settlement patterns, which in turn has increased thepressure on Irish-speaking communities to accommodate the linguistic practices ofresidents of non-Gaeltacht origin who have settled in these regions.The colloquium will entail five elements: a brief introduction on the genesis of theresearch report and the historical sociolinguistic perspective of Gaeltacht research, twopapers on the principal research themes, a concluding presentation on the main findingsof the report and on the report’s language planning and policy recommendations togovernment and a forum to afford an opportunity to those attending the colloquium tocomment on the findings of the report and to question the research team on theirrecommendations:i) The historical sociolinguistic perspective and background research on theGaeltacht – Joe Mac Donnachaiii) Conclusions of the Statistical Evidence – Conchúr Ó Giollagáiniv) The Survey on Language Abilities, Attitudes and Usage among Young GaeltachtResidents – Aoife Ní Shéaghdha and Fiona Ní Chualáinv) Conclusions and Recommendations – Conchúr Ó Giollagáinvi) Forum15

ColloquiaIndividual papers:The historical sociolinguistic perspective and background research on theGaeltachtJoe Mac Donnacha, National University of Ireland GalwayThis report, undertaken as a joint research project between Acadamh na hOllscolaíochtaGaeilge, National University of Ireland, Galway, and the National Institute for Regionaland Spatial Analysis, NUI Maynooth, traces and analyses the administrative and politicalapproach adopted since the foundation of the Irish state (1922) in order to foster theGaeltacht as a distinct linguistic region within the state. Despite the efforts and thesupport of the state through the various mechanisms employed by the Department of theGaeltacht (established in 1956), and other state and community agencies operating onbehalf of these regions, the report indicates that the interventions adopted to date havenot succeeded in reversing the trend towards language shift in the various Gaeltachtcommunities.Conclusions of the Statistical Evidence: ‘The Comprehensive Linguistic Study ofthe Use of Irish in the Gaeltacht’Conchúr Ó GiollagáinResisting the pressures of communal language shift in a minority/majoritysociolinguistic context requires a high density of active speakers in an area. The findingsof the various statistical surveys undertaken as part the Gaeltacht research report suggestthat a minority language community is required to sustain an active speaker communityof around 70% of the total population to withstand pressure from the majority languagecommunity. The paper will discuss the application of the methodology to the Censusdata, how the threshold was identified, and how evidence of language shifts in theGaeltacht population can be ascertained.The Survey on Language Abilities, Attitudes and Usage among Young GaeltachtResidentsAoife Ní Shéaghdha, National University of Ireland GalwayFiona Ní Chualáin, National University of Ireland GalwayAs part of this comprehensive language study on the current use of the Irish language inthe Gaeltacht regions, an extensive survey was carried out amongst teenage Gaeltachtresidents. This survey was conducted using a very detailed questionnaire which wasdistributed amongst final year students in all of the Gaeltacht secondary schools in early2005. The aim of this part of the research was to gather in-depth information regardingthe youths’ language background, their language ability and their attitudes towards andtheir use of the Irish language.16

ColloquiaThis paper will present the findings of this study. It will highlight the positive results inrelation to language attitudes and ability in Irish alongside the paradoxically increasingmarginal use of Irish among the youngest generation in the Gaeltacht. It will also shedlight on the evidence relating to weak intergenerational transmission of the language. Ananalysis of the role of education system in the Gaeltacht suggests that attendance atIrish-medium Gaeltacht schools ironically appears to be fostering the use of Englishamong the young because of the English-dominated socialisation processes theyencounter at school.Conclusions and RecommendationsConchúr Ó GiollagáinThe challenging scenario faced by various Gaeltacht communities highlights the fragilesocial context in which the communal use of a minority language occurs, both in anational and an international perspective, especially when one considers that thelanguage planning support mechanism put in place to support Irish-speakingcommunities would be relatively well-meaning and enlightened from an internationalperspective.The concluding presentation of the colloquium will attempt to identify languageplanning measures which could be adopted to counteract the threats to the vitality ofIrish as a spoken communal language.17

ColloquiaCQ6Endangered Uralic LanguagesChair: Marianne Bakró-Nagy, Research Institute for Lingustics, Hungarian Academy ofSciences; University of SzegedUralic languages with the exception of Hungarian, Finnish and Estonian are in differentstages of endangerment. The Russian Federation is home to 18 minority communitieswhich belong to the Uralic language family. Some Uralic minority groups can also befound in Fenno-Scandinavia and in the Baltic States. Only some of the smaller Uralicpeoples live in autonomous republics or districts in Russia. For those that do, the use andcultivation of the native languages and cultures is theoretically guaranteed, sincelanguage laws were passed in all of these territories in the mid-1990s. However, it is alsoimportant to bear in mind that by today all of the smaller Uralic peoples constituteminority populations even in their own republics and autonomous districts, that is, in theplaces where they are autochthonous, and this fact does not help them assert their owninterests or shape institutionalized language policy. This situation is the result of specifichistorical development. The chances of survival of the Uralic languages in Russia do notlook very promising, and it is not an unlikely prediction that the number of mothertongue speakers will decrease by half by the end of this century. Whereas all these factsare well-known to the experts in the field, much less has been done to access the fullrange of sociolinguistic methodologies which have already been implemented in theinvestigation and description of non-minority Uralic languages. The very aim of thecolloquium, therefore, is to bring together researchers with interests in thesociolinguistic aspects or related fields of the Uralic peoples, and to set some directionsof how sociolinguistic investigation and description of these peoples may be realized.The aim of the colloquium is threefold: first, to provide the participants with up-to-datesociolinguistic informations on the minority Uralic peoples, second, to present a plan fortheir linguistic documentation, and third, to attempt to lay the foundations for aninternational sociolinguistic association.Basic sociolinguistic data and language documentation will be provided by posters. Fivepresentations will provide case studies on small Finnic and Ob-Ugric languages as wellas on Selkup and Udmurt. A round table discussion will be organized to allowparticipants to exchange their ideas on the plan of an international Uralic sociolinguisticassociation (a proposal will be circulated beforehand among participants to be invited toattend the session). Abstracts of presentations and posters are enclosed to the presentproposal.The structure of the colloquium will be the following: 1. intoductory remarks, 2. oralpresentations and discussions, 3. comments on poster presentations, 4. round tablediscussion.18

ColloquiaIndividual presentations:The Kven and Meänkieli languages todayLaura Arola, University of OuluAnna-Kaisa Räisänen, University of OuluKven language and Meänkieli are Finno-Ugric languages spoken in the northern parts ofFenno-Scandia – the Kven language in Northern Norway and the mäenkieli in NorthernSweden. Both languages are linguistically mutually intelligible dialects of Finnish, butfor cultural, historical and political reasons they are nowadays languages of their ownand have the national minority language status in both Nordic Countries. Even iflanguages are mutually intelligible Finnish dialects they differ from the standard Finnishlanguage more than the most of the Finnish dialects spoken in Finland because of theinfluence of Norwegian, Swedish and Saami languages.Kven language is spoken by 2000 – 8000 and Meänkieli by 35 000 – 60 000 speakers.The amounts of conceivable speakers are much bigger than previous numbers if allpeople belonging to these ethnic groups are included. These potential speakers are thedescendants of all previous generations who have had Finnic languages as their mothertongue before World Wars. During the late 19th century assimilation policy started inScandinavian countries. Because the purpose of nationalism was to create a homogenousnation, major population tried to assimilate minorities. Minorities in NorthernScandinavia went through the assimilation process from the late 19th century to the endof World War II. After that period language shift seemed inevitable from the Finnicminority languages to the major Scandinavian Languages.The ethnic revival that started in the 1970s has been a counter-reaction and counter-forceto the language shift. This process of revival among the northern minorities has led thespeakers of languages previously considered as dialects to strive for the independentstatus of standard languages, and the process has already attained among the Meänkielispeakers. Kven and Meänkieli languages are still endangered. The most of speakers arebilingual in majority and minority languages and the domains for minority languages arefew. Because of that the active revitalization and minority language planning is required.In our presentation we will discuss about minority language situations among the Kvenand Meänkieli speakers. The point of view will be on the perspectives on languagesociological changes in the Northern Scandinavia and how these changes have effectedto the minority languages after the ethnic revival has started. We will describe thepresent situation in Norway and Sweden. We will also compare the revitalization amongthe Kven and Meänkieli communities.19

ColloquiaSmall written Finnic languagesHelena Sulkala, University of OuluI will discuss some endangered Finnic minority languages that are used also in writtenform: Meänkieli, Kven language, Viena Karelian and Olonets Karelian, Vepsian, VoroSeto and Livonian. Meänkieli is spoken in northern Sweden close to the Swedish–Finnish state boundary. Kven language is spoken in the provinces of Tromso andFinnmark in northern Norway. Karelian is spoken in the Republic of Karelia and also inan isolated area, Tver Karelia, close to Moscow. Vepsian is also spoken in the Republicof Karelia and in the St. Petersburg province. Voro and Seto are spoken in south-easternEstonia and Livonian in Latvia.One factor that resulted in the decline and, ultimately, the endangered status of theseFinnic languages was the systematic assimilation policy adopted in the 19th century andcontinued in the 20th century in Sweden, Norway, Russia and later in the Soviet Union.The pressure towards assimilation has caused both individual and societal problems,which, in turn, have negatively influenced people´s psychic and physical wellbeing.Over the past three decades, however, a number of minorities in different parts of theworld have almost simultaneously undergone an ethnic revival, which has aroused adesire and a need to revitalise the minority language, i.e. to save what remains to besaved. It seems that the cultural and social identities of a minority pivot primarily on theacknowledgement of its language and the possibility to use it in writing.To help to guarantee the speakers of minority languages their linguistic human rights, itwill be necessary to accumulate research findings on the development and emancipationof minority languages. Therefore, it will important in research 1) to assess the role ofattitudes and identity in the process of Northern minority language emancipation, 2) tocompare and contrast linguistic conditions from one country to another, from oneminority to another, 3) to describe the relationship between variation and standardizationin each language, 4) to describe the process of development from a prohibited languageto an official minority language.My concrete goal is to acquire research findings on the current usage of Meänkieli,Kven, Karelian, Vepsian, Voro, Seto and Livonian and related attitudes and identityissues and also to explore their associations with wellbeing and health. My projectconcentrates on language development and planning, and more generally, it will promoteresearch that will ultimately help to safeguard linguistic human rights.20

ColloquiaThe Current Sociolinguistic Situation of some Uralic Peoples (poster)Zsuzsa Duray, Eötvös Loránd University BudapestNorbert Kiss, University of SzegedMária Sípos, Research Institute for Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of SciencesKatalin Sipőcz, University of SzegedZsuzsa Várnai, Research Institute for Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of SciencesBeáta Wagner-Nagy, Research Institute for Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of SciencesThe Russian Federation is home to as many as 160 different ethnic groups andindigenous peoples, including 18 minority communities which belong to the Uraliclanguage family. Some Uralic minority groups can also be found in Fenno-Scandinaviaand in the Baltic States. Most of the Uralic languages spoken in and outside Russia areendangered, seriously endangered or near extinction. According to statistical data sincethe end of the 1990s the number of native speakers has constantly been declining duemostly to extra- linguistic factors, i.e. to social, economical and cultural changes andalso to the nature of the relationship between the majority and the Uralic minoritycommunities. The abandonment of national languages has been most rapid among urbandwellers and young people who fail to transmit their mother tongue and culture to theirchildren.In 1998 and again in 2006 The Council of Europe expressed its concern at the worseningsituation of many Uralic peoples. Uralic languages are in different stages ofendangerment. The only exceptions are Hungarian, Finnish and Estonian. The mostseriously endangered Uralic languages are the ones spoken in minority communitieswith fewer than 100.000 people including Ob-Ugric, Sami and Samoyed languages.The first piece of information the researcher often meets on the sociolinguistic situationof Uralic peoples is included in tables of insufficient and/or unreliable census data. Here,the aim is to produce a general picture of the sociolinguistic situation of Ob- Ugric, Samiand Samoyed peoples from current sociolinguistic literature and other recent sources.Each author of the poster is a researcher of the endangered minority language inquestion and thus has an up-to-date knowledge of the sociolinguistic situation of theminority language he/she studies. The authors designed a table of the indicators to assistthe reader in quickly understanding and grasping the most relevant aspects of thesituation. The indicators were arrived at by a consensus among the authors and includethe demographical, linguistic and institutional status of the Ob-Ugric, Sami andSamoyed peoples with an emphasis on the characteristics of bilingual education andbilingual language use.21

ColloquiaThe present situation and the future perspective of a Finno-Ugric minority inRussia: The Udmurt caseZsuzsa Salánki, Eötvös Loránd University, BudapestThe Udmurt (also known as Votyak) inhabit the area between the rivers Kama andVjatka, in Udmurt Autonomous Republic (about 66% of the total Udmurt population)and in the neighbouring republics and territories. According to the 2002 census, there are636 900 Udmurt people.We discuss in our paper the present stage of the Udmurt language. The results are partlybased on linguistic material, collected by ourselves among native Udmurt speakersbilingualsabout their language use, the level of their Udmurt and Russian languageskills, the attitudes towards using code-switching and also loanwords.The reason why we want to focus on these questions related to language use is theobservation that language plays a very important role in the self-identification ofUdmurts, they are also seem to agree with the opinion that the language, as their own,expresses their identity. The Udmurt peoples have become bilingual in Udmurt andRussian during the past few decades, while those living in the southern territories aretrilingual, as they traditionally also speak Tatar.Our results show that the Udmurt is becoming a more and more lesser-used language. Itis now used mainly for certain areas of life among its speakers. The generation of the 30-60- year-olds speaks Russian well and use this language not only on the social scene butalso with their children. This generation has played a key role in the change wherebyRussian became the language of the family beside Udmurt. There are many reasons to it,but the main is the low prestige of the language. Therefore a tendency to decrease thenumber of speakers in comparison with the total number in ethnic group is observed. Inour opinion, one of the major factors resulting in the decline in the use of Udmurt wasabolishing the use of the mother tongue as the language of instruction at schools.There are some changes in officials attitudes, recently it seems to be supportive, but notenough. The official policy describes the restoration and development of the Udmurtlanguage and the promotion of its more wide-spread use as the goal. The Language Actwas passed in 2002: it has given Udmurt the status of official language beside Russian.The government and ministries of the Udmurt Republic have drawn up special languageprojects, but only few of them have been implemented.A very important task, therefore, is to create terminology and thereby broaden the rangeof situations in which Udmurt can be used. A language reform has been under way forthe past 15 years now partly within institutional settings and partly on private initiative.However the the majority of the informants find it important to use Udmurt ininstitutional settings as well, they still do not accept the linguistic changes which couldrevitalize the language. The neologisms are not felt to be Udmurt.Within the framework of language planning program some action plans try to preservethe Udmurt culture and revive the language usage through traditional cultural activities.It can be useful by increasing the positive attitude towards the Udmurt culture and also22

Colloquiathe language, but it doesn’t seem to increase the language usage among the younggeneration.Documentation of Endangered Uralic Languages (poster)László Fejes, Institute for Linguistics, HASErika Körtvély, University of Szeged / Ludwig Maximilian UniversityAttila Novák, MorphologicZsuzsa Várnai, Institute for Linguistics, HASBeáta Wagner-Nagy, Institute for Linguistics, HASAt the beginning of 2007, after working together on the development of morphologicalanalyzers for various members of the Uralic language family, a group of young linguistsfounded a research group for documenting endangered Uralic languages.Our opinion is that a language has to be documented in a way that makes it possible tocarry out research on the language without a long preliminary study of it. To facilitatesuch research, annotated corpora need to be created beside the traditional ways oflanguage documentation, like publishing texts with translations, dictionaries,grammatical sketches etc. Our long-term goal is thus to publish morphologically andsyntacticly annotated corpora of different endangered Uralic languages.Our most immediate objective is to annotate corpora in the following languages: Nenets,Nganasan (Samoyedic), Northern Mansi, Northern Khanty (Ob-Ugric), Udmurt andKomi-Zyryan (Permic). We have created computational morphologies for theselanguages in the past few years (an exception is Northern Khanty, for which the analyzeris in the design phase).The variety of genres and the amount of text annotated in the individual corpora areexpected to depend strongly on the sociolinguistic situation of each language. If a widerange of texts (literature, newspapers etc.) is available for a certain language in anelectronic form, we have a better chance to build relatively large corpora containing astatistically significant amount of data (this may apply to the Permic languages). TheSamoyedic and Ob-Ugric languages mentioned above, however, are predominantly orallanguages with only a limited amount of published literature (none of which is availablein an electronic form). In the case of these, we shall concentrate on the annotation oftexts from classical chrestomathies published in the 19th and 20th centuries in additionto recorded and transcribed materials collected recently.The computational tools we create can also be adapted for practical purposes, such asproviding the speaker communities with spell checkers and electronic dictionaries intheir native language. We hope that the existence of such applications can help to raisethe prestige of an endangered language and delay the disappearance of it.On our poster, we are to present our main principles and goals and our recently runningprojects.23

ColloquiaHeritage Language in Northern Selkup Communities (towards a sociolinguistictypology of minor Uralic languages)Olga Kazakevich, Lomonosov Moscow State UniversityIn the paper it is supposed to discuss a rather vast variety of linguistic situations in theNorthern Selkup local communities with a special focus on the correlation of traditionaland new functions of the heritage language in each of them.The Northern Selkup dialect exists to-day as a conglomerate of five local sub-dialectsstill functioning in the Krasnoselkup and Pur districts of the Yamalo-Nenets autonomousarea, and in the Turukhansk district of the Krasnoyarsk territory: the Middle-Taz subdialect(two villages, ethnic group strength 600 people, 200 speakers), the Upper-Tazsub-dialect (three villages, ethnic group strength 500 people, 250 speakers); the Upper-Tolka sub-dialect (two villages, ethnic group strength 200 people, 100 speakers), theBaikha sub-dialect (two villages, ethnic group strength 300 people, 50 speakers), andthe Yelogui sub-dialect (ethnic group strength 7, one speaker). Only two out of the fivesub-dialects of the Northern Selkup are still transmitted from parents to children, at leastin some families, the natural transmission of the other three sub-dialects has stopped. Allthe Selkups speak Russian; those of them who are able to speak their heritage languageare bilingual. Practically in all Selkup villages Russian dominates in all communicativespheres. Even in the villages where intergenerational language transmission is stillpreserved the volume of its functioning in younger generations is steadily diminishingwhich betrays the process of language shift.A series of sociolinguistic surveys done in the last decade showed the overwhelmingpositive attitude of the Northern Selkups towards their heritage language. At the sametime the surveys reveal a contradiction between what people express as their attitude tothe heritage language and what they actually do in practice as far as the language useconcerns. The positive attitude does not guarantee language development or languagepreservation, though of course, it is a necessary presupposition for the both.The Northern Selkup local sub-dialects function in such traditional spheres as hunting,fishing, reindeer herding, family (to lesser and lesser degree), and folklore. At the sametime new spheres of the heritage language functioning has been developed: publications,education, mass media. Though it is most important that the new spheres appeared, andtheir symbolic meaning for the ethnic community members should not beunderestimated, it should be stated that they have practically no influence on the everydaylanguage practices and language preservation. This statement concerns even such anessential sphere as education. The experience of the last decade shows: the fact that aheritage language is taught at school does not automatically contribute either to its statusin the community, or to its preservation.Using the Selkup material as a starting point a tentative sociolinguistic typology ofminor Uralic languages will be proposed.24

ColloquiaEndangered Uralic languages and the education in humanities for native speakersThe case of the Ob-UgricElena Skribnik, Ludwig Maximilian University, MunichIn this paper I will discuss the perspectives of the preservation and/or documentation ofendangered languages that are presented when the representatives of those ethnicgroups, especially its native speakers, obtain access to higher education as philologistsor ethnologists dealing with their native language and culture. Such education wasavailable in St.Petersburg, Russia, at the Faculty of the Languages of the NorthernPeoples, A. Hertsen Pedagogical University (formerly A. Hertsen Pedagogical HighSchool). However this was not available locally.I will present three educational programs that took place in Siberia starting in the 1980s:1) the program of Doctoral studies in Siberian linguistics at the University ofNovosibirsk under Prof. Maia Cheremisina (ca. 40 Doctoral dissertations written bynative speakers, including three dissertations on Khanty); 2) a similar program inethnology at the University of Tomsk under Prof. Nadezhda Lukina (ca. 10 Doctoraldissertations on Khanty, Mansi and Nenets folklore and ethnology); 3) educationalactivities of Dr. Éva Schmidt in connection with the Ob-Ugric folklore archives whichshe established in Beloyarsk.In 2001, Yugrian State University in Khanty-Mansiisk was founded with the Departmentof Ob-Ugric Philology (consisting of three chairs: Finno-Ugric Studies, KhantyPhilology and Mansi Philology); now native Khanty and Mansi students may becomeeducated as e.g. teachers for national schools directly in their national district. In myopinion, the above mentioned educational programs contributed to this development.25

ColloquiaCQ7Diversity from above and from belowThe challenges of ethnic, language and cultural pluralism in the EuropeaneducationChair/convenor: Margit Feischmidt, Research Institute for Ethnic and National MinorityStudies, HASConvenor: Kinga Mandel, Research Institute for Ethnic and National Minority Studies,HASHigher education policies and universities as social space are a hard copy of thecontemporaneous European societies. This is true – or even truer – in the case ofethnically divided or multiethnic countries or regions, where we have examples both ofmulticultural and affirmative institutions as well as colorblind liberal higher educationpolicies. Our session is more interested in the first case and its consequences.Concerning minorities two strategies are know in Europe, either special entrance rulesare taken aiming to include disadvantaged - social, linguistic or gender – groups into thehigher education, or special institutional autonomy is offered to those, who want to teachand study on a language different from the official one, usually the language of anumerous ethnic minority. While the first is considered as an act of affirmative actionwhich serves the integration of disadvantage groups through their new academic elite,the second – which can follow a more universalistic, multiculturalist or a moreparticularistic, ethnic approach – reproduces existing elite and contributes to the culturaland social autonomy of the affected group.We plan to investigate in our session basically two set of questions:1. the political and social consequences of the above mentioned political andinstitutional strategies, more concretely the lessons of affirmative action,multiculturalist and ethnic approach practiced by different universities (but alsopublic school systems) in Europe2. and the everyday strategies of handling cultural and linguistic diversity withinthe social space defined by these universities or schools. Here interactionsbetween students and scholars of different ethnic, social, racial origin can bestudied, as well as the processes of boundary building and maintaining, theenclosure in one’s own group which affects hardly later carrier chances ofminority students.In this context questions related to bilingualism, the relation between dominant andminority languages, the status of minority languages and their practical usage ineveryday life are very important, and should be considered in all papers. We also wish torealize a comparative European perspective in our colloquia, therefore we encouragescholars from or working on different multiethnic social spaces related to education tosend paper proposals.26

ColloquiaIndividual papers:Learning environment and learning pathways of foreign and minority languages inthe Hungarian education systemAnna Imre, National Institute for Public Education,Since the change of the political system in 1990, the situation of minority languages haschanged considerably: the possibilities of learning minority languages have beenwidened, and the demand for minority languages has also increased during the 90s.Investigating these trends separately in the case of different languages, it seems that thegrowth in the number of minority language learners was most serious in the case ofGerman language, whilst the number of students learning other minority languagesremained low or has even decreased. On the basis of an earlier analysis we suppose thatthe introduction of modern foreign languages at the level of primary education is partlybehind both the increase and the decrease of the learners of minority languages.The aim of the paper is mainly empirical: it explores the present situation of minoritylanguage learning compared to the situation of foreign language learning in the first 8years of education in Hungary in recent years. With the help of a database (the datacollection has been made in 2003 among 9th grade students of secondary schools andcontains some data related to learning of languages during their education careers) wetry to analyise the current situation of minority language learning and compare thedifferences of modern foreign language education and minority education. With the helpof the data-base we analyse the data from two aspects: the typical ’learning environment’(e.g. language teachers, schools, size of the class) and the typical ’learning pathways’(e.g. number of years learning a language, place of language learning, decisionsconcerning language learning) in the case of the most important modern foreign andminority languages in Hungary.On the basis of this analysis we have found that though there are many similarities inlearning English, German or learning minority languages (e.g. size of the classes,number of lessons per week), the differences are somewhat greater in other fields, likee.g. the number of years a language is learnt, number of teachers teaching during the 8years, decisions concerning the choice of a given language, the occurrence of learningthe language outside the school (e.g. in language school). But it is not easy to formulategeneral statements about minority language education, since the differences amongdifferent minority languages are often also very significant.Results and challenges of the first affirmative action programs in the Hungarianeducation systemVera Messing, Sociology Institute, Hungarian Academy of SciencesThe paper I am going to present is based on future results of an ongoing research of anaffirmative action. The research investigates beneficiaries of two scholarship-schemes:27

Colloquiaone aimed at children of Roma ethnic background and the other at children of sociallydisadvantaged families. The research’s primary questions are the following:Whom do the scholarships reach?Do they achieve their primary goals of increasing mobility, increasingmotivation and as a consequence school performance?Nonetheless the research addresses a number of essential questions with regard todecisive factors of mobilizing children’s achievement and future ambitions. Under whichcircumstances do affirmative measures assist children’s carrier and when are thesemeasures unsuccessful. Our investigation includes a survey research with beneficiaries(children and parents) of the scholarship-schemes as well as qualitative research:interviews in the school, with civil organization active in education in the givencommunities, and former scholarship-beneficiaries succeeding in further school-carrier.Multiculturalism or mono-culturalism? The renegotiations of Babes-BolyaiUniversity from Cluj within an ethno-national frameworkEnikő Magyari-Vincze, Babes-Bolyai UniversityThe Babes-Bolyai University from Cluj, Romania functions in our society as a mastersymbol wherein many other emblems of collective identity are merging, an icon throughwhich people communicate, maintain and develop their knowledge about themselvesand about each other. It is a powerful symbol because it embodies the patterns of thehistorically formed meanings regarding the Romanian-Hungarian relationship inTransylvania or the ways of sharing a joint space, of treating the ethnic other andhandling cultural differences. As such, since centuries, the university functions as aninstrument of symbolic power (by the means of which new generations are learning howto think about the world, how to connect or not to the ethnic others, and how tolegitimate or change the existing political order). Implicitly, it is a constitutive elementof a discursive power that not only defines the rules of talking about the imaginedcommunity of the nation (in this way re-creating it permanently in certain meanings),but also produces the speakers themselves, and by classifying them, the relationshipsand hierarchies among them. That is why through the issue of this university one mayunderstand the broader ethnic identity politics that functions as a politics of naming,recognition and positioning in the local Romanian-Hungarian relationship, but may alsoreveal how old issues are played out in present political battles. The destiny of theuniversity of Cluj also embodies the development and maintenance of the dominantpatterns of treating cultural differences and the ethnic other. These are: the conflictualmodel of segregation; a relative mono-culturalism (or a separatist multiculturalism); anda pattern that follows the solution of institutional and cultural assimilation. Besidesbriefly outlining the historical background of today’s situation, my paper is going toreveal the process of renegotiating Babes-Bolyai University in the context of postsocialistchanges, in particular will emphasize the differences and the similaritiesbetween the multiculturalist debates of the 1990s and those restarted in 2005. On the28

Colloquiabase of this story one may conclude that old paradigms are not simply reproduced in thepresent, but are changed by people who live their lives under different circumstancesthan their predecessors. The case discussed here shows how people interpret ideas andpractices (example multiculturalism) imported from other context through the lenses oflocal meanings, that are shaped by historically transmitted understandings, but also bytheir present conditions and interests.Affirmative Action for Roma People at Romanian Public Universities (A CaseStudy at the Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj, Romania)Anikó V. Horváth, Central European University, BudapestThe Romanian model for affirmative action for Roma youth in higher education, whichfollowed the general outlines of anti-discrimination policies in the United States, wasunique among Eastern European countries when it was implemented in 1992/1993 and isstill unique as of this writing. The program has been in place for over fourteen years, butthere has been no comprehensive research about past or current participants, not eveninternal studies conducted by the universities themselves. The purpose of this study is tofill – at least partially – this information gap. While the main focus of the research wason factors that influence identity switching and the development of situational identitiesamong Roma students, statistical data about the socio-economic and educationalbackground of the students, and information about the implementation and functioningof the affirmative action policy was also collected and analyzed.The main findings indicate that when access to higher education becomes possible forRoma youth, and when there are positive role models – namely, Roma students whohave already been successful in academia – families are willing to make extremesacrifices in order to support their children during their time at university. However,because of the many and varied difficulties these students and their families have to face,dropout rates among Roma students are still higher as compared to non-Roma students.Another important finding of the research is that for many Roma students startinguniversity coincides with their realization that a strong national and internationalRomany movement exists. This realization, when combined with circumstances wherethere are other Roma students in their academic department, strengthens their confidencein identifying openly as Roma. Finally, the collected data indicates that interethniccontact in the setting of this university and this particular program does not significantlyreduce the level of prejudice against the Roma community in general, or against thesestudents in particular.29

ColloquiaCarrier-opportunities and chances of Hungarian youth living in neighboringcountriesKinga Mandel, Research Institute for Ethnic and National Minority Studies, HASAfter the political changes in 1989 in CEE, Hungarian language higher educationinstitutions emerged in neighboring countries (Romania, Slovakia and Ukrainespecially). Shaped in different constellations, as private, denominational or state-owneduniversities, they fostered social and political debates both among minority and majoritycommunities. One of these debates (a majority-discourse) referred on the equalopportunities assurance, saying that the graduates thought exclusively in a minoritylanguage will suffer negative discrimination in the ‘majority’ labor market due tolanguage difficulties in communicating on the state language. There was a similarexternal opinion of a Hungarian linguistic expert, Miklós Kontra who supposed thatthese Hungarian language universities are ‘producing’ skilled youth directly forHungarian labor market, fostering the migration in Hungary. The minority communityconcern was that of the quality of education of these higher education institutions tocould face the competition of majority language universities and that of Hungarian andother foreign countries universities.Supporting and sometimes debating the above-mentioned discussions there weresociological researches (educational, emigrational, labor analyses). They proved thatgraduates of this Hungarian language universities are much more mobile (territorial andprofessional) than other social groups, they get employed more usually in a job, lower inprestige that their university diploma, more frequently in the public sphere that in theprivate one, rarely in the highly remunerated economical (ex. banking) and high stateadministration positions.Our study, realized in cooperation with four research groups in neighboring countries,tried to find out in which measure this hypothesis’s are functioning. We focused on thecarrier chances in the Hungarian and neighboring countries labor market of Hungarianyouth who graduated in the last ten years in one of neighboring countries (Romania,Slovakia, Ukraine, Serbia). Using the method of biography interviews and focus groupswe were asking if there are typical carrier-paths according to the social-culturalbackground, type of capitals (social, economical, cultural, relational) acquired, thelanguage of the schools and type of higher education institutions absolved. Is the relationbetween universities and labor force determinate? Could we draw unquestionedconclusions from the graduate’s carrier path on the quality of the university trackabsolved?30

ColloquiaCQ8DILING – Dimensions of Linguistic Otherness: Prospects and Maintenance andRevitalization of Minority LanguagesChair: Csilla Bartha, Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy ofSciencesThe DILING project started in April, 2006 to be going on for two years in thecooperation of eight Central Eastern European countries. Its objective is to foster amulti-disciplinary approach to linguistic minorities in the region and to disseminate theresults. The project also hopes to provide a frame for the efficient transfer of knowledgeaccumulated about linguistic minorities by minority research on the national levelbetween the participating, relatively isolated research groups of the region, as well as forestablishing lasting professional links between research groups of the countries involved.We would also like to propagate quality research attitude and spread good researchpractices in the region in order to disseminate results to relevant actors of both scientificand non-scientific life.Within these two years of the project we focus on both research and policy dimensionsof language change, language shift vis-á-vis language maintenance and revitalizationprocesses.As there is no unified model for either the study of language change and language shiftor a scientific approach that are aimed at describing social and linguistic change in aunified framework that could be generalized to dissimilar contact situations, a strongemphasis is put on multi-disciplinary cooperation and methodological diversity.A politically relevant task of the project is to provide an up-to-date account of thelinguistic minorities of a region the countries of which are simultaneously characterizedby the post-communist sociological and cultural heritage and the high-scale politicalideologicalchange due to the enlargement of the European Union.Individual papers:Language Problems in Selected Linguistic Communities in the Czech RepublicJiří Nekvapil, Charles University, PragueMarián Sloboda, Charles University, PraguePeter Wagner Charles University, PragueThis presentation will start with some conceptual issues, in particular ‘linguisticminority’ versus ‘linguistic community‘ and ‘language planning’ versus ‘languagemanagement’. After a brief presentation of the linguistic communities in the CzechRepublic, we focus on selected problems in the Vietnamese, Slovak, and Romacommunities. The following paradoxes will be discussed:31

Colloquia1. more than 50,000 Vietnamese are not an ethnic minority, because the legaldefinition of ‘ethnic minority’ is in principle ‘a group of autochthonouscitizens’,2. since 2000, there have been no Slovak schools, while the Slovak communityamounts to about 200,000 members and Slovaks are legally entitled to havetheir own schools,3. according to the 2001 census, there are only 12,000 Roma, while “in reality”there are more than 200,000, so their linguistic performance and ethnicdeclaration may be hidden.Language problems related to these paradoxes will be presented.Linguistic minorities in SlovakiaGizella Szabómihály, Gramma Language OfficeThe language policy and the language legislation in the Slovak Republic after 1989:internal legislation and status planning, the status of Slovak and minority languages; theprocess of implementation and controlling mechanism of international conventions(Framework Convention and European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages).Factors influencing linguistic vitality of minority communities in Slovakia, e.g.: sociodemographicprofile, socio-economical status, domains of minority language use,institutional supports.Linguistic minorities in Slovakia as object of scientific research - a critical analysis ofthe recent situation.Linguistic minorities in the UkraineIstván Csernicskó, Trascarpathian Hungarian Teacher Training Collage, BerehovoSvitlana Melnyk, Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko UniversityThe purpose of this paper is to analyze the linguistic minorities in Ukraine. In the lightof the research several questions will be taken in consideration. 1) What conception oflinguistic minorities informs current language and education policies in Ukraine? 2)How can language rights of linguistic minority be implemented through the legalsystem? 3) What are the relations between the majority and minority communities?The objectives of the paper are:• to provide an objective analysis of the current linguistic situation in Ukraine ingeneral and the sociolinguistic profile of the linguistic minorities in particular;• to investigate the language legislation regarding linguistic minorities inUkraine;• to study how this legislation and language rights can affect the sociolinguisticlandscape of the country.32

ColloquiaLinguistic minorities in SerbiaLajos Göncz, University of Novi SadJosip Ivanovic, University of Novi SadThe emphasis in the presentation will be on the ethnic-linguistic composition of thecountry, based on the last census data in 2002 in comparison with the data from thecensus in 1991. Some social and linguistic characteristics (e.g. economical, culturalstate) of the studied communities will be given. In the section concerning education therole of minority languages in primary, secondary and higher education will be analyzedwith special respect to the problem of choosing the language of instruction for theindigenous minority students. This is a question of far-reaching consequences on severalaspects of personality development in children belonging to language minorities.Linguistic minorities in RomaniaMiodrag Milin, Tibiscus University, Timisoara1. Historical background of minorities question in Romania2. Statistical data, focusing on tendencies during history, according to officialconscriptions3. Minority question in Banat area and city of Timisoara4. Case study : Serbs in RomaniaLinguistic minorities in the Republic of MoldaviaAngela Soltan, Multilingual Centre for Terminology,Translation and LanguageEngineeringOlesea Bodean, State University of MoldovaAfter 1990, the linguistic minorities of Moldova were protected by the law regarding the“functioning” of the languages spoken on the territory of the former Moldovan sovietrepublic. This law was qualified as flexible and open to miscellaneous cultures andlanguages, although the Russian language was declared “the language of communicationbetween the nations”, a kind of ‘lingua franca’.The new era of linguistic minorities in the independent Republic of Moldova started inthe context of a complex pattern of multilingualism, sequels of linguistic imperialism,political connotation of language issues and collapse of the economy and socialprotection. Currently an evolution is perceived, the social cohesion being a priority.33

ColloquiaLinguistic minorities in HungaryCsilla Bartha, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Research Institute for Linguistics ofthe Hungarian Academy of SciencesAnna Borbély, Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of SciencesThe primary purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the current situation ofautochtonous communities in Hungary After an introduction of the socio-demographicprofile of the country, the ‘classification’ of minority groups, the paper will discussbriefly the legal framework of minority protection, highlighting the existingdiscrepancies between minority rights and their implementation. Special attention hasbeen paid to the educational parctices.Autochtonous communities living in Hungary vary greatly regarding their social,cultural, economic and linguistic characteristics. However, what they all share is thattheir members have been living under an unequal division of power for a long time, andthe languages spoken by these groups have not undergone the same treatment as themajority language of the state, Hungarian. Most of the groups are at an advanced stageof language shift.The second part of our paper will focus on some results of a comparative sociolinguisticsurvey on the process of language shift within six minority communities carried outbetween 2001 and 2004 in Hungary. We present some results on community-specific aswell as common tendencies in linguistic practices, attitudes, ideologies and identitynegotiation.We will attempt to make it clear that comparative multilevel analysis not only broadensour understanding of the dynamics of language shift, but it also makes it easier todetermine the appropriate strategies, techniques and technologies proposed to reverse ordecelerate the process.34


ColloquiaCQ9Language asymmetries and the struggle for the accumulation of linguistic capital:Focus on the Balkans and CyprusConvenor: Tarik HadzibeganovicChairs: Victor Friedman, University of Chicago (moderator)Tarik Hadzibeganovic, University of GrazThe political and linguistic situation after the demise of former Yugoslavia and theemergence of new sovereign states, the still negotiated EU membership of a number ofthese states as well as of Turkey, along with the recent inclusion of the Republic ofCyprus justify yet another look at linguistic practices as informed by geopoliticalagendas with a focus on asymmetric power relations and the ongoing struggle for theaccumulation of linguistic and cultural capital.Given long common history, language asymmetries have been especially pronounced inthe Balkans/Southeastern Europe, where no sovereign state can claim a one-and-onlyhomogeneous “national language” without serious caveats. Far from consideringsovereign states “evil empires”, the papers in this colloquium examine aspects oflinguistic practice in an attempt to show how negotiating linguistic identity touches onlarger social issues. This, we believe, is all the more opportune since EU membershiphas become either a reality or a possibility for many countries in Southeastern Europenecessitating an ongoing balancing act between the local and the global (not to mentionthe newfangled glocal).To this effect, we shall consider various aspects of the struggle for linguistic capital invarious communities (cf. lingua-cultures). Moving North-to-South, the respective papersof Vidan, Hadzibeganovic, and Monnesland problematize the division of erstwhile“Serbo-croatian” into present-day “Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian” (BCS).Specifically, Hadzibeganovic suggests that mathematical and statistical methods must betaken seriously by social researchers and EU language policy-making authorities as theunion expands. Based on formal methods to be proposed, a framework/program isoutlined for deriving reliable separability criteria between the languages within andbetween three different regions of South East Europe. The aim of the program is toinvestigate whether and under which conditions these languages can stably coexist in thefuture and whether linguistic diversity affects political stability in the region.The complexity of the sociolinguistic situation in the Balkans is further investigated inthe paper by Monnesland. Particular focus is made on the comparison of linguistic(di)similarities within and between the areas of Bosnia-Hercegovina and Montenegro. InMontenegro, for instance, there was an effort to introduce a special Montenegrinlanguage, based on some dialectal and archaic features, but this attempt failed. Today,both groups living in Montenegro, Serbs and Montenegrins, use the same standard.However, it still remains the main question what the official language should be called.In both states, Montenegro and Bosnia-Herzegovina, the language question has become36

Colloquiaa top political issue, how to solve the problem in a community which is linguisticallyhomogenous, but politically divided.That languages of the Southeast Europe, especially in their present critical condition,need to be viewed as a dynamic system, is argued in the work of Vidan. Here, the authordiscusses several important stages in defining what eventually became the Croatianliterary norm in relation to the political situation of the given moment, literaryproduction and everyday use of this language. The purpose of this kind of examinationof everyday/folk language, literary production, and the political situation, set in relationto one another in diachronic fashion, is to demonstrate that, owing to political alliancesand structures, the languages and cultures they define may be in closer contact at onepoint in history and more divided at another, and that this is particularly true for thoselanguages which both belong to the same linguistic group and border one another.The paper of Friedman examines the intersection of language, politics, and linguistics inthe western Balkans in the years since the dissolution of Yugoslavia, especially since the1999 war in Kosovo, the 2001 insurgency in Macedonia, and the 2005 decision of theEuropean Court of Human Rights finding Greece in violation of the EuropeanConvention on Human Rights with respect to members of its Macedonian minority.Moving southwards, Mavreas discusses the signed language of the Greek DeafCommunity (GSL) as a bona fide language and a minority language at that. Like othersign languages all over the world, Greek Sign Language (GSL) was not, until recently,considered a natural language. Therefore, Greek Deaf people were not considered as aseparate linguistic and cultural minority although they do constitute one. In this context,he explores Greek Deaf people’s language practices and examines the symbolic valueand practical use of GSL as a lingua-culture. The data examined originate from a corpusof interviews with members of the Greek Deaf community.Shifting the focus to language contact phenomena, Nazmiye Çelebi’s paper examineslanguage contact between Cypriot Turkish (CT) and Cypriot Greek (CG) immigrants atthe level of intonation, elaborating on previous research findings. The present study islimited to the intonational features of interrogatives of Cypriot immigrants in London.The data are collected from ten CT and ten CG second generation immigrants using acombination of participant observation, interviews, and directed conversational tasks.The author claims that although the languages spoken by these immigrants are different,there is a standard common intonational pattern for yes/no questions.Individual papers:Language as Process: Literary Norms and Everyday Reality ofBosnian/Croatian/SerbianAida Vidan, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, Harvard University, USADespite the well established fact that languages are not static entities but rather evolvingand pliable mechanisms of communication reflecting the human experience in broadest37

Colloquiaterms, and despite the recognition of language as one of the principal tools of politicalintervention into the sphere of national identity, most of the writings pertaining to thestatus of union or separation between Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian written outsideBosnia and Croatia have opted to assess the linguistic situation from the synchronicrather than diachronic perspective.The Yugoslav linguistic co-existence of Serbo-Croatian, which was enforced over thefifty year period by insisting on the common denominator only, ruptured openly in theearly 1990s and the new language policies arose as a result of the significantlyrestructured political picture of the South-Eastern Europe. The explosion which tore theformer Yugoslavia into a number of successor states resulted in, from the Western pointof view, “creation” of several languages. For instance, in May of 1996 the New YorkTimes published an article entitled “In the Balkans, Three Languages Now Fight It Out”musing over the “newly” arisen differences in what used to be one language and withouta hint of historical perspective except for the mention of the Croatian fascist affiliationduring the WW II. While we can easily dismiss this kind of writing as an uninformedpiece of journalism, scholarly hesitation to investigate the diachronic patterns of theSouth Slavic languages in relation to politics in Western academic institutions may be anindication of the overwhelming nature of the proposed task.This paper discusses several important stages in defining what eventually became theCroatian literary norm in relation to the political situation of the given moment, literaryproduction and everyday use of this language. A particular attention is given to thetripartite structure of the Croatian language or its polydialectal nature and the type oflanguage policies that resulted from this situation. The starting point, which served as abase for Croatian, Serbian and eventually Bosnian, the language of oral traditionalpoetry, is also taken into consideration in particular with regards to the period of narodnipreporod (national revival) in Croatia.The purpose of this kind of examination of everyday/folk language, literary production,and the political situation in relation to one another in diachronic fashion is todemonstrate that, owing to the political alliances and structures, languages and culturesthey define may be in closer contact at one point in history and more divided at anotherand that this is particularly true for those languages which both belong to the samelinguistic group and border with one another. Depending on the political frameworks,interests, and duration of the contact as well as the starting similarities and mutualreceptiveness of the cultures to one another, the linguistic situation may becomeincreasingly homogenous. Conversely, despite the common components in twobordering languages, political self-determination of one or both groups typically resultsin a stronger sense of linguistic identity and yields more precise mechanisms of isolatingthe linguistic material belonging to “the other.”38

ColloquiaThe sociolinguistic Situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro – acomparisonSvein Mønnesland, Institute for Central European and Oriental Studies, University ofOsloIn Communist Yugoslavia Serbo-Croatian was considered one language. In the firstdecades after the Second World War, the only recognized division was between theEkavian and Ijekavian ”pronunciations” (e or ije/je in words with an old e-sound called”jat”). In the seventies the official policy allowed for the existence of two ”variants”, theEastern (Serbian) and the Western (Croatian), and even a Bosnian-Herzegovian ”literaryexpression”. The break-up of Yugoslavia 1991-92 had as a consequence the officialdisintegration of Serbo-Croatian, although the linguistic division preceded the politicalone. In Serbia the language was officially called Serbian, and in Croatia Croatian.Although the standard languages are based on the same dialect, these two nations had forcenturies been living apart, with different historical, cultural, religious and linguisticbackground.In the two remaining Yugoslav republics using Serbo-Croatian, Bosnia-Herzegovina andMontenegro, the situation was different. There are no dialectal differences followingnational lines. In most areas in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croats, Bosniaks and Serbs useexactly the same idiom. In Montenegro those who consider themselves Montenegrins,use exactly the same idiom as those who are Serbs. In Bosnia-Herzegovina the Serbs andCroats decided in the early 1990-ies to introduce as official idioms the standardlanguages used in Serbia and Croatia respectively. There was even an attempt tointroduce the Ekavian variant among the Bosnian Serbs, in order for all Serbs to use thesame idiom, but this was reversed. The Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) then started todevelop their own standard, based on the earlier Bosnian-Herzegovian ”literaryexpression”, with a certain impact of oriental words. This made the Bosnian standarddifferent from the standard language used by Serbs and Croats in the same republic. Alsoin Montenegro there was an effort to introduce a special Montenegrin language, basedon some dialectal and archaic features, but this failed. Today both groups in Montenegro,Serbs and Montenegrins, use the same standard. The main question is what the languageshould be called. For several months Montenegro has not been able to get a newconstitution, mainly due to this controversy. In the existing constitution the language iscalled Serbian, but many want Montenegrin to be the official term. ”Salomonic”solutions like ”Montenegrin or Serbian” are met with furious polemics. Also in Bosnia-Herzegovina there is a quarrel about the name of the language. Bosniaks insist on callingit Bosnian (bosanski), but Serbs and Croats can only accept the term Bosniak(bošnjački), considering bosanski to be an expression of political ”unitarism”. In bothrepublics the language question has become a top political issue, how to solve theproblem in a community which is linguistically homogenous, but politically divided.39

ColloquiaThe Challenges of Mathematical/Statistical Analysis of SEE Languages: Focus onLanguage Change, Competition, and SurvivalTarik Hadzibeganovic, Network for Artificial Immune Systems, University of York,United Kingdom, Language Development and Cognitive Science Unit, University ofGrazPolitics has always been one of the central factors in determining the difference betweena language and a dialect. Relevant linguistic criteria that should actually decide on thestatus of a given language (relative to a dialect) have usually been ignored (mainly dueto their unreliability), particularly in a number of politically delicate situations. In thepresent paper, we argue that the South-Slavic diasystem separation into Bosnian,Croatian and Serbian can be entertained within the recognized states of Bosnia, Croatiaand Serbia, but we question and analyze the differences between the ”three languages”claimed to be spoken within the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina.We suggest the application of mathematical and statistical tools for analyzing theemerging competition and differences between these languages, but now based on a setof (psycho)linguistic (and not political) criteria. Typologically and structurally, it can beshown that the three languages basically share the same grammar, i.e. morphology andsyntax. However, the differences arise at the levels of lexicon and phonology (but also atthe levels of semantics and pragmatics). Despite the obvious structural similarity andmutual intelligibility, we argue that the two factors should not be taken as decisive,particularly because several other world languages are mutually intelligible to a muchhigher degree than e.g. Croatian and Bosnian (e.g., Urdu and Hindi) or share the samebasic grammar (Malay and Indonesian), but are recognized as separate standardlanguages.We further reexamine the sufficiency of purely linguistic approaches to languagechange, competition and evolution, and draw attention to a set of results that are notreadily explained by conventional theories. Within the context of more recentcomputational approaches to language competition and survival (Abrams & Strogatz2003; Schulze & Stauffer 2006), we show that the final state in the competition processdoes not necessarily need to be characterized by the dominance of a single language(Schulze & Stauffer 2006). However, when individuals eventually ‘change’ their mothertongue, the substitution of a particular language by another one is determined by theirmutual difference, expressed as Hamming distance between the languages (Tesileanu &Meyer-Ortmanns, 2006). Based on these results, we outline a framework/programnecessary for deriving reliable separability criteria between the three languages withinand between three different regions. The aim of our program is to investigate whetherand under which conditions the SEE languages can stably coexist in the future andwhether and how the political stability in the region changes with ‘linguistic diversity’.40

ColloquiaReferencesAbrams, D. M., & Strogatz S. H. (2003). Modelling the dynamics of language death.Nature, 424, 900.Schulze, C., & Stauffer, D. (2006). Recent Developments in Computer Simulations ofLanguage Competition. Computing in Science and Engineering, 8, 60-67.Schulze, C., & Stauffer, D. (2006). Monte-Carlo simulations of survival for minoritylanguages. Advances in Complex Systems, 9, 183-191.Tesileanu, T., & Meyer-Ortmanns, H. (2006) Competition of Languages and theirHamming Distance. ong>Internationalong> Journal of Modern Physics C, 17, 259-278.Balkan Languages in the Western Balkans: Minorities as Majorities andMajorities as MinoritiesVictor Friedman, Center for East European and Russian/Eurasian Studies (CEERES),Chicago, University of ChicagoThis paper examines the intersection of language, politics, and linguistics in the westernBalkans in the years since the dissolution of Yugoslavia, especially since the 1999 war inKosovo, the 2001 insurgency in Macedonia, and the 2005 decision of the EuropeanCourt of Human Rights finding Greece in violation of the European Convention onHuman Rights with respect to members of its Macedonian minority. At issue arecontestations related to control of identity, standardization, education, and“Europeanness.” The paper concludes that efforts at redressing asymmetries have beenpartially successful, but that efforts at maintaining asymmetries have also beensuccessful, and European ideologies have participated in both.Cypriot Immigrants in London: Two Languages One IntonationNazmiye Çelebi, İstanbul UniversityTurkish and Greek are genetically unrelated and typologically very different languages,yet they happen to be in close contact in Cyprus. Overcoming genetic and typologicaldifferences, they have been able to influence each other over the centuries. These twolanguages in the same geographical area developed similar properties, deviating fromtheir respective standard dialects, and showed phonological changes according to theirstandards Turkish and Greek. As is well known, the island of Cyprus has been under theinfluence of many different cultures. Under the rule of British (1878–1960) lot ofCypriots (Turkish & Greek) immigrate to UK. The first generation of Cypriotimmigrants was familiar with Turkish and Greek and many speakers were bilingual. Theaim of the present study is to discuss the intonational language contact of CypriotTurkish (CT) and Cypriot Greek (CG) immigrants according to Thomason & Kaufman(1988) and Johanson (1993; 2002). The study is limited to the intonational features of41

Colloquiainterrogatives in Cypriot immigrants in London. The data are collected from ten CT andten CG second generation immigrants using a combination of participant observation,interviews, and directed conversational tasks. Although the immigrant languages aredifferent, there is a standard intonation pattern for the yes-no questions.ReferencesJohanson, L. (2002). Structural Factors in Turkic Language Contact. London: CurzonJohanson, L. (1993). Code-copying in immigrant Turkish. Extra, Guus & Verhoeven,Ludo (Hgg.) 1993. Immigrant languages in Europe. Clevedon, Philadelphia,Adelaide. 197-221.Thomason, S. & Kaufman, T. (1988). Language contact, creolization, and geneticlinguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press.The linguistic choices of the members of the Greek Deaf minority: The symbolicvalue and practical use of Greek Sign Language (GSL)Dimitris Mavreas, Department of Linguistics, The University of Athens, GreeceSign languages were not considered natural languages before the1960’s. Usually, theywere erroneously thought of as nothing more than gestures which did not share anypatterns with the spoken languages. This belief was reinforced by the structuralistlinguistic theories, which focused on the phonological level of analysis, and by thereluctance of scholars to study sign languages systematically. In addition, there wasstrong negative bias against sign languages and their users, i.e. Deaf people.In 1960, the pioneering work of William Stokoe on American Sign Language introduceda change of scope. Several linguists coming from different countries studied signlanguages and suggested that sign languages do share the same basic internal structurewith spoken ones (Battison 1978, Boyes-Braem 1995, Oviedo 2004). These findingshave led Deaf people worldwide to consider themselves as separate linguistic andcultural minorities and to claim their linguistic rights. As a result, Deaf communitiesbecome the focus of attention for sociolinguists (cf. Lucas 2001). It is important to noteat this point that not all people with hearing loss belong to Deaf communities. Therefore,the term Deaf (with an upper case D) refers to the members of a Deaf communitysharing a language (i.e. a sign language) and specific cultural norms, while the term deaf(with lower case d) refers to people with hearing loss in general (cf. Parasnis 1998).The Greek Deaf people constitute a separate and distinct linguistic and cultural minority.Compared to other linguistic minorities in Greece, they maintain stronger (familial,friendly, cultural, historical, ethnic and/or religious) bonds with the (hearing) majority.However, Deaf people and their language, i.e. the Greek Sign Language (henceforthGSL), have only recently been studied systematically (cf. Papaspyrou 1988).The present paper explores Greek Deaf people’s language practices and examines thesymbolic value and practical use of the GSL. The data examined come from a corpus of42

Colloquiainterviews with members of the Greek Deaf community. In this context and based on aqualitative analysis of the data, I discuss how the practical and symbolic value of theGSL is reflected in the linguistic choices of its speakers. Moreover, this dual value seemsto be directly related to the attitudes of the Deaf people towards their own sign language.Furthermore, Greek Deaf people’s linguistic choices reveal the linguistic diversity intheir speech community. Questions like “What is the ‘real’ GSL?” often arise whileusing (and studying) the GSL, showing that the standardization of GSL is of majorimportance for Greek Deaf people.ReferencesBattison, R. 1978. Lexical borrowing in American Sign Language. Silver Spring:Linstok Press.Boyes-Braem, P. 1995. Einführung in die Gebärdensprache und ihre Erforshung.Hamburg: Signum.Lucas, C. (ed.) 2001. The Sociolinguistics of Sign Languages. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.Oviedo, A. 2004. Classifiers in Venezuelan Sign Language. Hamburg: Signum.Papaspyrou, Ch. 1988. Zur Situation der Gebärdensprache in Griechenland. DasZeichen 3, 14-23.Parasnis, I. (ed.) 1998. Cultural and Language Diversity and the Deaf Experience.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.NoteThe organizer thanks to Costas Canakis, Department of Social Anthropology & History,University of the Aegean, Mytilene, Greece, for the project initiation, many usefuldiscussions and continuous encouragement.43

ColloquiaCQ10Language Revitalisation through Multimedia TechnologyChair: Dr Briony Williams, University of Wales, BangorIn his book Language Death (2000), David Crystal mapped out six critical factors forlanguage revitalisation. The sixth one was: “An endangered language will progress if itsspeakers can make use of electronic technology”. This colloquium develops this themeby considering practical tools and underlying technologies that can help smallerlanguages to build a significant presence in the digital world. Both “success stories” andchallenges will be presented, as a way of sharing the real experiences of several researchgroups.Individual papers:The BLARKette concept. Developing a slimmed-down version of the BLARKmatrix for minority languagesSteven Krauwer, University of UtrechtRecently many governments have launched national language and speech technologyprogrammes to strengthen the position of their national languages. The development ofthese technologies crucially depends on the availability of language resources (e.g.corpora, dictionaries, and annotation tools). Hence the concept of a Basic LanguageResources Toolkit (BLARK) has been developed to define the minimum resourcesneeded to carry out language and speech technology research. For languages for whichtechnological research has a short history, we propose an even smaller collection oflanguage resources: the BLARKette. This should be small, cheap, fast to develop, andsuitable for bootstrapping initial technology research. It should contain both staticmaterial (e.g. corpora and dictionaries) and tools and guidelines for acquiring, creatingand processing new resources.Technology is an effective tool to promote use of Basque: Strategies to develop HLTfor minority languagesKepa Sarasola, University of the Basque Country, DonostiaThe IXA group at the University of the Basque Country have deployed a long-termstrategy for Human Language Technologies for the Basque language, from basicresearch in the early years to applications development more recently. Beginning manyyears ago with the core technologies of computational lexicons and text corpora, theythen created tools for developers (such as lemmatisers, spell-checkers, and corpus tools).Recently, they have created end-user applications such as a grammar checker, webcrawler, and language-learning software. These applications have promoted the use ofBasque, and have helped in the ongoing standardisation of Basque.44

ColloquiaSpeech Processing Resources for Minority Languages: The Irish ExperienceDr Ailbhe Ní Chasaide, Trinity College, DublinThe development of speech technology could play an important role in the maintenanceand preservation of minority languages. The WISPR project developed spoken corporaalong with prerequisites for the synthesis of Irish. There was a need to gear themethodologies used to the particular constraints of Irish, and to maximise the reusabilityof resources. It is a major consideration to develop resources so that they areindependent of any single technical methodology.Bridging the gap: Cutting Edge Technologies working for lesser-resourcedlanguagesLori Levin, Carnegie Mellon UniversityJaime Carbonell, Carnegie Mellon UniversityAlon Lavie, Carnegie Mellon UniversityRobert Frederking, Carnegie Mellon UniversityAriadna Font Llitjos, Carnegie Mellon UniversityAlison Alvarez, Carnegie Mellon UniversityLesser resourced languages lack the large corpora necessary for automatic training ofcorpus based machine translation systems. However, our project has two ways ofobtaining low-cost, corpus-based MT without large corpora. First, we do machinelearning from small, highly structured corpora. Second, a machine learning system isguided by interaction with a human user. We are building experimental systems for threeWestern Hemisphere languages.Turning grammar exercises into interactive on-line games: a useful tool to teachWelsh mutationsGruffudd Prys, University of Wales, BangorWe describe the process of turning grammar exercises into interactive on-line gamesdesigned to improve the literacy of Welsh speakers who struggle with the language in itsstandard written form. A recent project demonstrates ways in which complicatedgrammatical rules can be made entertaining, allowing the engagement of a targetaudience that is difficult to reach. Technical issues will be discussed, including thequestion of using language tools (such as corpora, lexicons and spellcheckers) to supplycontent for language games.45

ColloquiaCQ11Mezzofanti: the bilingual program of the University of FlorenceUniversity centered quality program for the youth of national minorities of smalllanguages in the enlarged EU and the initiatives of the University of Florence inimproving Hungarian and Estonian bilingual cooperation in ItalyChairs/Convenors: Beatrice Töttössy, University of FlorenceAnne Tamm, University of Florence; the Institute for the Estonian languageThe colloquium tries to find solutions for two problems small languages face in theenlarged Europe: the need to reorganize the academic studies of (and in) small languagesand the problems of the migrant minors who speak small languages. The solutionsinvolve joining and coordinating the forces of the university and other institutions.The foundations for the theory and practice of the integrated educational cooperationmodel of the Italian-Hungarian Cross-Cultural Studies at the University of Florence,Sector of Finno-Ugric Philology were laid down by Prof. Beatrice Töttössy. Currently, avolume on the model is in press at the on-line edition and a co-edition of FirenzeUniversity Press “Collana Studi di Filologia Moderna”.“The Mezzofanti program”, used in its narrower sense, refers to the program that waslaunched by prof. Beatrice Töttössy in the Hungarian seminar in 2005. The projectpartners were Ákos Windhager and Orsolya Mészáros. In a wider sense, ‘the Mezzofantiprogram’ refers to a network of cooperation and knowledge-sharing that has grown outof the seminar.The main focus of the Mezzofanti colloquium is on Hungarian and Estonian in Italy. Theacademic track of Hungarian Studies is present at the University of Florence since 1947.It has been extended with the Italian-Hungarian Studies (in 2002) along three academiccross-regional cooperation branches (Italian-Hungarian-Danubian, Italian-Hungarian-European, and Italian-Hungarian-Finnish/Estonian). The project to work out a strategicprogram that would connect the Hungarian and Estonian studies started in the Finno-Ugric Sector in 2005, and it is still ongoing. Provided with the experiences gatheredsince 1999 in the Bologna process, the Hungarian program strives for setting theframework for the Estonian Studies.Since 2005/2006, this perspective has become more realistic at the Finno-Ugric Sectorof the University of Florence after the introduction of the academic course ‘ComparativeHungarian, Finnish and Estonian’ and after many forms of innovative academic coursesoffered, for instance the module “e-Estonia” in 2006/2007 (a course on the Estonianculture and society that is simultaneously also an introductory course of extensivereading in Estonian). The Estonian program, just like the Hungarian Studies and Italian-Hungarian Studies, will establish a pattern in which concrete opportunities in theacademic curriculum, culture, and the education of the bilingual youth are united withadditional goals: to refine the forms of cooperation that solve some the problems ofmobility, more specifically, migration from one linguistic and cultural environment toanother in Europe. The problem is that small languages have few resources for providing46

Colloquiathe maintenance of the cultural contact, while the integration, return to the country oforigin or moving to further linguistic and cultural environments is smoother if dependentmigrating minors retain contact with their original culture.As one of the first results, we expect the cooperation between the Hungarian, Italian-Hungarian, and the Estonian studies to create a ‘minor’ sector, just as the Finno-UgricSector, and to offer solutions to the current acute problems of the academic studies ofand in small languages. The latter find themselves in a difficult position, witnessingpartly the increased role of English and, partly, trying to reorganize the academiccurriculum within the Bologna process. The colloquium discusses the availablepossibilities.Part 1A greeting to the colloquium by Mr. Andrus Ansip, Prime Minister of EstoniaIntroducing the situation in the field of education: Hungarian in Italy and Estonia,Italian in Hungary and Estonia, Estonian in Hungary and ItalyBeatrice Töttössy, University of FlorenceAnne Tamm, University of Florence, the Institute for the Estonian languageParts of the talk are in Italian/HungarianThis talk introduces the current challenges in the bilingual education of the youth, andthe Florentine model of the “Integrated cross-cultural Bildung” within the framework ofthe Italian-Hungarian cross-cultural studies, with the intention to extend it to thecombinations of Italian-Finnish and Italian-Estonian.1. cooperation between small languages in academic education and research, ofwhich an instance is the introduction of a comparative course in the Finno-Ugric Sector “Comparative Hungarian, Finnish and Estonian” in 2005, and therefinement of the course e-Estonian for the Estonian studies: Estonian forextensive reading;2. introducing the topics of bilingualism in the academic curriculum, with aninnovative methodological course on the bilingualism of children whose parentsare bilingual or who are moved to another linguistic environment;3. e-learning, e-publishing, cultural journalism, including the launch of “TheInformatics Workshop in the Arts” and the online publishing house in tightconnection with the Florentine course in the Cross-Cultural Studies by prof.Beatrice Töttössy in 2005;4. linking the university curriculum of bilateral studies and students’ activities withbilingual schools and cultural societies.47

ColloquiaInterference in the speech of Hungarian-Italian bilingual children – a case studyZsuzsanna Vajdovics, ELTE BTKThis is the first attempt to do research in the area of Italian-Hungarian bilingualismdescribing and analysing the phenomena of interference resulting from cross-linguisticinfluence, language choice, code switching, metalinguistic behaviour andcommunication strategies in the speech of my own Italian-Hungarian bilingual children(5 yrs 9 mo., and 4 yrs 3 mo.). The analysis is conducted in a context that is becomingmore and more frequent due to the increased movement of people across Europe: abilingual micro-community (a family) isolated inside of a monolingual environment,with Hungarian as a minority language in an OPOL parenting system.As one of the target groups for the Mezzofanti teaching program is children or youthliving in such new immigrant families, this case study may give some indications to theprogram planners about their specific linguistic and cultural needs.The study aims to catalogue and to analyse all typical language transfer items for thislanguage combination, such as lexical and morphological transfers, calques, in bothbilingual and monolingual speech situation. The presentation tries – where possible – togive an explanation of the occurrences, and to indicate – where suitable – the role ofthem in the communication strategy of the bilinguals. It will be shown, by means ofexamples and statistical data, which are the areas of contact between the languages thatare most susceptibles to interferences, so the more interesting for a targeted interventionof language teaching.Our goal is to increase the degree of consciousness of the children’s linguistic behaviourwhen using non-standard, interference-driven forms, since the correction of unconsciousinterferences, often rooted in everyday use, may present a real challenge for anorganised teaching program.Object case in Estonian-Hungarian-Italian multilinguals’ speechAnne Tamm, University of Florence and the Institute for the Estonian LanguageThe talk seeks a solution for an unexplained puzzle that presented itself in a study onbilinguals’ case marking by Kovács (2001), who concentrated on two sets of Finno-Ugric-English bilinguals, Australian Finns and Hungarians. She noticed that the Finnishbilinguals switch to non-case-marked forms more readily than the Hungarian ones. Thispresentation focuses on a typologically parallel situation (i.e., the exposure of twoFinno-Ugric languages to an Indo-European language) and shows how a more complexsystem is subject to faster, however, a structurally unexpected type of attrition. The studytargets the object case marking of Hungarian-Estonian bilingual children after theirexposure to Italian.48

ColloquiaThe Estonian Institute and Estonian studies abroadKarel Zova, the Estonian Institute, www.einst.eeThe aim of the talk is to discuss the role of the Estonian Institute in organizing the studyof Estonian abroad.The Estonian Institute is an NGO that gets the operational grant from the EstonianMinistry of Culture. Its aim is to promote Estonia abroad via culture, which isunderstood in a wider sense, including not only the arts but a wide variety of culturalself-expression, such as the matters of environment, mentality, etc.Firstly, the presentation gives an overview of the general activities. In its foundation, theInstitute followed the model of various organizations which have been successfullyintroducing and mediating the culture of their countries for decades (e.g. the BritishCouncil, Swedish Institute, Goethe Institute). With the purpose of better facilitatingcultural exchange and introducing Estonia, the Estonian Institute has opened four branchoffices abroad: in Finland (founded in 1995), in Hungary (1998), in Sweden (1999) andin France (2001). The institute organises cultural exchange, publishes informationmaterial and journals about Estonia, maintains several websites etc.Secondly, the presentation concentrates on Estonian studies abroad. One of the EstonianInstitute’s constitutional tasks is supporting the teaching of Estonian language andculture-related subjects in the universities abroad. In addition, the Institute supports avariety of forms of teaching Estonian abroad.Since 1999, the Institute has been involved in coordinating a structured policy ofteaching Estonian studies abroad. In 2001, the Council of Academic Studies of EstonianLanguage and Culture Abroad was formed. The council is responsible for policydevelopment and strategic planning and advises the Minister of Education (and Science)in the related subjects. A strategic working programme has been worked out for the years2005–2010. The Institute is represented in the Council alongside members from theministries, universities and independent experts and is now the main executive organ forthe programme. The Institute provides materials and supports the lecturers. By now,Estonian is taught in around 30 higher education schools of 16 countries. Estonian inserviceschools and Sunday schools operate in various places in Western Europe, NorthAmerica and Australia. Several Estonian associations organise courses of the Estonianlanguage for children. Children living in Finland or Sweden can learn the Estonianlanguage with state support if their parents request it and there are over four children inthe area. Non-Estonian general education schools with a large proportion of Estonianlessons are the Second Secondary School of Pechory, Estonian School of Riga, EstonianSchool of Stockholm, Roihuvuori School in Helsinki, Verkhni-Suetuk ElementarySchool in Siberia, Alexandrovka School in the Crimea and schools of the villages ofSalme and Sulevi in Abkhazia. Estonia either fully covers the salary or providesadditional financial aid to several teachers in those schools. In the academic year 2002-2003, for instance, the number of children learning Estonian in a school or a course wasapproximately 800.49

ColloquiaIn addition, several other related activities and initiatives of the Estonian Institute arediscussed in the presentation.Small languages and higher education policies in EuropeVoldemar Tomusk, OSF, LondonWhile in the cultural and political Europe all languages are equal, higher education isincreasingly subject to regulations imposed by the global markets to provide courses andprograms in the major world languages. This is often perceived as a threat to smalllanguages in Europe. In the emerging European higher education policy area, thequestion is how to balance its guiding economic imperatives with the principles ofEuropean cultural politics.Cultural otherness and linguistic competenceÜlar Ploom, University of TallinnThe talk studies the interpretations of the meanings of identical words in culturally andlinguistically different surroundings and the problems and misunderstandings thatdiverging interpretations cause. An example of a key word that shapes the idea ofunderstanding the public sphere is “republic”, which is understood by Estonians as itliterally translates, “a free state”, in other words, an independent and sovereign state.BREAKPart 2Estonian Language and Culture in Glasgow, ScotlandLea Kreinin, University of Glasgow/University of TartuIn my presentation I would like to concentrate on the following subjects:1. Teaching of Estonian language and culture at the University of Glasgow.Cooperation with teachers of other languages2. Estonians living in Scotland. Estonian cultural events in Scotland3. CEES students learning Estonian, their connections with the ethnicalEstonians in Scotland. Possible joint events4. Comparison with the experiences gathered in HungaryThe Department of Central and East European Studies (CEES, one of the world’s leading centres for research and research training in this field. SinceSeptember 2006 Estonian has been taught here. The course is called Estonian Society,Culture and Language and is for beginners. It runs over two terms and in September2007 the students will have an opportunity to continue their Estonian studies at theintermediate level. The courses of Estonian language are available for all students of the50

ColloquiaUniversity of Glasgow. In 2006 a Centre of Excellence in Russian, Central and EastEuropean Studies (CRCEES) was created.The recent enlargements of the European Union have triggered a migration from newmember states to the “Old Europe”. The number of Estonians migrated to Great Britainin recent years have not been large. There is a small community living in Scotland whichcall themselves MacEstonians. However, there are still many Estonians there who don’tseek any contact with others.The students of Estonian have taken part in some Estonian cultural events. Thepostgraduate students of CEES have also used local Estonians in their research works.There are several possibilities to increase contacts between Estonians and students ofEstonian. In Hungary, there were tight contacts between them – they participate inseveral common cultural events (organising a festival) as well as had informal contacts -for example going out together on weekends. In Glasgow there are only few Estonianstudents at the moment. The lecturer has a large role in increasing communicationbetween these two groups. There are several possibilities of doing that, for exampleorganising common cultural events (Estonian concerts, showing the Estonian films,meetings with Estonian public figures etc.) as well as common sport programs etc.Gli Ungheresi – “Hungarian-Italian musical bilingualism”Ákos Windhager, Hungarian Academy of Fine ArtsParts of the talk are in HungarianThe aim is to provide a two or more sided linguistic-cultural pattern for communitiesliving in minority with special attention to primary or secondary school education. Thepresentation highlights the ways in which musical links and interferences can be taughtin the various Hungarian communities in Italy (Rome, Venice, Florence, Naples, andTurin).The first question to discuss is how we can translate or adapt the Hungarian - still living- folk music into any Italian music section, since the kind of Italian folk that wouldcorrespond to the Hungarian tradition does not exist. Finally, we must pay attention topentatonic - which exists in the Italian musical culture as well, but only in the liturgical,church music.The second topic is that whether mediaeval European melodies, the so called Gregorianchants, could be the basic for the bilingual music culture. And following this path, wecan study whether the strong Italian Catholicism with its widespread music and the lotweaker Hungarian Catholic church music tradition are able to communicate through theGregorian.The third point to discover is the contemporary reception of the Italian musicalromanticism by the bilingual communities and its influence on Hungarian music. At thisphase we select some arias, cavatinas, duets and choirs from Erkel’s early operas (MáriaBátori, László Hunyadi, Bánk bán) for research. It would be worth to know whether the51

Colloquiabilingual audience living in the constant aura of bel canto and Verdi is able to recognizethis influence of the borrowed elements and their importance.The fourth question is the importance of the great amount of musical work written in theHungarian late romanticism, the text and theme of which was originally Italian (e.g.Ábrányi, Hubay, Sztojanovics). Their music often follows in the footsteps of Verdi,Puccini, Mascagni.We can also pay attention to the other side to know whether the Italian composers’Hungarian styled piece (Busoni - Gypsy-song, Monti - ‘Csárdás’) make part of thebilingual culture. Does musical bilingualism appear in their work thanks to their crossnationalfriendships? Is it noticeable for those belonging to both cultures?Finally we should ask the basic question: What is it, musical bilingualism? How can wedefine its contemporary spheres and roles? Last, but not least, what is the value ofmusical bilingualism in the common bilingual culture that, as a result of thecommercialized and globalised universalism, is more and more void of the traditionalcultural elements?History in the Italian-Hungarian bilingual educational environmentOrsolya Mészáros, Cultural Patrimonial Service, BudapestPázmány Péter Catholic University, PiliscsabaParts of the talk are in HungarianMigration from one linguistic environment to another causes confusion in terms ofidentity and language. Teaching history can help overcome identity confusion.My talk partly concentrates on my previous experience based on two Italian educationalenvironments: a Sicilian elementary school and the University of Florence. Theproblems include the age factor (ages 18-60), different origin, different level of languageknowledge, and different cultural backgrounds. The aim of history teaching was to helpbilingual youth in their identity problems.The following topics will be included in the curriculum of Italian-Hungarian historyeducation: 1) to analyze the similarities: common cultural and religious origins thatmeans “Rome” and Christianity, 2) to analyze the differences: the terms “nation” and“state” in the Hungarian and Italian historical way of thinking and terminology. Thehistorical terms will be clarified by two case studies. The first is the late medieval period(from 1000 to 1500), when Hungary was a unique, autonomous state, while in Italy,different town states and monarchies dominated. The second study will focus on the late19th century, when Hungary became a multinational and multilingual state while Italy –due to the movement of the Risorgimento – became a unique state. It resulted in onestate but not of the type of a real “one nationone state”; this was mainly due to thedifferent linguistic dialects and their historical background, which still have their ownidentity. The history case studies will result the students’ comprehension of thedevelopment of historical and linguistically minority, the terms of nation, state andidentity in Hungarian and Italian historical environment.52

ColloquiaThe University’s role in advising Estonian secondary education abroadKadri Sõrmus, University of TartuParts of the talk are in EstonianA new situation has presented itself in the Estonian educational sphere: Estonia receivesnew immigrants and Estonians move outside Estonia for longer or shorter periods. Mytalk presents a model for training teachers who can cope with the new situation.On the one hand, a number of non-native Estonian families have arrived to the country.Moreover, according to the Estonian daily Postimees (June 13, 2007), the government iscontemplating opening the door to labour force from outside. This potential decision willaffect schools; however, in reality, are the teachers ready to welcome some non-Estonianspeaking children in September? In order to attain results in teaching all pupilsregardless of their special needs, the teachers should obtain additional knowledge andskills.The first part of my talk is about the experiences gathered at the University of Tartu,where my task is to organize the training of the teachers. I have written projects to theEstonian Foundation for Integration in the past two years. At the moment, one trainingcourse is completed and another is being carried out. The goals and the structure of thetraining have crystallized by now – in March 2007, we could compare the experiences ofour state with the Finnish one on the conference “Teaching immigrants in Finland andEstonia”.On the other hand, many move outside Estonia and bring their Estonian dependentsalong. In order to support teaching Estonian, Estonian teachers abroad – the carriers ofthe language and culture – are supported. The second part of my talk concentrates on theproject financed by the Ministry of Science and Education and the FoundationArchimedes, who enabled us to organize two summer schools for the Estonian teachersabroad, in August 2006 and in June 2007.My presentation shares the experiences of the University of Tartu in organizing theuniversity-based teacher training, demonstrates the real-life problems and discusses thepossible solutions.53


PapersThe Implementation of European Language Policy in BelgiumLaure Allain, Vrije Universiteit BrusselLanguage policy is a controversial issue in Belgium. Especially the language(s) that is(are) to be used in education is (are) subject to much debate. The fact that Belgium is acountry with three official languages is not necessarily reflected in its educationalsystems, since educational matters are regulated by the separate communities. TheFrench community and the Flemish community have their own educational system intheir respective regions, Wallonia and Flanders. In the Brussels Capital Region, which isofficially bilingual, the two systems are represented. Both communities are subject to thestrict national language legislation, which stipulates that subject matter is to be taught inthe language of the community to which the school belongs. Strictly spoken,multilingual education is impossible in Belgium.However, it has become clear during the past decade that the communities have differentinterpretations of the language legislation and different ideas concerning theimplementation of European language policy. This is especially true when it comes tothe implementation of multilingual education in the sense of content and languageintegrated learning (CLIL). The government of the Flemish community is extremelyreluctant to introduce multilingual education in its schools, whereas the Walloongovernment actively promotes multilingual programmes.In Flanders, other languages, especially French, are often seen as a threat to Dutch. Thisis largely a result of political and socio-economical developments (Willemyns 2002,Baetens Beardsmore 1990). Even though the Dutch-speaking community is now anumerical and economical majority in Belgium, preservation strategies (Schumann1986) can be perceived in the public debate about language learning. Policymakers tendto think that multilingual education might endanger the position of Dutch. According toa recent press release by the ministry of education, multilingual education might evenlead to ‘zerolingualism’.Nonetheless, CLIL has become an important issue that cannot be disregarded any longerby the authorities. Multilingual education is not only promoted by the European Union;a substantial group of parents and schools see it as the way forward. It is clear thatpolicymakers are caught between their will to comply with the demands of amultilingual knowledge-based European Union and their will to protect the role ofDutch. The texts and statements issued by the Flemish government and otherstakeholders illustrate this tension and reveal the processes that contribute to thereproduction and reinforcement of these preservation strategies.In this contribution the results of a discourse analytical approach to these texts will bediscussed. Our data clearly shows the conflicting views and arguments with regard tomultilingualism and multilingual education. The discrepancy in these statementsbetween 1) the focus on learning other languages as an asset and 2) the idea that sometypes of multilingualism or linguistic backgrounds are seen as an obstacle to learningDutch, is an example of this.56

PapersWe argue that unilingualism is still considered as the norm for linguistic competence inFlanders, whereas the European Union’s policy tends towards the idea ofmultilingualism as the norm. Consequently, we believe that the tensions and preservationstrategies that are reflected in the data should be viewed in that light.ReferencesBaetens Beardsmore, H. 1990. The evolution and current status of Brussels as a bilingualcity. In H. Baetens Beardsmore Bilingualism in Education: Theory and Practice.Brussels Pre-prints in Linguistics 11(3).Schumann, J.H. 1986. Research on the Acculturation Model for Second LanguageAcquisition. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 7(5), pp. 379-392.Willemyns, R. 2002. The Dutch-French Language Border in Belgium. Journal ofMultilingual and Multicultural Development 23(1&2), pp. 36-49.Recognizing Language Rights: A Long and Intricate Progress Towards JusticeGyörgy Andrássy, University of PécsDue to the efforts made by linguists, international lawyers, other academics, politicians,international organizations and NGO-s, a remarkable development has taken place in theprocess of recognition and interpretation of language rights recently. Nevertheless, muchremains to be done. There are, inter alia, confusing issues, like the status of languagerights: some hold that these rights are third generation (human) rights, others think theyare rather social rights, i.e. second generation (human) rights, while international lawrecognizes a most important language right as a first generation (human) right. Thepaper investigates three such confusing issues. The goal is not to provide a thoroughanalysis of them but to illustrate that their clarification is meaningful.The first issue relates to the shift from the minority protection system of the League ofNations to the human rights protection system of the United Nations. The question iswhether the League’s system was really a minority protection system, as it is generallyheld, or that this system and the shift from it to the United Nations’ system ought to beinterpreted in another way. The second issue is a special moral inequality that seemsrepeat itself in history. This moral inequality, which divides countries into two groups,emerged originally when the minority protection system of the League of Nations wascreated. However, the same or a similar kind of inequality occurred during the Easternenlargement of the European Union and, as a continuation, in the drafting of theConstitutional Treaty as well. In all these cases one group of countries was bound bysome minority instruments, while another group of countries concerned was not. Thethird issue which the paper analyses, is the relationship between official languages andminority language rights. The author points out that official languages always imply57

Paperslegal inequalities as persons whose own language is identical with an official languagedo have the right to use their own language as an official language, while persons whoseown language is not identical with an official language do not have the same right.However, while this (implicit) right may generate sharp legal inequalities on nationallevel, it often mitigates legal inequalities on European Union level.The paper concludes then that the crucial question in most such cases is how languagerights fit in with some basic principles of modern law, or some basic principles of goodgovernment, or a well-ordered society and justice. These issues naturally fall into thescope of moral philosophy, particularly political philosophy. Therefore, it seems thatmoral philosophers and political philosophers ought to play a much greater role in thedebates on language rights than they do today.Language use and representations of language in ethnically hybrid communities ofSouthern Slovakia.Zsuzsa Árendás, Pécs University, Centre for Social Research (CSR), IndiaMy Ph.D. research has been conducted in two counties of Slovakia- Galánta (Galanta)and Vágsellye (Sala) during the period of 2005 and 2006. The main focus of the researchwas to analyze the identity politics of ethnically mixed families through their choices ofeducation for their children and the narratives connected to these situations.As we know, the choice of educational institute is a choice of language of conduct(Hungarian or Slovak, in case of Southern Slovakia, were the majority schools educatein Slovak, while the minority schools fully in minority language, that is Hungarianlanguage), and moreover a cultural and identity choice.Two main theoretical traditions can be distinguished in the research of nationalism andethnicity: while the essentialist school stresses the historical origins of nations, theimportance of blood ties; constructivism emphasizes the “created” nature of the nation.Both schools agree however that nation is a reality in itself. They consider nation as agreat social drama, where “key roles are played by the nations”, as Brubaker notes. Thequestion “what is a nation” implies in itself the concept of nation as a social reality;therefore it is not that innocent as it apparently seems. To phrase it differently, the objectof analysis is mistakenly exchanged for the category of analysis.Instead of answering what is a nation, my paper will try to look answers for the howquestions. So accordingly, it is not the main task to define who is Hungarian, and who isSlovak in Southern Slovakia, but more interestingly, to find out how people living inmultilingual, multicultural, multiethnic communities of Southern Slovakia represent,narrate their identity experiences of everyday life, how they position themselves andothers in various social interactions.As George Schopflin points out, modernity brought the “discovery” of cultures inEurope, where cultural differences and diversity did not play a significant political rolebefore. The East European ethnicity, as an ascripitive category, got evolved around58

Paperslanguage (the historical reasons are many)- so one can say that it became the primaryethnic marker. In multiethnic, multicultural, and multilingual communities of SouthernSlovakia, the equation of one language- one culture- one nation- one ethnic identity, isnot so simple and straightforward. My fieldwork proved that there are many cases(mixed marriages, children of one sort of cultural, language, ethnic background (e.g.Hungarian) acquiring schooling in a different language (e.g. Slovak), resulting withcomplex identities in flux), position themselves differently from the “canonized”national way of identity-formation. Therefore in most cases both communities(Hungarian and Slovak) sanction them for their “deviant” identities.My conference paper intends to present and problematize such cases, combining theempirical result with a theoretical analysis.Minority language use in Ireland: the time dimensionLarissa Aronin, University of Haifa, IsraelLorna Carson, Trinity College Dublin, IrelandDavid Singleton, Trinity College Dublin, IrelandGlobalization has significantly changed social reality, bringing about remarkablemodifications of human experience. Different kinds of social reality correspond tovarying perceptions of social and psychological time. Although it is generally acceptedthat contemporary society lives in an ‘eternal present,’ (Cilliers 2005) and‘instantaneous’ time (Urry 2003 ), the range of times inhabited by contemporarymankind is not, in fact, confined to the present and the instantaneous. In particular,various human activities subserved and accompanied by language proceed withindiverse kinds of physical, social and psychological time.Language minority populations, whether indigenous to specific countries or regions orconstituted of migrants, of necessity operate as multilinguals, combining the majoritylanguage(s) of the country/region in question with daily or occasional use of their nativeand heritage languages. Their use of their various languages takes place within a rangeof social and physical time modes and a range of perceptions of time.To our knowledge, the time aspect of language practices in multilingual populations hasnot to date been investigated. This appears to us to be a serious oversight. It seems to usboth interesting and important to establish how the time dimension of multilinguallanguage use is experienced at both the societal and the individual level as the needs ofgiven situations are met. A further question that requires an answer is whether minorityand majority languages are respectively associated predominantly with different timemodes.This study will address the language practices of minority language users in Ireland, asthey refer to and unfold in time. We believe our findings concerning the time aspect oflanguage use will shed new light on the minority language situation in Europe from anas yet unexplored angle. Our research will also connect the theoretical discourse on59

Papersglobalization with the realities of living out the global and the local in real, workadaylifeReferencesUrry, J. (2000) Sociology beyond Societies: Mobilities for the Twenty- First Century.London: RoutledgeCilliers, P. (2005) On the importance of a certain slowness: Stability, memory andhysteresis in complex systems. Paper delivered at the Complexity, Science andSociety ong>Conferenceong>, Liverpool, September.Linguistic hegemony and the plight of minority languages in NigeriaSegun AwonusiThe linguistic situation in Nigeria is that of dominant and dominated languages ofdifferent degrees of domination. Thanks to the years of the implantation of English inNigeria and the impact of globalisation, English has assumed a hegemonic statusbecause through its official, instrumental and integrative functions it dominates the threemajor Nigerian languages (decamillionaires), which in turn dominate the layers ofminority languages in the country.The paper examines the sociolinguistic yoke of the layers of minority languages inNigeria as a result of existing status and corpus planning strategies, which graduallymake English the language of exclusion. The paper argues that minority languages sufferfrom both exoglossic English and decamillionaire indigenous languages. Specifically,based on data from Lagos, Edo, Delta and Kogi states, it examines the impact oflanguage planning policies on minority languages in three communicative domains:education, legislature and informal discourse and argues that unless there is a majorpolicy and attitudinal shift linguisuicide may indeed be a harsh reality that someminority languages will face this century.The Na-naš variety in Molise (Italy): sociolinguistic patterns and bilingualeducationMaria Claudia Bada, Università “G. d’Annunzio” Chieti-PescaraCroato-molisano or Na-naš is an endangered linguistic variety currently spoken in threevillages (Acquaviva Collecroce, San Felice del Molise, Montemitro) in the area ofMolise, province of Campobasso (South of Italy) by approximately 1.700 subjectsamong 2.132 inhabitants. The Na-naš variety today assumes the analytic characteristicsof a language marked by an inverse pidginization, that has originated by a fusion amonglocal vernaculars (Molisano dialects) and the ancient Croatian variety (štokavo-ikavovariety of Croatian) spoken by the original immigrants escaping under the Ottoman60

Papersmilitary pressure. The refugees were probably arrived to Italy between the late 14th andthe end of the 16th centuries from the area nowadays limited by the towns of Imotski,Ljubuski and Vrgorac.We can classified Na-naš as a variety in danger of extinction that assumes structuralcharacteristics of a decaying language, such as gaelic or titsch.In particular, Nānaš shows three mechanisms of language attrition:1. a substantial reduction of its use in the functional domains usually marked as“ethnic” (leaky diglossia);2. a substantial reduction of its use for marking a stylistic shift;3. modifications in the code-switching’s patterns, occurring when the dominantlanguage (i.e., Italian) become the matrix language and when the content wordsof the endangered language (i.e., Nānaš) became embedded.Also from a socio-cultural and sociolinguistic perspectives, this situation is alarming.Notwithstanding, a thorough analysis of sociolinguistic aspects have not beensynchronically explored in the three Na-naš -speaking villages, neither by scholars norby politicians; it doesn’t exist so far a study on metacognitive aspects and relationamong L1 (Na-naš), L2 (Italian) and L3 (Standard Croatian) language learning inmainstream schools present on that area.To cover the gap, starting from the data (400 questionnaires and a recording of 160hours of video materials and audio files) collected after six months of doctoral fieldresearch(Oct. 2004-Mar. 2005) which investigates both the issues, this paper willdescribe mainly:a) an analysis of socio-linguistic, cultural and educational patterns of the targetethnic group;b) ethnic self-identification;c) in-group and out-group evaluations.The rate of linguistic and cultural awareness in the process of bicultural orientation andthe influences of both the individual (e.g. gender, age) and the social variables (e.g.formal/informal domains) will be observed and described in details.A second area of interest will concentrate on how minority cultural self-perception andmaintenance of heritage language would affect L1 (Na-naš), L2 (Italian) and L3(Standard Croatian) learning. The data suggest that cognitive and personal attributes ofindividual learners, in particular their literate competence of L1, contribute to theacquisition of certain aspects of L2, such as reading skills, in spite of the dissimilarity oflanguage and writing systems.61

PapersLanguage Ideologies, Politics and Policies in Spain, 1978-2005.Andrés Barrera-González, Universidad Complutense de MadridThis paper aims at providing an account and a comparative appraisal of language politicsand language policies carried out in Spain as a whole and in several of its constituentautonomous communities (those where another language besides Spanish is at play) overthe last twenty five years or so. Along the last two and a half decades, since therespective autonomous institutions were put in place, a wide range of language policieshave been formulated and implemented as part of the development of a renewed Spanishpolity. The particularities of these policies have to do with specific sociolinguisticcontexts, the civic and political resources engaged in implementing them, and thediverse historical and ideological backgrounds the issue of language has in every place.Spain makes a very interesting case for study due to its complexity, and because itallows us to reflect on the interplay between the law (a set of common laws versusdiverse regional statutes), contrasting historical and sociolinguistic backgrounds at eachof the autonomous communities, and changing political compromises at the local andnational level. A comparative and multidisciplinary approach is inexcusable here, notjust on theoretical and methodological grounds, but also due to the institutional andhistorical common ground on which the particular cases sit. Moreover, it is of interesthere to take into account the shifts in frame, reflecting changes in the institutionalstructure and the political character of the Spanish polity itself, as well as itsinvolvement in the process of European economic and political integration.This paper derives from research carried out over the last ten years or so; firstly at theEuropean University Institute, Florence, where the author spent an academic year as aJean Monnet Fellow. A previous version of it was presented in Copenhagen at aworkshop convened by the author on The Uses of Language: Ideologies, Politics,Policies, in the framework of the 7th Biennial EASA ong>Conferenceong>, August 14-17, 2002.German Minority in Eastern Central EuropeNelu Bradean-Ebinger, Corvinus University of BudapestThe German speaking minority is one of the most spread minorities in Eastern CentralEurope.The EUROMOSAIC III project in 2005 including all the new Member States of EUshows the actual situation of the German minority language in this area.As a member of the scientific team of EUROMOSAIC III I could follow all the concreteprojects in these countries. The purpose of the study, entitled “Euromosaic”, was to findout about the different regional and minority languages in existence and to establish theirpotential for production and reproduction, and the difficulties they encounter in doing so.The project was based on the various social and institutional aspects whereby a languagegroup emerges and reproduces itself. It comprised a series of surveys on the use of the62

Paperslanguage among a sample of eight language groups. On the basis of these surveys, sevenvariables affecting the production and reproduction of a language were identified. Ascore was then calculated for each language group found in the Member States byapplying scale analysis on the basis of the data collected. In this way, it was possible tocompare the results and identify five main language clusters. The main variablesinfluencing this process were found to be family, education and community. Themotivating forces involved language prestige or the value of a language for socialmobility and cultural reproduction.The German language has 280,000 speakers in the new Member States: most of them areliving in Poland, the country which probably has the largest number of minoritylanguage speakers.In my individual paper at icml11 I would like to compare the situation of the Germanminority in Eastern Central Europe and give a linguistic overview of this area.Sociolinguistic profiles of Catalan young speakers: Language use, competence,attitude, and social networksVanessa Bretxa, University of BarcelonaNatxo Sorolla, University of BarcelonaThe so called “linguistic subordination norm” in Catalan states that Catalan speakers useCatalan in interaction among themselves, but they switch to Spanish when in interactionwith speakers of other languages (most notably, Spanish). However, current research hasshown that the subordination norm is not as common as previously thought; that is, bothCatalan speakers converge into Spanish and Spanish speakers converge into Catalan intheir interpersonal interaction. The different linguistic norms that can account forlanguage choice in Catalonia are closely related to the speakers’ social networks(Galindo, 2005). However, several factors contribute to the configuration of the socialnetworks: the geographic location and density of the networks (more endogamic andmore localized for Spanish speakers, Vila, 2005), the amount of cultural and mediaexposure (higher in Spanish for the Catalan group than vice versa, Bretxa, 2005), and thespeakers predisposition to switch languages (more common in younger speakers, Fabà,2005).This study takes these variables into account in order to explain the sociolinguisticpractices of Catalan young speakers. The data come from a larger project at theUniversity of Barcelona that examines the impact of the transition from primary tosecondary education on the linguistic use, representations, and competence (Catalan-Spanish) of a sample of students (aged 12 and 13) from several Catalan-speaking areas.The main purpose of the project is to examine the changes in the students sociolinguisticprofiles within one year of difference; that is, when they transition from 6th grade (lastyear of primary education) to 1st year of ESO (first year of secondary education).63

PapersWe present data from the first stage of the 3-year long project, and we examine to whatextent young speakers of Catalan and Spanish follow the linguistic subordination normand what factors can account for their sociolinguistic practices. The participants for thestudy were in their last year of primary education (6th grade, age 12) and came from twogroups of Catalan/Spanish bilinguals from two areas with language contact: Mataró (cityin the Barcelona metropolitan area) and La Franja (Catalan-speaking area in the Aragonregion). The data come from a sociolinguistic questionnaire that examined theircompetence, use, representations, and social networks in Catalan and Spanish. Weexamine the data from the sociolinguistic questionnaire and provide evidence for amultidimensional model that takes into account several variables at once in order toexplain their convergence or divergence into Catalan or Spanish.The discussion of the paper centers around the following theoretical issues: the impact ofchanges in the students’ social networks, the relationship between language attitude andlinguistic competence, and the longitudinal development of the students’ sociolinguisticprofiles.Use of minority language at workplace in Slovenia: pictures of ordinary life amongcivil servants who belong to ethnic minoritiesSara Brezigar, Institute for Ethnic Studies, LjubljanaThe first part of the paper focuses on legal arrangements regarding the use of minoritylanguages at workplaces in Slovenia. Specifically, it focuses on the role of minoritylanguage in the Slovenian civil service. It explains the legal status of the Italian andHungarian language in public service, as well as the status of other minority languages.The second part of the paper focuses on the results of a research carried out amongminority members, who are employed as civil servants in Slovenia. The research isbased on a qualitative methodology, precisely on in-depth interviews with ethnicminority members who work as civil servants. The aim of the research was to assess thesituation of ethnic minority members at workplace and to detect cases of probable ethnicdiscrimination against them. Special attention has been paid to the role of minoritylanguage in the workplace.The research has showed that minority languages in the workplace may play at leastthree distinctive roles. Firstly, when and where appropriate legal framework is available,minority languages are used as official languages in the civil service. This is true for theItalian and Hungarian language on the ethnically-mixed territories in Slovenia.Secondly, where and when appropriate legal framework is not available, the use ofminority languages at workplace is usually perceived unfavourably. Minority membersare bullied, ostracised and in other more or less appropriate ways instructed not to usethe minority language. The research has shown that minority language is frequentlyinstrumentalized in such a way, that the language becomes an important means of subtle64

Papersethnic discrimination at the workplace. The paper provides exhaustive examples of theabove mentioned.Thirdly, in a few cases, the minority language is perceived as an additional asset that theorganisation can use and capitalise on. Nevertheless, such cases seem to be driven byenlightened individuals rather than an organisational policy that would recognise suchlinguistic capabilities as an asset to put to profitable use.To conclude, the research shows that the Slovenian civil service as an umbrellaorganisation has no established policy toward the use of minority language at theworkplace. Moreover, the lack of such policy frequently results in hostile verbal andbehavioural patterns toward minority language speakers, and the instrumentalization ofminority languages as a means of ethnic discrimination.Prediction of the future efficiency of several language-revitalization programs inSpain and the UKRaquel Casesnoves, University Pompeu Fabra, BarcelonaWe have developed quantitative classification scheme for predicting the evolution oflanguage revitalization programs in terms of age and geography-dependentcharacterizations of levels of language knowledge and patterns of context-determinedlanguage use. This classification emerged from a comprehensive study of theCommunities of Spain possessed of linguistic normalization programs, each intended tofavour one of the Catalan, Basque or Galician. In this communication, we analyze thesituation of Welsh, Irish and Scottish Gaelic in their respective countries to attempt toplace them precisely in this predictive scheme.The language knowledge dimensions of our classification are based on demographic andlinguistic data drawn from the national censuses while the context-determined languageuse dimensions are extracted from sample surveys. Because these sources of data arecross-tabulated by age and geography, they determine the current status of the languageand the directions and rates of change, allowing us to formulate predictions. Thus, whilethe community of Galicia has the highest rates of knowledge of a historical language inSpain, its usage patterns and the L1 transmission rates make it clear that it has begun arapid retreat in the face of the processes of Castilianization. At the same time, in theBasque country, where the majority have little knowledge of the Basque language,transmission levels and the age patterns of knowledge and use lead to very optimisticprojections for the revival of Basque. Among the traditionally Catalan-speakingcommunities, predictions are quite positive for Catalonia, but a clear decline in the useand knowledge of Catalan is projected for the Balears and for Valencia.Our preliminary work on Welsh, Irish and Scottish Gaelic, based only on the census,show that these languages are widely dispersed within our classificatory scheme. TheWelsh language not only manifests the highest rate of knowledge, but the recentcensuses show an age-distribution characteristic of a successful revival, and the 200265

Paperscensus actually shows an overall increase in knowledge for the first time. At the otherextreme, the loss of Scottish Gaelic proceeds apace, even in the regions with highconcentrations of Gaelic speakers. It will be at least five years, orfifteen, before anyeffect of the recently launched revitalization can be detected in the census. Irishrepresents an intermediate case, with the census indicating an ongoing process of erosionin overall competence level, but also, nonetheless, an age distribution more favourable torecovery.Though the status of all the historical languages is more favourable in rural versus urbanregions, the nine situations we study diverge with respect to what additional extent thelanguage is regionalized. This is strongest in the case of Ireland, Scotland, Navarre andValencia, and least important in Catalonia and Galicia. In many cases, the reductions ofknowledge in the regional and rural strongholds of the language seem to be compensatedby increases at the national level through the educational system. But this increase is notalways accompanied by an increase in usage, as in the Valencian case. This indicates thatthe placement of the Celtic communities in our classificatory schema must await thecompilation and comparison of survey materials on context-determined usage.Growing Trilingual: Bilingual family, trilingual children – Cypriot TurkishImmigrants in EuropeNazmiye Çelebi, İstanbul University & Ministry of Education of North CyprusCevdet Çelebi, İstanbul University & Ministry of Education of North CyprusThe purpose of the presentation is to describe how life with three languages and culturesworks out in bicultural and trilingual families. The second generation Cypriot Turkish(CT) learn CT from their CT origin parents, mostly from their mothers. The attitudetowards trilingualism and biculturalism depends on the family, and it can be aproblematic issue inside the family. The surrounding dominant culture and the fact thatcontacts in the minority language are few make the situation worse for the maintenanceof the minority language. For the CT children, however, it is profitable and important tobe able to speak CT, because that is the only way for them to communicate with their CTorigin grandparents. Language is essential as a transmitter of cultural and ethnicidentities. The cultural norms and values are carried to the new generation through thelanguage. As immigrants, CT has been able to both integrate into the English culture andmaintain their own cultural heritage and language. The aim of the research is to study thebilingual upbringing in CT families, the meaning of the CT language as a transmitter ofthe minority culture and the role of the CT language in the identity development.This paper finds out whether the CT, who spoke English on a daily basis, was usingEnglish words and phrases in their spoken CT and to which extent. The paperconcentrated especially on how language reflects the speakers’ national identity andintegration into English. The hypothesis was that the use of dialect reflects CT nationalidentity and the use of code-switching reflects integration into English. In this paper the66

Paperscontact language phenomena that were discovered in the study will be discussed. Thereare signs of interlingua interference in the language of the informants. The findings oflanguage contact phenomena are divided into three groups: one; prosodic and phoneticphenomena, second; loans and third; code-switching. The main focus is on codeswitching,in which code-switching and loans are included. Code-switching is analysedby using Myers-Scotton’s (1997) MLF-model and Gumperz’ (1982) theory on pragmaticcode-switching.The data comes from an ongoing project involving the recording and analysis of thespeech of trilingual, as well as interviews about the language use and experiences oftrilingual families. The study is being conducted in CT speaking UK citizens, and thelanguages (or language varieties) include Cypriot Greek. The data has been collectedfrom ten informants, all of which are second generation immigrants who have moved tothe UK to study or work. Seven of ten informants are women. Informants are 23-45years old.ReferencesBackus, A. (1996). Two in one : Bilingual Speech of Turkish Immigrants in TheNetherlands. (Studies in Multilingualism 1). Tilburg: Tilburg University Press.Johanson, L. (2002). Structural Factors in Turkic Language Contact. London: CurzonMyers-Scotton, C. (2006). Multiple voices: An Introduction to bilingualism. Malden,MA: Blackwell Publishers.—― (2002). Contact linguistics: Bilingual encounters and grammatical outcomes.Oxford: Oxford University Press.—― (1993). Duelling languages: Grammatical structure in codeswitching. Oxford:Oxford University Press.Gumperz (1982). Discourse Strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.The Economic Impact of Gaelic Arts and Culture within Glasgow: MinorityLanguages and Post-Industrial CitiesDouglas Chalmers, Glasgow Caledonian UniversityMike Danson, Paisley UniversityOver the last 20 years, increasing acknowledgement has been made of the economicimpact of arts and cultural activities, and their role in providing a series of local benefitsin addition to creating a richer artistic and cultural environment. A range of studies havesought to investigate such impacts in a diverse range of urban and rural settings, inScotland from the Western Isles to the old industrial city of Glasgow, eitherindependently or as part of the ‘creative industries’.67

PapersThis research links to a growing prominence given to the importance of ‘intangibles’ ineconomic development. One of the consequences of this approach has been an attemptto explore the relationship between social attributes – such as diversity – and economicdevelopment: in particular, how this may give comparative advantage in aidinginnovation and local development through the mobilisation and organisation of resources(particularly human resources).Until recently the bulk of this literature within Scotland has focused on generic arts andculture normally associated with the (majority) English language. Although somereference has been paid to Scotland’s autochthonous Gaelic language, this has tended tobe limited to studies within Scotland’s islands and rural areas in the north west –traditionally the heartland of the Scottish Gaels.With the passing in 2006 of the Gaelic Language Bill, by the recently inauguratedScottish Parliament (re-established only in 1999 after a 300 years absence), newlegislation will now compel policy makers to adopt Gaelic language plans, includingelements of artistic and cultural policy. This will be the case not only in the rural Gaelicheartlands but also in the urban centres of Scotland’s central belt such as Glasgow andEdinburgh. This coincides with a demographic shift of a large section of the former ruralbased minority language speakers from the north west periphery to this urban core.Against this background, the literature confirms that the potential impacts of Gaelic artsand culture in an urban setting would be different from those in the traditional heartlandand different from the mainstream sector in the city. To explore these specific economiceffects, a benchmark study into the potentially positive role of minority language artsand culture was undertaken within Glasgow, Scotland’s major post-industrial city. Thispaper reports on this research study into the economic impact which can be ascribed toGaelic provision, and in particular to Gaelic arts and cultural provision within Glasgow,which itself has been identified as a model of regeneration. The analysis is based uponinterviews with representatives of all main actors in the City, secondary analysis ofCensus, output and employment data, and surveys of arts and cultural events andactivities collected over an annual cycle.Language maintenance in immigrant settings: the case of Albanians in GreeceAspassia Chatzidaki, University of CreteImmigrant communities in Northern and Western Europe have been the object ofnumerous sociolinguistic studies during the last fifteen years (e.g. Jaspaert & Kroon,1993, Broeder & Extra, 1999, Extra & Gοrter, 2001, Εxtra & Yağmur, 2004). Thesestudies document rapid intergenerational shift for some groups, whereas othersdemonstrate high rates of ethnic language maintenance (e.g. Deprez, 2000, Jørgensen,2003, Yağmur & Akinci, 2003). The host society’s assimilative pressures, the salience ofthe majority language for educational achievement and social integration, a looseconnection between ethnic language and identity or a stigmatized identity are some of68

Papersthe factors that lead immigrant parents and/or their children to abandon the use of theethnic language.Similar phenomena can be observed in immigrant communities in Southern Europe,which has become an important destination for people from Asia, Africa and EasternEurope during the last twenty years. Greece is a case in point. According to the 2001census figures, the number of registered immigrant workers in Greece reached 762,191people. Albanians are, by far, the largest ethnic group, constituting 57.5% of theregistered immigrant population (Lyberaki & Maroukis, 2005). Recent studies suggestthat, despite the political and structural barriers they face, many Albanian immigrantshave managed to secure an upward economic mobility (e.g. Hatziprokopiou, 2005;Lyberaki & Maroukis, 2005). At the same time, however, they continue to face extremeprejudice, suspicion and hostility from a large part of the Greek population. Theirstigmatisation often forces them to adopt adjustment strategies, for example, conversionto Christianity or change of first names, in an attempt to blur ethnic borders and togenerate trust with the host society. Ethnic language use, in particular, seems to suffer inthis process, as it constitutes the only obvious marker of their ‘difference’.In an attempt to investigate ethnic language maintenance in this group, we conducted aquestionnaire survey (n=138) in two different parts of Greece with Albanian immigrantswith children in the Primary school. We also conducted in-depth interviews with a smallnumber of families in Rethymnon. This paper reports on findings related to parentalpractices and attitudes towards their children’s bilingual development. It is argued that,despite the parents’ overwhelmingly positive attitudes towards Albanian languagelearning for their children, their strategies to ensure ethnic language maintenance arerather ineffective (cf. Fishman, 1991, 2001), especially in families with a strong desire tointegrate. In view of the dominant role of the Greek language in the families’ verbalrepertoire and the lack of structures which could support ethnic language developmentoutside the home, ethnic language maintenance seem to be a real challenge for Albanianimmigrants at present.Integration of immigrant children in bilingual schools in Corsica, Occitania andNorthern CataloniaClaude Cortier, National Institute for Pedagogical Research (INRP), LyonJaume Costa, National Institute for Pedagogical Research (INRP), LyonThe minority languages of France are still reasonably widely used, at least in a certainnumber of contexts, and their teaching is developing at a steady pace. This is especiallytrue for bilingual state schools, which have now existed in Corsica, Occitania andNorthern Catalonia for about ten years.While these schools have to operate in a wide variety of contexts, one of the argumentsput forward for setting up Centres renforcés d’occitan in Marseilles, i.e. schools whereOccitan is taught on a compulsory basis to everyone three hours a week was that it might69

Papershelp integrate children from immigrant families, both newly arrived and secondgeneration immigrants, into their new school context and thus into society. Learning thelocal language was seen as a tool to master the local culture, and therefore interact in aneasier way with the environment of the children.Although not study has been carried out in those particular schools in Marseilles so far,the argument put forward seems to be confirmed by some of Claude Cortier and Alain diMeglio’s studies in Corsica. Several arguments have been put forward so far to explainsuch a situation. While an immigrant background might entail a multilingualbackground, schooling in France is generally monolingual in the dominant language.Such a situation can easily create a diglossic situation where the child feels his ownheritage is not valued and highly considered by the system in which he/she lives. In abilingual/multilingual context, especially one which includes the teaching of a minoritylanguage, such a situation can easily be reversed, especially if we take into account thefact that the bilingual teacher also needs to be a language teacher, and has thusnecessarily thought about the questions and problems entailed by diglossia, developingand open-mindedness about languages that others might never develop. As a result,children from an immigrant background ten do to better in bilingual schools than thosewho study in monolingual schools.Another argument put forward to explain this is the feeling of closeness that developsbetween the teacher and the pupil, who find themselves both speakers of a minorisedlanguage.Such findings are by now well ascertained in Corsica. They now need to be comparedwith data we are presently collecting in Occitania as well as in Northern Catalonia. Wewill be collecting audio and video data in various schools in order to update andcomplete our corpuses. Our data will include filmed lessons, as well as filmed / recordedinterviews with teachers and pupils.Voices from Tundra and Taiga: The Use of Sound Archives for the Study andTeaching of Endangered LanguagesTjeerd de Graaf, Frisian Academy, The NetherlandsThe research program Voices from Tundra and Taiga has been devoted to the study ofendangered languages and cultures of the Russian Federation, which must be describedrapidly before they become extinct. This research is in the fortunate position that earlierwork on the reconstruction technology for old sound recordings found in archives in St.Petersburg has made it possible to compare languages still spoken in the proposedresearch area to the same languages as they were spoken more than half a century ago.These sound recordings consist of spoken language, folksongs, fairy tales etc. in thelanguages of Russia.We have finished part of the research program by applying the developed techniques tosome of the endangered minority languages and cultures of Russia, some of them spoken70

Papersin Europe. We have prepared a catalogue of the existing recordings, and a phono- andvideo-library of recorded stories, and of the folklore, singing and oral traditions of someminority peoples in the Russian Federation. For this purpose the existing soundrecordings in the archives have been used together with the results obtained from newfieldwork expeditions.At present, many old recordings still remain hidden in private archives and places wherethe quality of preservation is not guaranteed. In a research project on EndangeredArchives, which started in 2006 and is financially supported by the British Library, wemake part of these recordings available and add them to the database developed inSt.Petersburg. The aim of the project is to re-record the material on sound carriersaccording to up-to date technology and store them in a safe place together with themetadata, which will be obtained from the related secondary data. The storage facilityprovided by the project will modernise the possible archiving activities in the RussianFederation and bring them up-to date with the present world standards.The data are added to the existing archive material in Saint-Petersburg and part of it ispresented on the Internet and/or CD-ROM. This material thus becomes available forfurther analysis to researchers working in the field of phonetics, linguistics,anthropology, history, ethno-musicology and folklore. The information is also importantfor the development of teaching methods for representatives of the related ethnic groupsand for the conservation and revitalisation of their language and culture. During theconference we shall pay attention to specific parts of the available sound collections,such as the recordings of Khany and Mansi (Ostyak and Vogul) made by WolfgangSteinitz in the nineteen thirties.Cross-border ethnic minorities boundedness in Central Europe: an integrativetypology of frontiers and bordersKsenija Djordjevic, University of Montpellier 3Jean Léo Léonard, University of Paris 3This paper will focus on the concepts of frontiers and borders, applied to (trans)nationalminorities and liguistic communities, using the theoretical framework suggested byPascal Girot & Carlos Granados for transnational cooperation in Central America,opposing variables of cooperation to variables of conflict (Girot & Granados, 1997).We shall claim that, rather than being a factor of instability, national and ethnicminorities in Central Europe may rather turn out as an asset for regional integration,transnational cooperation and trade, and European integration in the years to come, ifpartners get rid of basic national and ethnic prejudices about each one’s role andpotential. As compared to other regions of the world, or to the postwar Balkans, whereinner frontiers and prospects of European integration are undermined by theconsequences of conflicts, Central Europe is lucky to have such an array of cross-borderethnic minorities. We shall focus our attention to three major national complex in71

PapersCentral Europe : Poland, the Czech and Slovak Republics, and Hungary, analyzingborder typology and socioliguistic cross-border situations through Girot & Granados’stheory.According to this model, variables will be divided into three major categories :structural, conjunctural or contextual, and geopolitical, with a subset of criteria such asdemographic and economic symmetry, local integration and interdependency,demographic scale and linguistic affinities, as far as structural factors are concerned. Weshall work out a matrix of criteria for border analysis, which enables to diagnose degreesof local, regional and international integration.Our conclusion will aim at showing that Central European countries should ratherconsider ethnic minorities as an asset to built bridges between nations and strengtheninner integration, than as a threat or a desintegrative component. Therefore, the mainreason to foster pluralism and tolerance towards ethnic minorities does not lay inabstract international prerequisites for EU integration – which such major states asFrance, among the founders of the EU, are paradoxically unable to cope with –, but inpragmatic conditions of transnational cooperation. We shall therefore suggest strategiclines for modern central european states to resist as much nationalist prejudice, as ethnicirredentism, out of pragmatism, displaying a matrix of geostrategic variables. As amatter of facts, except a few flaws, the global situation of cross-border minorities shouldrather be considered as positive and full of integrative prospects, if intolerant andawkward policies can be avoided in the years to come. Though, reform timing is a majorissue, so that the best conditions may turn into the worse conditions, if pragmatic andcontext sensitive measures are not scheduled at the right time, and if Central Europegovernements manage to overcome demagogic trends against minorities.Changing names as abolishing the difference: Characteristics of name changes, theMagyarization of surnames in HungaryTamás Farkas, Eötvös Loránd University, BudapestNames are not only the means of identification, but according to our socioculturalknowledge also refer to the bearer’s social background. Whether the informationapparently implied in the definite personal name is true or not these names can be signs,symbols of a person belonging to definite groups of the society. A personal name indefinite cases can refer in some likelihood to such features as social class, religion orethnic identity or background. These references, of course, change in time, space andsocial environment.Surnames may act as national symbols because of the linguistic character of the name(Slavic, German, etc.; basically ’foreign’). In some cases the frequency of a surname in aminority (e.g. ’Gypsy names’) may have the same effect. Many names were changed inlanguage contact situations according to the name stock of the dominant community inold centuries as spontaneous, and later, in the 19th and 20th century as conscious acts. In72

Papersthe latter centuries nationalism originated also a new linguistic ideology which wasaiming at uniting the ’nation’ politically, culturally and simbolically. The mean for thosewas the assimilation of ethnic/linguistic minorities.The Magyarization of non-Hungarian proper names (settlement names, microtoponyms,first name stock, surnames) by its special linguistic means was also to strengthen andexpress the national unity. The surname changes of individuals in a group are connectedto their language shift, regularly following it. Both are the components of theassimilation process of minorities. The view of these name changes in Hungary waschanging in time and varying in the civil and political spheres according to the view ofassimilation. Individual factors and group affiliations influenced the individuals tochange or preserve (or ask back) their non-Hungarian surnames, so the investigation ofindividual cases and the compound of name changers can provide us information aboutthe status and attitudes of minority communities.The paper studies these historical, social and ideological background of the surnamechanges, giving an overview of this social-linguistical phenomenon in general. It focuseson the assimilation of minorities and its consequences concerning their names inHungary of the 19th and 20th century, but takes a view on the similar process ofassimilation of minorities and integration of immigrants in other countries of Europe andoverseas. Beyond the historic movement it gives also a short account on the last fewdecades, including the changes of ‘Gypsy surnames’. The paper also studies thelinguistic, onomastic factors of these changes (“what is in a name”) and the languagecontact consequences in the structure of the new, artificial Hungarian surnames.The survey is based on primary sources (petitions, contemporary contributions, etc.) andsociohistorical, linguistic and onomastic publications on the phenomenon of surnamechanges.English as an ong>Internationalong> language for Scientific Communication: Assessing theRisks of Domain LossGibson Ferguson, University of SheffieldThe emergence of English as the international language of scientific communication hasbeen so amply documented that its dominance is hardly disputed empirically even bythose most critical of this state of affairs. More contested, however, are the effects of thisdominance - with two sets of concerns particularly salient: (i) the potential detrimentalimpact on other languages - even standardised national languages, which are at risk, so itis argued, of being relegated to a lesser role in an incipient global diglossia and ofeventually losing domains and registers; and (ii) the communicative inequality producedby the dominance of English between, in particular, native -speakingscientists/academics and non-native scientists, the latter experiencing relativedisadvantage, it is sometimes claimed, when it comes to placing their work in highprestige international journals.73

PapersThis paper investigates the former of these concerns drawing on a combination ofconceptual analysis, literature survey, and empirical research from a number of otherEuropean countries. The overall purpose is to assess the degree to which ‘smaller’European languages are indeed at risk of losing scientific domains and registers toEnglish. We also consider to what extent, if at all, the risk of register/domain loss can bemitigated by language planning interventions.Language shift and maintenance in the Hungarian speaking communities inRomaniaNoémi Gál, Babes-Bolyai University, ClujAlthough the Hungarian language does not appear on any list of endangered languages,recent researches have shown that in minority position it is indeed endangered (Bartha2003:59).Hungarian is unquestionably a minority and thus an endangered language in Romania.Research can show every instance and stage of bilingualism, language shift, languageloss and language maintenance. The Romanian linguistic context is as much moreinteresting, as the Hungarian ethnics live on large territories (basically in theTransilvanian region) facing different levels of contact with the majority language, theRomanian language, thus the levels of bilingualism and language shift are not the sameas I have mentioned above.The aim of my paper is to present the different language situations within the largerTransilvanian context. I would also like to stress the recent researches regardinglinguistic assimilation and the actions to prevent assimilation, the language maintenanceand revitalization projects that are presently functioning. I have to mention that theseprojects or individual actions lack any centralized methodology and ideology aslanguage maintenance and revitalization efforts and methods have just recently beendocumented and there is need for an overview of these to adapt them to the Romaniansituation.I would like to chose some towns and villages in the typologically different languagecommunities and run a questionnaire concerning attitudes toward language, languageshift, loss and revitalization starting from the hypothesis that in the areas wherelinguistic assimilation is the strongest, the people’s attitudes are more indifferent ornegative towards maintenance and revitalization. The paper would thus include theresults of this research.References:Bartha Csilla 2003. A kisebbségi nyelvek megőrzésének lehetőségei és az oktatás. In.Nádor Orsolya – Szarka László (szerk.): Nyelvi jogok, kisebbségek, nyelvpolitikaKelet-Közép-Európában. Akadémiai Kiadó.74

PapersPolish Old Believers: the Language Shift, Maintenance or ...?Michał Głuszkowski, University of ToruńThe Old Believers had settled in Poland shortly after the schism in Russian OrthodoxChurch in the second half of the 17th century. They preserved for ages their culture,traditions, religion and language. Their language is the main subject of this paper. Whilecoming to Poland, the Russian migrants were speaking the northern, Pskovian dialect.They were living in isolated communities in forests, what protected their languageagainst any exterior influence. That’s why the Old Believers’ dialect still includes somephenomena which have already changed in their mother territories. Nowadays, after anumber of civilisational, geopolitical and cultural changes, the isolation practicallydisappeared making their language defenceless to Polish influence. The contemporaryOld Believers’ language differ in all its levels from the primary Pskovian dialect: thereare numerous loan-words, loan-translations, accent and syntax interferences from Polish.All members of their community are bilingual, although there are serious differencesbetween generations and also inside them depending on social and psychological factors,e.g. personal language competence, influence of primary groups, education, occupation.In most cases bilingualism is associated with diglossia. The group of my interest speakalmost perfect Polish in its nation-wide variety, but the traditional dialect consists ofhybrid (Russian-Polish) elements and can be considered as a hybrid system. Here I meanwords built up with Russian root morpheme and Polish suffix and Polish loan-wordsadopted to Russian flexion or conjugation. Sometimes new words are based on Polishroots and it is going to be more common each year.It is difficult to talk about maintenance, while the language is constantly and continouslychanging. On the other hand, even strong domination of use of Polish language rarelybrings to language shift. I want to focus on the state between maintenance and languageshift wherein the Old Believers’ language is located. Diverse interference cases as wellas structural (linguistic) and non-structural (social and psychological) factors involved intraditional dialect’s evolution will be also described. While the Old Believers in Polandmake an island-minority and their dialect is a language-island, the specificity of thissituation will be pointed. I am going to give some predictions, backgrounded withlongitudinal linguistic and sociolinguistic researches, what are the possible ways ofdevelopment of the community, its identity and language as well. The paper is based onfield researches of the Old Believers’ villages in North-Eastern Poland.Monolingual/multilingual and minority/majority background as predictors oflanguage shift and maintenance – a study on Swedish Hungarian familiesKamilla György-Ulhollm, Stockholm UniversityExtensive research on language contact and bilingualism over the last thirty years hasled investigators to agree that attitudes towards bilingualism determine the fate of75

Papersbilingualism within the family and the wider society. But where do these attitudes withinthe family come from? How much variation in language usage can be explained by theattitudes prevalent in the family’s neighborhood and in the wider society and how muchis a heritage from parents and an effect of childhood experiences? Such questionsframed a sociolinguistic study initiated 2003 on Hungarian speaking immigrants andtheir families in Sweden. The aim of the ongoing study is to investigate two thus farunexamined factors for language transmission in diaspora, both related to the parent’s(i.e. the first generation’s) childhood and youth experiences: (a) whether the communityin which they grew up was multilingual or monolingual, and (b) whether their familybelonged to the majority or a minority group of the society at the time. SwedishHungarians are especially suitable for this kind of investigation, since they represent avariety of linguistic backgrounds: (1) majority members from Hungary, most of thembeing essentially monolingual at the time of migration; (2) different ethnic minoritiesfrom Hungary, mostly monolingual in Hungarian, (3) ethnic Hungarian minorities frommultilingual areas of Hungary’s neighboring countries, and (4) ethnic Hungarianminorities from a restricted area of Romania, who grew up monolingual in the minoritylanguage, Hungarian.Using the family as a link between the individual, the migrant community and the widersociety, the study seeks to integrate two major fields of applied linguistics: research onlanguage maintenance and shift on the one hand, and research on bilingual languageacquisition on the other. The study is based on semi-structured interviews with 60families living in Sweden’s two main cities Stockholm and Gothenburg, all with at leastone child between 6-18 years.This paper focuses on the following data: findings on the parents’ marriage patterns andreported interactions in Sweden as compared to the children’s reported interactions withother Hungarians inside and outside Sweden. The main questions are: Is there asignificant difference between the subgroups (minority vs. majority background;multilingual vs. monolingual background) regarding their marriage patterns andinteractions? And if so, how does it affect the likelihood of the children becomingbilingual?“Between a rock and a hard place”: the Ladin minority in the Romance-Germanlinguistic border region of the DolomitesJohn Hajek, University of MelbourneDr Heinz L. Kretzenbacher, University of MelbourneThe Ladin dialects are the smallest group of the Rhaeto-Romance sub-family of theRomance languages. There are approximately 30.000 Ladin speakers in the Dolomitemountains, as compared to ca. 50.000 Romansh speakers in Switzerland to the West ofthem and ca. 60.000 Friulian speakers in the Friuli-Venezia Giulia region to their South-East. All Rhaeto-Romance languages share their geopolitical position between German76

Papersin the north and Italian in the south; their own status has also been significallyinfluenced over time by the rather belated (in European terms) national and linguisticconsolidation of German- and Italian-speaking states.This paper deals with the specific situation of Ladin which from the 19th century on haslacked both the comparatively quiet political development of Swiss Romansh and thecomparative safety in numbers of Friulian. Repeated intentional rezonings both of theCatholic dioceses since 1810 and - particularly as a result of Fascist Italianizationpolicies of the 1920s - of the administrative provinces, have resulted in the five valleyswhere Ladin is spoken now belonging to the three different dioceses ofBrixen/Bressanone, Trento and Belluno, and to the three provinces of Bozen/Bolzano,Trento and Belluno. The administrative split has resulted in significant differences in thelegal and cultural status of Ladin, which in turn has sociolinguistic and linguo-politicalconsequences across the three provinces. Within the Autonomous Region of Trentino-Alto Adige, Ladin has been described as ‘superprotected’ in Bozen/Bolzano, andincreasungly well protected in Trento, while at the same time facing competition fromItalian and German in both provinces. In the province of Belluno, located in the Venetoregion, the local regional language, Veneto, dominates alongside Italian, and Ladin doesnot enjoy official status as a minority langue there. In the north of the province ofBelluno, however, a lively “Neo-Ladin” discussion, claiming the “Ladinity” of a numberof local dialects previously not often considered to be Ladin, has sprung up over the lasttwo decades.The paper will compare the sociolinguistic, cultural and legal status of Ladin dialectsacross the three provinces, and attempt to provide the reasons behind the differences weobserve.Variation in speaking proficiency in immersion and Gaeltacht schools: Implicationsof long-term trends for language revitalisationJohn Harris, Trinity College DublinGaeltacht schools in Irish-language heartland areas, and ‘all-Irish’ immersion schools inEnglish-speaking areas, account for relatively small numbers of pupils nationally. Theyare disproportionately important in language-revitalisation and language-maintenanceterms, however, because they produce a much greater proportion of pupils with highlevels of speaking ability in the language than ordinary mainstream schools. The presentpaper examines long-term trends in the success of these two types ofbilingual/immersion schools in producing speaking proficiency in the language. Thesetrends are linked to a variety of linguistic and home-background variables andimplications for minority language maintenance and revitalisation are considered.The analysis is based on a comparison of the results of two national surveys conductedover a 17 year period. Results show that general proficiency in the spoken language inall-Irish immersion schoools in English-speaking areas have held up well, although77

Papersaccuracy in the comprehension and use of certain aspects of the morphology declined.Proficiency in Gaeltacht schools showed a greater decline than in all-Irish schools,particularly in speaking skills. These results are related to parents’ education, ability inIrish, use of Irish at home and socioecomomic status. They are also linked to variationsin pupils’ and teachers’ attitudes in the two kinds of schools.Specifically, results show that even in all-Irish immersion schools, pupil proficiency isstrongly linked to parents’ education, ability in and use of Irish and socioeconomicstatus. It is argued that the decline in certain aspects of pupil proficiency in Irish over the17 year period may be linked to the huge growth in this sector, with parental profiles inimmersion schools in terms of these variables becoming gradually more like that ofparents associated with ordinary mainstream schools.Despite these relationships, comparisons of pupils in ordinary mainstream schools whoare ‘advantaged’ in terms of parental profile with ‘disadvantaged’ pupils in all-Irishimmersion schools show that the latter still have significantly higher levels of speakingproficiency in Irish. In other words, while home background variables are significantlylinked to pupil speaking proficiency in all-Irish schools, the greater proficiency of theall-Irish pupils –compared to those in ordinary mainstream schools - clearly derive fromthe Irish medium programme itself and not from advantages related to homebackground.The Irish proficiency achieved by pupils in Gaeltacht schools is shown to be a complexfunction of home background and within-schools factors. For example, the amount ofIrish-medium instruction conducted tends to vary systematically with the linguisticbackground of pupils. The fact that Gaeltacht schools are local schools, in contrast to all-Irish schools which are explicitly chosen by parents, is also a critical in understandingthe challenges these schools face and in accounting for long-term trends in achievement.A cosmopolitan outlook: On what levels does language planning happen?Aniko Hatoss, University of Southern QueenslandThis paper addresses two broad issues in language policy and planning: (1) the issue ofbottom-up or top-down approaches; and (2) the issue of locality; whether languageplanning should be looked at on the national or other (e.g. supranational) levels. Theseissues are discussed by using the example of the Hungarian community in Australia.The role of overt macro-level language policies in the maintenance of minoritylanguages cannot be overemphasised. Still, contemporary minority communities findthemselves in situations where the connections between governmentally-backed andinstitutionalised policies and their implementation or the utilisation of the potentialbenefits by the ethnolinguistic communities need to be initiated from the communitiesthemselves. Communities are, therefore, seen today as active agents and advocates forthe maintenance of their cultural and linguistic heritage, rather than passive recipients ofgovernment support. This paper presents the initiatives taken by the Hungarian78

Paperscommunity in Australia for the maintenance of Hungarian language, culture and identityin the immigrant context. The paper emphasises the roles that government and nongovernmentorganisations, both in the source country as well as the host country, play inthe maintenance of the cultural and linguistic heritage in immigrant communities.Therefore, not only is successful language planning dependent on bottom-up initiativesfrom the community level, language planning also goes beyond and is influenced bypolicies and planning actions beyond the given nation-state (or polity).This paper, first, gives a brief overview of macro-level Australian language policy, and adescription of the demographic and intergenerational language shift characteristics of theHungarian diaspora. Then, the paper presents the micro-level language planningactivities initiated by the Hungarian non-government organisations with specific focuson the interaction with Australian non-government organisations, Hungary-based nongovernmentorganisations and with government bodies in Hungary and Australia. Thepaper argues that micro-planning activities can only be interpreted within the widerscope of macro-level planning and neither macro- nor micro level planning is sufficienton its own.In the final section the paper poses a question whether a cosmopolitan shift is necessaryin conceptualising language planning and policy. This cosmopolitan shift, as sociologistshave argued, may be necessary to construct new conceptual frameworks and researchparadigms which move away from the concept of the nation-state and emphasisesupranational planning. The discussion makes references to the context of the EuropeanUnion’s language policy, particularly vis-à-vis regional and minority languages.Bilingualism and education: Use of the Welsh language among young people inSouth WalesRhian Siân Hodges, University of Wales, BangorThis paper assesses the use of the Welsh among young people (post-secondary schoolage) in a South Wales Valley, ‘Cwm Rhymni’ or the Rhymni Valley. There is a concernamong policy makers in Wales about the low levels of Welsh language use among youngpeople outside formal educational institutions, due partly to the lack of Welsh languageactivities in the local communities and the generally low public profile of the language.Paradoxically, although Welsh is seen as a high status language for educational purposes,in other spheres it has low status. The social infrastructure of the area is such that it doesnot promote the Welsh language, despite the historical prominence of Welsh during theperiods of coal mining domination. This study highlights the importance of languageuse, its policy centrality, its paradox with language ability and emphasises the clear needto further explore this important field of study.In methodological terms, this qualitative study focuses on a sample of eight formerstudents of the local Welsh medium secondary school, now aged 22 years, in order toassess their present day to day language use in and the relevance of Welsh within their79

Papersrespective social settings. Their use of Welsh within the family, community, educationand the workplace, is considered, to give a detailed overview of language use within thisparticular group.The study found that within the family, families who were first language Welsh speakerstended increasingly to use English as the main medium of communication, or a mixtureof Welsh and English. English-speaking families, on the other hand, saw Welsh mediumeducation as an elite, middle class education and sought it for their children. The use ofWelsh within the community was extremely limited. However, language preservationgroups such as ‘Menter Iaith’ and youth groups such as Urdd Gobaith Cymru werehaving a positive impact on the social use of the language by providing an increasingrange of extra curricular Welsh language activities for all ages. The workplace alsoplayed a crucial part in language maintenance as it offered the only opportunity to useWelsh since leaving secondary education for some. However, education remained by farthe strongest institution for Welsh language production in the area.Change and Resistance in Minoritised Linguistic LandscapesMichael Hornsby, University of SouthamptonIn many parts of Europe, minority and minoritised languages are currently experiencinghigher profiles than ever before. At the same time, the use of these languages has spreadfrom traditional strongholds (where, in many cases, it is in sharp decline) to use indomains never previously imagined. This paper aims to explore the nature of thesetransformations and the conditions which explain them. These can be attributed to thepresent period of globalisation and ‘High Modernity’ (Giddens, 1991) which ‘seeminglyparadoxically, produces both fragmentation and uniformization’ (Heller, 1999: 33). Theresulting struggles include treating minority languages as commodities, rather than anindex of identity and the use of ‘authenticity’ (Gal & Woolard, 2001) in exercisingcontrol over how these languages are defined. Language commodification and thedeliberate creation of sites are exemplified in one minority language situation, that ofBreton, either in a symbolic way or in the constituting of linguistic Communities ofPractice (CofPs). In this paper, I argue that the creation of Breton-language sites is avery different phenomenon from the much more visible commodification of thelanguage but, being a grass-roots initiative, is more likely to hold the key for the possiblelong-term survival of the language. With the current higher visibility of the Bretonlanguage on the linguistic landscape, attitudes among young Breton speakers to itssymbolic use is explored, focussing on their simultaneous appreciation and rejection ofsuch changes. This situation is mirrored in many other minoritised language settings.80

PapersMultilingualism, citizenship and the future of minority languages – ideologies andpractices of linguistic difference in EuropeStephanie Hughes, University of AntwerpThe multiple identities of the Rhenish and Moselle Franconian speaking communities inNorth-East France - the role of education and the media in renegotiation of transnationalidentity.Though France signed the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages CETSNo.: 148 on the 7th of May 1999, the interruption of the ratification process following adecision by the Constitutional Council of France gave rise to a heated debate. Sincethen, there has been what can only be described as clearly documented reluctance fromFrance to ratify the Charter, which has proved to be a problem for many minoritylanguage communities in France, such as those in Brittany, in the Basque Country and inAlsace-Lorraine.Though questions regarding the legal protection of regional and minority languages havebeen put on the European agenda and despite the various actions which have focused onlegal regulations applying to minorities, legal, political and administrative barriers ineveryday life still make the public use and acceptance of Rhenish or Moselle Franconianin the Lorraine region of North-East France difficult if not impossible. Despite the bestefforts of some dedicated language activists, the small and little-known RhenishFranconian and Moselle Franconian speaking communities there are currently underpolitical, economic and social pressure to integrate into French-speaking society. Thispressure entails the clear shift from Rhenish or Moselle Franconian to French and with itthe potential loss of the Germanic identity of the people in the area.This paper examines the present situation in North-East France and discusses thechallenges facing the two minority language communities there. The paper will firstdiscuss examine patterns of language shift before investigating the role of bilingualeducation in the area and the increasing use of new media to spread awareness ofRhenish and Moselle Franconian. The paper will conclude with an analysis of thepotential for renegotiation of old traditional regional identities in a transnational Saar-Lor-Lux perspective.On minority languages, the media and the Internetwith Saami languages as a case studySari Hyvärinen, University of HelsinkiSince everything is in the Internet today, the question is, do minority languages reallyexist if they are not in the Internet — in other words, is the Internet the only way toensure the existence of a minority language? The purpose of this presentation is tocontemplate on the status of minority languages, and Saami languages especially, in thetechnological environment of the Internet, and beside this topic to describe what has81

Papersbeen done in the Development Project on the Electronic Encyclopaedia of SaamiCulture.Besides Internet, English is in many parts of the world — and in many areas of life — alingua franca. Since English is used also in the international media and communication(television, newspapers; language of science, commercial correspondence etc.), there aremore ways and more resources at hand to preserve different situations of language use.The use of minority languages, on the other hand, concentrates often to family or villageenvironments. In this scenario, the Internet is a useful media to minority languages: it isa platform where one can publish texts concerning any field and situation of life, as wellchat discussions as scientific articles. A practical example on this possibility isWikipedia — a free and multilingual encyclopedia that anyone can edit — and it isstudied in this presentation as to how it has or has not worked for the Saami people.However, for minority languages there are often likewise minor resources available. Thissituation has sometimes led to do it yourself -solutions. For example, the lack of astandard writing system at computer keyboards for the Saami languages has led someSaami persons to develope their own computer scripts to overcome these orthographicproblems. The need for a standard method for conveying also minority languages via allelectonic equipment is studied here. At the process of improving technology, apossibility of enhancing the features of a technology in order to broaden its user groupselection to include also minority language speakers is considered. Also news on thecurrent development on the computer keyboard’s multilingual alphabet system and theUnicode system are presented.Especially with minority languages as well as many endangered languages, theorthographics have not been quite established yet. Here the freedom of the Internet canact both ways: either through use of various versions on orthographics it may startstabilizing one alternative, or it may puzzle both minority language natives and learners.In this presentation, all aspects of the Internet as a way to preserve the language, cultureand identity of minority language speakers are considered in detail.The importance of language for the Roma’s identity – seen from a legal perspectiveEmanuela Ignatoiu-Sora, European University Institute, FlorenceRomani, the language of the Roma and Sinti, is part of the Indo-Aryan family oflanguages. In legal terms, it is considered to be a non-territorial language. In their fightfor survival as a distinct ethnic group, the Roma proved a great adaptability to the localconditions. Language, in this context had two particular functions: Romani was used as ascreen blocking the access and understanding for the members of other ethnic groups; inthe same time Roma persons learned easily the language of the majority in the country.One of the consequences is that a great number of Roma are bilingual or multilingual.Another consequence is that some of the Roma lost their language, or preserved it onlypartially.82

PapersThe main questions which arise are, first, whether Romani is still an important part ofRoma’s identity, and if so, what would be the legal methods to protect and help itflourishing?A second question comes from the general meaning of the word ‘language’ as it wasused by the author in the title. Due to the fact that an important number of the Roma losttheir language, it would be interesting to see how this part of the population uses andidentifies with the new language. In this case, an important question would be about theway in which the preservation of Romani might be affected by the use of otherlanguages, and what the legal responses to this phenomenon are.In order to answer all these questions, our intention is to look at the case of threecountries: Romania, Hungary and Spain.Hungarian quotes in the reported speech of the older Serbian population fromHungary (Szigetcsép)Marija Ilić, Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, BelgradeThe paper is based on the ethno-linguistic field survey conducted among the olderSerbian population (born before or immediately after the Second World War) inSzigetcsép (Hungary, 2001). The oldest Serbian population is the last generation toperform native like competence in Serbian, before the language shift took place withinthe younger generations. Multicultural and multilingual village of Szigetcsép isinhabited by Germans, Serbs and Hungarians. Until the Second World War the Germansand the Serbs were two major ethnic groups, while German functioned as the prior idiomin inter-ethnic communication. After the Germans were expelled, the Hungarians weresettled in greater numbers in, and dominant communicative idiom changed from Germanto Hungarian. The interviewed Serbs are bilingual or multilingual, many of them with avery limited knowledge of Hungarian and German. The language competence in Germanand Hungarian is also dependant upon gender – older women having been confined tohouseholds showed less competence in Hungarian. Finally, although majority of theinterviewed Serbs live in ethnically homogeneous marriages, their children, presentlymiddle generation, live mainly in ethnically mixed marriages. The oldest Serbs nowhave to deal with the communication in Hungarian within the family.The main goal of the filed work was to collect data on the traditional way of life of thelocal Serbs and their traditional lexicon. Nevertheless, questions related with the localtraditional culture triggered the identity discourse patterns of the local Serbs, such asUS/THEM opposition, linguistic ideology, etc. The informants used efficiently, directand indirect speech patterns and construed dialogues in order to express their views onsocial reality. When the interviewed Serbs quoted their Hungarian interlocutors the useof direct speech was often combined with code switching in Hungarian. Sometimes inthe Serbian discourse Germans and Hungarians were represented as the “singular”83

PapersTHEM, while in direct speech discursive forms Hungarian was mixed with German andvice versa.Usage of direct speech forms is one of the most frequent strategies in the narrativediscourse, and it puts into play language mediated social relationships. In this paper Iwill analyze the role Hungarian quotes play in the direct speech forms construed in theSerbian discourse. Employment of Hungarian (and seldom German) quotations isdependent upon social and communicative context, and it usually indicates the reporter’sattitude toward the source’s utterance. Quotations in Hungarian are used to supportreporter’s views on identity issues or social/ethnic relations. Therefore, this paper willcontribute to the growing body of scholarship on dialogical nature of the narrativediscourse and ideological functions of the quoted “speech of another”.Learning environment and learning pathways of foreign and minority languages inthe Hungarian education systemAnna Imre, National Institute for Public Education, BudapestSince the change of the political system in 1990, the situation of minority languages haschanged considerably: the possibilities of learning minority languages have beenwidened, and the demand for minority languages has also increased during the 90s.Investigating these trends separately in the case of different languages, it seems that thegrowth in the number of minority language learners was most serious in the case ofGerman language, whilst the number of students learning other minority languagesremained low or has even decreased. On the basis of an earlier analyis we suppose thatthe introduction of modern foreign languages at the level of primary education is partlybehind both the increase and the decrease of the learners of minority languages.The aim of the paper is mainly empirical: it explores the present situation of minoritylanguage learning compared to the situation of foreign language learning in the first 8years of education in Hungary in recent years. With the help of a data base (the datacollection has been made in 2003 among 9th grade students of secondary schools andcontains some data related to learning of languages during their education careers) wetry to analyise the current situation of minority language learning and compare thedifferences of modern foreign language education and minority education. With the helpof the data-base we analyse the data from two aspects: the typical ’learning environment’(e.g. language teachers, schools, size of the class) and the typical ’learningpathways’(e.g. number of years learning a language, place of language learning,decisions concerning language learning) in the case of the most important modernforeign and minority languages in Hungary.On the basis of this analysis we have found that though there are many similarities inlearning English, German or learning minority languages (e.g. size of the classes,number of lessons per week), the differences are somewhat greater in other fields, likee.g. the number of years a language is learnt, number of teachers teaching during the 884

Papersyears, decisions concering the choice of a given language, the occurance of learning thelanguage outside the school (e.g. in language school). But it is not easy to formulategeneral statements about minority language education, since the differences amongdifferent minority languages are often also very significant.The linguistic attitudes of migrant children in the schools of CataloniaJudit Janés, University of LleidaÀngel Huguet, University of LleidaCecilio Lapresta, University of LleidaMonica Querol, University of LleidaGiven the relevance that the migratory phenomenon is gaining in our country, andconsidering the linguistic singularity of Catalonia, where the educational system isbilingual (Catalan-Castilian), which means that a large number of newcomers must learntwo languages with a similar level of competence, in this paper we describe and analyzethe linguistic attitudes toward the Catalan and Castilian languages in a group of 225immigrant students living in different areas in the province of Lleida and in the countryof Osona, Barcelona.The reason why we focus on linguistic attitudes is due to the importance that suchattitudes have in promoting good integration in the new society, and also to underlinetheir important role in acquiring a new language.Overall, the results obtained allow us to confirm students’ positive attitudes toward theCatalan and Castilian languages. However, this depends on the place of origin whichabsolutely determines their attitudes. The most significant variations are found instudents from Latin America. The home language of these students, which in nearly allcases is Spanish-Castilian, also plays an important role in defining their attitude to thetwo languages. As has previously found in classic studies analyzing language attitudes inbilingual contexts, their attitudes tend to favour the language acquired in the familycontext.We have also analysed the importance of other variables, such as: gender, familylanguage, social-professional condition and family socio-cultural level, as well as age ofschooling in Spain and in Catalonia, and education in the native country.Therefore, taking into consideration the difference between the Catalan and Spanishlinguistic competence perceived by the teacher as well as the attitude towards theselanguages, we could notice a positive relation which could help us establish certaingeneral ways of acting, the purpose of which being the integration of foreign pupilsenjoying the same rights as the native ones.85

PapersNew Words (Neologisms) in the Romani Language (Baltic Roma Dialects)Valdemar Kalinin, Home School Liaison Officer, Department of Education, LondonIn Romani (Romanes) as in other languages the vocabulary changes over time, somewords fall into disuse and at the same time new ones are created. The process iscontinuous and fluid. However some external factors such as mass migration and freemovement changes the language quite rapidly. This happened in our distant past around10th-11th century and a similar dynamic change in vocabulary has been noticed sincethe fall of the Berlin Wall.Below are listed some new words which originate from the Romani stem roots cominginto use by Romany speakers from different backgrounds:a) young people and old peopleb) educated and uneducatedc) employed and unemployedThe neologisms can be classified in the following way:1) General neologisms widely used: drab (light narcotic), dyló (heavy narcotic),panitka/ zélena (dollars), lolé (euros), chergén (seal, stem from chergen – star),kanvalo (telephone), bal (telegram/ fax), sapuni (e-mail), stem from mylo (soap)-rusk, bel, uk, pol; chachipén (court), and phagi (courtcase), vurdén (car),prastybnytko (posh car), chibalo (solicitor) and lavniko (detective/ investigatorin the Romani unofficial court).2) Words that are known to certain groups of people such as:a) Roma who receive benefits: chororó kher (NASS or Social Services),barvaló kher (Security Agency), kheritko (housing officer), dyvesytko(officer on duty).b) Roma who work in specific areas of employment:• Fishing industry: khudy (net), shtaritko (captain), nangloro (hook) anddzhydo (bail);• Agriculture: samburi (corn-flower), dandali (corn), firlago (beetroot),barkan (tomato), veshytka (wild mushrooms); huhura (fieldmushrooms); zelenyben (shoots); barjakiriben (plant)• Roma who often cross the border because they trade abroad: kustyk(border), kustykitko (for border /immigration officer); namirja (tax);myto (bribe).• Related to specific professions: keraibnari (cook), karedynitko (hunter),skamindari (joiner), nakhitko (judge), sastypnari (doctor), bashaibnari(musician), bergunari (miner); balunitko (governor); lokhali/o (nurse);probeshlo (chairman).• Metal workers, mechanics and engineers: chastyrá (bits/parts); kurfo(rivet); dálta (chisel); shut (acid); ring (file); fuksa (handsaw).86

Papers3) New vocabulary started to form among Roma who went abroad. Mass Romanimigration into the countries of Western Europe especially the UK became acatalyst in creating new words and expressions. These new words appearedunder influences of the main languages of the country where the Roma settled.For example Roma from Poland and Lithuania who came to London use manyEnglish words with changed endings according to the Romani sample such as:travélka (travelcard), konsylo (council), pointmento (appointment), te keres vaki(to vacate). Also such long established Romani expressions such as te keresbuty pe kalo acquired a new meaning – to work without permit/Home Officepermission, while te keres buty pe parnó – to work with the permission of HomeOffice.4) New words and semantics are also acquired from new experiences that Romaface whether it be social/moral issues or describing new objects and feelings. Itmight be semiotic-comparative process or distant phonetic similarity. Forexample te chines pe kompiko – to type especially on computer.5) The assumption that young Roma do not create new words is incorrect. Some ofthe most imaginative new expressions/words are used by young Roma, such as:cynko (a tough lad), shanela (a charming girl), vastarka (a handbag), brifo(insurance letter for a car) in their everyday speech, while for old Roma themeaning of these words is quite obscure.Roma and non - Roma linguists should carry out field research to discover more wordsby using questionnaires on specific lists of words, asking Romani speakers what wordsthey use to describe their childhood, to communicate with each other and outsiders.Researchers can also enrich the potential Romani vocabulary by speaking to Romanispeakers, in particular by focussing on peoples’ life stories.The Romani vocabulary could also be extended by discussion of the Romani customarycode, for instance by discussion of the code as practised when they were young.One must be careful when choosing a topic of discussion because we know that whenpeople are relaxed and comfortable with the topic then there is a greater chance for afreer and more natural conversation to occur. This can result in new/unknown wordsbeing used and recorder.It must be noted that some groups of Roma are generally more suspicious of outsiderssuch as Sinti, some Baltic Roma, English Romanichals and Romani Foki.The power of nomination. Public discourse on South Estonian languageKadri Koreinik, University of TartuMany authors have demonstrated the link between power and language. For Bourdieulinguistic exchanges “are also relations of symbolic power in which the power relationsbetween speakers or their respective groups are actualised” (Bourdieu 2001:37). Adelegated agent of the state, that is, the holder of the monopoly of legitimate symbolic87

Papersviolence, most often possesses the power over the instituted taxonomies or categories.The production of objectified representations, incl. legislative taxonomies is the field ofcultural or ideological production, where agents struggle over classification (ibid. 243).If those struggles or social antagonisms can be constructed discursively, the presence ofdifferent ideologies can be implied. Legitimation is seen as one of the major socialfunctions of ideology (Van Dijk 2005:299). Harris Russell (2001) has proposed anintegrated theoretical model for the prediction of ethnolinguistic vitality, the conceptdating back to Giles et al. (1977). She has included two dimensions – ideological andsocial system – into the model. Ideological system is defined “as the values, worldview,ideology, and beliefs on which norms are established for a particular group of people”(Harris Russell 2001:140). Language and its use mirror the ideological variable of aparticular speech community. Parallel to the developments of social scineces, power andlanguage have been central issues for collective action from the last quarter of 20thcentury. An entirely new type of conflicts, that cross ethnic and cultural movements, andwhich can be defined as a conflict of nomination, has emerged.My main objective is to examine different ideologies, which are present in Estonianpublic discourse, concerning legitimated standard languages and delegitimated varieties.Legitimation may be rather complicated discursive practice, which calls for more thanjust one proposition, it embraces the set of discourses connected to each other (ibid.300). Legitimation is a form of collective action, which aims to justify the action of thisvery institution. I also concentrate on argumentation, in particular on (de)legitimatingstrategies, which were revealed in the media discussion over South Estonian languageand its official recognition. Language ideologies are believed to play a major part in theethnolinguistic vitality of a language group.The method of critical discourse analysis (CDA) is used to study the different ideologies,antagonisms and identities inherent in those ideologies. CDA have proved to insightfulin the analysis of different legitimizing efforts (e.g Van Leeuwen, Wodak 1999) and innumber of ethno-political discourses and constructing national identities (e.g. De Cillia1999; Kalmus 2003). Typical to corpus – all media texts with all-Estonian coverage –was the dialectical course of argumentation: intertextuality and interdiscursivity werevisible. Up to now three newspaper and two magazine articles were published, more orless on the macro topic of the recognition of Southern Estonian as a language.Code-switching and language shift in American HungarianEmőke Kovács, University of SzegedThe purpose of this talk is to present the theoretical framework and the first results ofresearch on the correlation of code-switching and language shift in the case of AmericanHungarians on the basis of the data collected by Elemér Bakó in the 1960’s among NewJersey American Hungarians.88

PapersFirst, I make some general remarks on the socio-historical background of Hungariansliving in North America. Following Fishman (1966), I identify three waves of Hungarianimmigrants in the USA. From these it is the generation of old timers that intendedmostly to maintain the Hungarian language. The second and third waves of immigrantsmostly intended to assimilate, and thus linguistically they integrated well into Englishspeakinglife in the USA (Fenyvesi, 2005). The generations born in the USA integratedlinguistically even better. Hungarians are undergoing a very rapid language shift,complete in three generations. There are typically no speakers of Hungarian beyond thesecond generation (Fenyvesi, 2005).Second, I describe the data recorded by Elemér Bakó, which consists of 49 interviews.Third, I describe in detail my research goals with the data: to show a correlation betweencode-switching and language shift. According to Myers-Scotton & Jake (2001), highcode-switching shows a correlation with contact-induced language shift. The MatrixLanguage Turnover Hypothesis (MLTH) explores this correlation. On the other hand, toshow the correlation between code-switching and language shift, Kovács (2001) hasdeveloped a continuum model for the description and measurement of the distancebetween the grammar of code-switching and the grammar of the matrix language.Having worked on a part of the Bakó database, I will illustrate the correlation betweencode-switching and language shift through an analysis of six of the 49 interviews, whichinclude three interviews with first generation speakers and three interviews with secondgeneration speakers. The second generation speakers are at a more advanced stage oflanguage shift than the first generation speakers, which is demonstrated through thelanguage attrition phenomena displayed by the speakers, which, in turn, triggers thesubstitution of forms and gradually the MLTH starts to work. The middle phase of theprocess described by the MLTH is the matrix language turnover in code-switching. Thetypes of code-switching are categorized on the basis of the criteria of the distance-basecontinuum model and are placed in a process scheme, the end of which is the matrixlanguage turnover (Kovács, 2001). The interviews show the types and distance of all thespeakers’ code-switched items from the matrix language, which in turn, using thedistance-based continuum model, show how advanced their language shift is.ReferencesFenyvesi, Anna. 2005. Hungarian in the United States. In: Hungarian language contactoutside Hungary: Studies in Hungarian as a minority language. Ed. by AnnaFenyvesi. Amsterdam: Benjamins.Fishman, Joshua. 1966. Hungarian language maintenance in the United States.Bloomington: Indiana University Press.Haugen, Einar. 1950. The analysis of linguistic borrowing. Language, 26: 210-231.Kovács, Magdolna. 2001. Code-switching and Language Shift in Australian Finnish inComparison with Australian Hungarian. Åbo: Åbo Akademi University Press.89

PapersMyers-Scotton, Carol and Jake, Janice L. 2001. Explaining Aspects of Code-Switchingand Their Implications. In: Nicol, Janet L. (ed.), One Mind, Two Languages.Bilingual Language Processing. Explaining Linguistics 2. Malden, Massachusetts:Blackwell. 84-116.Collective identity and language in multicultural and multilingual contexts: theAran Valley caseCecilio Lapresta, University of LleidaJosé Luis Navarro, University of LleidaJudit Janés, University of LleidaSilvia Maria Chireac, University of IaşiSituations of contact among very differentiated languages and cultures are very commonin Western societies. The Aran Valley –located in the North-West of the Spanishprovince of Lleida– is an ideal place to study the identity construction process and thepaper of language in these situations. During the last decades, this area has experienceda significant social-demographic and cultural transformation. This specific situation hasproduced a situation defined by a considerable increase of immigrant population and thecoexistence of three official languages; Occitan-Aranes, which is the native language inthis region, Catalan and Spanish.On the other hand, in sociolinguistics terms, some researches (Suïls, Huguet & Lapresta,2001) demonstrate that Occitan-Aranes is a minority language in the territory, with a riskof dissaperance.The aim of this paper is to present the most important conclusions of a researchdeveloped in Aran Valley focused in the identity construction process and the role oflanguage in this procedure. In methodological terms, we have combined quantitative andqualitative research techniques in own analysis. Our first theorycal step regards languageand identity relationship as a non cathegoric and universal fact (Fernández, 2000;Siguán, 1996). This relation is a social construction that converts the language in themost important expression of ownership to the collective. The main conclusion is that inthe Aran Valley case, the language has an important paper in the collective identityconstruction, but this paper has different significance between subjects, dependingmainly of their identification.Ethnolinguistic Situation in LatgaleSanita Lazdina, Rezekne Higher Educational Institution, LatviaIlga Shuplinska, Rezekne Higher Educational Institution, LatviaLatgale is an ancient and the only region in the Eastern part of Latvia which has borderswith Russia, Byelorussia, Lithuania, Estonia. Russians, Poles, Ukrainians,90

PapersByelorussians, Lithuanians, Gipsies, and Jews are regarded as minority nationalities. Inreality the situation is not alike in various parts of the country because there are someregions, especially towns, where Latvians are proportionally a minority. This isdetermined by many historical, political and economic factors.In order to find out more about the real situation of language usage, factors affecting thechoice of language as well as those determining the attitude towards language, we havestarted a research on ethnolinguistic situation in Latgale. The project investigates ethnicand linguistic processes in Latgale, drawing attention to the influence of religion andlanguage on both micro-environment (individual, family) and macro-environment(community, society). This work was organized in the framework of the project “ASurvey of the Ethnolinguistic Situation in Latgale”. Data was collected in 92 areas thechoice of which was determined by such factors as nationality and population. Theproject consists of two general stages. At first, data was collected (about 6000questionnaires), after that concrete recommendations will be made for educational,linguistic and cultural policy.The aim of the paper is to introduce the results of the project by focusing on two aspects:1) language and gender 2) language and education. The first aspect will be interpreted inthe context of gender – the role of gender in using and changing language in differentlinguistic environments. Issues of language education in Latvia will be also considered,particularly in Latgale. Questionnaires will show people’s attitude to the educationalsystem of Latvia and their wishes regarding the use of minority or regional languages inthe learning process.This paper is a part of the first comprehensive ethnolinguistic study about the Latgaleregion.A Critical Approach to Language Activism in BrittanyDr Adam Le Nevez, Institut Universitaire de Formation des Maîtres Alsace, StrasbourgAs the first language of over one million people a century ago, today Breton is alanguage with an uncertain future. During the 20th century intergenerationaltransmission rates for Breton stagnated, and then collapsed, a phenomenon reflected inlesser-used languages throughout France and in many other countries. Presently the largemajority of Breton language speakers are elderly and the language faces significantchallenges, both in encouraging new speakers back to the language, as well as claimingrecognition and support from a reluctant French government.As a result of the perceived endangerment of the language, in the past 40 years a smallbut significant grass-roots movement has been working to promote and develop thestatus and practice of the language through a variety of measures. In particular theseinclude the development of Breton language schools, the articulation and valorisation ofa discreet Breton linguistic and cultural identity, and the promotion of Breton as a strong91

Papersand distinguished language, every bit as useful and legitimate as French, through corpusand status planning initiatives.This paper examines the changing ideological and socio-linguistic context within whichthe Breton language has been promoted and practiced since the Breton languagemovement began in the 1960s. Taking a critical approach, it argues that themarginalisation of the Breton language and its speakers has not simply occurred as aresult of direct language policy from the French State, but through the languageideologies and broader discursive frameworks within which Breton was contextualised.Significantly, it argues that these ideologies continue to appear in many forms, bothwithin Republican and Breton activist debates over the place and value of the Bretonlanguage in modern society.This paper therefore is an endeavour to explore and rethink the broader ideological andsocio-linguistic frameworks within which the Breton language is currently located.Using a theory of critical language activism, the paper problematises the view that to besuccessful, language activism should promote normative practices and reified languagestandards in order to build a strong, powerful language. Rather, the paper looks at waysin which the practice of Breton can be, and is being, used to express linguistic identitiesthat are negotiated, heterogeneous and performative within a society that is increasinglyplurilingual. In this sense, the paper looks toward the development language strategiesthat valorise and promote Breton as a personalised and affective part of people’s diverselanguage identities, rather than an instrument of regional or national identity. Such anapproach, it is argued, has the potential not only to develop new cultural and linguisticspaces in which Breton may remain a meaningful language to its speakers, but also tohelp subvert and transgress dominant language ideologies that have in the pastmarginalised the language.Romanian with a difference (the unintended consequences of standardizationwithin a quasi-homogenous ‘dialect’)Alina Ioana Lixandru, University of Massachusetts, AmherstIn the summer of 2005, after several months of socio-linguistic research in the easternpart of Romania, my Moldavian housemate at the time voiced her frustration about thesituation of regional speakers: We are worse than a minority, Cristina complained,minorities can ask for language rights and can speak with an accent, but what can we(Moldavians) ask for? Cristina’s question pointed out to me the importance of having acommunity, however imagined, for the status of any linguistic ‘minority’ group.The Moldavian speakers of Romanian are burdened with the chronotopes(Gal:2006:165) of archaism, provincialism, oriental backwardness and communistRussification. Their regional identity is seen as a vestige of the feudal Principality ofMoldavia that stretched on both sides of the river Prut. Now Prut is border between theeastern part of Romania and the former soviet Republic of Moldavia, although most92

PapersMoldavian regional speakers in both states identify as Romanians. But as their linguisticidentity intersects with the homogenizing language policies of standardization supposedto ensure their vertical national integration, their belonging to the Romanian ethniccommunity is being simultaneously fostered and shadowed by their local linguisticpractices.By looking at the current situation of Moldavian speakers, I aim to demonstrate thatpromoting the standard Romanian variety and the ideology of ‘communities inopposition’ became the instruments of exclusion for parts of the same population forwhich those discourses were meant to foster an integrated community. Also, I see theemerging discourses about belonging to the European Community – that may sooninclude Romania, but not the Republic of Moldavia – as symptomatic of the postsocialistpower dynamics in the region and as a larger context shaping Romanian -Moldavian contradictions.Moreover, in considering the immense contradictions inherent in the idea of a singlestandard language (Wright:2004:41) I also claim that most minority language rightsmovements are framed by hegemonic nationalist constructions that inhibit alternative,more permissive visions. Cristina’s question evokes a larger issue: How do we speakabout the language rights of the regional speakers? What is the relationship betweenacknowledging the rights of the non-standard speakers and the imperative to imaginenew community boundaries for them?Wright (2004:217) calls this the phenomenon of the smaller Russian doll. But Romanianis considered to be one of the most homogeneous Romance dialects that have becomenational languages. Romanian claims of ethno-linguistic unity are naturalized by themutual comprehensibility of all its historical varieties. It is precisely by acknowledgingthis internal linguistic homogeneity that the topic of regional versus standard varieties ofRomanian can provide us with an empirical perspective for questioning the commonconstructions of mother-tongue rights and the mechanisms involved in securing thoserights.ReferencesGal, Susan. 2006. ‘Contradictions of standard language in Europe: Implications for thestudy of practices and publics’ in Social Anthropology, 14, 2: 163-181Wright, Sue. 2004. Language policy and language planning: from nationalism toglobalization. New York: Palgrave.Cultural identity of Bergitka Roma – a multiplex and hybrid cultural identity andits communicationAnna Lubecka, Jagiellonian University, KrakówMost post-modern identities cannot be defined within one culture and one identitymodel. As the present reality is multidimentional so are the post-modern identities which93

Papershave become cleft, liminal, hybrid and multiplex. Their main characteristic they share isthat all of them are in a continual statu nascendi, when they remind us of a collage or apatchwork combining various values, ideas and ideals, when some old and traditionalways of life are in the process of being moved into periphery and the alien customs andlifestyles typical of the global culture become dominant. The above statement isespecially true about the identities of the so-called silent or invisible minorities, that isthose groups who after many years of being absent from a public discourse are nowencouraged by then EU minority policy to make an effort to join it as its equalparticipants and communicators. This is the case of the Roma, especially of BergitkaRoma, the Polish Roma from the mountains who occupy the bottom position within boththe Roma and the Polish social structure. Due to political, economic, social and culturalchanges on both national and international, global scale, they are emerging out from themargin of the Polish society, which means that they must start a difficult process ofassimilation with its negative as well as positive impact on their identity. As in the caseof all other groups, identity issues have become of a great importance for them but thechallenge they are faced with is even bigger as they have to define themselves bothagainst other Roma clans, e.g. the Polish Roma by whom they are not fully accepted andthe Polish society for whom they still exist mainly through stereotypes as outsiders anddomestic strangers. For the Roma themselves the two culture-specific dimensions oftheir identity – the Roma and the Polish one are not always harmonious andcomplementary but an effort to combine them in a synergical structure often results in adeep conflict. They are, using the metaphor of Bauman, like two robes they wearaccording to the occasion and purpose, the Roma identity expresses their true loyaltiesand values, the Polish identity is treated instrumentally and pragmatically to help themto survive among strangers.The aim of the presentation is to discuss how language, both verbal and non-verbal,translates cultural identity of Bergitka Roma for them as well as for the Poles. The use ofthe verb “translate” is not accidental as when narrated in Polish against the backgroundof Polish culture the Roma identity is filtered through some kind of language- andculture-specific ethnocentrism, which means that it gets partially lost or distorted. Itsconfrontation with the values of the post-modern culture makes it evaluate as backward,unattractive, even stigmatising and killing. Consequently, many young Roma stress thePolish component in their identity and are often not only critical about their own culturebut feel ashamed of their traditions and customs. Both the Polish language and culturehave acquired the status of the language and culture of opportunity creating thus a gapbetween the old and the young generation. Language as a tool to create identity isimportant when supporting the collective memory of the Roma by retracing their routsand roots. The use of such collective names as “Gypsies” and “Roma” draws ourattention to different sets of values with which they are saturated. Recurring themes andvocabulary point at family and children as basic notions in their cultural ethos. It isinteresting that the Roma do not often mention Porrajmos – the Roma holocaust whichbelongs to the most dramatic experiences of the whole Roma community. The role of the94

Papersnon-verbal communication is even more important as it is less often monitored and itscommunication impact cannot be avoided. The Roma dress code, their appearance, thelogistics of their settlements, their jobs, their music, their poetry, their traditions andcustoms as well as their image promoted by the media send many messages, oftenconflicting and disturbing for the Poles. The Roma identity is negotiated between theRoma and the non-Roma through the confrontation of “my me” with “your me”, that isthe Roma projection of their identity and its picture among the Poles and it draws formboth of them.Teacher education for the support of second language acquisitionLatisia Mary, Institut Universitaire de Formation des Maîtres d’AlsaceAndrea Young, Institut Universitaire de Formation des Maîtres d’AlsaceDuring initial teacher education, students are increasingly being confronted withextremely diverse sociolinguistic contexts at school for which they are all too often illequipped (Hagan & McGlynn, 2004; Vassilchenko & Trasberg, 2000). This is partly dueto their own limited knowledge about culture and identity (Santoro & Allard, 2005) andto the frequent failure of teacher education “to provide students with a deeper knowledgeof global and societal issues and institutional structures which promote inequality andmarginalization” (Jokikokko, 2005, p.70). It has been advocated that what twenty firstcentury society needs is for teachers who have an essentially monocultural world-viewto improve their intercultural awareness and sensitivity in order to develop a capacity toempathise, cross cultural borders and teach effectively in increasingly heterogeneousclasses (Stoer & Cortesao, 2001).Within the framework of a 3 year long European project (2003-6) focussing on teachereducation for the support of second language acquisition (, a team ofresearchers from the University of Edinburgh and the IUFM d’Alsace came together todevelop a course for initial teacher education in the primary sector whose aims were:1. to encourage student teachers to become aware of issues associated withcultural diversity and second language acquisition (SLA), such as:a) the advantages of language and culture maintenanceb) the complexity of bilingualism/plurilingualism,c) the construction of multiple identities,d) the impact of linguistic policies on language maintenance and shift.2. to identify strategies to be implemented at school in order to support pupil SLAwhilst at the same time promoting mutual enrichment and respect betweenculturally diverse pupils such as:a) introducing a language awareness approach which aims to educate allchildren together about the value of plurilingualism and pluriculturalism(Beacco & Byram, 2003).95

Papersb) integrating the languages and cultures of all the pupils across the wholeschool curriculum.c) striving for greater cooperation between school and home communities.The course was piloted in 2005-6 with two groups of student primary teachers (n=64) atthe IUFM d’Alsace in Colmar, France. This paper presents data (questionnaires, studentworking group minutes, interviews, filmed presentations) collected prior to, during andpost the pilot course in an attempt to identify the needs of primary student teachers inFrance and to analyse the process through which they successfully equipped themselveswith knowledge about culture, language and identity. We believe that this knowledgeand the way in which it was acquired, namely through problem-based and collaborativelearning, was decisive in facilitating the adjustment of the students’ essentiallymonocultural world-view, working on their intercultural awareness and sensitivity,enabling them to develop a capacity to empathise, to cross cultural borders and, wehope, to teach effectively in the increasingly heterogeneous classes of the new Europe.ReferencesBeacco, J-C. and Byram, M. (2003). Guide for the Development of Language EducationPolicies in Europe: From Linguistic Diversity to Plurilingual Education, Council ofEurope.Hagen, Martin & McGlynn, Claire (2004). Moving barriers :promoting learning fordiversity in initial teacher education. Intercultural Education, 15 (3), 243-252.Jorikokko, Katri (2005). Interculturally trained Finnish teachers’ conceptions of diversityand intercultural competence. Intercultural Education, Vol. 16 (1), 69-83.Santoro, Ninetta & Allard, Andrea (2005). (Re)Examing identities : Working withdiversity in the pre-service teaching experience. Teaching and Teacher Education21, 863-873.Stoer, S. & Cortesao, L. (2001). Action research and the production of knowledge in ateacher education based on inter/multicultural education. Intercultural Education,12, (1), 65-78.Vassilchenko, L. & Trasberg, K. (2000). Estonian teachers in the late 1990s : theirwillingness and preparedness for work in a multicultural classroom, IntercuturalEducation, 11(1), 65-78.Revisiting the evaluation of the sociolinguistic status of a minority language: Somesuggestions out of the theoretical labyrinthHeiko F. Marten, Freie Universität BerlinThe analysis of the state of sociolinguistic well-being of minority languages today ischaracterised by a large number of separate theoretical approaches, most of which focus96

Paperson one or a few particular aspects and approach the topic from a certain angle. Many ofthese attempts have become prominent, and are in regular use for identifying threats andopportunities for minority language maintenance and revitalisation. Some basic points ofdeparture from which the position of a minority language in a society can be examinedare ecolinguistic models, typologies of minority languages, language policy models,evaluations according to domains of language use, language rights and legislation, andlists of factors determining minority language vitality and endangerment. Theecolinguistic model by Kaplan/Baldauf (1997), for instance, has the explicit advantageof displaying geographic relations in a graphic way and thereby facilitating acomparison of factors and actors which are contributing to language shift ormaintenance, and of contact languages which influence a minority language. Otherinfluential examples are the placement of linguistic situations into scales, such as inFishman’s GIDS and in the Unesco Report on Linguistic Vitality and Endangerment, orthe identification of lists of factors contributing to language maintenance or shift, byauthors such as Fishman, Crystal, or Johnstone.In general, the application of many of these models leads to similar results, but there areconsiderable differences in nuances. The approaches often have the fundamentalproblem of either oversimplifying reality by reducing situations to single factors, or bybeing far beyond reasonable working-size. The aim of my paper is therefore to providean overview of a number of prominent approaches and to highlight their strengths andweaknesses by applying them to examples from several minority languages. I will thensuggest some ideas on ways out of the theoretical labyrinth: One possibility could be tooperate with a Check List for the domains of language use which can serve as a tool tomake problems and achievements more clearly visible. Another option is theintroduction of a careful quantification of factors which contribute to or areunfavourable to language maintenance. This method establishes a comparative toolwhich can be used to make distinct statements about tendencies of linguisticdevelopment, in both diachronic and synchronic perspective, and for both cross- andintra-language purposes, in spite of the dangers which are inherent in quantifications inthis context.Making provision for Europe’s additional languages: some examples of goodpracticeJoanna McPake, University of StirlingSirkku Latomaa, University of TampereFor several centuries, many of the languages in use in Europe – such as regional/minority, migrant, traveller and sign languages – were neglected or even suppressed. Inrecent years, however, interest in these additional languages – the languages whichpeople use in addition to the national, official or dominant language(s) of the state inwhich they live - has grown significantly. As awareness of the value of both97

Papersplurilingualism (the ability of the individual to speak several languages) andmultilingualism (the use of many languages within a society) grows, these additionallanguages are, increasingly, regarded as a valuable resource. For example, the EuropeanUnion’s Action Plan 2004-2006 states thatPromoting linguistic diversity means actively encouraging the teaching and learning of the widestpossible range of languages [… T]he range on offer should include the smaller Europeanlanguages as well as the larger ones, regional, minority and migrant languages as well as thosewith ‘national’ status, and the languages of our major trading partners around the world.while the Council of Europe’s Guide to Language Education Policies argues thatSteps should […] be taken to make everyone aware that plurilingualism is a social and personalvalue in order to move to plurilingualism conceived as a form of contact with others. This meansembracing the teaching of all languages in the same educational project and no longer placing theteaching of the national language, regional or minority languages and the languages of newlyarrived communities in water-tight compartments.But how best can we make provision for people to acquire formal skills – particularlyliteracy skills – in these additional languages which, in many cases, have remained thepreserve of the home and have often been taught only in informal classes, set apart frommainstream provision? This paper draws on the work of the VALEUR (Valuing AllLanguages in Europe) Project (2004–2007), funded by the European Centre for ModernLanguages (ECML), the organisation charged with supporting the implementation ofCouncil of Europe language policy. The project has collected data concerning provisionfor Europe’s additional languages, with the support of representatives of 21 Council ofEurope member states, ranging (geographically) from Armenia to Iceland.One aim is to identify characteristics of ‘good practice’, defined as practice which isboth effective and replicable. The paper will present a selection of case studiesrepresenting a range of languages, contexts and methods, from different parts of Europe,with the aim of providing an overview which identifies common ground across Europe,and points to fruitful areas for development.How the minority language is presented in immigrant accountsEleni Michalopoulou, Lancaster UniversityIn this presentation, I am putting forward how Albanian immigrants, who live in Greece,think, feel and talk about the minority language (Albanian). I rely on what they sayabout it (their accounts) and not just on whether they actually use it because some ofthese people did not produce any Albanian dialogues for the research but this does notmean that they never speak the language as the oral and written accounts I collected98

Papersfrom the same people showed (Tse, 2000; Mills, 2001). The population is adolescents(aged 12-14) and their parents who came to Greece when the communist regimecollapsed in their country around 1990.It should be stated from the outset that theirs is a rather complex situation if onlybecause for many years a Greek minority existed in Albania occupying the southern partof it. While there, these people (Greek Albanians) spoke Greek and the Albanian dialectused in the south (Tosk). Nowadays, they still use these languages but the status, ofcourse, has been reversed. On the other hand, the Albanians of my research come fromthe central or northern part of the country where a different dialect (Geg) is spoken.There is a teenage girl in my sample who was born in Greece to Greek Albanian parentsand who picked up Albanian in Greece. A couple had never used Albanian in their inbetweenconversations while they lived there, but started doing so when they arrived inGreece. Finally, an Albanian family have voluntarily given priority to Greek at home byway of ‘preparing’ the daughter, who is about to attend Greek school next year. What Iwill try to explore is why the minority language (the home language for some even now)has such varied treatment in the new environment. A way of approaching this matter isto ask whether and what the people invest in it in terms of the symbolic capital(Bourdieu, 1977) it represents.The data come from the ethnographic research I conducted for my PhD. Sevenadolescents and their parents participated in it. Overall, the data consist of a highlystructuredquestionnaire, the recordings of conversations the adolescents held withdifferent interactants (brother or sister, parents, friends from Albania and friends fromGreece; Jørgensen, 1998), a short written account of their relationship with all thelanguages they speak (their repertoire also includes English and French or German asforeign languages) and semi-structured interviews. The teenagers’ parents were alsointerviewed. The data for this presentation come primarily from the interviews (Mills,2001) and the extracts have been selected on the grounds that they specifically revealthese people’s relationship to and feelings about Albanian as the minority language.ReferencesBourdieu, P. (1977) ‘The economics of linguistic exchanges’. Social ScienceInformation 16 / 6: 645-668.Jørgensen, J.N. (1998) ‘Children’s acquisition of code-switching for power-wielding’. InAuer, P. (ed.) Code-switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity.London: Routledge. pp. 237-258.Mills, J. (2001) ‘Being bilingual: Perspectives of third generation Asian children onlanguage, culture and identity’. ong>Internationalong> Journal of Bilingual Education andBilingualism 4 / 6: 383-402.Tse, L. (2000) ‘The effects of ethnic identity formation on bilingual maintenance anddevelopment: An analysis of Asian American narratives’. ong>Internationalong> Journal ofBilingual Education and Bilingualism 3 / 3: 185-200.99

PapersThe revival of a “faceless minority”- the case of the Kvens in NorwayEnikő Molnár Bodrogi, Babes-Bolyai University, ClujSince I have been teaching Finnish language and literature at the Babes-BolyaiUniversity in Cluj (Romania), I have been particularly interested in the situation of thedifferent ethnic minorities in the Scandinavian area.During the course of some decades, especially since the 1960s, minorities inScandinavia (or, using a more adequate and less known term: Fennoscandia) haveexperienced important changes in their life, changes that have influenced considerablytheir identities and language choices. Unfortunately, linguistic assimilation has alreadytaken place in the case of many minority groups, but, on the other hand, there are stilllocal communities which have preserved their mother tongue.The situation of the Kvens in Norway is very little known, because, due to the politics ofassimilation practised by the Norvegian governments, they have been considered as anon-existing minority up to the near past. The first sings of the ethnic revival of this”faceless” population (Agnes Eriksen) started to be seen in the 1970s. Since then, due tothe efforts of those members of this ethnic minority, who have stuck to their nativelanguage and fought for their linguistic human rights, the attitude towards Kven and itsspeakers has undergone deep changes.In the case of the Kven language, the process of linguistic emancipation has beenbasically connected with the process of autonomization of a dialect group. The dialectsof Kven have been traditionally considered to be Finnish dialects, but since the 1990sthe Kvens have been striving for the official acknowledgement of Kven varieties as alanguage on its own right. This aim has been achieved in the spring of 2005.In this present paper I would like to present some of the most important sociolinguisticfactors which have influenced the development of the Kven minority identity and therise of the status of their language. A special stress will be layed on the significance oflanguage planning, in which an important role is played by the first Kven languagecourse through the internet, a course which started at the beinning of 2006. Some of thebasic key-words I intend to use in my paper are: ethnic minority, linguistic human rights,minority identity, language planning, language and identity, emancipation politics,linguistic emancipation, language revitalization.Feasibility study of bilingual education for indigenous communities of BangladeshSikder Monoare Murshed, University of DhakaBangladesh possess a total of three million indigenous population classified in more orless 45 distinct indigenous communities, most community having separate language andall having culture of its own. Indigenous children of Bangladesh suffer from rapid dropoutrate particularly because of their lack of command over Bangla and English. Bangla,the major medium of instruction in the primary education curriculum, is little known to100

Papersthe ethnic children and thus it acts as a serious impediment for education for the ethnicpeople. The whole process results in high rate of educational failure, unemployment,economic crisis and social frustration among the existing indigenous communities in thecountry. The Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997 incorporated the provision forprimary education in respective mother tongues of the ethnic peoples. Realizing themultitude of the problem, some NGO’s like BRAC has adopted initiatives for creatingeducation opportunities for indigenous children through its “Education for indigenousChildren” (EIC) program. In this research paper we try to present possibility of bilingualeducation (BE) program for three large indigenous communities in Bangladesh. They arenamely, Garo, Santal and Chakma communities.Bangladesh possess a total of three million indigenous population classified in more orless 45 distinct indigenous communities. Indigenous children of Bangladesh suffer fromrapid drop-out rate particularly because of their lack of command over Bangla andEnglish. The objectives of this research paper is “possibility of bilingual education”(BE) for indigenous communities in Bangladesh.Multilingualism and language contact in inter-war Czernowitz (Bukovina)Ágota Kinga Nagy, Pannonian University, VeszprémBukovina, a province of the former Habsburg Monarchy, and its capital Czernowitz –often labelled as a kind of “Europa Minor,” as “a microcosm of the Monarchy” -preserved its multilingualism and its multicultural character even after having beenannexed to Greater Romania (1919), to an emerging nation state advocating a policy ofcentralization.A manifestation of Bukovinian multilingualism can be seen in the rich German andYiddish language literary production between the two world wars as well as in the highnumber of German language newspapers. In 1935 there were published eleven Germanlanguage newspapers and periodicals in Czernowitz, out of which ten were written byGerman speaking Jews and five were dailies. Remarkably, these publications appeared ata time when there were no educational institutions teaching the German language inBukovina. Hence, one of the few media promoting the German language after 1919 inCzernowitz was the Jewish press. In the meantime, 80% of the Jews from Czernowitzclaimed in 1930 to be Yiddish native speakers. This multilingualism can be regarded as aprecondition of the various forms of language contact that are supposed to be revealedby a linguistic examination of the Bukovinian German language newspaper Der Tag(1932-1935).The aim of the proposed paper is to provide a sociolinguistic description ofmultilingualism in inter-war Czernowitz and to identify, to classify as well as to analyzecertain manifestations of German-Yiddish-Romanian language contact in the daily DerTag (1932-1935). The research topic gains its relevance from the lack of sociolinguisticinvestigations concerning Bukovinian multilingualism as well as of any previous contact101

Paperslinguistic research on language materials from Czernowitz between the two world wars.Moreover, the sociolinguistic status of the German language in inter-war Czernowitz israther unique: it was a minority language used as a second language by a great amountof speakers of Yiddish as a minority language while the only official language of thestate was Romanian.The anticipated results of the investigations are, in a nutshell, that the written Germanlanguage in inter-war Czernowitz can be regarded as a local variety of the Germanlanguage, marked by various forms of language interference and by code-switching fromYiddish as well as from Romanian.Adaptation of the Europa School model for the East and East-Central EuropeanRegionOrsolya Nádor, Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church, Budapest1. Introduction: Europa School as a multilingual and multicultural educationalsystem (short history – focused on the multicultural ideology of EuropeanUnion2. Why this model is necessary in East and East-Central European countries?a. Language policy viewpoint:i. Each language used as majority and minority languageii. Each country has some kind of language act; one of the mostimportant points of these: usage of the mothertongue of theminorities on different levels of education, from kindergartensto universitiesiii. The roots of ethnical inequality manifest themselves in thelanguage usage of minorities in education and officialsituationsiv. Each language belongs to languages less widely used andtaughtv. Despite of this people of these countries dont’t learn eachother’s languages, however to know each others’ language mayput the lid on „traditional” prejudice against various ethnicgroups of this regionb. Long traditions of elit bi- and multilingualism (Bél Mátyás, Comenius,Hviezdoslav, Sincai and others) – practice, forms, shools, methodsc. Today: due to the business and economy benefit of LWULT languageknowledge – especially near the borders – more and more businessmenstarts to learn one of the minority languagesd. The benefit of learning the language of the „enviroment” comparedwith „foreign” language3. Adaptation of the Europa-School modela. How to choose languages?102

Papersb. How to choose teachers? Central committee in Brussels or a regionalcommitte?c. How to decide the content of the multicultural subject these countries?(This is one of the most „neuralgic” point in this kind of co-operation,because of the traditionally different ideological-identity background.Therefore this model can work only as an elit-educational model.d. The model won’t change the traditional minority schools where themothertongue is the most important means for teaching history,geography, literature.4. ConclusionConsidering the multilingual and multicultural ideology of the European Union and thetraditional ethnic inequality of the new members, a new level of intellect is necessarywho is able to communicate with each other. This model I just laid out can contribute tothe increase of the prestige of the languages less widely used and taught, to the mutualunderstanding of the people of the region, as well as - indirectly - to the increase of theethnic stability of the East and East Central European region.An Investigation of Persian Students’ Attitudes toward L1& L2 Cultures and L2Cultural AwarenessAzadeh Nasri Nasrabady, Najafabad University, IranAbbass Islami Rasekh, Isfahan University, IranThe totality of language learning comprises three integrated components: linguistic,cultural, and attitudinal (Helen Wilkes, 1983). Most foreign language teachers wouldagree that positively sensitizing students to cultural phenomena is urgent and crucial.Positive attitude is a factor in language learning that leads to cross culturalunderstanding.In the first part ,this research examined, through a survey analysis, how three groups ofstudents ( one high school group and two university student groups)viewed therelationship between Persian culture and English cultures(i.e., American and Britishcultures), and what their attitudes toward Persian and English cultures were. In thesecond part, the researcher tried to investigate to what extent Persian students are awareof cultural aspects of their foreign language.The results of first questionnaire shows that as their language proficiency levels weredifferent, their attitudes were different too. But this does not mean that their attitudeswere opposite. Most of the participants had positive or healthy attitudes toward L1 & L2cultures. The number of votes to the items that show “ethnocentrism” attitudes or“pedantic” attitudes was very low.For the second questionnaire the scores of learners in all three groups shows there wasalso a significant difference between learners’ awareness in three groups.103

PapersMedia Language about Minorities in Bulgarian National and Regional PressNatalia Natcheva, Sofia UniversityIn consequence of historical heritage, Balkans today seems like multi-ethnic mosaic asstructure of the population in every country of the region. Bulgaria is not an exception inthis sense.Unfortunately, in the past Balkan minorities had become often victims of mercenary,mostly political goals. They were perceived as people with dual identity and suspiciousloyalty. Some consequences of this attitude can be seen even today in the form ofprejudices or aloofness toward minority representatives.Today mass media that is so sensitive to social dynamics and formation of publicopinion, could be an effective mediator in avoiding of ethnical or religious conflictstoday or in the future through giving more information about “the different” and byintensive bilateral communication.The study, presented here, is not brand new in its initial concept. The first research uponmedia image of minorities in Bulgaria was made few years ago (2000-2003). So thepresent study aims to give an actual light to the changes in public attitudes for the lasttwo years. And the special attention now is focused on the specific language tools usedby press media in presenting the way of life of minority groups in Bulgaria.When we talk about “human rights” in the context of newspapers’ publications, the maincriteria searched inside the texts is related to so called “hate speech” – i.e. if there arewords or phrases, used to describe minority personages or events, that could bring someinsulting or discriminating meanings (obvious or hidden), and if they could provoke thereaders to dislike or even to hate the personages described inside the texts.On one hand, the media are able to give expression and to widespread the opinions thatalready exist in the society. On another hand, the media themselves participate activelyin formation of different opinions or even stereotypes among their audiences – nationalmedia on a country level, regional media – on specific local level. Same is valid aboutopinions and stereotypes created among minorities. In this sense, information policy ofthe media could be responsible if the negative attitudes would be reproduced anddeveloped, or if they will be corrected and transformed to positive attitude. Media couldplay an important role in complicated process of inter-ethnical relations and interculturaldialog by tools of language and its precise usage.So through the national and regional press the presentation shows how Bulgarianethnical model is functioning in public today, and in the light of forthcoming joining ofBulgaria to EU in January 2007.104

PapersThe Acceptance of Planned Terminology among the Irish-speaking communityHelena Ní Ghearáin, University of LimerickDue to a lack of research on the issues affecting term acceptance, it is difficult toaccount for the reasons why some terms are accepted and used while others are ignoredor rejected. Pavel (1993: 24) sees “finding out the causes, the patterns or regularitieshidden behind such apparent randomness” as a new task for terminology. In the case ofIrish, the situation is exacerbated by a lack of empirical data concerning the languagepractices of Irish speakers, and more specifically, their terminological practices. Thisundermines the terminology-planning process in two ways: (1) the planning operates inthe absence of basic information on the language community’s terminological practicesand preferences and (b) the planners lack information on how to ensure the optimumenvironment for term acceptance.In this paper I will report on fieldwork on the terminological practices of Irish speakersin the Gaeltacht (the official Irish-speaking areas). The terms investigated are taken fromthe domain of Information Technology, a domain whose terminology has undergoneofficial planning since the late 1980s. The sample is drawn from people who use Irishwhile at work and the study investigates the terms used by these people to designateconcepts belonging to IT. The study is interview-based and respondents’ use of terms isinvestigated in a semi-natural communicative context. The study provides informationon the current terminological practices of Irish speakers while also allowing forcomment on the effect of official terminology planning in the domain of IT on nontechnicaloral communication.“The challenge to terminology is to perform a language planning that takes thesociolinguistic factor into consideration” (Myking 1997). In a wider context, the datafurnished by this study provides information useful to terminology planners, not only interms of the language practices of the Irish language community but also in terms oftheir language ideologies, with regards to terminology planning, new terms and theauthorities involved in terminological development.ReferencesMyking, Johan, 1997. ‘Standardization and Language Planning of Terminology: TheNorwegian Experience’. In: ong>Internationalong> congress on terminology, Donostia - SanSebastian, (accessed13/12/04).Pavel, Sylvia, 1993. ‘Neology and Phraseology as Terminology-in-the-Making’. In:Helmi B. Sonneveld and Kurt L. Loening (eds), Terminology: Applications inInterdisciplinary Communication. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 21-34.105

PapersThe Pornography of Pigeonholing: Depictions of Roma in MediaMatt Orefice, Lesley University, Cambridge (Massachusetts)Stereotypes are cinema’s shorthand – a shortcut in the language of film. With them, theaudience makes connections faster and becomes more easily invested in the story,making the film more successful and of greater “entertainment value”. Unfortunately,this is not always a good thing, as evidenced by negative ethnic stereotypes of AfricanAmericans, Native Americans and Hispanics in film. These filmic stereotypes reinforcestereotypes in real life or create them for those who have never encountered certainethnicities. One such rarely met group, the Roma, is hardly ever encountered in theUnited States, and yet Americans have a general “sense” of who they are. This “sense” isa mental image crafted by media-perpetuated stereotypes.Through a series of interviews with Americans and Europeans, the perception of Romaare exploded and Roma stereotypes seen in American and European films areinvestigated, suggesting a correlation between the two. These media stereotypes are akinto unnecessary sensationalism and even overt racism, much like the cinematic portrayalof Native Americans; an exploitation of an ethnicity on the level of pornography.Roma are victims of media representation in that Roma stereotypes are perpetuatedrather than challenged by motion pictures. Unlike African Americans and NativeAmericans, the Roma have had very little advocacy in cinema. The popularity of truth isnot as strong as what is entertaining or convenient for conveying contemporary andunrelated social issues. Those interviewed confirmed that Americans have a “sense” ofwho Roma are, but do not really know firsthand.Meanwhile, the European interviewees reinforced the American data with their ownthoughts on Roma; the culmination of which proved to be on par with the most popularRoma stereotypes in film. This is significant in that if cinema can be proved to plantnegative stereotypes about Roma in the general consciousness then it is entirely possibleto reverse this trend by portraying positive images of Roma. This may be seen aspropagandistic and not avoiding the trappings of exploitation, but there is no such thingas a “neutral” image – especially where minorities are concerned – and there is no otherapparent active choice.As one interviewee put it, Roma are a “romantic and mysterious people who travel inwooden wagons – I know that’s not true, but it’s the image that comes to mind, and Ithink it’s a very American image.” This image isn’t going to change, so long as Romaare used either as mirrors for national identity or typecast criminals and fortune tellers.In this era of supposed “Roma inclusion”, homogenization of Europe and shrinking ofthe world due to advances in communication and travel technology, the Roma remainone of the last true outsiders. They should be, in effect, part of the diversity the newEurope claims to represent. With better representation in media their image in the mindsof Europeans, as well as Americans, can be turned from nomadic, troublemakingimmigrants into the culturally rich and historically significant people they are.106

PapersSocial change and language attitudes: Tracking long-term shifts in languageattitudesPádraig Ó Riagáin, Trinity College DublinMore than twenty years ago, in a review of attitudinal research at the time, it wasobserved that ‘in every society the differential power of particular social groups isreflected in language variation and in attitudes toward those variations’ (Ryan et al.1982: 1). This statement rather neatly captures the principal relationships which haveformed the focal points in the field of research under review ever since – betweenlanguage attitudes and language variation; between social structures and languagevariation and, finally, between language attitudes and social structures. While there hasbeen a considerable degree of continuity in the central concerns of those working in thefield, the emphasis over this period has shifted from the first set of relationships notedabove towards the second, and more recently still, towards the third.However, there is also a need to track changes in language attitudes over time in a moresystematic and organized way. Diachronic research is, relatively speaking, a neglectedarea in language attitude studies. While there are some exceptions, such as Woolard andGahng (1990), who collected speaker evaluation data in Barcelona in 1980 and again in1987, such examples are not very common.The present paper proposes to examine changes in language attitudes between 1973 and2004 in Ireland, and relate shifts in attitudes to social changes that occurred over thesame period. Data will be drawn from national language surveys conducted in 1973,1983, 1993, 2001 and 2004.Language attitudes and language choice in minority language situations: Aninvestigation of the Irish sociolinguistic contextBernadette O’Rourke, National University of Ireland, GalwayAisling Ní Bheacháin, National University of Ireland, GalwayIn determining the outcome of language contact situations, early studies on languagemaintenance and shift tended to implicate macro-social events as direct causes oflanguage survival and decline (Weinreich 1968; Fishman 1976). However, in morerecent work researchers have turned their attention to variables that linkmacrosociological factors to individuals’ decisions about language choice at a microlevelof analysis (Woolard 1989; Mertz 1989; Heller 1999). Motivated by this interest,the present study aims to discover what it means in several senses and in variouscircumstances, for a person to speak a minority language. The study looks more closelyat the meaning of linguistic choices in face-to-face interactions, that is, the effects ofsocial relations on language choice in minority language contexts. A key question whichwill be addressed in the study relates to the incentives and costs involved in learning andspeaking a minority language, as well as the personal transformations that may occur for107

Papersnew comers to the language. These questions will be looked at specifically in relation tothe process of language survival and loss in the case of the Irish language.Previous research on the Irish sociolinguistic context has shown that despite ideologicalsupport for the Irish language amongst the Irish population, there has been and continuesto be a general sense of pessimism and even antagonism towards the language. Researchhas confirmed the existence of widely held views of the language as old fashioned andunsuitable for modern life more generally (CILAR 1975; Ó Riagáin and Ó Gliasáin1984, 1994). The fact that such attitudes have continued to exist may suggest that suchbeliefs form part of what is referred to in CILAR (1975: 362) as ‘a wider complex ofusually unexpressed “underground” pessimistic feelings about things Irish in general’.Such prejudicial views about the Irish language may also be key factors in explainingthe low levels of use generated from generally strong levels of personal and ideologicalsupport for the language amongst the population. This paper explores these issues insome detail and reports on the findings of a piece qualitative study of young people’sattitudes towards and use of Irish.Bilingual education in legislation and in practice: The case of SerbiaÁgnes Ódry, University of SzegedThis talk provides an analysis of Serbia’s policy documents regarding minoritylanguages and education and then contrasts the ideologies represented by thesedocuments to the way educational policy is realised in practice (as affected by variousadministrative and political impediments).The present analysis is carried out as part of the Languages in a Network of EuropeanExcellence (LINEE) project. The long-term goal of the project is to study successfulmodels of bi- or tri-lingual education and compare these models to the characteristics ofmultilingual education in regions where Hungarians live as a minority, with the ultimateaim of providing a set of “best practices” for an effective educational system inmultilingual communities.As part of the broader framework delineated above, my present talk focuses onHungarian education in Vojvodina, a multilingual region in the north of Serbia.Hungarians form the second largest minority community in Serbia (3.6% of thepopulation of Serbia and 14.28% in Vojvodina) (Göncz and Vörös, 2005: 190-91).Current legislation in force (Law on the Protection of Rights and Freedoms of NationalMinorities) was passed in 2002 and it follows the principles laid out in basicinternational documents. Its provisions on education (Articles 13-15) state the right toinstruction in the mother tongue in pre-school, elementary school and secondary schooleducation, as well as declaring that departments and faculties for training kindergartennurses, as well as teachers and language teachers in elementary and secondary schoolsshall be set up by the State. Reference to “bilingual instruction/education” is made fourtimes throughout the text, but it is not stated what type of bilingual education is to be108

Papersunderstood, and what is the overall goal and planned outcome of the bilingualprogramme.In Serbia education in Hungarian is available from the pre-school level to highereducation in a number of schools, namely 90 primary schools, 26 secondary schools and8 faculties at various universities and colleges (source: A vajdasági magyar iskolahálózatcímtára).In Serbia an educational programme is considered “Hungarian” even if instruction isreceived in both Hungarian and Serbian (usually due to the lack of Hungarian-speakingteachers). According to the typology of education provided in García (1997) sucheducational programmes fall under the category of maintenance programmes but only ifwe consider two of the factors (type of child and language in classroom). However, theother two factors determining the category (namely educational aim and linguistic aim)do not match the situation in Serbia. Considering the discrepancy between the plannedoutcome and the actual outcome of these programmes it is highly questionable whetherthe goals of bilingual education (either the ones set out by legislators or the onesexpected by the minority community) are met.ReferencesGarcía, Ofelia. 1997. Bilingual education. In: Florian Coulmas (ed.), The Handbook ofSociolinguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. 405-420.Göncz, Lajos, and Vörös, Ottó. 2005. Hungarian in the former Yugoslavia (Vojvodinaand Prekmurje). In: Hungarian language contact outside Hungary: Studies inHungarian as a minority language. Ed. by Anna Fenyvesi. Amsterdam: Benjamins.187-240.„Law on the Protection of Rights and Freedoms of National Minorities”. In homepage ofthe Ministry of Human and Minority Rigts of the Republic of Serbia., access: 27 October2006“A vajdasági magyar iskolahálózat címtára”. [Database of Hungarian schools inVojvodina] In homepage of the Society for Hungarian Studies., access: 27October 2006Linguistic revitalisation among Romani pupils in a Swedish school contextChristina Rodell Olgaç, Södertörn University CollegeMikael Demetri, Nytorpsskolan, Stockholm-ÅrstaAngelina Dimiter Taikon, Nytorpsskolan, Stockholm-ÅrstaAt the beginning of the year 2000, Sweden ratified the Framework Convention for theProtection of National Minorities. These minorities included the Samis, Tornedalers,109

PapersSwedish Finns, Roma and Jews. The second ratification of the status of minorities is theEuropean Charter for Regional or Minority Languages that recognises the Sami, Finnish,Meän kieli, Romani chib and Jiddish languages.The institutional discrimination of the Roma and the total exclusion of the Romaniculture in Swedish schools still has far reaching consequences. One of the consequencesis that, in order to be accepted in school, some of the Romani children begin toundercommunicate their ethnic identity.Since the recognition of the Roma as a national minority, there has been a remobilisationand revitalisation by the group and their demand for more inclusion in education. Froman action-research study in a class for Romani pupils taught by Romani teachers thispresentation will focus on the growing interest in Romani history, the revitalization ofRomani chib and the meta-linguistic awareness (Nieto, 1999) among the pupils. We willhighlight how Romani chib is negotiated in a classroom for Romani pupils through storytelling, comparative work and translation of different varieties of Romani chib. Mostvarieties of Romani chib are represented in the Swedish context. In the conclusion, wewill discuss some of the implications that the findings have for the Romani homes of thepupils, when the pupils discuss Romani historical and linguistic issues with their parentsand the Romani community.Language rights in Turkey for minoritiesFatih Ozturk, University College Cork“A Country Should Be Judged on the Basis of How It Treats Its Minorities.”GandhiFirst this paper will introduce the meaning of minorities in Turkish context focusing onthe historical evolution of it. Second and very briefly it will enumerate the linguisticminorities within Turkey. Third, and the primary focus, of the paper is that Kurds andlanguage rights in Turkey underscore the terror in Turkey. Finally, I will propose throughmy own ideas and thoughts a solution to the human rights puzzle in Turkey.Under Turkey’s current system, in operation for eight decades, the country has not beenable to establish a stable democratic regime. Since the beginning of the republic, Turkeyhas created three constitutions. In addition, over the past 40 years, Turkey has faced fourmilitary coups or attempts thereof, the most recent in 1997. The EU is certainly notinterested in the inclusion of a military state within its democratic structures. Yet, as itstands today, the formal democracy of Turkey is seriously weakened by its traditionalreliance on a paternalistic military. Not only is the state of democracy in Turkeyimportant in light of its EU application, it is also important internationally. Ifdemocratization can truly take hold and stabilize the country, Turkey could become amodel state demonstrating the potential for congruency between democratic and Islamicvalues. It is evident for Turkey that without the elimination of Turkish military power110

Papersfrom civilian life there is no way to cure undemocratic problems within the country, forexample, the recognition and protection of minorities.Minorities and their respective concerns are hot topics around the world, while in Turkeythe situation is a little more involved. When the subject of discussion comes tominorities in Turkey, almost all nations believe that it persists in separatism and that itgenerally concerns only Armenians, Greeks and Jews living in Turkey. This belief islargely due to historical events surrounding religious faith. Even Turkish state traditionshares the same understanding as other nations.Why do I think English should be the official language in the United States:Commonsense reasons in support of English OnlyJorge Porcel, University of Wisconsin-MadisonBased on the fact that English Only policies could result in various forms of exclusion ofHispanics and other language minorities in the U.S., I have decided to pay attention tothe «ideological scripts» they have come up with to make sense of –and publicly justifywhen they need to– their own positioning in relation to the English Only movement.Since its arrival to the North-American sole, English has always coexisted withAmerindian languages, colonial remnants of Spanish and French, and a host ofimmigrant languages (Ferguson and Heath 1981). Notwithstanding, the U.S. hasinvented itself as a monolingual country. And even though we can think aremonolinguistic attitudes are backward residues of an ideology in decline, recent,legislation approved the by the U.S. Senate earlier this year of 2006 indicates we arewrong in thinking that way. Moreover, at the present time, these claims pose a majorcontradiction, for public discourses enthusiastically applaud cultural pluralism, whereaslanguage diversity does not receive the same word of praise. In short, «multilingualism»or «bilingual education» are difficult to sell to the American public. The situation ofSpanish in the U.S. is highly unfortunate because, in spite of the annexation of territoriesinhabited by Hispanic population, Spanish continues to be misleadingly called «aforeign» and «an immigrant» language. These labels tend to situate the Spanish languageand its speakers in the U.S. at disadvantage, since speakers become racialized andstratified, whereas the language is considered as inferior and intrusive. Based on the factthat English Only policies could result in various forms of exclusion of Hispanics andother language minorities in the U.S. I have decided to pay attention to the «ideologicalscripts» they have come up with to make sense of –and publicly justify when they needto– their own positioning in relation to the English Only movement. I envision thisendeavor will provide a better understanding of the dynamics of maintenance and shiftof Spanish in the U.S., and particularly for the population from which I obtained thedata, i.e., Miami Cuban Americans. I also expect a general understanding ofmotivational, political, ethical, and other socially pressing factors, embedded in thefunctioning of minority languages in their social context.111

PapersReferencesFerguson, Charles A. and Shirley Brice Heath (1981). Introduction. In: Charles A.Ferguson and Shirley Brice Heath (eds.) Language in the USA. New York:Cambridge University PressSelf-identification among the minority Slovenes in AustriaTom Priestly, University of AlbertaRuxandra Comanaru, University of AlbertaDuring fieldwork in six localities in Southern Carinthia, Austria, over 200 respondentswere asked how they “felt” about their allegiance to various local and supralocal groups.Each replied to nine questions, all posed in Slovene (dialect or standard), and of the form“Do you feel like…?”, for example: “Do you feel like a Slovene?”, “Do you feel like anAustrian?” Replies were on a five-point Likert scale. Proposed identities ranged from“an inhabitant of this village” through “Carinthian Slovene” and “Slovenian Carinthian”to “European”. Also included was the word “vindis^ar” (German “Windischer”), anethnic category that many consider to be pejorative.The responses differed according to the term in question, according to the village,according to age and according to gender. In this paper I will report on the moreinteresting specific differences and speculate on their significance.How grievable is the loss of an L1: Towards a reconceptualisation of someEuropean minority language education practicesDmitri Priven, University of OttawaThis paper presents the root causes of the resistance of mainstream Europeaneducational institutions to implementation of minority language programs (bilingualprograms with both English and a minority language as media of instructrion).Differential treatment of different minority languages in the mainstream educationaldiscourse will be discussed. Drawing on the literature presenting some of thesociolinguistic causes of L1 attrition, this paper will present a somewhat different aspectof first language attrition in the context of immigration. It will investigate the powerrelations that are sustained when immigrants’ first languages are lost on the individualand community level. It will be demonstrated how these power relations manifestthemselves in the attitudes to minority languages in the mainstream Europeaneducational discourse and practice.The paper will first present a brief literature review outlining the situation with minoritylanguage education in the European Union. It will be shown that in the mainstreameducational discourse in France, for example, the term bilingualism does not encompassproficiency in two languages one of which is a non-European minority language. Such112

Papersdifferentiation leaves non-European immigrant languages invisible in the educationaldiscourse and practice. Moreover, this disequilibrium of power between the “secondlanguages of Europe” is conceptualized in the European legislation, for instance, in theEuropean Charter for Regional and Minority Languages. Differential treatment ofminority languages in mainstream educational practices will be situatedepistemologically within the poststructural critical theory paradigm, locatingmonolingualism within Edward Said’s postcolonial discourse on Orientalism. It will beargued within the conceptual framework of external and internal Orientalism that someminority languages are more legitimate than others vis-à-vis mainstream curricularpractices, which allows for different degrees of grievability (Butler 2004) attributed topotential loss of those languages on both individual and community scale. Further, it willbe shown how recent social trends arising from the economic globalization areresponsible for disrupting the balance of power between major European and non-European languages and thus the hierarchy of grievability of L1 loss. Ultimately, it willbe discussed how the power relations between centre and margin are recirculated in thesupport of educational structures that lead to first language loss among immigrantchildren, and what conditions would bring about a reconceptualisation of minoritylanguage education practices. Such reconceptualization will only be possible, it will beargued, if the centre/power sees itself (and its languages) as having intricate social,cultural, or political ties with the margin (and its languages). Only if the centre/power inEurope ceases to see itself as completely autonomous and not connected with the marginwill it grieve the loss of languages and cultures of immigrant minorities, and takeeducational measures to prevent/reverse language attrition and loss among immigrantchildren.Language policy, ideology, and language choice in higher education in IsraelDrorit Ram, Levinsky College of Education, Tel-AvivThis study presents current language policy, ideology, and language choice in highereducation in Israel. Language policy is an attempt by an authority to change the ideologyand language choice of members of a community (Spolsky & Shohamy, 1999).Language choice may also depend on economic and social factors. Language choice is asituation where one could use one language for certain functions and another for otherfunctions (Spolsky, 2004). In the academic domain worldwide, language choice is mostoften between English and the local language. This situation is the result of globalizationprocesses and the penetration of English into academic discourse in the last fifty years,and particularly into the sciences.In light of the above, it is interesting to investigate whether current language policy,ideology and langauge choice in higher education in Israel have changed since the firstuniversities were founded. Then, university senates issued decisions that expressed a113

Papersstrong Zionist ideology, and enforced the use of Hebrew as a medium of instruction forall language functions (Spolsky & Shohamy, 1999).The purpose of this study was to find out if there has been a change in language policyin higher education in Israel, and if the current situation still reflects the use of “Hebrewonly” as a medium of instruction. The hypothesis was that the former policy remainedintact, whereas ideology and language choice have changed.A descriptive survey design was used to investigate language policy, ideology andlanguage choice at three universities in Israel. Quantitative and qualitative methods ofanalysis revealed two major findings. According to one finding there are two periods inlanguage policy. The first period, from the first days of the universities until the 1970s, ischaracterized by a unified policy, ideology and language choice. It was the policy of“Hebrew only”.The second period, from the 1980s onwards, reflects attempts to change the unifiedpattern of using “Hebrew only” as a medium of instruction, yet by and large the “statusquo” in language policy remained. Instead of the unified ideology of the first periodthere are various beliefs with regard to language choice, and various patterns oflanguage choice.According to the second finding, the dynamics between language policy, ideology andlanguage choice has changed. In the first period there was harmony within thecomponents of the model. Language policy leaned on the beliefs and language choice ofthe members of the community that language policy was intended for, and was effective.In the second period, however, there is no harmony, but breaking to parts, and languagepolicy is less effective. Language policy no longer reflects a unified ideology, butvarious beliefs. Language choice no longer reflects the policy of using “Hebrew only”.In sum, the hypothesis was supported, and the situation should call for bottom upprocesses in language policy in higher education, that adjust policies to language users’beliefs and choices, rather than maintain former policies.ReferencesSpolsky, B. & Shohamy, E. (1999). The languages of Israel. Policy, ideology, andpractice. Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters Ltd.Spolsky, B. (2004). Language policy. Cambridge University Press.Functional code-switching as a factor in language maintenance: Sorbian inGermany and Doukhobor Russian in CanadaGunter Schaarschmidt, University of VictoriaThere are certain similarities in the degree of language maintenance as well theprospects revitalization of Sorbian in Germany (estimated number of speakers: 34,000)and of Doukhobor Russian in Canada (estimated number of speakers: 30,000). To besure, Sorbian is an autochthonous minority language group with no speakers outside its114

Papersterritory in Southeast-Central Germany while Doukhobor Russian is an immigrantheritage) language with just under 118 million speakers in the Russian Federation.However, the rate of language maintenance is almost identical for these two minoritylanguages, as are their prospects for survival beyond the 2070s, i.e., within the next twogenerations of speakers.In the absence of a fully bilingual situation for a given minority language, certainlinguistic domains (or levels) may need to be emphasized at the expense of others. Thus,while a fully developed level of LSP (“language for specific purposes”; GermanFachsprache) is theoretically available for both of the language groups discussed in thispaper, a large percentage of speakers cite the lack of LSP terms as a reason for not usingthe language in business establishments (Sorbian) or ritual ceremonies (DoukhoborRussian). It therefore seems necessary to aim for a “reconfigured” LSP, viz., a kind ofplanned” code-switching within that level that will not require the exclusive use of theLSP of the dominant languages (German for Sorbian; Canadian English for DoukhoborRussian). That functional code-switching can be a viable alternative to surrenderingcertain levels of a language to a dominant language (be it territorial or international) hasbeen demonstrated in business communication in Metro-Manila where a form ofsystematic code-switching is used in an effort to avoid the exclusive use of English atthe expense of the official state language Tagalog/Pilipino, not a minority language(appr. 14.5 million speakers) but not an international language either. In any case, for aminority language, such functional code-switching may just be what is needed to tieover the language for a generation or two until better conditions can be created for a fullscalerevitalization.Sign language planning and policies: the role of a national sign language databasein the NetherlandsTrude Schermer, Dutch Sign Language CentreSign Languages are highly variable linguistic systems since they have been excludedfrom the educational settings for a very long time and are learned in informal situations.Bilingual educational models for the Deaf make it necessary to provide models andnorms for sign-language teaching (including sign-language dictionaries) which may leadto increasing linguistic uniformity.In this paper we will discuss the purpose and set-up of a unique tool we have developedin order to be able to provide sign language users (such as teachers) with informationabout SLN but also gain information from sign language users about the lexicon of SLN:a national web-based bilingual spoken/sign language database which is used to produceDVD-ROMs according to specific customers demands. The database is also linked to thewebsite of the Dutch Sign Language Centre ( and provides its users with an on-line dictionary whichcurrently contains more than 5000 sign movies.115

PapersThe database stores information on the lexical and grammatical level, contains definitionmovies of concepts as well as explanation movies and stories. In addition, drawings,picto’s and photographs can be stored.Furthermore the way in which this database is used in relation to sign language planningand policies in the Netherlands will be discussed, especially the way in which the basiclexicon of SLN was standardised to comply with the Dutch Government’s demand inorder to recognise SLN as an official language in the Netherlands.The Dutch Sign Language Centre is recognised by the Dutch Government as the nationalLexicographic Institute and funded for this task by the Department of Education and theDepartment of Health, Welfare and Sports.The making of Saami collective identity in the context of Saami and indigenousmovementIrja Seurujärvi-Kari, University of HelsinkiThe goal of my presentation is to show how the Saami people gradually make theircollective identity by organising themselves, by building up their own cultural andadministrative institutions and, lastly, by joining in the movement of the “First World” inthe period of 1970–2000. One of my goals is also to find an answer to which ethnicalcriteria are crucial for the Saami people as a group. The Saami people are migrating tothe cities, and even nowadays over half of the population is living outside the SaamiHome Area. Most of the Saami people don’t speak, write or read their own mothertongue. How representative an ethnic criteria the language could thus be in themodernizing world? I will approach this task from the native point of view, thus myperspective is within the culture itself (emic). The reason for taking this viewpoint is myactive participation in the Saami and indigenous movement for the last thirty years.Until the 1970’s, the Saami people still lacked organization strong enough forcooperative activities and generally any collective identity. From its beginning in the 70sand 80s, the objective of Saami revitalisation movement has been to reunite thedispersed Saami people by means of transnational cooperation and by creating a Saamiethno-political agenda. Since the beginning, language and education were primary issuesof ethnical identity. The common Nordic writing system was adopted in the Saamiconference 1971. The first Saami cultural and political agendas were adopted at theNordic Saami ong>Conferenceong>s in 1971 and 1980. The preambles of these agendas speak ofthe Saami people as a separate ethnic group with “its own territory, culture and socialstructure”. In the “golden” 70s happened the flowering of Saami language, art, musicand literature.One of the turning points in the Saami movement was in 1975, when the Saami peoplethrough their own pan-movement, the Saami Council joined the World Council ofIndigenous Peoples, the first international indigenous organization. At the end of the1980s, organizational activities had noticeably succeeded in creating conditions for a116

Papersredefinition of the Saami identity within the Saami community and for a new politicalunity, and especially for a new indigenous global unity, the “First World”.From the 1970’s modernisation and later globalisation encouraged integration and thusthe reinforcement of the Saamis´ own identity. Attempts to strengthen the Saami identityand the concept of Saaminess were subsequently made by integration into modernsociety, which in turn made it possible for the Saami to mobilize their political resourcesand to function as an imagined community. Today the Saami are recognised in theNordic states as an indigenous people. The national governments are obliged to ensureconditions whereby the Saami can — through their own representative organ, the SaamiParliament — manage their own affairs and practise self-determination.The school learning of a minority language: The case of CataloniaCarina Siqués, Universitat de GironaIgnasi Vila, Universitat de GironaThe linguistic policy carried out in Catalonia has permitted all learners to know both theCatalan and the Spanish languages. However, with the new migratory phenomenon inthe last ten years, new educational challenges for the learning of the two languages haveraised. Generally, in most western countries there is a close link between the schoollanguage and the language of the social environment. But in Catalonia, this does nothappen. Most foreign students live in social and family contexts where either theirfamily language or Spanish are used whereas in school only Catalan is being used. Infact, most foreign students get in touch with Catalan for the first time when they arriveto school. This is why foreign students attending school in Catalonia have to developboth conversational and academic abilities in Catalan within the school context. Thepaper shows the results of a longitudinal ethnographic investigation carried out in aclassroom during the first two years of primary education. In the classroom 90% of thestudents were foreign and spoke eight different languages. The children’s families had alow educational level and lived in a social context where Catalan was not spoken. Theobjective of the investigation was to show the relationship between school organisation,the characteristics of educational practice and the conversational and academiccommand of the Catalan language. Two researchers have spent one or two days a weekin the classroom and, besides observing the interactivity teacher-students and studentsstudents,they recorded the activities carried out in the classroom. All the recordingswere transcribed and a diary with the observations carried out in the classroom was alsokept. The linguistic activity of both the teacher and the students was codified through asystem of categories which included both formal aspects and communicative strategies.The results show the existence of relationships between the oral strategies used by theteacher and the development of competence in Catalan by foreign students. The analysisof the observations presents two aspects of the teacher’s activity: the emphasis onmeaning and the emphasis on language. The activity of the teacher focuses on making117

Paperspossible for students to negotiate what is done and said in the classroom but, at the sametime, she does not forget the formal aspects of language and, in activities related withreading and writing, she also teaches its most arbitrary aspects.The characteristics of the teacher activity were the result of an educational contextorganised in a way to permit a close relationship between students and teacher andamong students themselves.The perspectives of the Gagauz minority in the Republic of MoldovaAngela Soltan, Multilingual Centre for TerminologyOlesea Bodean, State University of MoldovaAccording to the 2004 census, the Gagauzi represent 4.4% of the population of theRepublic of Moldova. This is not a significant number, compared with 10,9% of theUkrainians, or 8,9% of the Russians, although, that is 172 500 representatives of thisethnic group, or 87% of the Gagauzi spread among various regions (198 000 peopleliving in Moldova, Bulgaria, Romania, the Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Turkey and Russia).The Gagauzi had been integrated into the old princedom of Moldova that was furtherconquered by the Turks, before being annexed to Russia in 1812, as a consequence ofthe Russian -Turkish War. The people are speaking the Gagauz language, a Turkiclanguage of the Altaic family, formerly using the Cyrillic script, shifted to the Latinscript after 1990. In Moldova, 89% of the Gagauzi consider the Gagauz language astheir mother tongue, contrary to other regions where the language is obsolete and on theway of extinction. Before 1990, the minorities were qualified in Moldova as Russianspeakers and a tendency was to keep, as long as possible, this status quo that couldpreserve the privileged position of the Russian language.The Law regarding the Functioning of the Languages on the territory of the Republic ofMoldova adopted on September 1, 1989, declares the Moldovan language (Romanian)the State language, granting in the same time a strong position to the Russian language.This law foresees not only the development of the official language, but also stipulatesthe rights accorded to minority languages. According with the Law, the Gagauz is theofficial language of Gagauz Yeri, beside Moldovan and Russian. In January 14, 1995,the Law stipulating the special statute of Gagauz Yeri was adopted. Article 1 foresees asfollows: «Gagauzia is a autonomous territorial unity having a special statute, being aconstituent part of the Republic of Moldova.»After 1990, Moldova elaborated a complex legal framework for the protection of theminorities and their languages. The law of the RM regarding the persons belonging tonational minorities has established in the article 1: “the persons belonging to nationalminorities are those persons that inhabit the territory of the RM, are Moldova’s lawfulcitizens, present ethnic, linguistic and religious peculiarities, are different from themajority of the population – the Moldovans and consider themselves as being ethnicallydifferent”.118

PapersAccording to the Council of Europe experts, the Republic of Moldova “made anessential effort to create a judicial and institutional framework for the protection of theNational Minorities and demonstrated its willing to implement the FrameworkConvention.” Despite this positive legal development, the political, economical andsocial context in Moldova wasn’t favourable to actual and efficient practices. Only theRussians – a minority representing a total of 8,9 % - have absolute access to theeducation in their language. Bulgarian and Ukrainian minorities have partial access tothe education in their respective languages. The Gagauz language being under a processof standardisation is only a subject of study in Russian secondary schools for Gagauzi.“How can I be Gypsy if I don’t know Gypsy?” – the Bayash and their languageAnnemarie Sorescu Marinković, Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy ofSciences and ArtsThe present paper is based on the author’s linguistic anthropologic fieldwork researchesconducted in the last 3 years in the Bayash communities of Serbia and Croatia. Exceptfor the ethnolinguistic questionnaire, different types of qualitative interviewing werealso used, such as the informal conversational interview, the interview guided approach,and the open-ended interview. Thus, the participants were given the chance to expresswhat they consider to be most important for and about them and their community.Characteristic to all the discourses was the participants’ wish to talk about their identityand the language they speak. Contrary to the opinion of some anthropologists that Romapeople are not interested in their past, the discourse of most of the interlocutors revolvedaround their origins, history, identity and language. The participants tried to find answers(and to also engage the researcher in this quest) to the questions of what language theyspeak, why are they called Gypsy if they don’t know Gypsy, what are they in fact.Narrative activity provided the interlocutors with an opportunity to impose order inotherwise disconnected and not understandable events (such as their Indian or Romanianorigin), to create continuity between past and present, the narrative around the issue ofthe language they speak representing a way of negotiating identity. The conclusions theyreached were most diverse: ‘we are Romanians’, ‘we are Vlachs’, ‘we are RomanianGypsies’, ‘we are Bayash’, ‘we are nobody’, ‘we are half-breads’, while the idiom theyspeak was called many times simply ‘our language’, with avoidance of anydetermination or classification.The author tries to analyze the discourse of the interlocutors from the perspective oflanguage ideology, thus relying on the ‘internal logic’ of the researched community.Language ideology, in the Bayash communities, can be read both at the level of thelanguage material (the structure of the discourse, argumentation, sentences, choice ofwords, code switching etc), and at the level of the content, of the ideological nucleus(the ideas expressed). The conclusion is that the ideas expressed in the discourse of theBayash do not form a coherent system, but an inherently contradictory one, which is the119

Paperspermanent object of critical evaluation and internal conflicts. Depending on the situationand context, they are ‘neither-nor’ or ‘both-and’, finding themselves ‘betwixt andbetween’ the already established categories. As well, the author looks at the way inwhich the participants try to integrate her in a familiar system, defining her identity andlanguage by means of local community parameters (linguistic, ethnic, professional).“Replanted trees”: The effect of migration on the linguistic and cultural identitiesof a group of Brazilian mothers in the UKAna Souza, University of SouthamptonI have chosen the metaphor of living trees (Clifford, 1997:269 in Ang, 2001:45) todescribe a group of mothers who are part of the diasporic Brazilian community living inLondon. I argue that sociopsychological and post-structuralist approaches be used ascomplementary paradigms in the understanding of the interaction between the effects ofthe experiences in both the country of origin and in the country of migration on languageand identity issues of these migrant mothers.Data from in-depth interviews show that there are two forces working on the formationof the identity of these mothers: their socio-cultural experiences in Brazil and theirsocio-cultural experiences in England. Therefore, the mothers’ age at the time theyimmigrated and the purpose of their immigration seem to influence the strength of theirlinks with Brazil and their openness in relating to the English society. The data suggestthat the links the mothers hold with their homeland and their speech community inLondon result from their needs of being in touch with their linguistic and cultural“roots”. These contacts with Brazil and the Brazilian community in London seem toimply that emotional and cultural aspects are more important to the language andidentity issues of these families than the search for socio-economic success in themajority community.It means that although interacting with the majority society in different degrees, it isbeneficial for these mothers’ emotional well-being to be able to speak their languagesamong themselves and with their children, a need that should be acknowledged by thepeople surrounding them as much as by members of society at large. Being able toreflect on their experiences in both societies and in both languages will enable thesemothers to make conscious and practical decisions about language and identity issues inwhich they want to live their lives and to raise their children. The qualitative interviewmethods especially designed for examining issues of language and identity with thisgroup of immigrant mothers can be used for research with other communities as well asfor encouraging reflection.120

PapersMultilingualism in TaiwanSu-chiao Chen, National Chiayi University, TaiwanThis study investigates multilingualism in Taiwan in terms of three aspects: theimmigration patterns of the ethno-linguistic groups in Taiwan, the government’s topdownlanguage policies intervention with the functional distribution of the languages,and the concurrent internal sociolinguistic development reflected in the patterns oflanguage use and language attitude of the people in Taiwan. At a basic level, Taiwan’smultilingualism has been formed by four waves of immigrants beginning in the 1600sand continuing until today, which usurped the lands of the existing aboriginalpopulations, each of which can be subdivided into several subgroups. This de factomultilingualism has been made more complicated by the National Language Policywhich favors Mandarin at the expense of all Taiwanese ethnic languages. This policy hasconsequently contributed to the rapid shift of Taiwanese ethnic languages and thedevelopment of a national identity associated with Mandarin, regardless of the otherpolitical and identity ideologies that can be attributed to Taiwanese people. The attemptsto reverse language shift via Mother-Tongue Language-in-education Policy has been noteffective because of inadequate planning confining the status of the Taiwanese ethniclanguages and making them unusable for wider communication. The status of ethniclanguages spoken by the current immigrants from Southeast Asia is even lower thanTaiwanese ethnic languages. In addition to their inability to resist the hegemony ofMandarin, Taiwanese ethnic languages cannot even compete with English as aninternational lingua franca. Currently, it is being proposed that English be used as alanguage of instruction in part of the curriculum in higher education and as a secondofficial language in Taiwan. As English is strongly favored but not popularly used, thefurther spread and promotion of English via the New English Language Policy couldmake Taiwan’s multilingualism more complicated than ever and lead to an association ofEnglish with social>Internationalong> linguistic rights standards in the debates over the language issues inRepublic of TatarstanDilyara Suleymanova, Central European University, BudapestRepublic of Tatarstan - a federal unit within Russian Federation, the ethnic homeland ofthe largest minority group in Russia – Tatars, where they constitute about 50 % of thepopulation, since 1990s pursues its own republican language policy, which is aimed atrevitalizing Tatar language and making it an equally functioning language in republicalong with Russian. In this difficult task of reviving Tatar language and achievingpractical bilingualism, Tatarstan’s authorities use as legislative source the republicanlaws and regulations concerning language and education, as well as federal legislation,which, however, often puts constraining limits on the Tatarstan’s language policies. One121

Papersof the most recent and controversial issues was the alphabet reform of Tatar language,initiated by the republican authorities. Throughout the soviet history the script basis ofTatar language was changed several times, at first from Arabic to Latin (1927) and thenfrom Latin to Cyrillic (1939), so that for the past 60 years the Tatar language was basedon Cyrillic script. The initiative to return to Latin script, advocated on the grounds thatLatin alphabet is more suitable for the Tatar language, belonging to Turkic linguisticfamily, encountered, however, strong opposition from federal authorities in Moscow. Bythe later decision of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the switch ofTatar language to Latin alphabet was acknowledged as being contradictive to Russianconstitution.In the debates on the languages issues in Tatarstan, and particularly on Latinizationreform, apart from republican and federal legislation, another legal framework whichwas being referred to, were international and European documents concerning minoritiesand linguistic rights (such as European Charter on Regional and Minority languages andothers). During the Latinization debate, some politicians and public activists intended toapply to the European Court on Human Rights in Strasbourg, however, it did not go sofar. The practical implementation of the international standards concerning minority’srights set up in these documents, most of which were ratified or singed by the RussianFederation, is a controversial issue and deserves separate research. My question is - whatis the role of these international (including European ones) documents and standards inthe public debates over the languages issues in Republic of Tatarstan? Mostly, in publicdebates on language issues in Tatarstan this international framework is referred to andused in arguments as a moral authority. One can argue that the effect of moral authoritythat these international documents have to a large extent surpasses their practicalimplementation. To which extent the rhetoric of international minority and human rightsstandards, particularly linguistic rights, is used in the public debates over the languageissues in Republic of Tatarstan and what effects they have, if at all, on the developmentof language policies in Tatarstan will be the focus of my presentation.Prescriptivism/purism, planned intervention into language change: The case ofHungarian in the context of Czech, German, French, and RomanianEszter Tarsoly, University College LondonHow does language cultivation contribute to the study of language? To what extentshould prescriptivism be an integrated part of language planning? My paper will discussvarying attitudes towards, and beliefs about, language in a historically comparativeframework. It will trace the origins of the privileging of conscious and plannedintervention into language change in Hungarian linguistic thought. The paper will alsoexplore the characteristics of Hungarian linguistic purism in its wider context,contrasting it with parallel trends in Czech, German, French and Romanian linguistics.122

PapersPurism is a universal factor in the standardisation of languages and, in ideological terms,it is concerned with the necessity of imposing a particular set of attitudes and a code oflinguistic behaviour on a contemporary speech-community (Thomas, 1991: 190).Linguistic value-judgements are formed on the basis of linguistic and other, nonlinguisticfactors rooted in ethical, national, historical and aesthetic considerations. It isthe discourses of language cultivation, language engineering and standardisation whichare the most directly concerned with the promulgation of such ideologies. This ensembleof discourses includes opposing trends in linguistic thought, which are normallyrepresented by an elite and a counter-elite. The debate concerns not only the status of alanguage or a language variety as a whole, and the acceptance or rejection of certainlanguage elements, but also the acceptance or rejection of the notion of plannedintervention into language change.The first part of my paper will show how such opposing, and at times contradictory,attitudes are interwoven in the narratives about Hungarian language in three periodswhich are of crucial importance in the construction of national identity. First, I shall lookat the work of seventeenth-century grammarians. I shall then turn to authors of thelanguage reform movement in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Finally, Iwill look at the changes in language attitudes that arose during the post-war period andat various attempts to redefine the role of language cultivation in the last decades of thetwentieth century.The second part of my paper will contrast Hungarian linguistic purism with fourcarefully chosen linguistic traditions in Europe and in Central and Eastern Europe. It isinstructive to contrast Hungarian with Romanian because the latter is the other non-Slavonic speech community of the region but, unlike Hungarian, it was able to embraceits linguistic kinship with French and Italian. I shall also discuss the extent to which theGerman and Czech language movements served as a model for the Hungarian languagereform. Thus, the paper will identify those features among the various patterns ofHungarian linguistic purism which are specific to Europe, to the region, and toHungarian alone.ReferencesThomas, George (1991) Linguistic Purism.The Hungarian mother tongue outside Hungary: A case study of bilingualism of theHungarians in Mexico and ArgentinaMargarita Theesz Poschner, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de MexicoThis study is the continuation of a larger research about the comparison of two groups ofpopulation who fled and afterwards emigrated from Hungary to Mexico and Argentine:they departed from their country between the years 1939 and 1944 and reached the two123

PapersLatin-American countries between 1944 and 1949. These were times of war andinsecurity all over Europe and were the principal reasons of their departure.The study describes the feelings, experiences and identity reactions in a different andnew surrounding after an emigration and immigration process. The two countries wherethey arrived had a new environment with new customs in comparison of theiraccustomed norms and values and had a population, a history and an own and newidiosyncrasy. It was also a situation of having to know a totally new language in the newenvironment.The aim of the study is to research the problematic of the adaptation of these groupswith different culture in this new and unusual environment as well as the multiculturalproblems in the teaching of the Hungarian language in the context of the new society. Itmust be analyzed and taken up again the parallel existence of two cultures with twodifferent languages which are being learnt by the children and young people and also bythe adults who have come and got settled in the new country.In Mexico there was a rapid acculturation and integration with the loss of the nativelanguage after the first generation mainly because of the strong Mexican culture whichprovoked a strong integration and rapid assimilation. Otherwise in Argentine most partof the Hungarian community kept their original language probably because most part ofthe society was of European type and not so different from theirs and also because ofother social factors. Actually they continue having a considerable number of cultural andsocial associations, schools, folk music and dance groups, churches. And in recent yearsthere began a process of re-emigration of a part of the second and third generation withtheir returning to the fatherland.This anthropological study is focused on three generations of born Hungarians anddescendants who are living in both countries as well as in Hungary and is being appliedthrough qualitative methods with semi-structured interviews.Slovakian language usage in education in HungarySándor János Tóth, Magyarországi Szlovákok Kutatóintézete, BékéscsabaThe paper deals with the research outcomes of the sociolinguistic project of the ResearchInstitute of the Slovaks in Hungary, surveying the slovakian language usage in theprimary and secondary schools, where this minority language is used as the language ofsome subjects or is tought as a foreign language.The research methods are various, in order to check the theme from several aspects. Theresearch is based on personal visits in the schools, and a questionarry filled by theteachers and parrents, interviewing their attitudes on the minority language education.During the participating observation we have noticed the linguistic charakteristics, wehave taken part of the schools’ activities (just like pupils’ competitions, etc.) andanalysed the methodic journal of the Slovakian schools, the Slovenčinár.124

PapersAfter the research was made in all regions of Hungary, where Slovakian schools are, acomparing study is presented. This study represents the summarising of the outcomes sof this survey in the topics like code-switching, minority language usage.Linguistic human rights within Russian and European legal frameworksIryna Ulasiuk, European University Institute, Florence, ItalyThe preservation of linguistic diversity has become a major concern to manyresearchers, politicians and leaders of linguistic communities in Europe in general andcountries of the former Soviet Union in particular. The issue of linguistic minorities hastaken on a particular urgency because of the increasing recognition of the threat ofextinction faced by many minority languages 1 .The article will address problems of linguistic diversity in Europe and the RussianFederation. Language has always been one of the most pertinent factors contributing tothe cultural diversity of societies throughout the world. Whereas the socio-historicalprocesses of state-formation and nation building in the modern age have beenaccompanied by exclusive language policies aiming at linguistic homogenization of thepopulation, linguistic rights have been central to the claims of national minorities forrecognition of their identities. So, the article makes an attempt to provide an assessmentof how the European minimum standard of protection of language rights, as it hasdeveloped since the 1990s in the European conventions and their monitoring activities,has had an impact on the Russian Federation and to look closely to what extent the lawin this country goes beyond the European minimum standard.Although a number of articles and books are regularly published on minority rights ingeneral and language rights in Europe in particular, much of the existing literaturereflects older nation-building processes in Western Europe. However, the role oflanguage in connection with ethnicity in transition countries such as the RussianFederation, as well as the examination of this role as reflected in recent legislation, hasnot so far been the object of integrative treatment. Many important developments havetaken place in Russia since 1989 as changes responding to a learning process andinternal evolution or as a result of domestic or international pressure.What follows is the presentation of the Russian legislative framework with regard tolinguistic rights and minority protection. First, the paper gives a general overview on theethnic composition and minority languages in Russia, then the focus is moved to thelegal framework of the country as it stands today and finally, the paper seeks to give abrief preliminary overview of the minority language issues covered in the EuropeanConventions, in particular in the Framework Convention on the Protection of NationalMinorities and their reflection in the Russian Federation legislation as well as some ofthe outstanding problems in Russian law in this respect.This article is part of long-term research with which I hope to add new theoretical andempirical insights on strategies in legal protection of language rights in Russia and to125

Paperstest the applicability of Western theories of linguistic rights in emerging Easterndemocracies.Notes1See, for example, Pinker, S., The Language Instinct (London: Penguin, 1994), Crystal,D., (ed.) The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Language (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1994) and Language Death (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 2000), Nettle, D. and Romaine, S., Vanishing Voices: The Extinction of theWorld’s Languages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), Grenoble, L.A. andWhaley L.J. Endangered Languages: Current Issues and Future Prospects(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998)Is there a European legal framework for the protection of minority languages? TheEuropean Union and the Council of Europe screenedAnneleen Van Bossuyt, Ghent UniversityLanguage is a key element of peoples’ identity. That is why language and the protectionof languages is so important for minorities. A legal framework for the protection ofminority languages is a crucial first step to overcome arbitrary interference withminority rights and the effective implementation of these rights.This paper will undertake a comparative analysis of the existing legal frameworks forthe protection of minority languages in Europe, more specifically in the European Union(EU) and the Council of Europe (CoE), and the extent to which they have a practicalimpact on the protection of minority languages.A comparative analysis of the legal framework of the EU and the CoE starts with theprinciple of “linguistic diversity” because it has a central place in both their activitiestowards the protection of minority languages. However, the output is different. Thiscomes as no surprise since both the EU and the CoE have different goals andapproaches.After a brief research of the meaning of the term “minority languages” in both the EUand the CoE, covering whether or not immigrant languages may be considered minoritylanguages, the existing legal texts and activities of their institutions are examined. Forthe EU, the most important legal texts are the Charter of Fundamental Rights, theCopenhagen criteria of “respect for and protection of minorities” (and the monitoringthereof) and the proposed constitutional Treaty. For the CoE, especially the EuropeanConvention on Human Rights, the Framework Convention for the Protection of NationalMinorities and the Charter for Regional or Minority Languages will be examined.Concerning the activities of their institutions, especially the pioneering work of theEuropean Parliament and the activities of the more reluctant European Court of Justiceas well as the European Court of Human Rights will be scrutinized.126

PapersThis comparative analysis will lead to an overview of, on the one hand, the legalframework of the EU and, on the other hand, of the CoE with regard to the protection ofminority languages. On the basis of this overview, any potential inconsistencies will beidentified and examined with a view to identifying any approaches and/or techniques ofthe EU that might be transposed to the CoE and vice versa, in order to resolve persistingproblems. Ultimately therefore the aim is to propose the elements necessary for aneffective policy on the protection of minority languages.Language Learning and Cognitive Development in CLIL schools in Brussels:Bilingual Education as Innovative Language EducationPiet Van de Craen, Vrije Universiteit BrusselIn Belgium, an officially trilingual and a near federal state, bilingual education in themodern sense is a surprisingly recent phenomenon. By modern sense is referred to thatkind of bilingual education where part of the curriculum –between 10 and 70%depending on the school and the region- is taught in another language than the schoollanguage. This approach is known under the acronym CLIL, i.e. content and languageintegrated learning. In Belgium, bilingual schools started out in French-speakingWallonia in 1998 and in 2001 in bilingual Brussels. In the third region, Dutch-speakingFlanders, pilot schools will be installed from the school year 2007-2008. In thiscontribution a number of results referring to cognitive and language learningdevelopment of pupils in three Dutch-speaking primary schools in Brussels over theperiod 2001 – 2006 will be reported on. The languages under consideration are Dutchand French.In the Brussels’ schools three kinds of pupils can be distinguished: (1) mother tonguespeakers of Dutch, (2) mother tongue speakers of French, (3) mother tongue speakers ofother languages, i.e. classical immigrant languages such as Moroccan and Turkish butalso Spanish or Kurdish speakers.The following research questions will be addressed. Considering the three groups ofpupils does bilingual education in the CLIL sense lead to(i)(ii)(iii)some form of cognitive added-value or does it lead to some kind ofimpairment?a decrease of mother tongue knowledge or does it lead to an increase of it?a better knowledge of the second, i.e. the target language?The research findings indicate that(i)(ii)CLIL education can be said to lead to cognitive added-value for all groupsif compared to controls and if cognition is defined in terms of mathematicalskills;no decrease of language skills can be observed with respect to mother127

Paperstongue knowledge, if anything, the contrary is the case;(iii) target language knowledge after five years of CLIL, in primary schools,does not express itself in terms of qualitative or quantitative verbal outputbut more in terms of conceptual knowledge and language awareness.CLIL education in an environment such as Brussels seems to foster pupils’ cognition aswell as their verbal output. These results seem to corroborate results from Canadianimmersion programmes (Genesee 2006) as well as results from Scandinavian CLILschools (Jäppinen 2005). However, they do not corroborate results from secondaryschool experiences in The Netherlands (Huybregtse 2001). The reasons for thedifferences in outcomes will also be highlighted in this paper. At the same time, anexplanation is given as to how CLIL education affects the learner. Finally, CLILeducation will be put against the background of innovative education in Europe andelsewhere.ReferencesGenesee, F. 2006. Bilingual Acquisition: Exploring the Limits of the Language Faculty.Paper Presented at the ong>Conferenceong> Language Acquisition and Bilingualism:Consequences for a Multilingual Society, Toronto, May 4-7, 2006.Huybregste, I. 2001. Effecten en didactiek van tweetalig voortgezet onderwijs inNederland. Utrecht: IVLOS.Jäppinen, A.-K. 2005. Thinking and content learning of mathematics and science ascognitional development in content and language integrated learning (Clil):teaching through a foreign language in Finland. Language and Education 19, (2),148:169.The role of ICT in language preservation and educationTheo van den Heuvel, Polderland Language & Speech TechnologyHindrik Sijens, Fryske AkademyICT products are becoming increasingly important for the preservation and usability oflanguages, both larger and smaller languages. It is extremely important that people aresupported in using their own native tongue when trying to find information on theInternet or when using a computer for their daily email correspondence. ICT is alsobecoming increasingly important in (language) education. Computer games and moreserious practice software are already widely used for language learning. Thispresentation gives you two examples of ICT products that have been successfullydeveloped and deployed for the Frisian language: the Fryske TaalHelp and theBerneTaalHelp, two (educational) writing support products, one for adults and one forchildren.128

PapersFrisian is spoken in the province of Fryslân, and in a few border villages in theneighbouring province of Groningen in The Netherlands. The provincial governmentand the councils of several municipalities have started a language policy that givesFrisian equal rights to Dutch. They recognized many years back that the availability ofproofing tools was an important prerequisite for the status of Frisian in and outside ofFryslân. The provincial government financed the development of a Frisian spellcheckerfor Microsoft® Office as far back as 1998. The spellchecker was made available as afree downloadable product for all people interested and was used widely. Since then a loteffort has been put in providing speakers and learners of Frisian with more elaboratewriting support products, enabling users not only to get support in writing the language,but also in learning the language.The first advanced writing support product, the Fryske TaalHelp, was launched inNovember 2004. It was a co-development of the Fryske Akademy, the scientific researchand educational centre for Fryslân and its people, its language and its culture, andPolderland Language & Speech Technology, an IT-company with a focus on languagetechnology. The development was again sponsored by the provincial government. TheFryske TaalHelp combines a spellchecker with an electronic translation dictionary(Frisian-Dutch) and the highlighting of easily confused words. In 2005, a productspecifically made for children and for use in an educational environment followed. Thisproduct combines a spellchecker specifically tailored for children with a children’sdictionary and the pronunciation of words. Spring 2007, version 2 of the FryskeTaalHelp will be launched, including an improved spellchecker and hyphenator and anextra translation dictionary (Dutch-Frisian).In this presentation we will show how these products are used in a private, business andeducational environment, how they were developed, which resource were needed, howthey were commercialized, and how they attribute to the preservation and usability ofFrisian.Crossing borders: Perspectives from parents of francophone and other languagespeakingchildren in Dutch-speaking schoolsLuk Van Mensel, Vrije Universiteit BrusselFor a variety of reasons, the officially bilingual (French-Dutch) city of Brussels has overthe past decades turned into a multicultural and multilingual society in which themajority language (i.e. French) is unable to dominate all linguistic domains. Differentlanguages are used in different circumstances and the traditional definition of a Frenchspeakingmajority versus a Dutch-speaking minority is by now an untenable one.Furthermore, recent survey research (Janssens, 2001) confirms the general feelingamong the majority of citizens, independent of their linguistic background, of theincreasing influence of both the English and the Dutch language.129

PapersThis process of redefining linguistic borders and, more specifically, the apparentrevaluation of the Dutch linguistic capital on the Brussels linguistic market has led manynon-Dutch-speaking parents to cross the linguistic barrier and send their children toDutch-speaking schools. Given the specific organisation of the educational system inBrussels, this is one of the most common ways to raise children as bilinguals. This paperpresents the results of a study exploring this phenomenon of crossing the linguisticborder from the parents’ point of view. To this extent, the parents of some 400 pupils(age: 5 – 13) in 12 Dutch-speaking schools were questioned on a number of subjects.What linguistic aspirations and expectations do they have towards their children? Whatkind of (language) education do they expect? What are the effects on language use in thefamily? How do contacts with the schools and other parents take place? Is there anyparticipation of these parents in the school system? Where is the language of instructionused apart from the school environment?It is expected that the motivations of French-speaking families (traditionally a majoritygroup) to attend school in Dutch – for them the other traditional community language inBrussels - differ from the motivations of ‘other’ language speakers (traditionallyminority groups) who choose to send their children to a Dutch-speaking school knowingthat the language of instruction is a (numerical) minority language of the city they livein. Both groups will be compared according to their motivations, their expectationstowards their children, the expectations towards the school, the way they use thelanguage of instruction in the family and elsewhere. Finally, the consequences of theparents’ choice on their identity and their insertion into the world will be discussed.ReferencesJanssens, R. (2001). Taalgebruik in Brussel. Taalverhoudingen, taalverschuivingen entaalidentiteit in een meertalige stad. Brusselse Thema’s 8, Brussel: VUBPRESS.130


PostersThe Sound Archive of Basque Language in NavarreJulen Calvo Jiménez, Department of Education, Government of NavarreThe Sound Archive of Basque Language in Navarre is a joint project of the GeneralDirectorate of Universities and Language Policy of the Government of Navarre and theEuskal Kultur Erakundea whose aim is to conserve the recordings that exist about theBasque dialects in Navarre and to make these recordings available to any person whomay be interested in this audio material.Basque language in Navarre contains an extraordinary richness of dialectal variantswhich are relinquishing their uniqueness towards the progressive advance of thestandardized Basque language.Furthermore, in those places where the language has failed to be passed on from parentsto children in a natural form, many Basque dialects from our Autonomous Communityare slowly fading away along with the last remaining speakers, that is why this projecthas become the only reference in the field of oral heritage.Over the last forty years many projects of investigation, both public and private, havebeen recording and taking down these priceless testimonies of this linguistic heritage. Inmost cases, recordings were made on tape and their quality gradually deteriorates astime goes by. This project treats those old sound recordings in order to better preservethem .The basic aim of the Sound Archive of Basque Language in Navarre is to conserve thiscultural heritage within a suitable software before it completely deteriorates and it isinevitably lost for ever. Consequently, the purpose of the sound archive is to digitalizeall the existing material.The Sound Archive of Basque Language in Navarre gathers , classifies and makes allthis material available to researchers as well as to the public at large, on a computerizedsystem and on an internet site that will afford easy consultation of the data.Dialectal Classification - the model of the Basque Universal Dictionary of the RoyalAcademy of the Basque LanguageFor practical reasons this project was born scrupulously following the classification ofdialects, sub-dialects and varieties made by the Basque Universal Dictionary of theRoyal Academy of the Basque Language/ Euskaltzaindia , which is also based on theclassification made by Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte in an earlier stage. Consultationsbased on the classification made by the Filologist and Linguist Koldo Zuazo, the bestconsidered at present, can be made since 2006.However, the Dictionary has modified Bonaparte´s classifications and these have beenadhered to by this project :1. It considers local ways of speaking (sub-dialects for L.L. Bonaparte) asautonomous dialects viz; Baztan, Aezkoa, Salazar and Roncal.2. Varieties from Burunda and Etxarri-Aranatz are grouped as G-Nav (i.e: from theneighboring province of Guipúzcoa)132

Posters3. It has been termed AN-gip (High Navarrese from Guipúzcoa) what Bonaparteclassified as High Navarrese from Irun.4. Speakers from the area of Isaba and Uztárroz are classified as separate varietiesof the Roncal dialect ( Bonaparte classified both areas as part of the Roncaldialect of Uztárroz).What, at first, was named “Plan for a Basque Language in Navarre Sound Archives ” is,nowadays, a reality which has just started to walk and which is becoming stronger andricher and it is being also completed with new projects. It is now being planned tocreate, based on the sound recordings of the Phonotheque, a Mediatheque of the BasqueLanguage in Navarre which would allow researchers and major public access to textsand videos related to and of interest to the Basque Language in NavarreWhat are we going to do about the disappearance of Italian dialects? Languageplanning for the Italian regional languagesPaolo Coluzzi, Universiti Brunei DarussalamIn addition to twelve recognized minority languages (Lawn. 482/1999), Italy features anumber of non-recognized so-called ‘dialects’ that is difficult to state, but whichrenowned linguists like Tullio De Mauro and Giulio Lepschy calculate as ranging frombetween about 12 and 15. In fact, it would be more precise and correct to call themregional languages, as they do not derive from Italian – which itself developed from theXIV century Florentine ‘dialect’ –, but directly from Latin, in the same way as the latter.These languages are still spoken (and sometimes written) by about half of the Italianpopulation (ISTAT 2000), and are the first languages of a significant part of it. Some ofthem even have a history of (semi)official usage in the past, and feature large andinteresting literary traditions. All of them contribute to Italian and European diversity asmuch as, if not more than, Italian architecture or music contribute to Italian andEuropean rich cultural heritage, and are so much part of what Italy is that their losswould make my country unrecognizable and definitely less interesting. An Italy withoutits local languages, and consequently without many of the peculiar features that localcultures offer, including folk music and poetry, which mostly express themselvesthrough the local languages; an Italy where everybody, south and north, would speakonly a TV Italian mostly based on Milanese and Roman phonological and lexicalfeatures, would not be Italy any more. What is difficult to understand is that even nowpublic authorities, politicians and even many linguists are not only indifferent about thedisappearance of this incredibly valuable heritage and disrespectful of the linguisticrights of dialect and minority language speakers, but some even welcome language shifttowards Italian as something that will make Italy less divided and more modern. Thehistorical reasons for this general lack of interest, which is reflected in the low language133

Postersloyalty shown by many of the very dialect speakers, and the results of somesociolinguistic surveys will be presented.After a short introduction on the linguistic situation in Italy, the classification of its‘dialects’ and their state of endangerment (clearly shown by the available surveys andparameters of language vitality and endangerment), this paper will discuss briefly thepresent (scant) legislation and then look at what is being done to protect some of theselanguage varieties. These language planning strategies will be discussed particularly interms of status and acquisition planning, even when, as in most cases, this ‘planning’may be uncoordinated and even unconscious, and very little might be said on acquisitionplanning, which consists almost invariably of just a handful of courses to teach peoplealready speaking the dialect to read and write it.The paper will close with a few considerations and with some suggestions on how theseinitiatives could be improved.Language and Self - Perceptions of the Aromanian population from Romaniaaccording to AgeFlorentina CosteaDaniel Eduard Măciucă, National School of Political and Administrative Studies,BucharestThe Aromanians or Macedo-Romanians are an ethnic population with language, beliefs,customs and traditions different from those of the peoples within which they live. Livingmostly in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe they are the followers of theRoman colonists in this area who appear in the historical sources since the 8th centuryAD under the name of “Walachians”, “Vlachs”, and much later as “Macedonian”. TheAromanians in Dobruja were colonised in two stages: the first time, in 1925, from thewhole Balkan Peninsula in south old Dobruja, than in the nowadays Dobruja.Serious research on the Aromanian population has not been made since the beginning ofthe 20th century, however the research regarded only its spoken language (TachePapahagi, Aromanian dictionary, Bucharest, 1974 ), its history (George Murnu, Historystudies related to the south-Danube Romanian past, Bucharest, 1923; Theodor Capidan,The Macedinan, Bucharest, 1942, Max Demeter Peyfuss, Die Aromunische Frage, Vien,1971) and some of the most valuable of them revealed its folklore (Gustav Weigand, DieAromunen, Leipzig, 1894).The main goal of this research is to analyze the role that language plays in the selfidentityperceptions of the Aromanians from Romania, according to the age of theAromanian groups. Therefore, the independent variable of the research is age and thedependent variable is represented by the differences in the perceptions of language as acore element of identity, for different generations of Aromanians.This research approach is new in the Aromanian literature, in the sense that no suchresearch has been done on the Aromanian population from Romania, according to our134

Postersknowledge. We analyze the way in which the young Aromanians perceive their languagein comparison to older generations of Aromanians and attempt to identify if there areany significant differences in the perceptions of language between the young and theolder generations of Aromanians. The hypotheses of the research are the following:Older Aromanians perceive the Aromanian language as being a more important elementof self- identification than the younger Aromanians perceive it to be. Older Aromaniansuse the Aromanian spoken language more frequenlyt than the younger Aromanians do,both in the private and public spheres. Older Aromanians use the Aromanian writtenlanguage more frequently than the younger Aromanians do. The young Aromaniansteach their children the Aromanian language less intensive then the older Aromanianhave taught them.We tryed to identify the possible causes behind the differences in the perceptions oflanguage that vary according to age. Some of these possible causes might be: theinfluence of globalisation, the loss of importance of traditions in the overall societymodernization process, etc.In what concerns the methodological instrument applied in our research, we used aclosed answer questionnaire formed of short and clear questions with five possibleanswers and, also, face-to-face guided interviews. The closed answer questionnaire as aresearch instrument offers the possibility of its application on a larger number ofsubjects, offering also highly accurate, clear and quantitative data. Taking inconsideration the limits of the exclusively quantitative research, we also used theinterview, as a valuable methodological instrument, in order to understand in depth theresults of the questionnaire and to give us broader view on the quantitative dateobtained. In our opinion, a qualitative research is also very important for the accuracy ofthe final conclusions of the research. >From the empirical knowledge we alreadypossess, we expect this research to reveal significantly different language perceptionsamong the Aromanians from Romania, which may lead us to infer that Aromanian selfperceptionshave continuously changed over time. This inference may lead us toformulating additional questions related to the endurance of the Aromanian languageover time, to the way in which the new generations of Aromanians will definethemselves as a minority in the future and, also, to how the Aromanian language couldpass the test of time.Effects of social organisation on language maintenanceMartin Ehala, Tallinn UniversityKatrin Niglas, Tallinn UniversityThe paper elaborates a mathematical model for measuring ethnolinguistic vitality.According to the model, the ethnolinguistic vitality (V) depends on the perceivedcultural weight of one’s own community (M1) in relation to the weight of a relevantother community (M2); perceived cultural distance between the communities (r) and the135

Postersextent of utilitarianism (U) in the community under investigation. Thus, V can beexpressed by a formula V=U(M1-M2)/r. If V

Postersmeans to face both issues and I will use Asturian as an actual example of minority –andminorised– language. Inspired by volunteer projects such as Wikipedia or free softwareand by the proven functional structure of large translation industries, my model wouldinvolve a three-stage interactive process (creation, revision, and authorisation) accordingto different levels of expertise. Topicality would guide the selection of contents, as theworking material would be the news from the leading media in the dominant language(Spanish, in my proposal). After all these efforts, however, we would still have to face atricky question– ‘How to spread the results of our work effectively?’. The solution herewould rely on the media in the minorised language. In this sense, copyleft Internetmedia, such as, could become the ideal platform for such a project. Timewill tell.Linguistic attitudes in the school: The case of the trilingual context of AragonÀngel Huguet, University of LleidaJosé L. Navarro, University of LleidaSilvia M. Chireac, University of LleidaMonica Querol, University of LleidaThe study of linguistic attitudes has been considered a key element when we try toguarantee the success of any proposal of treatment of the languages in the school. Inspite of it, in the case of Aragon, where three languages are spoken along the territory,the practical non-existence of research in this way is only coherent with the lack ofdetermination with which the topic has been traditionally treated.In this context, taking as a reference school children in Compulsory SecondaryEducation (pupils between 12 and 16 years), our goal is twofold: 1) To describe theattitudes towards the languages in contact (Aragonese, Castilian-Spanish and Catalan),as well as the two foreign languages which are more present in the school curriculum(French and English), and 2) To analyze the incidence of some of the main factors thatdetermine those attitudes.From our results, we can say that the pupils’ linguistic attitudes tend to be differentdepending on the language analysed. In this sense, attitudes towards Aragonese andCastilian-Spanish are more favourable compared with the rest of languages (Catalan,English and French), where neutral attitudes are dominant.In order to analyse the main factors determining language attitudes, we have taken inconsideration the classic ones usually used in plurilingual contexts: mother tongue,social-professional status, presence of languages in the curriculum, as well as othervariables necessary due to the singularity of the territory (specially linguistic domains).As a result of the statistical analysis we can say that the final results are very differentdepending on the linguistic areas.The heterogeneity among the linguistic areas in Aragon derived from our data, shouldtake to a deep reflection about the future actions to undertake in the schools located in137

Postersthose that have been considered the classical linguistic Aragonese territories: theAragonese speaking area, the Castilian-Spanish speaking area ant the Catalan speakingarea.Linguistic space, affordable housing and speaking the language of an unaffordablehearthCatrin Fflur Huws, Prifysgol Cymru Aberystwyth/University of Wales AberystwythA phenomenon currently sweeping the expanded European Union is that individualsfrom the wealthier states are buying and developing land in the poorer states andregions. Its effect on regional or minority languages may be catastrophic. Poorer younglocals are no longer able to buy property, and move away to find work and affordablehousing. Speakers of the regional or minority language get older, and the language is nolonger transferred to the younger generation. In addition, the influx of non-speakers ofthe language causes a language shift. The social situations where the regional orminority language is spoken as the natural language of communication get graduallynarrower. Within one generation a community goes from being monolingual to beingbilingual. The future existence of the regional or minority language is seen as being lesssafe than once it was. What will the situation be after two generations?This experience is something that resonates across Europe, from the newer postcommunistmembers of the European Union, to the sun-drenched coast of the westMediterannean, to the Celtic fringes of north-west Europe.Accordingly, in this paper, the aim is whether it is possible to address these challenges.How do we safeguard a linguistic space where a minority language is spoken? Are localhousing schemes with a linguistic dimension desirable and workable or do they createghettos of language use and discrimination? How feasible is it to encourage or requirethose acquiring property to learn the community language, particularly where itsspeakers are bilingual?My focus is on the Welsh language in rural Wales. However, the same questions may beasked in relation to regional and minority languages across the breadth and width of theEuropean Union, and in this respect the concerns of rural Wales are the concerns ofmany minority speaking communities. Can one continue to speak the language of thehearth and home, where it is no longer possible to buy a home in the heart of one’slinguistic community?The use of Romani language among Turkish Gypsies: The example of Söke GypsiesSuat Kolukirik, Suleyman Demirel UniversityThe existence of Gypsies in Anatolia can be traced way back to the Byzantium period.The Gypsies, who constituted a significant factor also in the Seljuk and Ottoman138

Posterssocieties, live mostly in Thrace, Aegean Region, Marmara and Black Sea Regions inTurkey. The distinctive feature of the Gypsies living in these regions is the fact that theyare the Gypsies migrated from Thessalonica and nearby regions as a consequence of theLausanne Treaty signed with Greece in 1923, and that they use the Romani language.Yet, it should be noted that there are not sufficient number of extensive and explicativeresearch carried out on the language and dialects used by Romani groups living inTurkey. In this respect, determining the Gypsy groups who use Romani language anddialects stands out as a significant point. This study aims to introduce the results of theresearch done so as to determine the samples of language used by Gypsy groups livingin the Aegean Region (Rom). The research area comprises of the Gypsy groups residingin Söke district of the city of Aydın. The use of Romani language among Söke Gypsies,the rate of speaking Romani language, and the fundamental problems encountered inusing this language are the issues that this study seeks to clarify.Smallest official languages of EU: Lëtzebuergesch, Maltese, and IrishMall Laur, Translation Centre for the Bodies of the European UnionSpeakers of small languages often face multilingualism - they are mostly situated nearbig neighbours and have to learn their language which might involve the a threat to theirsurvival. However, their fate can be different – some small languages survive and areeither fully or partly functional according to the UNESCO scale of endangeredlanguages, others tend to disappear being „swallowed up“ by their big neighbours.The smallest official language of European Union, Lëtzebuergesch, has survived despiteits multiple big neighbour nations – French, German, Dutch. Maltese has also beensuccessful being the smallest EU language into which the EU legislation is translated.The Irish language has not been so lucky – although it is the second national language ofIreland beside English and an official language of the EU with the translationdepartment, the number of its speakers as home language is smaller than that of Malteseand Lëtzebuergesch.The impact of sociolinguistic factors in history and at present of these small languageswill be examined: the language use in legislation, education, religion; the introduction ofwriting.Ethnic identity and language/culture attitudes of the students of the Sorbiangrammar school in Budyšin (Germany) (2001 and 2005 – a comparison)Leoš Šatava, Charles University, PragueAt the turn of 2002, the author carried out a questionnaire survey among the students ofthe fifth to the twelfth classes of the A-type (i.e. classes with Sorbian as the language ofinstruction) of the Sorbian Grammar School (Sorbisches Gymnasium/Serbski gymnazij)139

Postersin Bautzen/Budyšin. The survey concerned some aspects of the students’ attitudes toSorbian (and/or German) and ethnic identity. The results of the research were presentedin the sixth chapter of Sprachverhalten und ethnische Identität: Sorbische Schüler an derJahrtausendwende, published as Volume 39 of the series Spisy Serbskeho instituta (TheWritings of the Sorbian Institute).Four years later, that is in autumn/winter 2005/06, a repeated survey was carried out inthe fifth to twelfth classes of the Sorbian Grammar School. The same questions wereincluded. In the case of the ninth to twelfth classes the data were collected from the samerespondents who, as students of the fifth to eighth classes had been subject to the surveyin 2001/02 already. The analysis and interpretation of the answers of given by the samestudents within the time shift of fours years is a valuable source for understanding thepresent-day ethnic and language situation among (not only the young) Sorbs.The comparison within the repeated survey in 2001 and 2005 of identical questionnairesanswered by identical groups (A-type classes) of students of the Sorbian GrammarSchool in Bautzen/Budyšin brought remarkable and conclusive findings.After four years the strengthening of Sorbian identity, and/or the weakening of Germanidentity showed markedly among the students (within the classes) under observation.In contrast, the declared concern for the maintenance of the Sorbian language andculture practically stagnated.With the increasing age of the respondents, the values of the self-assessment of one’slanguage competence in either Sorbian or German slightly rose; the German language,nevertheless, kept on dominating (on the average) over the Sorbian language to somedegree.The assessments of the overall situation of the Sorbs were almost identical in both casescompared.The above findings imply that the documented shifts and changes within the Sorbianidentity and the German identity (mutually interlinked and intertwined, often actually“dual”) are the most significant evidence. In this context this comparative research maybe taken as having confirmed the results and conclusions the author presented earlier.We should also take into consideration certain “national elitism” which made thestudents enrol in the Sorbian Grammar School in the first place as well as the fact thatstrengthening Sorbian awareness is one of the goals of the education provided at thatschool. The issue under discussion, however, should be prospectively dealt with ingreater detail – territorial differences and personality development of individualrespondents should be addressed in particular.The given findings could also become the basis for practical measures introduced inLusatia as part of the language planning activities that have been slowly gaining groundparticularly since 2000. This trend has already produced significant results in the field ofefforts to maintain ethnic groups and their languages threatened with assimilation in anumber of minority regions of Europe. It has frequently become the centre ofrevitalisation tendencies. So far, Sorbian, and especially its Upper Sorbian variety hasbeen a living language still spoken by children and young people. One of the aims of the140

Postersresearch project presented in this paper was also the attempt to help maintain thesituation and carry it onwards.Communicative Strategies in the Speech of Bulgarian University Students inGermanyPavlina Sivova, Institute for the Bulgarian Language, Bulgarian Academy of SciencesThe study presents a research on the speech of Bulgarian university students living inGermany and is based on a fieldwork carried out in 2004. It investigates the regularrelationship between “academic migration” and linguistic change, and draws on a corpusof recorded interviews as well as on the spontaneous speech of a large number ofinformants.We analyze the communicative competence of the community in order to demonstratethat variation choice could be regarded as an indicator of both social aspirations andidentity affirmation. The network structure was defined using Bortoni-Ricardo`surbanizational and integrational index. We have examined cases of co-migrationopposite to individual migration which often lead to redeffinition of the internal relationsof the migrating unit. The study likewise discusses the way in which the individual facedwith the change of social and linguistic context maintains her/his own biograficalcontinuity.About Minority or Regional Languages in Estonia: problems and/or challengesTõnu Tender, Language Policy Department, Ministry of Education and Research,EstoniaEstonia has not signed the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages(1992), but has signed the Framework Convention for the Protection of NationalMinorities. The Framework Convention (Article 14) guarantees a representative of anethnic minority the right to be taught in her/his mother tongue.The European Charter defines “regional or minority languages” in Article 1 as follows:• traditionally used within a given territory of a State by nationals of that Statewho form a group numerically smaller than the rest of the State’s population;and• different from the official language(s) of that State;• it does not include either dialects of the official language(s) of the State or thelanguages of migrants;141

PostersIt is quite complicated to define the terms language and dialect – the borders betweenthem are not clear-cut anywhere and depend often on either linguistic approaches orpolitical decisions.The population of Estonia is (2005) ~ 1 347 000 inhabitants, 68.5% identifyingthemselves as Estonians and 31.5% as representatives of other nations. Main ethnicgroups are Russians (25.6%), Ukrainians (2.1%), Belarussians (1.3%) and Finnish(0.9%). There are more than 140 ethnic groups living in Estonia.The issue of minority languages is treated in Estonian law in the Law on CulturalAutonomy for National Minorities (1993) and in the Language Law (1995). The firstguarantees the right of a citizen of minority origin to use her/his mother tongue in publicproceedings. Representatives of the German, Russian, Swedish and Jewish nationalminorities as well as representatives of other national minorities in Estonia, of whichthere are more than 3,000 may establish their minority cultural autonomies.The Language Law defines a minority language as a foreign language, which isindigenously used as the mother tongue by an Estonian citizen. The Language Lawallows in certain conditions to use foreign languages and the languages of nationalminorities.The Constitution of the Republic of Estonia and the Language Law guarantee Estoniancitizens of minority origin the right to use her/his mother tongue in municipalities wherethe minority makes up the majority.Discussions in Estonian society connected with possible recognition (legislation) ofSouth-Estonian language varieties (Võro and Seto): dialects or regional languages?Morphosyntactic calques in the speech of Italian-Hungarian bilingual childrenZsuzsanna Vajdovics, Eötvös Loránd University, BudapestPURPOSE: This is the first attempt to do research in the area of Italian-Hungarianbilingualism describing and analysing the phenomena of interference resulting fromcross-linguistic influence, language choice, code switching, metalinguistic behaviourand communication strategies in the speech of my own Italian-Hungarian bilingualchildren (5 yrs 9 mo., and 4 yrs 3 mo.). The analysis is conducted in a context that isbecoming more and more frequent due to the increased movement of people acrossEurope: a bilingual micro-community (a family) isolated inside of a monolingualenvironment, with Hungarian as a minority language in an OPOL parenting system.In this paper I will try to list, describe and interpret the morphosyntactic calques, thoseinterference phenomena that occur on the morphologic and syntactic level of languages,mainly in the minority language.METHOD: Using qualitative and quantitative analysis – aided by the ATLAS.TI textanalysis software – of the text corpus compiled from a transcript of 13 hours of audiorecording, I examined if the hypotheses and observations outlined in classic, well-knowncase studies on bilingualism are relevant in this specific case.142

PostersCONCLUSIONAs observed, the communicating strategies of preschool children, both monolingual andbilingual, are based on analogy. But while monolinguals look for analogies inside thesystem of their only language, bilingual children extend rules and structures in variation,selecting them from the domain of both languages spoken.From among all types of transfers – morphosyntactic borrowings, semantic calques andmorphosyntactic calques - the latter are used most unconsciusly, thus they are the moredifficult ones to deal with when trying to reach the linguistic level of their monolingualpeers.143

Authors’ Index

Authors’ IndexAllain, Laure 56Alvarez, Alison 45Amezaga, Josu 14Andrássy, György 57Arana, Edorta 15Árendás, Zsuzsa 58Arola, Laura 19Aronin, Larissa 59Awonusi, Segun 60Bada, Maria Claudia 60Bakró-Nagy, Marianne 18Barrera-González, Andrés 62Bartha, Csilla 31, 34Bodean, Olesea 33, 118Bogatec, Norina 8Borbély, Anna 34Bradean-Ebinger, Nelu 62Breivik, Jan-Kare 10Bretxa, Vanessa 63Brezigar, Bojan 9Brezigar, Sara 64Bufon, Milan 7Calvo Jiménez, Julen 132Carbonell, Jaime 45Carson, Lorna 59Casesnoves, Raquel 65Çelebi, Cevdet 66Çelebi, Nazmiye 41, 66Chalmers, Douglas 67Chatzidaki, Aspassia 68Chen, Su-chiao 121Chireac Silvia Maria 90, 137Coluzzi, Paolo 133Comanaru, Ruxandra 112Cortier, Claude 69Costa, Jaume 69Costea, Florentina 134Cunliffe, Daniel 14Csernicskó, István 32Danson, Mike 67de Graaf, Tjeerd 70Demetri, Mikael 109Dimiter Taikon, Angelina 109Dimitris Mavreas 42Djordjevic, Ksenija 71Duray, Zsuzsa 21Edwards, Viv 1Ehala, Martin 135Emery, Steven David 10Farkas, Tamás 72Feischmidt, Margit 26Fejes, László 23Ferguson, Gibson 73Fernández-Cernuda Díaz, 136AlejandroFflur Huws, Catrin 138Frederking, Robert 45Friedman, Victor 36, 41Gál, Noémi 74Gal, Susan 1Gorter, Durk 12Göncz, Lajos 33Głuszkowski, Michał 75György-Ulhollm, Kamilla 75Hadzibeganovic, Tarik 36, 40Hajek, John 76Harris, John 77Hatoss, Aniko 78Hodges. Rhian Siân 79Hogan-Brun, Gabrielle 10Hornsby, Michael 80Hughes, Stephanie 81Huguet, Ángel 85, 137Hyvärinen, Sari 81Ignatoiu-Sora, Emanuela 82Ilić, Marija 83Imre, Anna 27, 84Ivanovic, Josip 33Jagodic, Devan 8Janés, Judit 85, 90Kalinin, Valdemar 86Kazakevich, Olga 24Kelly-Holmes, Helen 12, 13Kiss, Norbert 21146

Authors’ IndexKolukirik, Suat 138Koreinik, Kadri 87Kovács, Emőke 88Körtvély, Erika 23Krausneker, Verena 10Krauwer, Steven 44Kreinin, Lea 50Kretzenbacher, Heinz L. 76Lapresta, Cecilio 85, 90Latomaa, Sirkku 97Laur, Mall 139Lavie, Alon 45Lazdina, Sanita 90Le Nevez, Adam 91Léonard, Jean Léo 71Levin, Lori 45Lixandru, Alina Ioana 92Llitjos, Ariadna Font 45Lubecka, Anna 93Mac Donnacha, Joe 16Maciuca, Daniel Eduard 134Magyari-Vincze, Enikő 29Mandel, Kinga 26, 30Marten, Heiko F. 96Mary, Latisia 95May, Stephen 2McPake, Joanna 97Melnyk, Svitlana 32Messing, Vera 27Mészáros. Orsolya 52Mezgec, Maja 7, 9Michalopoulou, Eleni 98Milin, Miodrag 33Molnár Bodrogi, Enikő 100Mønnesland, Svein 39Moriarty, Máiréad 12, 13Murshed, Sikder Monoare 100Nádor, Orsolya 102Nagy, Ágota Kinga 101Nasri Nasrabady, Azadeh 103Natcheva, Natalia 104Navarro, José Luis 90, 137Nekvapil, Jiří 31Ní Bheacháin, Aisling 107Ní Chasaide, Ailbhe 45Ní Chualáin, Fiona 16Ní Ghearáin, Helena 105Ní Shéaghdha, Aoife 16Niglas, Katrin 135Novák, Attila 23Ó Giollagáin, Conchúr 15, 16, 17Ó Riagáin, Pádraig 107Ódry, Ágnes 108Olgaç, Christina Rodell 109Orefice, Matt 106Ozturk, Fatih 110O’Rourke, Bernadette 107Pertot, Susanna 9Pietikäinen, Sari 12, 13Ploom, Ülar 50Porcel, Jorge 111Priestly, Tom 7, 112Priven, Dmitri 112Prys, Gruffudd 45Querol, Monica 85, 137Räisänen, Anna-Kaisa 19Ram, Drorit 113Rasekh, Abbass Islami 103Salánki, Zsuzsa 22Sarasola, Kepa 44Šatava, Leoš 139Schaarschmidt, Gunter 114Schermer, Trude 115Seurujärvi-Kari, Irja 116Shuplinska, Ilga 90Sijens, Hindrik 128Singleton, David 59Sípos, Mária 21Sipőcz, Katalin 21Siqués, Carina 117Sivova, Pavlina 141Skribnik, Elena 25Sloboda, Marián 31Soltan, Angela 33, 118147

Authors’ IndexSorescu Marinkovic, Annemarie 119Sorolla, Natxo 63Souza, Ana 120Sőrmus, Kadri 53Suleymanova, Dilyara 121Sulkala, Helena 20Szabómihály, Gizella 32Tamm, Anne 46, 47, 48Tarsoly, Eszter 122Tender, Tőnu 141Theesz Poschner, Margarita 123Tomusk, Voldemar 50Tóth, Sándor János 124Töttössy, Beatrice 46, 47Ulasiuk, Iryna 125V. Horváth, Anikó 29Vajdovics, Zsuzsanna 48, 142Van Bossuyt, Anneleen 126Van de Craen, Piet 127van den Heuvel, Theo 128Van Mensel, Luk 129Várnai, Zsuzsa 21, 23Vidali, Zaira 8Vidan, Aida 37Vila, Ignasi 117Wagner-Nagy, Beáta 21, 23Wagner, Peter 31Williams, Briony 44Windhager, Ákos 51Young, Andrea 95Zova, Karel 49148

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