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LONG-RUN ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION’S EASTERN ENLARGEMENTshould be expected to resolve most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se issues. The overwhelming incentive <strong>of</strong>EU membership and <strong>of</strong> large-scale assistance (from multilateral, bilateral andprivate sources) justifies a degree <strong>of</strong> optimism. Little more can be said at thisstage.Secondly, ignoring all requests for transition periods up until 2006, or, as <strong>the</strong> casemay be, for three years or less, our survey identifies sixteen requests for <strong>long</strong>ertransition periods in all chapters o<strong>the</strong>r than environment (but this includes severalrequests with unspecified periods) and 42 requests in environment. Of those sixteenrequests, a few are highly specific and not <strong>of</strong> a <strong>long</strong>-<strong>run</strong> concern. The restrictions<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> purchase <strong>of</strong> real estate by non-residents are also <strong>of</strong> little or no significanceto <strong>the</strong> internal market. The length <strong>of</strong> transition periods and <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>deviation from EC law in areas such as preferential trade policy (customs union andfree trade areas), VAT and excise duties and financial services might affect <strong>the</strong> internalmarket by 2010.48Thirdly, it is no surprise that in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> environmental policy <strong>the</strong> internalmarket is likely to remain incomplete by 2010 or so. How problematic is this?There are several legitimate approaches here. From a political perspective, it isentirely reasonable to see this as a temporary price to pay. After all, few wouldwish to maintain that <strong>the</strong> CEECs should commit <strong>the</strong>mselves to huge investments,both public and private, crammed into <strong>the</strong> few years before enlargement. If allrequired investments would have to be made before accession – quite apart fromwhe<strong>the</strong>r this is technically and managerially feasible-, this would imply annualmagnitudes estimated to range from three to five per cent <strong>of</strong> GDP, dependent on<strong>the</strong> country. Given <strong>the</strong> many o<strong>the</strong>r costs <strong>of</strong> transition and pre-accession, and given<strong>the</strong> imperative <strong>of</strong> catch-up growth, <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> gradualism in approximating <strong>the</strong>environmental acquis is extremely strong. Stronger still, one could argue infavour <strong>of</strong> larger Structural and Cohesion Funds dedicated to environmental cleanupand to o<strong>the</strong>r non-recurring costs to speed up <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> acquis and tominimise distortions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> future IM. There is enormous scope for spending largerfunds on well-identified targets, and <strong>the</strong>re is ample absorption capacity in thisarea. In this perspective, it would seem justified to criticise <strong>the</strong> lopsided fundingbetween 2000 and 2006 under Structural and Cohesion Funds, which benefitsrelatively rich EU countries and regions compared to much poorer CEECs.

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