Making Migration Work - Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het ...

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Making Migration Work - Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het ...

intra-eu labour mobility after eastern enlargement and during the crisis:main trends and controversies93upper secondary education, they are still relatively more educated than bothnationals and non-eu immigrants.As one of our major interests was the skills/occupation mismatches of eu10workers in the eu15, we turned our attention to the two receiving countriesthat make up a large part of eu10 migration inflow. Bettin, in her contributionto Galgóczi, Leschke and Watt (2012) shows on the basis of more detailednational lfs data that there is a considerable skills-jobs mismatch amongmigrant workers in both the United Kingdom and Italy, with disproportionateshares of migrant workers in both countries working in blue-collar jobs. Whileuk nationals and eu15 citizens are employed mainly in white-collar jobs (56%and 64% resp. in 2010), the share of blue-collar workers is 82 per cent for eu8and 79 per cent for eu2 nationals. Over-education thus seems to be far morewidespread across eu8 and eu2 immigrants compared to the other groups. Asregards Italy, while Italian nationals are divided almost evenly between whitecollarand blue-collar jobs, the foreign-born population is fairly polarised. Onthe one hand, eight out of ten eu15 citizens work in white-collar jobs, thustaking advantage of their higher level of human capital. On the other hand, theremaining groups are concentrated in low-skilled jobs, especially eu2 workers(who make up the largest share of eu10 migrants by far in Italy).The extent of over-education among immigrants remained fairly stable in theuk during the crisis, but this was not the case in Italy. Whereas in 2006 only 20per cent of eu8 immigrants with tertiary education had low-skilled jobs, theirshare increased to close to 50 per cent in 2010. At the same time, the share ofeu2 tertiary educated immigrants employed as blue-collar workers decreasedfrom a very high 75 per cent in 2006 to 62 per cent by 2010. Thus, the trendduring the crisis went in opposite directions for eu2 and eu8 migrants in Italy,even though eu2 migrants had been more prone to over-qualification beforethe crisis.Whereas both countries had similar levels of skills-jobs mismatch for migrantsat medium-skill levels, there is less mismatch of high-skilled eu8 and eu2migrants in Italy than in the uk. Moreover, the skills-jobs match of high-skilledeu2 migrants in Italy showed improvement during the crisis, although they accountedfor a very small share. A change in Italian migration policy with regardto eu2 citizens might have played a role here, since high-skilled and managerialjobs were exempted from work permits as far back as early 2007.The skills picture is rather mixed and it is difficult to draw clear conclusionsfrom these data. This is not in the least due to the great complexity of the subject,with not only skill levels of both the national and migrant populationsvarying from one country to another and over time but also the economic situ-

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