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for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page COV1COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS | DECEMBER 2004SIPAnewsElections Aroundthe World

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page COV2SIPAnewsVOLUME XVIII No. 1 DECEMBER 2004Published biannually by Columbia University School of International and Public AffairsFrom the DeanThis issue of SIPA News is devoted to elections. Iwrote this brief message on November 2, 2004,after fulfilling my civic duty at my polling placeon Riverside Drive and long before any of usknew the outcome of the most hotly contestedand closely watched U.S. presidential election in generations.The campus was quiet because, as readers who are alumni mayrecall, Columbia University closes on Election Day in order topermit faculty, staff, and students to return home to vote, tohelp efforts to bring voters to the polls, and otherwise contributeto the political life of this country. This year dozens ofSIPA students traveled to what were known as the “battlegroundstates,” determined to ensure large turnouts. Several ofthe faculty at SIPA spent the day downtown at the televisionstudios; almost all the major U.S. television networks drew onColumbia faculty for analysis of the polling data and electionreturns.No doubt the heightened interest in this year’s U.S. presidentialcampaign reflected the importance of the questions at issuein the election. The country was at war, the federal budget wasin deficit, and many Americans were worried about their security.Yet I like to think that, after years of low voter turnouts,Americans have come to see the intrinsic importance of thissmall gesture of commitment to public life and the publicinterest. The pictures of voters in Afghanistan lined up forwhat seemed like miles, waiting to exercise their franchise onlya month earlier, were an impressive display and set a perhapssurprising standard for American voters.Elections are complicated affairs, as Americans and Afghansalike have come to realize, and they certainly do not solve allof a country’s problems. They are, however, indispensableinstitutions for democracy, the political system that WinstonChurchill once famously described as “the worst form of government,except for all those other forms that have been triedfrom time to time.” While democracy itself is a contestednotion in many places, it is difficult to dispute the power representedby the opportunity to publicly debate and personallyparticipate in public affairs.It is, once again, a testament to the remarkable commitmentand intelligence of the SIPA community that we deploy ourknowledge, about elections as about so many things, to theimprovement of our societies around the world. This issue ofSIPA News is but a sampler. I hope it impresses and heartensyou as much as it has me.Lisa AndersonDean

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 1contentsp. 2p. 14p. 24p. 38Indonesia: Electionswithout a PoliticalParty?By John Bresnanp.5The European Unionand Its Ten NewMembersBy Glenda G. Rosenthalp. 8The Hong KongParadoxBy Maria Map. 12The DamasceneDebating SocietyBy Arvin BhattDemocracy 101:AfghanistanBy Rachel Martinp. 16Misreading ElectionsBy Rafis Abazovp. 18Is Algeria Getting ItRight?By Wiliam B. Eimicke andHocine Cherhabilp. 20Power Politics:Oaxacan StyleBy Mica RosenbergFour More Years:Perspectives byLisa AndersonWilliam B. EimickeAlbert FishlowRobert C. LiebermanSharyn O’HalloranRobert Y. Shapirop. 28Yemen’s UncertainTransitionBy Geoff Craigp. 32On Observation:Experiences in ElectionMonitoringBy Thomas R. Lansnerp. 35The Enduring CigarBy Eric CantorWorld Leaders Forumat Columbia Universityp. 42Class Notesp. 46Donor List

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for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 3Indonesia:ELECTIONS WITHOUT A POLITICAL PARTY?By John BresnanSupporters of formerIndonesian security ministerSusilo BambangYudhoyono and his vicepresidentialcandidateYusuf Kalla rally throughthe streets of Makassar, inSulawesi on September22, 2004.Can democratizing nationsmanage well without strongparties? It is commonly saidthat political parties, as theyare known in the industrialdemocracies, are not to beexpected in systems still intransition from authoritarian pasts. SoutheastAsia has seemed to conform to this view. In thePhilippines and Thailand, parties are loose coalitionsput together to contest elections. In bothcountries, the parties do not create candidates;the candidates create parties. Now Indonesia hasjoined the Philippines and Thailand as a nationin transition. Do the same observations apply?There has been some evidence that they donot. It has long been observed that Indonesianpolitical parties were deeply rooted in religiousand ethnic groups that divide the society.Recent studies have concluded that the socialcomposition of parties in the 1999 parliamentaryelections reflected little change from that ofparties in the 1955 parliamentary elections. Butfirst reports of the 2004 elections suggest thatour view of political parties in Indonesia mightneed to be revised. They have even raised thequestion of whether a political party is essentialfor election to the presidency.Indonesia is famously heterogeneous andoverwhelmingly Muslim. There is no ethnicmajority, and Muslims are also divided amongdiffering traditions of religious thought andpractice. The country elected a parliament in1955 that lasted 18 months, collapsing in theface of rebellions in Sumatra and Sulawesiagainst the first president, Sukarno. He fell aftera bloodbath in 1965–66, in which perhaps half amillion communists and other leftists werekilled. His successor, former general Suharto,fell from power at the height of the Asian financialcrisis in 1998, after riots in which more than1,000 lost their lives. The democratic legacy isthus extremely thin. But voting is hugely popularin Indonesia; the first two nationwide roundsin 2004 drew 84 percent and 78 percent of registeredvoters. In terms of percentage, more peoplenow vote in contested national elections inIndonesia than in the United States.The 1999 elections produced a parliamentthat was broadly representative, but not a governmentable to meet popular expectations.Traditional party leaders, who controlled theselection of the president, first choseAbdurrahman Wahid, who was fated to beimpeached by the parliament. Vice PresidentMegawati Sukarnoputri, a daughter of Sukarnowhose party had just won a plurality in parliament,became president but had only limitedsuccess in moving the legislature to action.Public opinion polls reported declines in popularSIPA NEWS 3

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 4A supporter displays a leaflet depicting Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri during a massprayer staged to bless Megawati for the her victory in the September 20 presidential election runoffin Jakarta.Supporters of presidential candidate, former General Susilo BambangYudhoyono, wave posters during a campaign rally in Jakarta, September 16,2004.regard for politicians and their parties. It was anenvironment that gave reformers a window ofopportunity. After more than 55 years of independence,party leaders were finally obliged toagree that the president and vice president shouldbe elected directly by the voting population – intwo rounds if necessary to assure a majority.Megawati’s limited success as presidentresulted in a sharp drop in her party’s public supportin the voting for the national legislature lastApril: from 34 percent in 1999 to less than 19percent in 2004. Even more surprising was therise of a small party that would have nationalsignificance. The votes for the brand-newDemocratic Party, designed as an election vehiclefor former general and cabinet ministerSusilo Bambang Yudhoyono (or SBY as he iscommonly called), immediately projected himinto serious contention for the presidency. InJuly, voting directly for president among a fieldof five, Indonesians gave SBY an extraordinary33.59 percent and Megawati 26.61 percent oftheir votes, enough to put these two in a run-offthat took place on September 20.According to a national sample of 2,000 votingstations, Indonesian voters elected SBY tothe presidency by roughly 60 percent to 40 percent.Megawati had faced too sizable a task; shehad to double the share of votes cast for her inJuly in order to win in September. She alsoneeded to widen her support geographically;her support in the first round was heavily concentratedin Central Java and Bali, where herfather had his roots. She adopted a strategy ofcoalition building with the leaders of two otherlarge parties, both well organized on theground in other regions. Some analysts doubted,however, that party members would vote inVoting is hugely popular in Indonesia;the first two nationwide rounds in 2004drew 84 percent and 78 percent ofregistered voters.conformity with the views of party leaders, andin the end many did not. After three years inoffice, Megawati had restored macroeconomicstability and been a moderating influence oninter-ethnic and inter-religious relations. Butshe did not do much about corruption or mountmuch of a campaign against Islamist terrorism.And the economy was still failing to producejobs. She was felt by many to be aloof anduncaring.SBY needed to attract only 50 percent morevotes than he did in July in order to win inSeptember. Even this was a sizable task, as his smallparty lacked any organization in many parts of thecountry. The former general therefore adopted anelectoral strategy of appealing directly to voters viatelevision, which is the primary source of politicalinformation for most Indonesians. Analysts notedthat his support was well distributed among mostparts of the archipelago. Polls showed he was consideredphotogenic, a good communicator, andlikely to get things done.SBY has said he will build a coalition cabinetin cooperation with other parties. What will thismean? Three of the country’s largest parties notonly supported his opponent in the Septemberelection, but are badly divided internally afterthe past year of continuous electioneering.Constructing parliamentary majorities on majorissues will be even more difficult than in thepast. Thus Indonesia seems to have moved closerto the politics of its neighbors in SoutheastAsia. Parties are weak; government will dependon coalitions of the willing. Not only that: theright candidate for president or prime ministermight even be able to be elected with virtuallyno party at all, which is a good deal less appealing.Can democratizing nations manage wellwithout strong parties? The question continuesto bedevil the Thais and Filipinos. NowIndonesians confront the question, too.John Bresnan is an adjunct senior research scholar atColumbia’s Weatherhead East Asian Institute.4 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 5EU+10The European Union and Its Ten New MembersBy Glenda G. RosenthalThe first half of 2004 marked two historic events forEurope. On May 1, eight Central European countries(Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic,Slovakia, Hungary, and Slovenia) and two Mediterraneanisland states (Cyprus and Malta) became full members ofthe European Union. Then, on June 17–18, the 25 EUheads of government reached agreement on theEuropean Union’s first-ever constitution.The 2004 enlargement was the largest and mostcomplex in the EU’s history. It represents, afteryears of debate and delay, the reunification ofEurope and the removal of the barriers createdby the Cold War. This is part of a process, notonly of elimination of frontiers and the broadeningof markets, but also of what is hoped to bethe spread and deepening of a set of values—democratic governance, the rule of law, respectfor human rights, and market economy. It alsorepresents an historic step toward the goal of aEurope “whole, free, at peace, and growing inprosperity” called for by successive U.S. presidentsand “the realization of the dreams of manygenerations” of European citizens (PolishPresident Aleksander Kwasniewski).The enlargement of the EU increased its

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 611to20languagesThe number of languages has increased from 11 to 20.population by 77 million to more than 450 million,doubled its territory to two and one halfmillion square miles, and nearly doubled its officiallanguages from 11 to 20. Even though it hasbeen only 15 years since the Berlin Wall fell, theface of the European continent has changed fundamentally.Nonetheless, although the newmembers represent about 20 percent of theexisting EU population, they account for only 5percent of the GDP of those already there. Withenlargement, the gap in income distributionwithin the EU25 has risen by about 20 percent—twiceas much as when Greece, Spain,and Portugal became members in the 1980s. TheEU has already spent the current dollar valueequivalent of two Marshall Plans on the accessionprocess and will continue to provide fundsto assist the new members and other candidatecountries like Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia,Macedonia, and Turkey.With entry into the EU, the 10 new membersare represented in all the European institutionsthrough members in the European Parliament(directly elected this past June by citizens of all25 member countries). The 25 are also membersof the European Commission and have seats andvotes in the European Council of Ministers andin all the functional ministerial councils. Theyhave thus become, in theory at least, an integralpart of the EU decision-making process, enjoyingthe same rights and obligations as the original15 members. We all know, however, thatsome member states, particularly the “old” ones,claim to be more equal than the others. Eventhough Poland, for example, is roughly the samesize as Spain, it had to negotiate long and hardto obtain the same number of votes in decisionsrequiring a qualified majority vote. Even amongthe smaller states, the “old” members tend to getmore recognition than the “new.”The new European Parliament, the one institutiondirectly representing the European citizenry,was elected by a pitifully small percentageof the electorate in both old and new membercountries, in some cases not much more than 30percent. Most Europeans do not know who theirmember of Parliament is or what he or she issupposed to do. This does not bode well forfuture harmony or for reducing what has beendubbed the “democratic deficit.”Beyond the May 1 expansion to 25 members,the EU is continuing negotiations with Romaniaand Bulgaria. It is expected that these two countrieswill be in a position to join in 2007. Thedoor to eventual membership is also open to theBalkan countries. Negotiations are due to startwith Croatia in 2005, and Macedonia has submittedits application for membership. Finally, adecision has been made to start membershipnegotiations with Turkey.Even though leaders in the new member andapplicant countries paint a rose-colored pictureof the future for their people, there is another,more daunting, side to this picture. The task ofmaking a much larger EU function effectively isdifficult. Both the old and the new members willhave to engage in a process of adaptation. Thenew members have been used to this since theearly nineties; the old ones are just beginning torealize that they will also have to change, andmany of their citizens and governments do notlike the idea very much. As has been pointed outmany times, enlargement is likely to be expensiveand painful for the rich Westerners, too.“The danger is that they will refuse to adjustenough to make the enlarged EU a success andcause deep disillusion in the east”(Quentin Peelin the Financial Times, April 29, 2004).If the long-standing problems of the EU15—distance from the voters, lack of transparency,gridlock in decision making, and lowest commondenominator compromises—are notaddressed, the whole structure may collapse.One can even argue that the European project islooking increasingly troubled. It has often beensuggested that “widening” must take place at theexpense of “deepening.” The EU is nowhere nearthe so-called Lisbon economic goals slated for2010. The stability pact rules that supposedlymanage the much-vaunted monetary union havebeen made a laughing stock and flouted by onecountry after another. One hardly needs mentionthe nasty row that developed over Iraq and6 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 7One can even argue thatthe European project islooking increasinglytroubled. It has often beensuggested that “widening”must take place at theexpense of “deepening.”Europe’s relations with the United States, a rowthat is still a source of deep divisions. Indeed, thevery deepening of European integration hascaused some to question the EU’s newly gainedpowers and claim they threaten deeply rootednational traditions. This is particularly the casein the former Soviet bloc countries, where noone wants to exchange the hegemony ofMoscow for that of Brussels.This is the chief reason why all EU membersand prospective members have struggled for thepast two and a half years to bring the draft of theConstitutional Treaty to a successful conclusion.This constitution represents an effort to preserveand deepen European unity. The convention thatdrafted the constitution was a democratic innovation.It brought together representatives ofmember and applicant state governments andparliaments (28 in all), along with delegationsfrom the European Parliament and the EuropeanCommission. Now that the draft constitutionhas been approved unanimously, it still has to beratified by each of the member states, and in atleast 11 after a popular referendum. It is possiblethat it will be defeated in some countries. In thatevent, no one is willing to venture what will happen.It could easily tear the whole EU apart. Isuggest that there will be some kind of compromisethat will be marginally satisfactory orslightly unsatisfactory.As it stands now, the Constitutional Treaty isintended to bring about a significant change inthe overall structure of the EU, although many ofits provisions are taken directly from the treatiesthat it will replace. It is supposed to create a morecoherent and comprehensible EU and clarify theroles of its institutions, thus eliminating the socalleddemocratic deficit that has bedeviled theEU since its earliest years. New provisions onparticipatory democracy and good governancehave acquired constitutional status, and fundamentalrights will be protected through the integrationof the Charter for Fundamental Rightsinto the Constitution. “This is a dream cometrue,” said Commission President Romano Prodi.“This is an important day for Europe,” said FrenchPresident Jacques Chirac. “A success for Britainand a success for Europe,” according to BritishPrime Minister Tony Blair. And GermanChancellor Gerhard Schroeder called it “animportant signal being sent out that shows thecapacity of Europe to unite.” These comments areoverstatements not unfamiliar in European rhetoric.Now we have to wait approximately two anda half years to see whether the ConstitutionalTreaty is ratified, so that it can be implementedand European integration can proceed.Glenda G. Rosenthal is an adjunct professor at theSchool of International and Public Affairs and director ofthe EU Program at the Institute for the Study of Europe,Columbia University.450The enlargement of the EU increased its population by 77 million to more than 450 million.millionSIPA NEWS 7

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for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 9The Hong Kong ParadoxBy Maria MaHigh StakesIn today’s topsy-turvy world ofHong Kong politics, capitalist tycoons are alignedwith the Chinese Communist Party, those who fly theLiberal Party banner are actually political conservatives,and more than half a million residents of a territoryonce stereotyped as caring less about politics thanmaking a buck have participated in the biggestpolitical protests on Chinese soil since the 1989Tiananmen Square demonstrations.Paradoxes, strange bedfellows, and other surprisesare common in times of political transition,and Hong Kong is no exception. Onceeconomist Milton Friedman’s favorite example ofsuccessful laissez-faire governance, Hong Kongis experiencing upheaval as pro-democracy andpro-Beijing forces spar over the territory’s politicalfuture. At stake, both sides say, is the natureof Hong Kong’s relationship with Beijing, andthe very future of democracy in the territoryitself. Will Hong Kong claim its autonomy fromBeijing and propel itself toward full democratization,perhaps inspiring similar movements onthe mainland? Or will an atavistic Beijing, citingthe need for economic security and incrementalchange, clamp down on its increasingly assertiveAsian Tiger and renege on its promise of “OneCountry, Two Systems?”The current battleground issue concernsdirect elections of the representational LegislativeCouncil (also known as LegCo) and the ChiefExecutive, Hong Kong’s highest office. Under thepresent rules, only half of the 60-member LegCois voted in by the public, while the other half ischosen by blocs of business leaders known as functionalconstituencies. The catering industry, for example,holds one LegCo seat; so does the real estatesector, in which there are only 757 voters.Similarly, the Chief Executive is chosen byan 800-member committee of prominent HongKong figures, many of whom hold pro-Beijingsentiments and, not coincidentally, businessinterests on the mainland. While the idea ofwealthy businessmen standing shoulder-toshoulderwith Communist party cadres mayseem odd to some, those in the business communityfear that political tumult could jeopardizetheir interests in Hong Kong and on the mainland.Good relations with China and maintainingthe status quo for the near future is essential,they say, now that the local economy has begunto recover after a long slump aggravated byincreased competition from the mainland andlast year’s SARS crisis.Nevertheless, pro-democracy advocates arecrying foul, charging that the current electoral systemis stacked against them. “It has to be up to thepeople to choose who is going to represent them,”says legislator and former Democratic Party chairmanMartin Lee. “But Beijing is afraid of losingcontrol of Hong Kong, so it wants to make surethat the majority of legislators and the ChiefExecutive are going to be people it trusts, eventhough they are not trusted by the Hong Kongpeople.”SIPA NEWS 9

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 10Still, even Beijing’s allies in Hong Kong say thatdemocracy is their ultimate goal. And though Beijingmay have ruled out direct elections in the next fewyears, it has not dismissed the idea completely.10 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 11Hundreds of thousands of pro-democracy supportersmarch in the streets of Hong Kong, July 1, 2004.Those who side with Beijing argue that limitingpolitical freedom now while strengtheningpolitical and economic ties with the mainlandwill ensure a smoother and more prosperoustransition to democracy. But Beijing ratchetedup tension levels last spring when it unilaterallydecided to deny Hong Kong complete suffragein the next round of elections in 2007 and 2008.In response, more than half a million peopletook to the streets on July 1 to demand the rightto elect their own leaders and to call for morerapid democratization. Despite—or becauseof—the popular outcry, Beijing so far hasremained unmoved.“Beijing is not comfortable with the idea offree elections, within China and outside,” saysColumbia University political science professorThomas P. Bernstein. “The leaders fear that a fullyfree election could lead to dominance of thedemocratic forces, which might have a contagioneffect within China and which would certainlymake dealing with Hong Kong more difficult.”But Everyone WantsDemocracyStill, even Beijing’s allies in Hong Kong saythat democracy is their ultimate goal. Andthough Beijing may have ruled out direct electionsin the next few years, it has not dismissedthe idea completely. Hong Kong’s constitution,the Basic Law, clearly gives the territory theright “to exercise a high degree of autonomy”with universal suffrage—though the how andwhen are left up to Beijing.What the players disagree on, then, is thetiming and structure of democratic elections.Beijing’s advocates favor the gradual introductionof universal suffrage, claiming that HongKong, having only emerged from colonial ruleunder Britain in 1997, is not yet politicallymature enough to handle the freewheelingnature of government by the people.Democracy proponents scoff at the idea. “Ido not subscribe to the view that a country hasto be ready for democracy,” says Lee. “All countriesin the world are ready. And if there are tobe qualifications, I cannot see why the HongKong people are said to be unready. Peoplewatched us demonstrate on July 1, and this musthave been the most dignified and peacefuldemonstration the world has ever seen.”Other democrats openly question the pro-Beijing camp’s commitment to even incrementaldemocratization. “Sadly, some people in thebusiness community who have access to the corridorsof power are unfriendly to democracybecause it’s against monopoly and collusion,”says LegCo member Emily Lau, who has beenaccused of treason by political opponents for heroutspoken and unrelenting advocacy of directelections.Lau says she has also received anonymousdeath threats. “As for freedom of expression,”she says, “it’s only free if you say somethingBeijing likes.”People Power: Ready . . .or Not?Though the people returned both Lau andLee to LegCo in elections this past September,democrats were disappointed with the overallresults; despite capturing 18 of 30 open seats,more than they held in the previous council,prodemocracy legislators remain thwarted intheir efforts to gain a majority.Nevertheless, democrats won three-fifths ofthe popular vote, as record numbers of peoplewent to the polls. Turnout was high despite acharm offensive mounted by Beijing and its alliesin the weeks leading up to the election, whichincluded a heavily-publicized visit by China’sOlympic gold medalists and a scandal involvinga prodemocracy candidate jailed on charges ofsoliciting a prostitute while on a recent trip tothe mainland.Christine Loh of the Hong Kong–basedthink tank Civic Exchange believes that voterturnout, which hit an all-time high of 56 percentin the September elections, would have beeneven larger with universal suffrage. “It’s a goodturnout rate for not electing the government,”she says. “The main thing to note is that over theyears, more and more people have gone to vote.”Hong Kong’s thirst for democracy, then, isfar from dying out. In the meantime, Beijing iswalking a tightrope. Allowing too much democracyin Hong Kong might ignite democraticsentiments on the mainland. Too little democracymight provoke more mass protests and negativepublicity, and Hong Kong could becomeExhibit A in Taiwan’s case against reunificationwith China. The last thing Beijing wants orneeds is turmoil as it prepares for the glare of theworld’s spotlight during China’s great comingoutparty—the 2008 Olympics.Ironically, the democrats’ so-so results in theSeptember elections may help their cause in thelong run. With twelve pro-Beijing candidateswinning LegCo seats by direct vote, Lee, forone, says he hopes Beijing will feel less threatenedand relax a little.“I would tell them, ‘Look, you have nothingto fear,’” he says. “You’ve got to leave it to thepeople of Hong Kong to run this place.”Maria Ma, MIA ’05, is concentrating in InternationalMedia and Communications.SIPA NEWS 11

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 12The DamasceneDEBATINGSocietyBy Arvin BhattMuch ink—and blood—have been spent in recent years in trying tobring democracy and liberalism to the Middle East. In a quiet, upscaleneighborhood in Damascus this summer, an important evolution wastaking place without the need for force or sanctions.12 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 13Every other Saturday afternoon, a group ofSyrians, both Christian and Muslim, along witha handful of interested foreigners, get togetherto talk at the British Council. The BritishCouncil is an organization that teaches Englishto students around the world and introducesthem to British culture. Along with the works ofShakespeare and Graham Greene and books onBritish history, you can check out your favoriteFawlty Towers video or keep up to date with thelatest UK pop sensations. In recent years, theDamascus branch has also taught Arabic to foreignstudents, which is what brought me toSyria. As a first-time visitor to the Middle East, Iwas prepared for a lot of surprises. The last thingI expected to find in Damascus was a debateclub.Reda Muhajer is the leader of the group andthe moderator of the debates. A tall, thin man,he is fond of making jokes in his British-accentedEnglish and tends to refer to me and otherforeign students as “chaps.” Muhajer had beenstudying English at the British Council for morethan five years. He, along with the administrationof the Council, came up with the idea ofstarting a debating society as a way for advancedstudents of English to improve their languageskills. But the club has also allowed Syrians toexpress themselves in a way they haven’t necessarilybeen able to before.“We could never have such a club at theUniversity of Damascus,” he told me oneevening after a debate. “The administrationwould have too much control, and people wouldbe afraid to speak. At the British Council, thingsare different.”The existence of the debate club seems toreflect incremental changes in Syrian societythat several of my Syrian friends had noticed.“In the 1980s, everything was banned,”Muhajer told me. “Now things have changed alot.” Others mentioned that cell phones, rareonly two years ago, are now everywhere. Theguidebook I took with me to Syria, a 2001 edition,warned of blocked Web sites and censoredforeign newspapers as being common.Oddly, during my two-month stay in Syria, theonly Web site I had trouble accessing wasColumbia University’s, while magazines likeThe Economist were freely available and withoutmissing pages.Of course, Syria is not Switzerland, and thecreation of the debate club was not without risk.Mehbub Hussain, a British expat from Londonand teacher at the British Council, is one of thestaff members who helped get the debating societystarted. He explained the delicate positionthat the debate club puts the Council administrationin with the Syrian government. Whilethe people at the Council want to encouragefree expression, their primary mission is to teachEnglish and provide Syrians with an opportunityto learn about British culture.“If it came to choosing between the debateclub and keeping the Council open, obviouslythe club would be dropped,” Hussain said. Healso commented on the relatively open atmosphereof the Council, which has encouragedsome of his students to express opinions—bothpositive and negative.“I was surprised at the bigotry, homophobia,and anti-Semitism some of my students felt freeto express in class,” he said.The members suggest topics for the debateclub, but there are limits to what is allowed. Anysubject that relates at all to the Syrian governmentor President Bashar al-Asad is strictly forbidden,and a Council staff member is alwayspresent to make sure the discussions do not veertoo far off topic. The scope of this ban is sometimesdifficult to define. For example, severalforeign students suggested discussing whetheroil has been a blessing or a curse to the MiddleEast. After pondering the subject for severaldays, the staff decided this topic could lead toreferences to the Syrian government—whichproduces a modest half-million barrels plus of oila day—and rejected it. A discussion of oil wouldinevitably result in examining the way individualgovernments have decided to spend oil revenues.Given these limitations, it was surprising howfar the debates actually went. The topics of thethree debates I attended included, “Should theFrench Ban on the Hijab Be Adopted in the U.K.and U.S.?” “Arab Views of the West,” and “DoesLearning English Colonize the Mind?” BothSyrians and foreigners participated in thedebates, and there was a wide range of opinions.Surprisingly, the hijab (head scarf) debate wasthe most contentious of the three I observed andsharply divided the Syrians. One side criticizedthe French ban and denounced it as hypocriticalin a society that defends freedom. Anothergroup felt the ban, while distasteful, should berespected by Muslims in France, as it was a democraticallyand legally enacted law. As the discussiongrew more heated, the conversationshifted to the role religion should play in society,as well as what defines a “good Muslim.”Unfortunately, at this point the moderatorstepped in to remind everyone that they weregetting off topic, and this fascinating tangentwas cut short.“We could never have such a club at the University ofDamascus,” he told me one evening after a debate. “Theadministration would have too much control, and peoplewould be afraid to speak.”The fact that the debates are held in Englishand are open to foreign visitors creates a uniqueopportunity for non-Arabs to get to knowSyrians better and vice versa. Nadia andDareen, two Syrian women who regularly participated,agree that one of the best aspects ofthe debates was the ability to meet and talkwith foreign students. Nadia said it was herimpression that Americans were uneducatedabout the Middle East, but attending thedebates made her realize that they have a rangeof knowledge and opinions about the region.Dareen said the debates allowed both Syriansand visitors to express themselves in their ownwords, offering a perspective that is interestingand informative.The debate club, involving 20 people atmost, may be limited in its scope, but it is anexample of the kind of small, gradual steps onwhich real and lasting change is built over time.As one Syrian participant said in the first debateI attended, “You must let us change by ourselves.”Arvin Bhatt, MIA ’05, SIPA News co-editor, isconcentrating in International Security Policy.SIPA NEWS 13

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 14DEMOCRACY 101:AFGHANISTAN14 SIPA NEWSBy Rachel Martin

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 15As Afghanistan prepared for the presidential elections held inOctober 2004 and as the country anticipates the parliamentaryelections, currently scheduled for spring 2005, there is a newpush by aid organizations to help develop the country’spolitical parties. From Kabul, Rachel Martin reports on oneprogram designed to give political groups the information,tools, and tactics they need to become viable parts of thecountry’s nascent democratic process. The following reportoriginally aired on National Public Radio on August 10, 2004.Although the rhetoric is close to thereal thing, the candidates and theirpolitical parties are not. They’re partof a two-day election simulation inKabul set up by the American-runNational Democratic Institute, or NDI.Workshop participants are divided into threepolitical parties—green, red, and black, the colorsof the Afghan flag. Forty-something Abdul Jafarfrom the Pansheer Valley is the leader of the blackparty. An architectural engineer by trade, he sayshe’s here to learn the ins and outs of campaigns sothat he can teach the members of his politicalparty back home.“Only a few people are educated and most peopleare illiterate, so we have to train them,” saysJafar. “We have to have more of these kinds ofworkshops so people can make their vote count.”And that’s the goal, says NDI CampaignTraining Director Kit Spence. After listening totheir nominees pitch their promises, Spence andthe half dozen Afghan trainers help the group fileinto the Election Training and InformationCenter to cast their votes. With the help of theU.S. government, NDI has set up six of thesetraining centers around the country and will soonopen up more. The centers are meant to be placeswhere political parties can gather to talk strategy,research candidates, and walk through the electionprocess through simulations like this one.Trainers explain how to clearly mark an “X”next to the preferred party candidate. Then, oneby one, the participants enter a makeshift votingbooth made private by a green cloth curtain.Twenty-two-year-old Huma Nasseri is one ofthree women at the workshop. Nasseri belongs tothe National Unity for Afghan Youth party thatpromotes unity among the various ethnic groupsin Afghanistan. According to the Ministry ofJustice, more than 30 groups like hers have registered,and dozens more are waiting for approval.Many of the parties today are centered on astrong party leader or personality like AbdulRashid Dostum of the National Islamic Movementor the political party set up last month by supportersof slain Northern Alliance leader Ahmad ShahMassoud. For generations, political parties inAfghanistan have served as the front for militaryregimes. Members were often forced to supportthe parties for little or nothing in return. Today, asAfghanistan fights its way to democracy, politicalparties are trying to reconstitute themselves aslegitimate vehicles for social change.But U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan ZalmayKhalilzad says this won’t be easy. “Parties have nothad a good history in Afghanistan,” according toKhalilzad. “People have been skeptical of thembecause they have been extremist or Communist inthe past. The challenge is whether they can changethemselves—can they seize this new moment ofopportunity and behave according to the requirementsof a successful democratic polity?”Back outside the Election Training andInformation Center, the group becomes quiet asthe trainers start to count the votes on a smallwooden table. Though it is a mock election, thereis a real sense of anticipation in the air.While the presidential elections this fall includedboth party candidates and independents, thebig season for Afghanistan’s political parties is nextspring, when parliamentary and local electionstake place. And although elections come down towinners and losers, election officials emphasizethat the real victory won’t belong to the party thatwins, but to the parties that participate.Rachel Martin, MIA ’04, is working as a full-time freelancerwith NPR in Kabul.Karzai’s Afghan ChallengeAfghanistan held its first democratic presidentialelection on October 9. Despite theincreased threat of attacks by Taliban and alQaeda factions to undermine the elections,millions of Afghans went to the polls. Interimleader Hamid Karzai faced 15 other presidentialcandidates, including Karzai’s former educationminister, Younus Qanouni, and the firstAfghan woman to run for president, MassoudaJalal. Many of Karzai’s opponents claim theelection was fraudulent and that Karzai wasgetting unfair support from the United Statesand the United Nations.The OSCE, the European organizationcharged with monitoring the election, admitsthere were problems with the pollingprocess. The biggest issue was ink meant tostain voters’ fingers to prevent multiple voting,which in the end proved easy to washoff. An independent panel monitored by theUN is conducting an investigation intoclaims that the election was not free and fair.On November 3, Karzai was officiallydeclared the winner of the country’s presidentialelection, with 55.4 percent of the vote.The announcement came after a panel probingvoting irregularities said they would not affectthe outcome. Karzai will now have to prove hislegitimacy by fulfilling his campaign promisesto rid the government of corruption, curb theillegal drug trade, and give all Afghans cleanwater, electricity, and access to health care. Ifhe can bring some of this to bear at the onsetof his term, he will have an easier time gettingthe unified support he needs to build a strongcentral government and ensure the future ofAfghanistan’s new, fragile democracy.Afghan election officials tally ballot papers at acounting center in Kabul.Afghan men line up to vote outside the Jamee Sunni Mosque in Herat, October 9, 2004, as polls open for the first directpresidential election in the country's history.SIPA NEWS 15

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 16MISREADING ELECTIONSBY RAFIS ABAZOV16 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:40 PM Page 17azakhstani parliamentaryelections onSeptember 19, 2004,triggered a new roundof discussions on thenature of politicaltransition and democratization in theCommonwealth of Independent States (CIS) ingeneral and in Kazakhstan in particular. Morethan 300 candidates, including representativesfrom most of the opposition parties, were competingfor seats in the Majlis—the national parliament.In a bold experiment, for the first time inthe Central Asian region, electronic voting wasused, and the election was open to all independentobservers. The Kazakhstani government, ledby President Nursultan Nazarbayev, claimed thatthe use of these innovations gave all Kazakhstanicitizens equal rights and the opportunity toexpress their preferences.Yet long before the elections, many expertspredicted that the pro-government political partieswould win comfortably over the deeplydivided and ill-organized political oppositionparties. Many NGOs and international watchdogorganizations criticized the Kazakhstani governmentand leaders for “having unfair advantages.”The criticism included accusations that those inpower raised significantly more resources for preelectioncampaigning than the opposition, thatthe sitting government built an overwhelmingpolitical machine, and that it used Soviet-stylepropaganda in the mass media. Many critics haveconcluded that the Kazakhstani elections indicatethat the country is moving in the wrongdirection, that it is as far from being democraticas ever, and that the Kazakhstani government isbecoming one of the worst authoritarian regimesin the former Communist bloc.In response, many Kazakhstani officials usethe example of the United States to rebut thecharges. Incumbent candidates in U.S. electionstend to collect far more resources than their challengers,and with significant resources at hand,they can create powerful political machines. Asfor the use of mass media, incumbents tend tocapitalize on their access to the media, emphasizingthe positive outcomes of their policies, whilecompletely ignoring many negative ramificationsof their actions. Kazakhstani officials say this scenarioclosely resembles their own election.Every credible comparative political scientist,however, would dismiss the very idea of comparingthese two hugely different political systems.Their most powerful argument would be that thetwo countries have completely different politicaltraditions and institutions and different historiesof political development. This is the most difficultpoint in intellectual discourse betweenWestern and transitional policymakers. Westernscholars and policymakers put too much emphasison institutions, specifically elections, as abenchmark of universal democratic values. Sinceno government official in Kazakhstan wouldchallenge the values of the liberal democraciesand none would call for a return to the totalitariansystem, these officials do not accept the accusationthat the elections in Kazakhstan wereunfair. For them, merely having elections is thesymbol of their democratic progress.So what makes the two elections different?Are elections fair in the modern globalized worldafter all? Is it enough to accept a set of values andto have a set of specific institutions that shouldbe as close to the Western model of democracyas possible, as many international organizationsand Western donors often insist? Or do we needto create specific conditions in which these institutionswill work?Unfortunately, many policymakers oftenfocus on the creation of the specific politicalinstitutions more than on the creation of the conditionsfor democratic development and civilsociety. Paradoxically, the post-Soviet governmentshave been encouraged by the Westernpartners to continue Gorbachev’s “revolutionfrom above,” working on agendas introduced bydonor institutions rather than responding todemands of their own people. In turn, this policyhas often created postcolonial political dependencyamong governments in the region and generalpolitical apathy among impoverished populations.The missing point of the discourse was andstill is a focus on the subjects of the reforms—onthe people and their needs. Donor institutionsand transitional governments have ignored deterioratingsocial and economic conditions in thesocieties. For example, for a long time they haveclosed their eyes to the great hardship and povertyamong ordinary people, to the disappearanceof the middle class, to skyrocketing unemployment,and to many other social issues. Thus,ordinary people simply have no stake in this liberaldemocratic experiment. Governmentsremain advocates of foreign agendas, as Westerndonors encourage them to achieve a set of institutionalchanges. Many liberal opposition politicalparties, supported by Western donors, doscarcely better, as they also propose the sameinstitutional changes, only faster. These partiesoften work exclusively in the largest metropolitanareas, seldom venturing into small towns andcities. Practically all political parties in transitionalcountries have no solid political base in theUnfortunately, many policymakers oftenfocus on the creation of the specific politicalinstitutions more than on the creation of theconditions for democratic developmentand civil society.society, because the middle class, who could havea stake in the reforms, has practically disappeared.Kazakhstani parliamentary elections wouldnot meet many liberal democratic criteria, notbecause the democratic institutions are absentthere, but because the conditions necessary forthese institutions to work have not beendeveloped properly. While Kazakhstan has madeprogress, that progress should not be measuredby the number of registered political parties or bythe number of opposition leaders elected to theMajlis. It should be gauged by bettering the livesof ordinary people in the country, who after adecade of “revolution from above” deserve animprovement in their living standards. Critical tothat improvement is the respect for propertyrights. Kazakhstanis must also have equal accessto voting ballots and opportunities to make realchoices. Most importantly, the government andpolitical parties must begin listening to the voicesof the people and earning their votes. Onlythese changes can create a proper environmentfor political institutions to work.Rafis Abazov is a visiting scholar at Columbia’s HarrimanInstitute and a lecturer at the School of International andPublic Affairs.SIPA NEWS 17

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 18Is AlgeriaGetting ItRight?By William B. Eimicke and Hocine CherhabilA woman passes by electoral posters for Ali Benflis,secretary general of the National Liberation Front (FLN),in March 2004.In April of 2004 Algerians voted overwhelminglyto re-elect incumbentPresident Abdel Aziz Bouteflika to a secondterm. The 2004 presidential electionsmarked the country’s third successive multipartycompetition and can be characterized as amongthe most free and open in the Arab world. Thearmy, which has long dominated political decisionsin Algeria, promised to stay out of the 2004campaign and, based on the reports of internationalmonitors, it seems to have honored thatcommitment. Future historians may come toidentify this election as the turning point inAlgeria’s long struggle for democracy.Algeria became independent in 1962, after130 years of French control and a brutal eightyearwar of independence. More than one millionFrench citizens living in Algeria at the timereturned to France, leaving behind little administrativeexperience among Algerians and a historyof political violence, military rule, and humanrights violations that continues to haunt theAlgerian republic.Independent Algeria was ruled by the movementthat led the national struggle, the NationalLiberation Front (FLN). The first president,Ahmed Ben Bella, was removed in 1965 byMinister of Defense Col. Houari Boumedienne ina bloodless coup. Boumedienne was formallyelected in 1976 and led the country until hisdeath in 1978. His successor, Col. ChadliBenjedid, was elected in 1979 and re-elected in1984 and 1988. In 1988 major riots prompted thegovernment to call on the army to quell unrestfor the first time since independence and begin aperiod of significant reform. A new constitution,adopted in 1989, authorized parties other thanthe FLN and ended the privileged role of thearmed forces in running the government. Amongthe many parties created under the new constitutionalfreedom was the militant Islamic SalvationFront (FIS), which was committed to the adoptionof a Muslim government in Algeria.FIS won more than 50 percent of the vote inthe municipal elections of 1990 and a similar percentagein the first round of the national electionsin 1991. Faced with the prospect of a FISvictory, the president dissolved the assembly,resigned under pressure from the military, andwas replaced by a five-member High Council ofthe State. A violent civil war between governmentloyalists and FIS forces broke out in 1992and continued throughout the decade. Morethan 100,000 Algerians are estimated to havedied during the conflict.In 1994, former Minister of Defense LiamineZeroual was appointed head of state for a threeyearterm by the High Council. Zeroual, nevertheless,called for elections the following year(excluding the FIS) and was elected with 75 percentof the vote. In 1998, Zeroual announced hewould resign early in favor of new, more competitive,and fair elections in 1999. Former ForeignMinister Abdel Aziz Bouteflika was elected president,as all of his opponents withdrew from therace shortly before the election.Before his resignation, President Zeroual,however, had created the National IndependentCommission for the Supervision of thePresidential Election (CNISEP), headed byJudge Mohammed Bedjaoui, a justice of theInternational Court of Justice at The Hague.Bedjaoui also headed the ConstitutionalCouncil, which qualified the six presidentialcandidates for the 2004 elections. More than130 international observers monitored the 2004elections and found little evidence of fraud ormanipulation.18 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 19Algerian President Abdel Aziz Bouteflika speaks at an election meeting.The 2004 campaign was characterized by theinternational press as “lively with large attendanceat rallies.” There were televised debatesand accusations of fraud and lying among thecandidates. Negative incidents were relativelyminor, including the tearing up of posters, disruptionof rallies by opponents, and some burglariesof candidates’ local offices.Unofficial polls had President Bouteflika infourth place during the campaign. WhileBouteflika was identified by some as the military’schoice, all six of the opposition candidatesstayed in the campaign through the election.According to official government estimates, the2004 election turnout was 59.3 percent, andBouteflika ultimately received about 84 percentof the vote. Ali Benflis, his former prime ministerand secretary of the powerful NationalLiberation Front (FLN), received only 6.4 percent.Finishing third was Abdallah Jaballah, amoderate Islamist leader who received 5 percent.Jaballah’s campaign was said to suggest evidencethat Muslims seeking a greater role for religiousvalues in public policy can follow a democraticpath. Louisa Hannoun, running on theCommunist Workers Party line, finished fifthwith one percent of the vote. It is worth notingthat Hannoun is the first woman to run as an officialcandidate for president in the Arab world.Critics pointed to the exclusion by theConstitutional Council of Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi,a former government minister with strong ties tothe FIS, as evidence that the elections were not asfree as they appeared. However, the Councilfound that Ibrahimi failed to secure the required75,000 signatures, and it did certify six other presidentialcandidates.Critics also argued that the military still dominatesthe political process but is just more subtlethan it used to be. The relationship between themilitary and Bouteflika has been difficult forsome time, yet Bouteflika won a landslide victoryat the polls. On August 3, General MohamedLamari, Algeria’s armed forces chief of staff, whowas credited with crushing the Islamist rebelmovement and rumored to be the real powerbehind the regime, resigned and was replaced byBouteflika’s choice, General Salah Ahmed Gaid.Algeria has made significant strides towardbecoming a free and honest democracy.However, there is much work yet to be done,particularly in the realm of freedom of the press.Throughout the summer of 2004, internationalattention was focused on the imprisonment oftwo high profile journalists for defamation. Theindependent Algerian print media and manyinternational observers viewed the arrests as partof the government’s harassment of journalistswho criticize their policies.Nevertheless, the exceptional vitality of theindependent press is evidence of a remarkableevolution of freedom of expression in Algeria,although in their enthusiasm Algerian journalistssometimes involve themselves a bit too directlyin politicians’ battles, tarnishing the objectivework of professionals in the media.Hocine Cherhabil is director of the École nationaled’administration (ENA), Algeria’s university for the trainingof professional civil servants.William B. Eimicke is the director of SIPA’s PickerCenter for Executive Education and administrator of agrant from the U.S. Department of State to build an academicpartnership between SIPA and ENA.SIPA NEWS 19

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for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 22People walk over a bridge draped with political posters in Oaxaca City.The Red Wave: Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) supporters of candidate for governorUlises Ruiz cheer after their party claimed victory in the local election inOaxaca, August 2, 2004.characters could sing, an advertisement rolled for the InstitutionalRevolutionary Party, the PRI—Mexico’s ruling political party from 1929 to2000, and an institution in Oaxaca. The “Kiddy Movie Night” was part of acampaign strategy designed to help PRI candidate Ulises Ruiz win Oaxaca’sgubernatorial election this past August. The PRI has controlled Oaxaca for75 years, which, for El Tule, may only mean another curve in a gnarly knoton one of its branches, but in politics is an eternity. When President VicenteFox and his National Action Party (PAN) won the presidency in 2000, manythought the reign of the PRI had finally come to an end. But in states likeOaxaca, not much has changed. With patronage events like those in El Tule,the party is fortifying its strong networks in an effort to win back the presidencyin 2006.In July 2004, the PRI won governorships in Durango and the formerIn Oaxaca, one of the poorest states in the country,buying political support is a common practice.“During the PRI’s campaigns, they go to communitiesand bring people handouts,” said RicardoMagon, a 61-year-old farmer. “They’ll give two orthree kilos of rice or beans to every person or agriculturaltools, like hoes and pickaxes.”PAN stronghold of Chihuahua. In August, the controversial PRI candidateJorge Hank Rhon, a millionaire race track owner with alleged connectionsto nefarious drug traffickers and corrupt politicians, won the mayoralty ofTijuana.The PRI is calling its recent success across Mexico the “Red Wave,” sincesupporters wear red T-shirts and caps at all party events. “We think of theelections as an electoral battle, and our party militants decided to wear uniformsfor this battle,” Carlos Enrique Garcia Sauceda, a PRI functionary, toldProceso magazine. “This is not only for the party organization but also for allthe sympathizers; it’s a show of cohesion.”The recent election for governor in Oaxaca was the most competitiverace in decades and pitted the PRI’s candidate Ruiz against Gabino CueMonteagudo, the mayor of Oaxaca City since 2002. Both candidates cobbledtogether unlikely coalitions for the race, with Ruiz running under thebanner of Nueva Fuerza Oaxaquena (the New Oaxacan Force), an allianceof the PRI, the Greens, and the Socialists. Cue was backed by the conservativePAN, the leftist Revolutionary Democratic Party, and Convergencia,which was formed several years ago by lapsed PRI loyalists.According to state election officials, Ruiz won 47.6 to 44.3 percent, butthe Cue campaign claims there was fraud on election day, when computerswent down in the middle of the night.“What I know is, that there was a quick count that went off the air on the[Internet] page for about an hour,” Cue told the press. “That seems strange,because before these inconsistencies occurred, we were leading by two tothree percent.”Mexicans have been suspicious of vote-counting glitches since 1988,when computers crashed with an opposition candidate leading the presidentialrace. When they were restored, the ruling PRI was ahead.During the Oaxaca campaign, state officials received some 100 complaintsof campaign irregularities—more than double that of past elections—rangingfrom the destruction of political propaganda to the distributionof money or food to potential voters. Days before the election, a violentskirmish between Cue and Ruiz supporters left one person dead and 20others injuredIn Oaxaca, one of the poorest states in the country, buying political supportis a common practice. “During the PRI’s campaigns, they go to communitiesand bring people handouts,” said Ricardo Magon, a 61-year-old farmerfrom the indigenous village of San Juquila Vijanos in Oaxaca’s northernmountains. “They’ll give two or three kilos of rice or beans to every personor agricultural tools, like hoes and pickaxes.”Cue’s campaign, however, was also accused of wooing supporters withcash—one charge claimed the party was handing out 1,000 pesos to potentialvoters in Santa Maria Colotepec, a town near the coast.Some fear these practices are reminiscent of an old style of Mexican politicsthat was supposed to have been transformed with the end of the PRI’shold on the presidency.“The whole world says that to modernize you have to change. I don’tbelieve it,” said Jorge Hank Rhon, Tijuana’s new mayor. “They say reinventyourself or die, but this doesn’t mean that there’s a need to change.”The PRI is looking to capitalize on Fox’s sliding popularity in its bid forthe presidency in 2006, said Alfonso Zarate, a political analyst in Mexico22 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 23Interview withLuis Carlos Ugalde ’92President of the Federal ElectionInstitute of MexicoAmalia Garcia, Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) gubernatorial candidate for theMexican northern State of Zacatecas, smiles during a meeting with bean producersin Villa de Cos town Monday, June 28, 2004.City. “They think they can return to the presidency because of the enormousineptitude of Fox’s government. There is still nostalgia for the PRI.”The recent successes of the party, and especially the win in Oaxaca, willstrengthen the position of Roberto Madrazo, the PRI’s national leader.Madrazo is vying for the presidential nomination in 2006, and Ruiz is oneof his closest allies. “I’ve come to Oaxaca eight times, and I plan on threemore visits before the end of the campaign,” said Madrazo at a campaignrally in Ejutla, Oaxaca, before election day. “Oaxaca is strategic becausewhatever party wants to win the presidency of Mexico has to win the state.What we are seeing is that here in Oaxaca the next presidential administrationis being defined.”Ruiz was hand picked by the previous powerful PRI governor JoseMurat, another Madrazo supporter. Under the mantra Oaxaca en Marcha(Oaxaca on the March), Murat launched a massive publicity campaignhailing the accomplishments of his five-year tenure. Lining the roads ofthe state are billboards with his name and pictures of sewage pipes constructed,universities and hospitals opened, and roads built.Cue and his supporters criticized Murat’s heavy-handed leadership styleand accused him of interfering in the campaign.Most sensationally, the governor’s car was attacked by men armedwith machine guns in Oaxaca City this March. One policeman waskilled, but Murat emerged from the incident unscathed. Accusationsarose that he staged the assassination attempt to garner sympathy for hisgovernment and Ruiz’s gubernatorial campaign.“Jose Murat’s style of government evokes the old caciques,” said Zarate,using the Latin American term for local party bosses. “He ruled with a greatauthoritarianism, with carrots and sticks. It is difficult in that atmosphere tocreate alternatives.”The upcoming presidential poll is sure to be hotly contested, butrecent election results may signal that the old PRI dinosaurs, as the partyfunctionaries are often called, have a serious chance to win. But the “RedWave” will have to overcome infighting to support Madrazo as the candidate.Party operators are confident that community events like the Shrekscreening under the old branches of El Tule will keep people in linebehind the PRI.Mica Rosenberg, MIA ’05, is doing an independent concentration in Media and HumanRights.Luis Carlos Ugalde received his MIA from SIPA in 1992 and his PhDfrom the Columbia Department of Political Science in 1999. He served aschief of staff at the Embassy of Mexico to the United States for severalyears and later became director of Political Science and InternationalAffairs at Centro de Investigacion y Docencia Economicas (CIDE) in MexicoCity, where he also taught. Dr. Ugalde is the president of the ColumbiaUniversity Alumni Club of Mexico. Mica Rosenberg interviewed Mr. Ugaldeby telephone in late October 2004.Rosenberg: How do you think crime and corruption affect the electoralprocess?Ugalde: Many people have suggested that democracy tends to reduce corruption,but evidence does not show that to be true. In the short term, newdemocracies will sometimes even stimulate corruption. After the 2000election in Mexico, many people assumed corruption would decrease automatically,but that has not happened yet, and Mexico is in the same positionit was a few years ago. The electoral system alone cannot reduce corruption;you need to have second generation reforms —an independentjudiciary, a consolidated legislature, a more responsible media, andinformed citizens. In the middle term we will see that more democracymeans less corruption, but that transition does not happen right away.Rosenberg: What do you think about allowing migrants living abroad to votein Mexican elections?Ugalde: Expanding political rights is always a good thing. The question is,what means do you use to realize this goal? There are 10 million Mexicansliving abroad, 98 percent of them live in the U.S., but they are quite dispersed.Out of that 10 million, only 4 million have an ID voting card, whichis required in Mexico to cast a ballot. It is also unclear what proportion ofMexicans would be interested in voting. Implementing voting abroad wouldcost a lot of money, and although President Fox has always been interestedin the issue, there are people within each party cautioning against sucha risky logistical exercise.Rosenberg: Considering the election irregularities reported in Florida duringthe 2000 U.S. presidential race, what advice would you give toAmerican policymakers about how to reform our voting system?Ugalde: One problem in the U.S. is the level of decentralization of electoralauthority, which leads to a lack of coordination. You have several countyand state level electoral systems, each with its own voting machines andregistries, and you have a lot of variation in how each country or statecounts its votes. To remedy this you would have to make Constitutionalamendments centralizing the system, and that would be very difficult to do.SIPA NEWS 23

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 24FOUR MORE YEARSBeyond Red and Blueby Lisa AndersonWhat was the biggest surprise in the 2004Presidential election? I was surprised andsomewhat disappointed that the “youth vote” washardly higher than it had been in 2000, especiallyafter hearing from my eighteen-year-old son, afirst-time voter, that he waited four hours to exercisehis franchise in Ohio.I was also, I must admit, a bit surprised anddisappointed by the reaction to the outcome inthis most “blue state” of cities. New York wentoverwhelmingly for Senator Kerry and reelected afull slate of Democratic representatives. A displayof some measure of bitterness and dismay in theday or so after the election was therefore to beexpected. What surprised me were the uncomprehending,mystified reactions among people whoseprofessional lives depend on being willing andable to offer analysis and explanation. Too muchof the instant analysis on the morrow of the electionwas dismissive, even contemptuous, of themotives and purposes of red state voters. I heardfew reactions that credited red state voters andthe politicians who appeal to them with a coherentworld view, a set of principles, or even muchgood will. Yet the notion that the victors are merelycynical manipulators of dim-witted citizensinsults not only the 51 percent of the electoratethat supported the president but also the audienceto whom such analysis is offered up.Perhaps the red state voters did betray theirclass interests—certainly a fair number of wealthyliberals did so—and perhaps the president’s supportersdid make decisions based on faith asmuch as on reason, on intuition rather than on evidence.Why do we expect otherwise? Perhaps ouranalytical approaches mislead us. Most publicpolicy analysts and practitioners employ socialscientific methods that privilege material interests,stress what we call rational action, and treatmost people as data points. For individuals whobelieve that their souls exist in eternity, however,our definitions of the parameters of interests orrationality—and often the conceptions of justiceand liberty they imply—may seem cramped,24 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 25superficial, and small-minded.Moreover, for many red state voters, theRepublican campaign had an appealing visionindeed, one that harked back to the early days ofdemocracy in the French and AmericanRevolutions. Instead of emphasizing equality, longthe preserve of the Democrats, the Republicancampaign accented instead the other elements ofthe French Revolution’s battle cry: liberty and fraternity.George Bush himself proclaimed that “webelieve that liberty is the design of nature” andpromised it both at home, in his support of taxcuts and opposition to gun control, and abroad, inhis mission to liberate Iraq. This, entwined withthe religious right’s fraternity of faith and family,evidently had considerable allure.The Bush Administration now faces the task ofbalancing its sometimes contradictory commitmentsto liberty and to fraternity, and it will not beeasy. Violations of civil rights in the name of thecommunity of patriots are but one of many examplesof the paradoxical and inconsistent policiesthis balancing act has already produced. The jobwill not be made any easier by the dauntingprospect of trying to pay for these policies withoutthe taxes customarily assessed for such purposes.Nonetheless, it does neither them nor their opponentsany favor to describe their supporters as simplyreflexive or contrarian or to characterize theirvictory as merely the triumph of cunning strategists.We at SIPA will be seizing this opportunity tonot only engage in politics but to reflect on it, totry to understand, as well as change our world.Lisa Anderson is dean of the School ofInternational and Public Affairs and a professorin the Department of Political Science.The Outlook for State and LocalGovernmentsby William B. EimickePresident Bush talked about his next four yearsfrequently during the 2004 campaign. Taxreform, Social Security reform, and health savingsaccounts are at the top of the president’s secondterm agenda. This may or may not be good for segmentsof the general public, but regardless, these“reforms” will not address the fiscal problemsfaced by state and local governments. Moreimportant, the huge federal budget deficit, thewar in Iraq, terrorism, soaring energy prices, anda sharply divided electorate will likely top thepresident’s agenda in 2005 and perhaps theremainder of his days in office.The most pressing issues for state and localgovernments—the rapidly rising costs of healthcare, elementary and secondary education, andpublic safety—were mentioned in the president’s“Plan for a Safer World and More HelpfulAmerica.” He promised “250 million dollars annuallyto extend state assessment of student readingand math skills.” His health savings accounts willdo nothing to offset the burgeoning state and localshare of Medicaid costs, however. And, there areno additional federal funds for first responders inthe president’s plan to defend American lives andliberty. Rather, he promises to fight terrorismabroad and use the Patriot Act as the primaryweapon against terrorism here at home.President Bush will attempt to mitigate thealready substantial budget deficit by privatizingSocial Security, increasing Social Security andMedicare contributions, and further reducing thefederal share of public assistance and job trainingprograms. However, unless there are dramaticimprovements in the security situation in Iraq, thefederal deficit will continue to grow. Under theseconditions, it is likely that President Bush willseek to reduce federal assistance to state andlocal governments, worsening an already severefiscal crisis.William B. Eimicke is founding director of thePicker Center of Executive Education at theSchool of International and Public Affairs.Prospects for Latin Americaby Albert FishlowIt was only a long, long night lasting into themorning this time around. The final outcome didnot await a 5–4 Supreme Court vote.President Bush won re-election on Tuesdaywith a clear majority of votes and a narrow marginin the Electoral College. Kerry’s concession avoideda tortuous (and unnecessary) wait for Ohio torecount its provisional ballots.The country remains divided, however, perhapsmore deeply than since the Civil War. Contrary towhat newly elected Senator Obama suggested inhis keynote address at the Democratic conventionthis past summer, there is a difference betweenthe red and blue states. This disparity is lessabout policy in Iraq and the domestic economy’sperformance—of which a majority of the populationdoes not approve—and much more aboutmoral values. Fundamental issues like abortion,homosexuality, gun control, and separation ofchurch and state divide rather than unite. Theseare questions on which there is no compromisepossible, and around which Bush constructed hispopular majority.Foreign policy, apart from Iraq, entered theelectoral contest indirectly at best. That wasunfortunate. The United States, now a solitarypower, is moving closer to a new isolationism. Wemay speak of democracy as a universal value,which we support, but our real willingness to providelong-run commitment and economic assistanceis continuously declining. We have a weakenedUnited Nations that is unable to resolve theDarfur question, let alone the Israeli-Palestinianconflict. We exempt ourselves from internationalenvironmental regulation, as well as from decisionsat the World Court. Congressional supportfor the World Trade Organization is on the declineafter recent negative rulings.In recent years, with the absence of U.S. commitment,Latin America has become a nonentity.There are Mexico and Central America, on the oneside, and South America, excepting Chile, on theother. With the former, the Bush Administrationhas moved ahead economically with NAFTA andthe new Central American agreement. I foresee amore serious attempt to deal with the problem ofillegal migration, which comes primarily from thisfirst set of countries. Attention will be focusedthere, by force of proximity.With South America, the present policy of limitedengagement is likely to continue. There willbe bilateral agreements for freer trade withColombia, Peru, and Ecuador, and efforts torestrain production of drugs. Venezuela andMercosul will go their own way. Brazil will find noU.S. support for its long cherished permanentseat on the Security Council and will continue itsattempts at closer ties with China, India, andSouth Africa. For President Lula, Bush’s continuationprovides a useful justification of Brazil’s currentstrategy.This is not an optimistic scenario for betterregional policy. But the beauty of Americandemocracy is the guarantee of another presidentialelection four years from now.Albert Fishlow is a professor in the Departmentof International and Public Affairs, director of theInstitute of Latin American Studies, and directorof the Center for Brazilian Studies at ColumbiaUniversity.SIPA NEWS 25

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 26The Values Divideby Robert C. LiebermanIs there a deep cultural divide separating red andblue America? In his recent provocative book,Culture War?, Stanford political scientist MorrisFiorina suggests that there is not. Fiorina showsthat in the aggregate, voters in Bush states andthose in Gore-Kerry states are surprisingly similarto each other in their political beliefs and issuepositions.So why does the country seem locked into thenow familiar red vs. blue political pattern, withDemocrats winning the coasts and the upperMidwest and Republicans everything in between?The answer that is beginning to emerge from thisyear’s election is that, for all their apparent similarities,“red” and “blue” voters see the world ofpolitics and policy very differently and expect verydifferent things of their president.People who inhabit schools of public policylike SIPA tend naturally to think of politics andgovernment as means toward solving problems inthe world. They (or perhaps I should say “we”)tend to choose candidates who, they think, willeffectively oversee policymaking to solve the problemsthat they see as most pressing. Among suchpeople, John Kerry won big. Voters who said thatthe economy, the war in Iraq, health care, or educationwas the most important issue in the electionsupported Kerry 3 to 1. In New York State,people in this government-as-problem-solver categorywere a slight majority of voters; nationally,they were a slight minority.For many voters, however, these issues werenot central to their choice of candidate. When voterswere asked which issue was most important tothem, the single most common answer in thecountry was “moral values.” Nearly one-quarter ofvoters said this, and they voted for Bush at aneven higher rate than policy-based voters supportedKerry: more than 4 to 1. Even in New York,these “values” voters strongly backed Bush,although not quite as strongly as elsewhere; it wasjust that they were scarcer here than elsewhere.But, tellingly, in the pivotal state of Ohio, therewere at least as many values voters as in the rest ofthe country (23% in Ohio compared to 22% nationally),and in Ohio they voted even more strongly forBush (6 to 1) than in the country as a whole.So, even though Americans don’t reallyapprove of Bush’s job performance, think thingsare going badly in Iraq, and worry about the economyand health care, they still chose—decisively—toreelect the president. Why? Because heseems, to many Americans, to embody andexpress the right values.Even if tales of a cultural divide amongAmericans may be exaggerated, there seems to bea real political divide between policies and valuesas the driving force of politics, a state of affairsthat poses a serious challenge not only for theSIPA community—students, alumni, and facultyalike—but for all those who share the convictionthat public policy is best shaped by knowledgeand not by faith.Robert C. Lieberman is an associate professorin the Department of International and PublicAffairs and in the Department of Political Science;he is also director of the MPA concentration inSocial Policy.Down to the Countby Sharyn O’HalloranFew doubted that the 2004 presidential electionsbetween incumbent President George W.26 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 27Bush and the Honorable Junior Senator fromMassachusetts John Kerry would be a tight race.Indeed, the day before the election the finalCNN/USA Today/Gallup poll showed that if all registeredvoters actually turned out, John Kerrywould defeat George W. Bush by two points.Among likely voters, the race was dead even, at49 percent for each candidate. No matter how youlooked at the data, the two major-party candidateswere neck and neck.The prediction proved right on the mark. Bythe early hours of Wednesday, November 3, noclear winner could be announced. Although Bushhad a slight edge in electoral votes, 254 to 252,no candidate garnered the requisite 270 electoralvotes necessary to declare victory. Uncertaintyloomed and the specter of the newly electedHouse of Representatives choosing the presidentand the Senate choosing the vice presidentbecame a disconcerting prospect. Moreover, thenumerous complaints of election irregularities,malfunctioning polling equipment, and provisionalballots, brought to the fore the nightmare of the2000 elections with recounts and hanging chads,the outcome of which was finally decided by theleast democratic institution in America, theSupreme Court.Besides the high drama, what can be gleanedfrom the election results? Here the map says it all,with the solid swath of red demarking Republicanstrongholds, bordered by bands of blue Democraticsupport in the northeast corridor and along thewestern seaboard. This geographic divide reflects adeeper political divide that is the cumulative resultof two historic trends: (1) the consolidation of thesolid South into the core of the Republican Party,and (2) increasing polarization of the electoratealong economic and racial lines.What about 2008? Expect more of the same.Unless a candidate can be found that unites themoderate wings of both the Democratic andRepublican parties, crossing social, economic,and racial lines, we will see increased polarizationin the electorate, very little coalition building inWashington, and another presidential electionthat comes down to the count.Sharyn O’Halloran is a professor in theDepartment of International and Public Affairsand in the Department of Political Science.The 2004 Election—What Happenedand What Didn’t?by Robert Y. ShapiroSeveral months ago, I predicted that in the2004 election President George Bush wouldwin the electoral vote and John Kerry would winthe popular vote, with the election coming downto the votes in Ohio or Florida. This was not far offthe mark. Why did it make sense that the electionwould look like the 2000 election?The same long-term forces were at work: theRepublican Party has been ascending, reachingparity with the Democratic Party among voters.Both parties are evenly matched now in competingnot only for the presidency but also for controlof the Senate and, most significantly, the Houseof Representatives, which the Democrats, up until1994, had controlled for half a decade. Moreover,the Republicans have become highly effective inmobilizing their conservative (and especiallyChristian religious) mass base of support, andthere was no reason to expect this to diminish in2004, as these efforts mobilized around PresidentBush’s leadership in combating terrorism andupholding conservative values and morality. Intheir political parity, the two parties have solidifiedtheir geographic and increasingly ideologicalbases—the Republicans in the once-DemocraticSouth and in parts of the Midwest and West, andthe Democrats in the East and far westernstates—leaving the outcome to what happened inthe remaining political battleground states.The Democrats attempted to intensify theirown mobilization efforts focusing on the Iraq warand the economy and jobs. They expected thatwith a concerted effort, the Democratic Party andthe Kerry campaign could surpass theRepublicans by engaging young adults, voters whosupported the Democrats weakly and Democraticleaningcitizens who voted intermittently, andLatinos and other groups whose members werebecoming new voters. The Democrats dismissedthe pre-election polls that showed that theirefforts were not succeeding, arguing that the pollswere not interviewing a large number of youngadults and other strong supporters who had onlycell phones in place of land line phones andtherefore could not be reached (due to legalrestrictions) by telephone surveys.What didn’t happen? This great mobilizationdid not occur at the level needed to exceed theRepublicans’ efforts. Exit poll data showed thatyoung adults were the same proportion of voters in2004 as they were in 2000—their increase innumbers was matched by an increased turnout bythe rest of the electorate. Further, to the extentthat voters were contacted and mobilized by thecandidates’ campaigns, both campaigns wereequally successful—the Kerry campaign had nosignificant edge. Moreover, while more youngadults did vote for Kerry over Bush, the marginwas only 54 percent to 44 percent, and the marginwas about the same for all first-time voters.So why does the country seemlocked into the now familiar redvs. blue political pattern, withDemocrats winning the coastsand the upper Midwest andRepublicans everything inbetween? The answer that isbeginning to emerge from thisyear’s election is that, for alltheir apparent similarities, “red”and “blue” voters see the worldof politics and policy very differentlyand expect very differentthings of their president.Latinos were not a significantly greater proportionof the electorate in 2004 than in 2000, and theirsupport for the Democratic presidential candidatedropped 6 percentage points. Regarding phoneaccess, given the small proportion of cell phoneonly users and of voters with no telephone—withonly modest majorities of these preferring Kerry toBush—their exclusion from pre-election pollscould not have led to more than a one percentoverestimate of Bush’s support. The Democratshad their work cut out for them. Despite theirenormous efforts, they did not do more than keepup with the Republicans, and they were unable toforestall Republican victories in the battle for thepresidency and control of the Senate and House ofRepresentatives.Robert Y. Shapiro is a professor in theDepartment of Political Science.SIPA NEWS 27

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 2828 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 29YEMEN’SUNCERTAINTRANSITIONSeveral days of unanswered phone calls to a friend,Jamal Al-Hawadi, who heads Yemen’s NationalCenter for Human Rights and Democratic Development,had gone by, so I decided to stop by his office, which ison the edge of Sanaa’s Old City. After I knocked for afew minutes, the door opened slightly. It was Jamal, butI barely recognized him.BY GEOFF CRAIGSIPA NEWS 29

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 30Yemeni journalists gather during a sit-in in front of the House of Representatives (Parliament), calling for the freedom of their colleague Abdul Karim al-Khewani, editor-in-chief ofal-Shoura weekly, September 18, 2004, in Sanaa. Khewani was sentenced on September 5, 2004 by a court in Sanaa to one year in prison on charges of supporting rebel Muslimpreacher Sheikh Hussein Badr Eddin Al-Huthi and insulting the president.It’s not surprising that some people see theelection process as a means of legitimizing theruling party, rather than a way of holding thegovernment accountable, kicking those out ofpower who are not doing their job.Often dressed in a dark suit with a crisp white mosques throughout the country to foment antishirt,not a hair out of place, he falls into that U.S. riots following Friday prayers and to beat upechelon of society usually reserved for news preachers who resisted. The military arrived inanchors. It was around noon, and he had just Sa’ada to arrest Al-Huthi but underestimated thewoken up, eyes half-open, and voice raspy. “Let’s cleric’s forces and a stalemate soon set in.get some coffee,” he said. I was thinking the Jamal was part of the negotiating team sent tosame thing.Sa’ada to resolve the conflict. Unsuccessful, hisIt was the first sleep he’d gotten in days, after thoughts now turned to the government’s ownjust returning from Sa’ada, a city tucked in the actions and possible abuses against civilians.Murran Mountains along the Saudi border. “It’s an absolute mess. There’s real suffering.Government forces were mired in fighting there, Civilians can’t leave, and many are caught up intrying for the past month to root out a young rebel the fighting. The people’s homes are in the mountains,and the military, which isn’t well trained,cleric by the name of Hussein Al-Huthi, along withhis followers. The government accused Al-Huthi of can’t distinguish between the two,” he said.dispatching his “Believing Youth” group to In early September, about a week after I leftYemen, government forces killed Al-Huthi in apredawn raid, marking an end to a three-montholdsaga. Al-Huthi was young and held littlestanding in the Zaydi community, the dominantShi’a sect found in Yemen. It was unlikely fromthe beginning that the conflict would spread, butin a country unified for only 14 turbulent years,including a civil war in 1994, where power stillresides with tribal sheikhs who command smallarmies, the government realized that a figure likeAl-Huthi—only a bit more influential and popular—couldtear Yemen apart at the seams.Al-Huthi may be dead, but the struggle withextremists is hardly over. A vital question thatYemen faces over the coming years is how torespond to this threat. Will it clamp down on anysign of dissent, curtailing individual freedomsand human rights in the name of security, or willit attempt the high-wire act of promoting anopen, free society while still addressing terrorismhead on?It may be a testament to Yemen’s own, albeitlimited, success with democracy that it evenfaces such a challenge. Yemen is the only countryon the Arabian Peninsula that could claim tobe a multiparty democracy. The constitution, ratifiedby the people in 1991, affirms Yemen’scommitment to free elections, a multiparty polit-30 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 31ical system, the right to own private property,equality under the law, and respect for basichuman rights.Since unification in 1990, there have beenthree parliamentary elections and one presidentialelection, deemed fair by international electionmonitors. People routinely criticize the governmentin public, and the Ministry ofInformation is in the process of revising the lawto protect journalists from imprisonment, at thedirective of President Ali Abdullah Saleh.President Saleh, who ruled North Yemenbeginning in 1978 and continued as presidentfollowing unification with South Yemen,announced that “democracy is the choice of themodern age for all people and the rescue ship forpolitical regimes” before more than 600 delegatesfrom 40 countries and international organizations—includingthe European Union, theArab League, and the Organization of the IslamicConference—at the biggest prodemocracy conferenceever held in the Middle East, which tookplace this past January in Sanaa.Yemen is an unlikely candidate to come outahead of the pack in the race to democratize. Forone, it’s a desperately poor country. In the Arabworld, it ranks ahead of only Sudan in terms ofGNP per capita. Second, it doesn’t have a colonialpast like other Middle Eastern countries (itwas never fully colonized, though Britain and theOttomans occupied pockets in the south andnorth, respectively), so there is no legacy ofWestern-style governance.At the NATO summit in Istanbul this past summer,President Bush cited Yemen as an exampleof a Muslim country making positive stridestoward democratization. But question marks stillremain, such as whether any real opposition canbe mounted to challenge the ruling party’s grip onpower—it controls 95 percent of the Parliamentand virtually all government ministries—andwhether power will transfer to the president’s sonwhen Saleh eventually steps aside.As for Washington’s kind words, it would benaive to overlook the fact that Yemen allied itselfwith the United States in the “war on terror.” TheBush administration’s lofty praise may be rootedless in fact and more in gratitude that Yemen, fornow, cooperates on security matters.“There are plenty of parties in Yemen, but Idon’t think it is a multiparty democracy. The1993 and 1997 parliamentary elections werefairly free and fair, but the parliament isn’tallowed to do much. The President controlseverything, and he didn’t allow any serious competitionwhen he ran for re-election,” Mark Katz,a professor of international relations at GeorgeMason University, wrote in an e-mail interview.It’s no secret that the General People’sCongress is in charge here. Traveling around thecountry, for instance, one sees painted on rocksand mountainsides the most prominent roadsidelandmark, a white horse, the party’s symbol.Assuming President Saleh wins in 2006, hewould serve out one more term ending in 2013,just as his son, Ahmad Ali Abdullah Saleh, turns40, the minimum age for presidential candidates.Many people here don’t see it as a coincidenceand believe that Ahmad—in charge of theRepublican Guard—is being groomed to take over.That may seem a long time away, but fewbelieve that Saleh will lose power before then.“It always seems that things in Yemen mustchange, and yet somehow they don’t. I rememberthat when Saleh first became president in 1978,there were press reports that the CIA thoughthe’d only last six months. It’s been a long sixmonths. But if he succeeds in handing powerover to his son, his system could last evenlonger,” Professor Katz said.It’s not surprising that some people see theelection process as a means of legitimizing theruling party, rather than a way of holding the governmentaccountable, kicking those out of powerwho are not doing their job.“I’ve never seen a leader change by a pieceof paper,” Ali Saif, former deputy secretary ofthe opposition Nasserite party, told me at hishome. “Over time, people no longer believe inelections.”Geoff Craig, MIA ’05, is concentrating inInternational Security Policy.An undated file photo shows Yemeni rebel Muslim preacher Sheikh Hussein Badr Eddin Al-Huthi (second from right) seated amongsupporters during a religious gathering in the province of Sa’ada.SIPA NEWS 31

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 32On Observation: Experiencesin Election MonitoringBy Thomas R. LansnerWe gathered in the lobby of one of the better hotels inEnugu City, the capital of Enugu State in southern Nigeria, on theeve of the April 2003 legislative elections. There was coffee, colddrinks, and fans powered by a generator chugging outside.Around the table sat several observers from the European Union,a couple from the Commonwealth, and myself, accompanied by aCongolese politician and a woman from a Sierra Leone nongovernmentalgroup, we three being sent by the Washington, D.C.–basedNational Democratic Institute for International Affairs.We exchanged information, impressions, anda few anecdotes. Where was the voting likely tobe problematical? Had logistical bottlenecksbeen spotted? Were claims of intimidation andwarnings of violence credible? How was the localmedia reporting the election? Which satellitephones were working? Whose police escortsseemed most reliable?We agreed on a plan to disperse throughoutdifferent areas of the state and to check in byevening to share experiences as we preparedindependent reports to our delegations inNigeria’s capital, Abuja. We each had detailedchecklists to assess voting day conduct andwould be speaking to poll workers, politicians,local activists, and voters throughout the day.One of the Commonwealth observers seemedfamiliar, and I wracked my brain across years andcontinents until I placed him: Uganda 1980, oneof the Commonwealth’s very first election observationmissions. I reminded him, with somerekindled resentment, of how his Commonwealthteam had slipped from the country as gunfireraged through its capital, Kampala, leavingbehind only a statement that described the blatantlystolen election as “relatively free and fair ina Ugandan context.”The double qualifier fooled no one, least of allthe Ugandans. I was then living in Uganda as acorrespondent for the London Observer, and for thenext year witnessed the country’s descent intomurderous repression and civil war. Yet, thediplomatic endorsement of a fraudulent victoryoffered the brutal regime of President MiltonObote an international legitimacy it neverdeserved and surely lengthened the bloody warthat eventually toppled him.Illegitimate elections very rarely producepeace or stability. It was a lesson I would not forgetover years of reporting on elections, as well asserving as an official observer and occasionalcampaign consultant in more than a dozen countries.Most countries offer people a chance tovote in some form, paying at least minimal deferenceto the “periodic and genuine elections”guaranteed in Article 21(3) of the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights. But even the bestadministeredelection means little if fundamentalrespect for human rights is not part of the “electorallandscape” in which people cast their votes.And absence of respect for the rule of law andminority rights can produce a majoritarian tyrannythat has been properly elected.A second lesson was that despots and per-32 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 33A woman votes during the elections in Katsina, Nigeria.ceived “lesser evils” sometimes garner internationalsupport despite dubious election practices.President Ferdinand Marcos’ outright electoralhijacking in 1986 was endorsed by conservativeAmerican election observers guided by theReagan administration’s apparent preference for aMarcos victory. “The goons with guns backingMarcos are bad,” one observer admitted to me inManila, then added with a straight face, “but thenuns who support [opposition candidate] CoryAquino are worse, because they threaten youwith eternal damnation.”Marcos was chased into exile by a popularlybacked military coup within weeks; clear noticeagain that bad elections bring bad results. Andanother lesson was affirmed—the importance ofmaximizing local observation. It was not internationalobservers who exposed Marcos’ fraud mostsuccessfully. A local NGO, the NationalMovement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), compellinglydetailed the scale of the fraud by conductinga parallel vote count that was more crediblethan the regime’s tally.Over the last 25 years, global election observinghas grown from brief ad hoc delegations ofWesterners to large, well-organized and longterminternational missions that engage localobserver groups heavily and are accepted as anintegral part of the electoral process. The AfricanUnion, Commonwealth, European Union,Organization for Security and Cooperation inEurope (OSCE), United Nations, and many nongovernmentalgroups now conduct electionsupport projects, as well as observe elections.These range from helping review election lawsand improving logistics, to offering strategies andtraining for election officials and independentpoll watchers, to monitoring media. Extensivematerials and manuals to guide observers havebeen developed from the experiences of hundredsof election observation missions.Political actors around the world covet theimprimatur of international observers to enhancea government’s domestic and international legitimacy.In some countries, such as Cambodia in1992 and East Timor in 2002, the United Nationsran the entire election process in hopes ofsmoothing the transition to democratic government.And elsewhere, as in South Africa in 1994,or Venezuela in 2004, large and high-profileobserver missions encouraged divided nationsthat voting would be honest. Conversely, refusalto honor 1990 election results has helped keepBurma’s army junta a global pariah.SIPA NEWS 33

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 34SIPA’s Tom Lansner monitors election proceedings in Nigeria.Well ahead of Nigeria’s 2003 legislative andpresidential polls, the world community saw thatan election broadly accepted by Nigeria’s diversepeoples would be crucial for peace and developmentin Africa’s most populous—and enormouslyoil-rich—nation. Thousands of people had beenkilled in recent ethnic strife. Unrest in petroleumproducingareas threatened the country’s primeexport. Teams of international election expertsand observers spread throughout the country.In Enugu, our team left at dawn to visit somespots where people feared voting might go badly.In many polling places, we found eager votersqueuing, dedicated NGO poll watchers ready, butno officials or voting materials for that day’s legislativeand gubernatorial elections. At one site,old peasant women in their colorful best dressoffered their strong and calloused hands. Theybelieved their vote was important, they told me,but could wait only for a few hours before returninghome to tend to their farms and families.Later in the day, violence flared nearby andelsewhere in the state. Several people were killed.But by midday, balloting was underway in mostplaces. We visited polling stations at schools andcommunity centers, speaking to scores of people,carefully completing observation forms. Often,things seemed to be going well. In the earlyevening, though, we witnessed local politics at araw level. At a primary school polling place, wefound ballot boxes stuffed with more ballots thanthere were people registered, most marked withnearly identical Xs for the ruling party. An NGOpoll watcher nervously whispered that “thugs”were nearby. Then in a sudden flurry of fists andshoves and shouting, and despite a warning roundfired by our police escort, a group of young menwrestled the ballot boxes from poll workers anddrove off with them.Our experience was just one on a very complicatedelection day in a very large country. Inmany places, voting went smoothly. Allegationsof fraud wove part of a tapestry that domesticand international observers examined to assess ifthe elections could be endorsed as a genuineexpression of the will of Nigeria’s peoples. Theresulting declarations were, unsurprisingly,ambivalent. Nigerians had demonstrated supportfor the democratic process by turning out to votein large numbers . . . but . . . .Democracy support groups will doubtlesscontinue working to improve elections inNigeria. In China, the Carter Center is helpingpromote open village elections. The EuropeanUnion sent a large election observation missionto Indonesia in 2004. And the UN is hoping toconjure a semblance of genuine elections in Iraqin January 2005.All these efforts recognize that sustained popularparticipation is the key to legitimate governance.Performed properly, election support andobservation is an important tool to promote thebasic right to representative government andencourages respect for other rights. But it willnever be a science, as it is by definition wrappedin both the art and possibilities of politics, localand global. And it must be remembered that eventhe most developed electoral democracies sometimesfall far short of the ideal of genuine elections,and that many nations in transition stillhave far to travel on the often rough road to freeand fair elections.For more information:Carter Center www.cartercenter.orgEuropean Institute for the Media www.eim.org/MaDP.htmEuropean Union Indonesia Mission, 2004www.id.eueom.org/International Foundation for Election Systemswww.ifes.org/elections/description.htmlInternational Institute for Democracy and ElectoralAssistance www.idea.int/International Republican Institute www.iri.orgNational Democratic Institute for InternationalAffairs www.ndi.orgUnited Nations Electoral Assistance Unitwww.un.org/Depts/dpa/ead/ea_content/ea_typesof_assist.htmThomas R. Lansner, SIPA ’91, teaches internationalmedia and policy at SIPA. He has served as a consultant onelections, human rights, and democratization issues to numerousnongovernmental organizations and political parties.34 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 35THEENDURINGCigarA woman smokes in the Partagas cigar factory inHavana, Cuba.By Eric CantorSIPA NEWS 35

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 36Two smoking gentlemen pose with their cigars,symbols of Cuban life.36 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 37In a four-story, sand-colored building, with widecolonial balconies outlined in red trim and adecorative roof dwarfed by the grand dome ofHavana’s Capitol Building, workers buzzabout, crafting, rolling, pressing and smoking.The Partagas tobacco factory, a fixture ofCuban cigar production since 1845, is a hive ofindustrial efficiency. The 22,000 cigars it producesdaily generate much-needed hard currency.Its 750 employees are skilled and specialized, andrewarded for their individual efforts. In short, it iseverything that the rest of Cuba is not.While Partagas hums with productivity, the restof the economy has been distorted by 45 years ofsocialist revolution. Government enterprises controlevery sector, stripping supply, demand andprice of any meaning. After the Soviet Union’s collapsein 1991 cost Cuba its annual $6 billion subsidy,the economy fell into ruin. In what Cubanofficials call the “Special Period,” only the tolerationof the U.S. dollar and an opening to the worldenabled a recovery. But in a system increasinglydivided between those who have dollars and thosewho do not, enterprises like Partagas offer salvationto the isolated regime, while at the same timerepresenting its greatest threat.Enjoyed by executives skipping out for a day onthe golf course, sported by a politician involved inan amorous liaison, or dangled from lips under avisor in a high-stakes poker game, the Cubano ismuch grander than the five ounces of tobacco fromwhence it comes. Before he quit smoking,President Fidel Castro was rarely seen without along, heavy Cohiba Lancero perched in his mouthand credited the cigar with making his countryfamous. And John F. Kennedy is rumored to havearranged a delivery of 1,200 of his favored PetitUpmanns the night before authorizing the embargoof Cuba.Outside the cramped gift shop in Partagas’lobby, where tourists steadily snap up cigars and ayoung Cuban serves them coffee, Lorenzo Leivawaits patiently. The spry 65-year-old with soft featuresis clad in a white guayabera, Cuba’s traditionalshort-sleeve, four-pocket dress shirt. Formerlyan accountant, he spends his days guiding touriststhrough the factory.Smiling and at ease, Leiva explains the productionmechanisms of Cuba’s third-largest export, anindustry which generates annual revenues of $240million, produces more than 280 million cigars,and employs more than 250,000. What he doesnot explain is that, like all large businesses inCuba, the factory is government-owned, and thatits earnings feed the state’s bloated bureaucracyand strengthen its all-seeing security apparatus.Entering one of Partagas’ grand salons revealsan orgy of sight and sound. The workrooms areopen with high ceilings, and sparsely decorated.Young, casually dressed Cubans, mostly women,toil away at individual desks. Sunlight filters inthrough large windows. Smoke rises from idle cigarettes.Carts stacked high with wooden boxes rollby rapidly.Plying their trade with a laser-like focus,employees rarely glance up from their workbenches.But they listen intently. In keeping with a traditionthat pre-dates the socialist revolution, thesteady voice of a reader educates workers by readingnewspapers and novels over a loudspeaker.Partagas’ laborers are paid 400 Cuban pesosper week, a standard local wage roughly equal to$16 per month, along with two cigars and a subsidizedlunch. But the reason the job is so desirableand the entry exam so competitive, is the bonusplan. Each employee has an opportunity to earnan additional $30-40 by surpassing quota.“Tobaconeras,” says Leiva, referring to thosewho manufacture cigars, “make more than doctors.What do you think of that?”Indeed, Cuba is undergoing a mass exodusfrom professions like teaching and accounting asits most skilled professionals seek membership inthe new dollar class. Traditional professions,though prestigious, pay in pesos. And despite governmentpolicy, which holds pesos as equivalent todollars, peso buying power and the state’s ability tocontrol prices are evaporating. Peso stores arenotorious for inferior goods and threadbareshelves, while dollar stores overflow with luxuryitems like flat-screen televisions and abundant,fresh food. Understandably, Cubans seek dollars.The major source of dollars is the more thanone million travelers that visit Cuba annually.These tourists are provided for by a state-controlledindustry that employs 200,000, offeringmany an opportunity to earn tips in dollars. Butthe government, which partners with foreign firmsin joint ventures to build each new hotel, reaps thebulk of the benefit. It does so by extracting half ofthe profits from each venture, and by contractinglabor to the firms at a huge markup.Popular state-owned restaurants also provideopportunity to Cubans while tapping tourists forcurrency. At Bodeguita del Medio, a former ErnestHemingway haunt in Old Havana, guests sip mojitosat a wooden bar. Surrounded by portraits of theauthor with other luminaries, including Castro himself,guests sign the once-white walls to recordtheir visits. Packed crowds shell out tips to thestaff.“Bartender here,” says Victor, the smilingyoung man behind the bar and a former professional,“is like being a lawyer in a big U.S. company.”On the streets of Havana, a neighborhood oncedominated by rows of regal colonial homes invibrant pastels, is falling apart. Paint on thesehomes is chipping away and the underlying wiresand fillings are becoming exposed. Similarly, theswelling tides of globalization and class divisionseem certain to wash away the delicate foundationsof the socialist revolution as more Cubansjoin the dollar class. A moment in which themomentum proves too strong to control and theturning point is passed seems imminent.Perhaps the best indicator of the divisions inthe Cuban economy is evident in a visit to thefamous Copelia ice cream parlor. Copelia maintainstwo separate lines. On one, peso holders waitpatiently in a slow queue that snakes around twocorners. On the other, dollar holders advancesmoothly, snacking blissfully in the hot sun.Cubans, increasingly attuned to the outsideworld by the influx of tourism and wary of a societywithout doctors and teachers, sense somethingmissing.“Many things in the world are changing,” saysAlexander, a taxi driver, “and we are falling behind.The situation here has to change.”The cigar has endured since pre-Colombianinhabitants of Cuba smoked the plant they calledcojiba, and it will likely survive any comingchange. But the original cigar businessman, DonJaime Partagas, a Catalan who came to Havana in1827, met a tragic end. He was felled by a bulleton one of his own tobacco plantations. FidelCastro’s regime might face a similar fate. Thetourism and economic growth that sustained hisgovernment after the Soviet collapse could usherin the changes that will undo it.Eric Cantor, MIA '04, is concentrating in Economic andPolitical Development.SIPA NEWS 37

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 38World Leaders Forumat Columbia UniversityThis fall, with elections at home and abroad and unprecedented attention focusedon the potential of democracy to transform the lives of the people of Afghanistanand Iraq, what better way to gain perspective on such issues than to hear aboutthem first hand from world leaders who deal with them every day?The second annual World Leaders Forum (WLF), held at Columbia at the end ofSeptember, provided a unique opportunity for the Columbia community to do just that,as more than a dozen world leaders from around the globe visited the campus to discussthose and many other salient issues affecting the world’s citizens.The WLF, a two-week series of events designed to coincide with the fall meeting of theUnited Nations General Assembly in New York, is a University-wide initiative developedthrough the President’s Office, SIPA, and The Earth Institute. It is open to the entireColumbia community and includes panel discussions, symposia, and speeches.The following articles provide a sampling of the events, as reported by SIPA studentswho attended them.38 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 39President of MozambiqueDiscusses Birth of Free-MarketEconomyKicking off the 2004 World Leaders Forum onMonday, September 20, Joaquim AlbertoChissano, the ex-Marxist president of Mozambiqueand first chairperson of the African Union, sharedthe story of his country’s successful economictransformation with the Columbia community.After decades of ruinous civil war, PresidentChissano won his nation’s first multiparty electionsin 1994. His new government faced several dauntingchallenges, including sluggish economicgrowth, high rates of adult illiteracy, weak capacityamong peasant farmers, pervasive unemployment,and a shattered infrastructure.His government answered these challenges witha free-market approach grounded in the belief thatthe essence of human development is enlargingpeople’s choices. To expand opportunity, his governmentis improving access to—and the qualityof—education, increasing the availability of healthcare, helping farmers become more efficient,rebuilding infrastructure, and promoting smallbusiness development.As a result of these initiatives, there have beensignificant improvements in Mozambique’s standardof living, the president explained. Since 1997,the number of people living in poverty has fallenfrom 69 to 54 percent. At the same time, the proportionof children who must walk more than onehour to primary school fell from 25 to 8 percent,and the proportion of the population within onehour of a health facility rose from 40 to 54 percent.President Chissano sees a key role for theAfrican Union in helping other governments toreplicate Mozambique’s success. Calling the Uniona “new dawn” for Africa, he said that through itsNew Partnership for Africa’s Development(NEPAD), it will enable Africa “to actively participatein the world economy and accrue the benefitsof globalization.”Vince O’Hara, MIA ’05, is concentrating inEconomic and Political Development andInternational Media and Communications.Columbia Provost Alan Brinkley and Earth InstituteDirector Jeffrey Sachs greet Mozambique PresidentJoaquim Alberto Chissano.Chairman of Liberia’s NationalTransitional GovernmentDescribes Challenges Facing HisNationReflecting on 14 years of civil war and speakingoptimistically about Liberia’s future, CharlesGyude Bryant, chairman of the NationalTransitional Government of Liberia, centered hisaddress on the need to increase private-sector foreigninvestment in his county.A former businessman, Bryant is well aware ofthe importance of foreign investment in stimulatinga country’s long-term economic growth. “We mustattract foreigners to bring sustainable growth,” hesaid, noting that “the Chinese are already comingin a big way, but we need more.”He acknowledged that for growth in foreigninvestment to occur, he needs to address any “deficiencies”that may deter private investment andinternational assistance, such as the instability ofthe country’s political structure. “We need governmentpolicies that will lead to high economicgrowth, but an economy can’t function without stability,”he explained.Fourteen months after the peace agreement wassigned, Bryant said that Liberians are “well on[their] way to sustainable peace.” The EconomicCommunity of West African States (ECOWAS), anda small number of U.S. troops are working with thetransitional government (which represents the formergovernment of ousted leader Charles Taylor, aswell as two major opposition groups) on a massivedisarmament effort. At last count, according toBryant, they had disarmed more than 73,000 combatants.Official disarmament ended October 31, 2004,at which point Bryant began to focus his efforts ondeveloping “free, fair, and transparent elections.”Of the 18 registered political parties, Bryant saidColumbia President Lee C. Bollinger welcomes LatvianPresident Vaira Vike-Freiberga before her speech at theWorld Leaders Forum.that none is centered around religion or ethnicity;rather, they are all integrated and seeking to implementsomewhat similar platforms. Bryant declaredthat he is certain Liberia will be ready for thenational election currently slated for October,2005.Veronika Ruff, MIA ’06, is concentrating inInternational Media and Communications.President of Latvia RecountsPost-Soviet Transformation toDemocracyVaira Vike-Freiberga, the first female presidentof Latvia, addressed the World Leaders Forumon September 23 on Latvia’s transformation to ademocracy after achieving independence from theformer Soviet Union.Speaking without a script, the president outlinedthe struggles of the Latvian people afterSoviet occupation and praised their determinationto gain their freedom. The struggle for independencewas a long one, lasting for half a century. Itwas with obvious national pride that she describedthe deep emotions of her compatriots when the flagof Latvia was hoisted at the United Nations on gainingindependence in 1991.In the 13 years since its independence, Latviahas made considerable progress both politically andeconomically. Its most recent success came thispast spring, when its flag was again hoisted proudly,this time above the headquarters of theEuropean Union.While the desire to become part of the EU andbenefit from the security umbrella of NATO was amain impetus behind Latvia’s progress, Vike-Freiberga stated that, most of all, it was Latvia’spast experiences with tyranny and oppression thatpushed its people to take charge of their future andSIPA NEWS 39

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 40Dr. Surakiart Sathirathai, foreign minister of Thailand,speaks on the effects of globalization.Professor Albert Fishlow, director of the Institute of LatinAmerican Studies and Center for Brazilian Studies, withColombian Minister of Foreign Affairs Carolina BarcoIsaksonRomanian President Ion Iliescu addresses the WorldLeaders Forum on “a short and brutal century.”become masters of their own fate. “Voices in thepost-Soviet Russian empire said ‘these countriescannot survive without us,’ but they have been, andthey are,” she stated.Although Latvia is still a work-in-progress,Vike-Freiberga is hopeful about the future. “Keepyour eyes open and watch out for Latvia,” sheconcluded.Michelle Marston, MIA ’06, is concentrating inInternational Media and Communications.Foreign Minister of ThailandSpeaks on Globalization,Partnerships, and MultilateralismDr. Surakiart Sathirathai, the Minister ofForeign Affairs of Thailand, anchored hisspeech at the WLF with the themes of globalization,partnership, and the future of multilateralism.Surakiart, who began his political career in1986, pointed out that globalization has beenblamed for many of the world’s ills. He spoke of disillusionmentin developing countries where growthand prosperity are below expectations, with awidening gap in income and living standardsbetween countries and within each country andwidespread job insecurity amid intensified economiccompetition. Even in rich countries, the wayglobalization “is being managed or rather, mismanaged”has fueled much discontent, he noted.“Better for us now to lay the foundation for globalizationthat empowers and strengthens,”Surakiart said, underlining the need to reform multilateralinstitutions to meet the challenges of presentday realities. He called for the United Nationsto reinforce its role as the pillar of the multilateralsystem and voiced support for the reform andenlargement of the UN Security Council, employinga realistic set of criteria in order to enhance theCouncil’s effectiveness. Compared to 1945, whenthe UN was founded, today’s threats and challengeshave become more multifaceted, multidimensional,complex, and interlinked, thereby necessitating anew, common security and development agenda, henoted.Surakiart emphasized that partnerships in securityand development are the “natural buildingblocks for the multilateral system” and advocatedthe use of the Association of Southeast AsianNations (ASEAN) and others to promote multilateralism,bridge economic disparity, and foster strategiceconomic cooperation among countries.Quashing the notion that bilateral and regionalpartnerships may undermine the multilateral system,Surakiart, who has been mentioned as a strongcandidate to succeed UN Secretary-General KofiAnnan, put forth a clear message: “Partnershipscan be complementary to multilateralism, and bothcan lead toward growth and development.”Pui Wing Ho, a graduate student in the Master’sProgram in Regional Studies: East Asia, will graduatein 2005.Foreign Minister of ColombiaHighlights Battle against Narco-TerrorismColombia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, CarolinaBarco Isakson, focused on President AlvaroUribe’s progress and plans in minimizing narco-terrorism,the country’s main challenge.Narco-terrorism, or violence against noncombatantsexecuted by an organization involved in drugtrafficking, has declined since Uribe took office in2002, according to Barco. With a 25 percentdecrease in homicides and 45 percent decrease inkidnapping, Barco surmised that there is “a senseof taking over the country again” and “an importantpsychological change . . . that things are gettingbetter.” In particular, she highlighted the progressof government initiatives focused on developingeconomic alternatives for communities most affectedby the drug trade. Barco added that the governmenthas partnered with the communities to cultivateother products such as palm oil, coffee, andorganic sugar.Although Barco noted significant progressagainst narco-terrorism, she admitted that the problemsremain large and that Uribe will need toincrease the implementation of initiatives duringhis remaining two years in office. She described thegovernment’s plans to demobilize the narco-terrorismgroups by assisting the transition of more than6,000 members into society with programs for familyreunification, skills training, and basic literacy.To improve its economy, Colombia plans toestablish an Andean Free Trade Agreement with theUnited States. Attributing the Andean region’s 50percent decrease in cocoa plantations partly tofinancial assistance from the United States, Barcoemphasized the importance of approaching narcoterrorismas a region, “The problem one finds manytimes is that when there’s a decrease in one country,the crops may turn out in another one.”Because of this, she noted that Colombia is “workingclosely with our neighbors” on this issue.Marie Wiltz, MIA ’05, is concentrating inInternational Media and Communications.President of RomaniaContemplates a Century ofChangeAddressing his Columbia audience, PresidentIon Iliescu of Romania reflected on the GreatShock at the End of a Short Century, his forthcoming“book-length conversation” with ProfessorVladimir Tismaneanu, which articulates the 89years that changed the face of Europe and internationalaffairs.The Great Shock is Iliescu’s attempt to makesense of an historical period, to chart his participationin a short and brutal century, and to “provide40 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 41Bolivian President Carlos Diego Mesa Gisbert discusseshis country’s “Gas War” in Low Memorial Rotunda.Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs Kristiina Ojuland, Macedonian Minister of Foreign Affairs Ilinka Mitreva, JeanMacagno Bollinger, President Lee Bollinger, SIPA Dean Lisa Anderson, Nigerian Minister of Foreign Affairs DodoAïchatou Mindaoudou, and former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright pose following the panel “EliminatingViolence and Discrimination against Women.”elements for objective judgment” on the decisionsfaced by political leaders in the postwar era.Iliescu argued that the twentieth century shouldbe viewed as a “short” century spanning the periodfrom the end of World War I through the Cold War.This short century was a period of horrors, includinggenocide, war, and other crimes against humanity.But in Iliescu’s eyes, it was also a century of“economic and technological progress” that usheredin democracy. According to Iliescu, democracy“came from violence providing the salvation we[Romanians] were waiting for.”President Iliescu also turned his attention to theproblems inherited by the twenty-first century.“Terrorism is not the only enemy of democracy,” heasserted, listing poverty and the deepening gapbetween rich and poor as the most dangerousthreats to stability. And in perhaps the most reflectivemoment of his address at Low MemorialLibrary, he declared: “If democracy tends towardauthoritarianism, it will fail as Communism failed.”Andre Banks, MIA ’06, is concentrating inInternational Media and Communications.Madeleine Albright ModeratesPanel on Violence andDiscrimination against WomenAt one of the Forum’s best-attended events—apanel discussion entitled “EliminatingViolence and Discrimination against Women”—formerU.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albrightopened her remarks by saying, “If I had to summarize,in one word, the relevance of gender to themost urgent issues of life and death that we face,that word would be Afghanistan.”As moderator of the panel, which focused primarilyon the ratification and implementation of theConvention on the Elimination of Discriminationagainst Women (CEDAW)—a document adopted bythe United Nations General Assembly in 1979 andwidely recognized as the “International Bill ofRights” for women—Albright used the example ofAfghanistan to illustrate how the struggle to endviolence and discrimination against women extendswell beyond legal recognition of women’s rights.Since 1979, nearly 180 countries have ratifiedCEDAW, including Afghanistan in early 2003, butas Albright emphasized, “Often, even if the laws onthe books are changed, the reality in villages andcommunities has not.”Whether the violence manifests itself physicallythrough ritual mutilations, honor crimes, or thekilling of female infants, or mentally and sociallythrough deprivation of education, Albrightdescribed how violence against women is embeddedin many cultures. While some label efforts toend such practices “cultural imperialism,” Albrightwholeheartedly disagrees with this characterization.“Some say all this is cultural and there is nothingthat anyone can do about it; I say it’s criminal, andwe each have an obligation to stop it,” she proclaimed.Her comments were echoed by panelistsKristiina Ojuland, Ilinka Mitreva, and DodoAïchatou Mindaoudou, the respective Ministers ofForeign Affairs of Estonia, Macedonia, and Niger,each of whom discussed the importance of educationto improving her countrywomen’s lives.Speaking of the many Nigerian women who are illiterateand ignorant of their rights, Mindaoudounoted, “I think we have to just continue working. . . . These women have to be informed; they haveto be given a voice.”Deirdre Downey, MPA ’05, SIPA News contributingeditor, is concentrating in Advanced PolicyAnalysis.President of Bolivia TracesHistory of “Gas War”When Carlos Diego Mesa Gisbert assumed thepresidency of Bolivia in October 2003, hetook charge of a country wrought by civic strife. Atleast 70 Bolivians had died in clashes betweensecurity forces and protesters against the sale ofthe nation’s gas abroad.President Mesa explored the roots of this conflict,now known as the “Gas War,” in his addressto the Columbia community, telling the story ofBolivia’s unfulfilled expectations through decadesof misgovernment, corruption, and coups d’état.To understand the Gas War, Mesa suggested,requires retracing recent Bolivian political and economichistory. After the collapse of Bolivia’s statecapitalism in the early 1980s and the adoption ofa neoliberal approach to the economy, key Bolivianindustries were sold, including the hydrocarbonsector, with large shares landing in foreign hands.When the economy faltered with the 1997 globalfinancial crisis, a severe recession gripped Bolivia,and the long-simmering discontent of the poor surfaced.Galvanized by the plan to export gas throughBolivia’s historical enemy, Chile, and by an unwillingnessto allow foreign oil companies to continueto operate without facing higher taxes, a movementarose to stop the sale of Bolivian gas abroad.In September 2003, roadblocks and protestsparalyzed large parts of the country. The governmentof President Gonzalo Sánchez de Losada crackeddown violently. Mesa, vice president at the time,condemned the violence, and, after Sánchez deLosada was forced to step down, he came to power.In order to channel the popular discontent,Mesa held a referendum in July 2004 on the saleof the nation’s gas. Although he hailed the referendumas a success, it was carefully worded to makethe complete renationalization of the hydrocarbonsector an impossible outcome, and close to 40 percentof the electorate abstained from voting despitethreatened fines.It appears that the final chapter of Bolivia’shistory of unfulfilled expectations has yet to bewritten.Vince O’Hara, MIA ’05, is concentrating inEconomic and Political Development andInternational Media and Communications.SIPA NEWS 41

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 42CLASS NOTESSIPARodolfo O. de la Garza Named to List of Influential HispanicsRodolfo O. de la Garza, professor of political science, vice president ofresearch, The Tomás Rivera Policy Institute, and director of SIPA’s MPAProgram, was named one of “The 100 Influentials” by Hispanic Business(October 2004). The magazine recognized prominent and accomplishedHispanic leaders who have had recent, national impact onpolitics, finance, technology, education, athletics, and nonprofitorganizations. De la Garza was acknowledged for his research on ethnicpolitics, with an emphasis on Hispanic public opinion and electoralinvolvement. His current research interests include Hispanic voting patterns,immigration, and Hispanics and U.S. foreign policy.Class Notes Compiled by Deirdre DowneyKlein Wins State Senate SeatJeffrey Klein, MPA 1985kleinj@assembly.state.ny.usAfter ten years of representing the 80th AssemblyDistrict in the Bronx, Jeffrey Klein was elected to theNew York Senate District 34, which covers part ofWestchester County and the Bronx. Klein won a threewaycontest for an open seat recently vacated by GuyVelella, who resigned his seat as the result of a publicscandal.1975Dean Harris, MIA, ColumbiaBusiness School, ’75Dean is the chief marketingofficer of Vonage, a broadbandtelephone company.1978George Marshall Worthington,MIAworthworldtx@sprintmail.comGeorge was recently chosen tolead the newly launchedHouston chapter of Net-Impact,a national network of new businessleaders committed toimpacting positively social andenvironmental issues. In July2004, George traveled toOxford University to participateas a hosted guest at the 2004Law, Justice, and SocietySeminar of the Center forSocio-Legal Studies, where participantsfrom around the worlddiscussed democracy, free markets,and the rule of law.1981Margot (Berch) Singer, MPAmargosinger@oasas.state.ny.usMargo was married to IsraelSinger on May 30, 2004, inTroy, New York. She works atthe New York State Office ofAlcoholism and SubstanceAbuse Services in Albany, NewYork, as an addictions programspecialist for special populations.In her “free” time, sheserves as a board officer ofTemple Berith Sholom in Troyand as a co-leader of her daughterSarah’s third grade Brownietroop.1983Maureen-Elizabeth Hagen,MIA, Middle East Certificatehagengreene@msn.com orhagenme@netscape.netMaureen lives in Portland,Oregon, with her husband of19 years, Rob Greene. She isthe chair of the PortlandCommittee on ForeignRelations (associated withACFR). This past September,she was ordained into the deaconateof the EpiscopalChurch.Mark Pekala, MIAMark and his wife, MariaAlongi Pekala (MIA ’88), happilyannounce the birth of theirsecond daughter, NoraMadeline, on May 6, 2004.Mark is chargé d'affaires at theU.S. Embassy in Tallinn,Estonia.1987Adrienne Edgar, MIAedgar@history.ucsb.eduAdrienne is an assistant professorof Soviet and Central Asianhistory at the University ofCalifornia, Santa Barbara. Herbook Tribal Nation: The Making ofSoviet Turkmenistan was publishedby Princeton University Pressin November 2004. She and herhusband, Adebisi Agboola, havea five-month-old daughter,Amaya Tatiana.1988Stephen Gaull, MIAsgaull@hotmail.comStephen was one of the firstprofessionals recruited into theMillennium ChallengeCorporation (MCC), a newU.S. government agency thatprovides financial assistance todeveloping countries. He isresponsible for implementingthe MCC’s programs in Africa.Since graduating from SIPA, hehas worked on finance anddevelopment in emerging marketsin a variety of capacities.Before MCC, he co-wrote thebusiness plan and successfullyraised $30 million in debtfinancing for Aegis CapitalCorporation, a merchant bankthat focuses on trade and transportationsecurity for developingcountries.Andy Grimminger, MIAgriminger@hotmail.comAndy has moved to Tunisiawith his wife and their threechildren, including daughterBridget, born this past August.He will open the Tunis office ofa new development consultingcompany based in Amman,Jordan. He was recently technicaldirector for USAID’s Iraqprogram.1989Andrew Russell, MIAandrew.russell@undp.orgAndrew and his wife, JudyKallick Russell (MIA ’90), firstmet as at a rehearsal for the“SIPA Chorale” at the apartmentof former SIPA dean AlfredStepan, in the fall of 1988.Despite having been quitetaken with one another, theylost touch after graduation.Years later, while working in ElSalvador, they reconnected andeventually got married. Thispast August they celebratedtheir 11th wedding anniversary.They have enjoyed manyadventures in Guatemala, NewYork, and now Cyprus, whereAndrew is the manager of aUNDP peace-building programand Judy is a consultant forcommunity development organizations.They welcome theirSIPA friends to visit them inCyprus, where they live withtheir children, Joshua (10) andSarah (8), and their dog, Lucky.Andrew can be reached at thee-mail above, and Judith atjkallickrussell@yahoo.com.1990Richard Chacon, MPAchacon@globe.com orrchacon@nieman.harvard.eduAfter spending three years asdeputy foreign editor at theBoston Globe, Richard was awardeda Nieman Fellowship atHarvard University for the2004–2005 academic year. Hisstudy proposal focuses onexploring the role that religionand public health play in shapingU.S. foreign policy. Aftersix-plus years of marriage, heand his wife Lauren are now thehappy parents of a healthyseven-month old son, RicardoKarl.Wolfgang L. Mueller, MIAwolfgang.l.mueller@spdfrak.de42 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 43CLASS NOTESSIPAWolfgang is coordinator forWorld Economy in the GermanParliament (Bundestag). He isworking for the SPD-Parliamentary Group, the leadingparty group of ChancellorGerhard Schroeder, and frequentlyvisits New York andWashington as part of hisduties. Since the Bundestagmoved from Bonn to Berlin, helives in Berlin-Spandau. Thispast June, Wolfgang got married.His wife, Anke, a lawyerfrom Hamburg, also works inBerlin.Kellee Tsai, MIA, Ph.D., ’99ktsai@jhu.eduKellee and her husband, Davis,are happy to announce thebirth of Felix DeSaussureBookhart-Tsai on July 2, 2004.They are all doing well.1992Christin M. Driscoll, MPAchristindriscoll@hotmail.comIn the summer of 2003,Christin accepted a position assenior director of public policyat the Association for Careerand Technical Education—anorganization that deals with arange of education and trainingissues. Christin directs theAssociation’s government relations,grassroots advocacy,research, and media activities.Alfred LaSpina, MIAajl115@columbia.eduAlfred and his wife, Audrey,welcomed a new daughter, MiaGrace, on September 18, 2004.Mia is their second child; theirfirst, Isabella Noël, is almosttwo years old. Alfred is thedirector of marketing for KazIncorporated, a consumer productscompany involved in thedesign, manufacture, and marketingof air purification products.They live in Arlington,Massachusetts, and welcomee-mail from SIPA friends.Julie McCormack, MIAJulie@wwescapes.comJulie McCormack has operatedher own international adventuretravel business, WorldwideEscapes, for the past six years.She lives in Orinda, Californiawith her husband, Michael, andtheir two children, Conor (4)and Erin (2).Ann J. Morning, MIAann.morning@nyu.eduAnn is back in New York, havingreturned this past fall tobegin teaching at NYU as anassistant professor of sociology.In spring 2004, she finished herPhD at Princeton, as did herhusband, Andrea Tambalotti,an economist who now worksat the Federal Reserve Bank ofNew York.1993Lyn A. Hogan, MPAlyn.hogan@yale.eduLyn recently accepted a positionas a senior associate atYale University’s Center inChild Development and SocialPolicy. She has held positionson the White House DomesticPolicy Council under PresidentClinton, at the DemocraticLeadership Council, on thestaffs of Senators EdwardKennedy and Barbara Mikulski,and, more recently, as a seniorprogram officer at the SmithRichardson Foundation basedin Connecticut. Lyn lives inWestport, Connecticut withher husband, business authorStephen Diorio, and her son,Robert. Lyn can be reached atthe e-mail address listed above.William Wechsler, MPAWechsler@greenwich.comOn October 6, 2004, William’swife, Helaine Klasky, gavebirth to their second child,Daniel Reid Wechsler. Twoyear-oldAlexander HaydenWechsler is enjoying his newstatus as the big brother.1994Charles Green, MIAcharles_green@msn.comCharles Green is the new chiefoperating officer of Hisense,USA, located in City ofIndustry, California. Hisense isChina’s third largest producerof appliances and consumerelectronics. Those interested inlearning more about the companycan find information atwww.hisense.com.1995Elena Crescia, MIAelenacrescia@yahoo.comAfter graduating from SIPA,Elena received a postgraduatedegree in Financial Evaluationfrom the Sorbonne’s Institutefor Economic and SocialDevelopment Studies. Duringher time in Paris, her daughtersVictoria (8) and Sofia (6) wereborn. The family then movedto Buenos Aires, Argentina,where, for three years, Elenaworked for NGOs and started amicrocredit project. In June2002, the family relocated toSão Paulo, Brazil, where Elenais now working for the Institutefor Social InvestmentDevelopment. She reports thatshe loves her work.1996Andrew Mwaba, PEPMa.mwaba@afdb.orgAfter graduating from SIPA,Andrew completed a doctoralprogram at Manchester. InAugust 2004, he was appointedadviser to the vice president atthe African Development Bank(ADB). In this position, he isable to make a positive contributionto the bank’s membercountries by advising them onthe ADB’s operational program.Cristina Seckinger, MPAcristinaseckinger@msn.comCristina and Ian Watson(Columbia College ’89;Columbia Business School ’98)welcomed their second child,Nathaniel (“Nate”) HolbrookWatson, born May 13, 2004.They currently reside inArlington, Massachusetts.columbia universityschool of international and public affairsThe Earth Institute at Columbia UniversityEarn your MPA inEnvironmental Science andPolicyThe Master of PublicAdministration Program inEnvironmental Scienceand Policy combinesColumbia University’shands-on approachto teaching public policyand administration withpioneering thinking aboutthe environment.Thistwelve-month program takesplace at Columbia University’s New York campuses.For more information,please call 212-854-3142, e-mail: lar46@columbia.edu,or visit our Web site.www.columbia.edu/cu/mpaenvironment1997Krista (Eilhardt) Birenkrant,MIAkrista26@yahoo.comKrista and her husband, Marc,welcomed their first baby, EllaJanine, in January 2004. Kristais now consulting for the RaoulWallenberg Committee of theUnited States.Jennifer Chang, MIAJennifer.Chang@ap.jll.comJennifer, who is living andworking in Hong Kong, gotmarried on October 23, 2004.Recently, she received sponsorshipfrom the Hong KongJockey Club to compete in aseries of international showjumping competitions in anticipationof the Asian Games inQatar in 2006.Carl Haacke, MIAcarlhaacke@yahoo.comCarl misses the “good old days”when he was in the ClintonAdministration, as a member ofthe White House NationalEconomic Council and ChiefEconomist’s Office of the LaborDepartment. Now he is consultingfor businesses and isexcited about the release of hisfirst book, Frenzy, by Palgrave,St. Martin’s Press in December2004. The book, which isabout investment decisions andstrategy during speculativebubbles, has already receivedterrific feedback from notablebusiness leaders. Carl is evenmore excited, however, abouthis two 18-month-old sons,Evan and Matthew.Tim Sunwoo, MIAtimsunwoo@bigpond.comAfter working for the managementconsulting firm A. T.Kearney in its Sydney and NewYork offices and with a start-upin Silicon Valley, Tim has relocatedto Sydney, Australia,where he is now a principal inGroup Strategy of InsuranceSIPA NEWS 43

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 44CLASS NOTESSIPA“The Executive MPA program offers a rigorous curriculum andhands-on approach to public policy and problemsolving for managersworking in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors.”TheCOLUMBIAExecutiveMPAGroup Australia. In this newposition, he is involved in corporatestrategy work for someof the largest financial institutionsin Australia.1998Margarita Martinez Escallon,MIAmargmart@yahoo.comLa Sierra, a documentary thatMargarita co-created, won theaward for best documentary featureat the 26th IFP Market heldin New York this pastSeptember. The film, whichhighlights the life and death of aparamilitary leader in Medellín,Colombia, explores how societalorder breaks down when theonly value that draws respect isthe power of a gun. Margarita,who has been with theAssociated Press for five years,developed the documentarywith Scott Dalton, a photographerwith the AP. They plan tosubmit La Sierra to other film festivals,including Sundance,Amsterdam, and Berlin.Take your career in a new direction.Concentrations in• Advanced Management and Finance• International Economic Policy and ManagementJuly 1 application deadline212-854-2710 empa@columbia.eduwww.sipa-empa.comCOLUMBIA UNIVERSITYSchool of International and Public AffairsCathy Feingold, MPA, andJerry Black, MIAcatitaf@yahoo.comCathy and Jerry are enjoyingparenthood with the birth oftheir son, Myles Feingold-Black. They live inWashington, D.C., whereCathy continues to work in theinternational affairs departmentof the AFL-CIO and Jerry is aconsultant on economic developmentissues.Ivy Lindstrom Fredericks, MIAifredericks@westminstersecurities.comIvy is a managing director inCorporate Finance atWestminster Securities, a privateinvestment bank in NewYork. The group specializes inraising capital for small andmid-cap public companies thatare international in scope, mostof which are based outside theU.S. but traded on U.S.exchanges. She is currentlyworking with four companiesbased in China and has madesix trips there in the last tenmonths. Ivy reports that whilethe jet lag is rough, the work isfascinating.Ajit Joshi, MIAAJoshi@usaid.govAfter working in USAID’sBureau for Africa for five and ahalf years, Ajit received a promotionand joined its Bureaufor Democracy, Conflict, andHumanitarian Assistance’sOffice of Private VoluntaryCooperation–AmericanSchools and Hospitals Abroad.As a lead program analyst, hehas a portfolio of ten grantsthat focus on organizationaldevelopment and NGO capacitybuilding. Ajit continues tolive in Capitol Hill inWashington, D.C., and invitescolleagues to be in touch.Maureen Upton, MIA,Columbia Business School, ’98Mtu3@columbia.eduMaureen’s article on infectiousdisease and international security,“Global Public HealthTrumps the Nation-State,” hasbeen published in the fall issueof the World Policy Journal. Shecontinues to serve as directorof Janus Funds in Denver,Colorado, and is a freelancejournalist and tri-athlete.Lissette C. Bernal Verbel, MIAlcbv@go.comDuring the past three years,Lissette has been a technicalprogram associate for men’sreproductive health atEngenderHealth, an internationalhealth nonprofit based inNew York, and has enjoyedworking in Africa, Asia, andLatin America. Her most recentpursuits include facilitating asession at the XV InternationalAIDS Conference in Bangkok,Thailand, as well as cowriting achapter for Oxfam’s new publication“Gender Equality andMen: Lessons from Practice.”She sends warm greetings to allher old EPD friends.1999Gilbert Remulla, MIAgcr7@columbia.eduFirst elected in 2001, Gilbert isnow in his second three-yearterm as representative of theSecond District of Cavite tothe Philippine Congress. He iscurrently the chairman of theHouse Committee on PublicInformation and senior vicechair of the Committee onEcology. He has been marriedfor four years to Georgina Roa,a graduate of the pediatric dentistryprogram at Columbia(’99). They have two daughters,Roxanne and Rocio.2000Diego Molano, MPAdiegomolano@presidencia.gov.coAfter graduating from SIPA,Diego returned to Colombia tolead initiatives in urban economicdevelopment and regulationfor public services.Recently, he was appointeddeputy director for PlanColombia in the Presidency ofthe Republic of Colombia,where he leads a process forimplementing social and economicprograms in areas affectedby cultivation of illicit drugsand will coordinate the designand implementation of a newcooperation phase between theU.S. and Colombia. He is alsoan adjunct professor in urbanmanagement at RosarioUniversity in Bogotá,Colombia.Monique Nardi Roquette,MIAMNardiRoquette@uneca.orgMonique is now working at theUN Economic Commission forAfrica in Addis Ababa as developmentmanagement officer.She got married in September2003.Jordanna Konovitch Rubin,MPAjordanna_rubin@bellsouth.netJordanna and her husband,Gideon, moved to Miami,Florida, last August and havebeen enjoying the warm weatherand sunshine. She is themanager of the EnvironmentalDivision for the City of MiamiBeach, where, she happilyreports, “I work in a paradise!”Divya Swamy, MIAds331@columbia.eduDivya is now at a post at theAmerican Embassy inIslamabad, Pakistan, coveringthe “always fascinating” domesticpolitical scene and “having agreat time.” Divya will be therefor the next year.Major John Thompson, MIAcgtjrt2@msn.comJohn served as team chief forcounterterrorism in Baghdad,Iraq during Operation IraqiFreedom in 2003. Presently, heis the team chief for RussianGeneral Purpose Forces at theDefense Intelligence Agency,located in Washington, D.C.2001Pajarita Charles, MPApcharles@email.unc.eduAfter meeting at SIPA inSeptember 1999, PajaritaCharles and Simeon Alder(MIA ’00) were married on June20, 2003. Shortly after, theyboth returned to school.Simeon is a PhD student ineconomics at UCLA, andPajarita is getting her PhD insocial work at the University ofNorth Carolina, Chapel Hill.Pajarita can be reached at thee-mail above, and Simeon atsalder@ucla.edu.Danielle Garbe, MPAgarbedn@yahoo.comDanielle finished her diplomaticposting in Indonesia and isnow back in Washington,D.C., working as a staff assistantin the Bureau for EastAsian and Pacific Affairs at theU.S. Department of State.Vasileios Panousopoulos,PEPMvpanousopoulos@hotmail.com44 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 45CLASS NOTESSIPAWhile working as a consultantto the World Bank for the pastfew years Vasileios has had twopapers published by the organization.The first is a technicalstudy on services trade in theBalkans, which he wrote in collaborationwith Dr.Constantine Michalopoulos.The second is a backgroundpaper on international trade inKosovo. Both papers are availableon the World Bank Website. This past summer, hereturned to Greece to see theOlympic games in Athens.Currently, he is a freelanceconsultant for private Greekconsulting firms.Ivan Small, MIAivs2@cornell.eduIvan is now pursuing a PhD inCultural Anthropology atCornell University in Ithaca,New York.2002Jennifer Barsky, MIAJennifer and Pedro Arizti (MIA’01) were married onSeptember 3, 2004, in Bermeo,Spain. They are now living inWashington, D.C., whereJennifer is working as senioradviser with SustainAbility andPedro is with the World Bank.They can be reached atbarsky@sustainability.com orarizti@worldbank.org.Randi Feigenbaum Marshall,MPArandi817@hotmail.comRandi and Scott Marshall arethrilled to announce the birthof their lovely daughter, JuliaRachel, on February 23, 2004.Julia weighed in at 6 lbs. 12 oz.and was 19 inches long. Randiis currently back at work parttimeas a reporter at Newsdaycovering the economy. Mom,Dad, and Julia are doing welland would love to hear fromclassmates and friends at thee-mail listed above.Trond Gabrielson, MIAtrond.gabrielsen@mfa.noTrond has moved to Genevawith his family to start work atthe Permanent Mission ofNorway. His work will focuson the services negotiations inthe WTO as well as trade ingoods. He hopes to see otherSIPA alumni in Geneva andsays that SIPA alums should“not hesitate” to contact him.Nori Katagiri, MIAyaponorry@hotmail.comNori is a doctoral student inPolitical science at theUniversity of Pennsylvania.His studies focus on IR andcomparative politics. Heexpects to complete his degreein 2008.Leah Yoon, MPAly140@columbia.eduLeah Yoon recently worked onthe Bush-Cheney 2004 campaignas the communicationsdirector for the state ofWashington.2003Todd Haiken, MPAtoddhaiken@yahoo.comTodd’s fellowship with SenatorJeff Bingaman (D-NM) endedin June, and he accepted aposition as a federal lobbyistfor the National PTA, locatedin Washington, D.C. He wasmarried on October 17, 2004,in Maryland.Sonal Loomba Patney, EMPASpatney@bnysecurities.comSonal recently got married, andshe informs us that her newlast name is Patney.2004Eduardo Rivas, MIAerivas@cinemexicano.comEduardo is currently in MexicoCity on a Fulbright Fellowship.He has a Binational BusinessGrant and is employed by amultinational corporation. Heis also working toward a binationalbusiness certificate at theInstituto TecnologicoAutonomo de Mexico (ITAM).Columbia University School of International & Public AffairsJOURNAL OF International Affairsannouncing the Fall 2004 IssueSTATE BUILDINGFrancis Fukuyama • Joel Migdal • Samuel Issacharoff • Lisa AndersonMichael Shifter • Sumantra Bose • Rosemary Shinko • Herbert WeissJulio Carranza Valdes • Jonathan GoodhandHow are sovereign institutions establishedwithin the boundaries of a state? Whatlessons do past experiences offer for currentpolicy decisions in transitional andwar-torn states? These and other questionsare addressed through theoreticalanalysis and case studies of Afghanistan,Bosnia, Colombia, the DemocraticRepublic of Congo, India, Pakistan,Palestine, and South Africa.Columbia UniversitySchool of International and Public AffairsThe Program in EconomicPolicy Management (PEPM)“I chose to attend PEPM because the program puts togetherthe most important and controversial issues presentlyfacedThe Program in Economic Policy Management provides professionalswith the skills required to design and implement economic policy effectively,with an emphasis on the issues of developing economies.The 14-month program includes three semesters of course work, followedby a three-month internship. Students earn a Master of PublicAdministration.Some applicants may qualify for full financial support.The 2005–2006 program begins in July 2005. Applications should be receivedby January 1, 2005.SIPAwww.columbia.edu/cu/sipa/PEPMAvailable DecemberFor ordering and subscriptioninformation visit our website at:http://jia.sipa.columbia.eduJournal of International AffairsColumbia University, Box 4,International Affairs BuildingNew York, NY 10027Telephone: (212) 854-4775Fax: (212) 662-0398For an application and additional information:pepm@columbia.edu • 212-854-6982 • 212-854-5935 (fax)SIPA NEWS 45

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 46DONOR LISTSIPAListed below are the 618 individuals and organizations who contributed a totalof $100 or more to SIPA between July 1, 2003, and June 30, 2004.“CER” followed by year = graduate with certificate from a regional institute“IF” followed by year = graduate of the International Fellows Program“MIA” followed by year = graduate with a Master in International Affairs“MPA” followed by year = graduate with a Master in Public Administration$500,000–$999,999AnonymousThe Freeman FoundationFoundation for the Center forEnergy, Marine Transportation andPublic PolicyArnold A. Saltzman$250,000–$499,999Laszlo Z. Bito and Olivia B. Carino$100,000–$249,999The William and Flora HewlettFoundationThe Rockefeller FoundationSmith Richardson Foundation, Inc.New York Community Trust$50,000–$99,999Abdel Muhsen Al-QattanCarnegie Corporation of New YorkChristian A. Johnson EndeavorFoundationWilliam H. Cosby Jr.Nemir KirdarJames Leitner, MIA ’77Moody’s FoundationLeonard RiggioJack RudinRonald K. Simons$25,000–$49,999AnonymousAnonymousThe A. G. Leventis FoundationBlack Entertainment TelevisionBohemian Benevolent and LiteraryAssociationRobert L. JohnsonJames E. Jordan, MIA ’71The Korea FoundationPeter Neill Marber, MIA ’87Mary W. Harriman FoundationRasaca Austin, L.P.Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Inc.Crystal RosendaulJudith O. RubinJeffrey L. Schmidt, IF ’79, CER ’79Shevchenko Scientific Society, Inc.Malcolm J. Stewart, IF ’78, MIA ’79Taipei Economic and Cultural OfficeThe World Bank$10,000–$24,999Wilder K. Abbott, MIA ’61Mina Schricker AtabaiSerge BellangerAntonina BerezovenkoJohn P. BirkelundBolsa de Mercadorias &Futuros-BM&FJames L. Broadhead, Esq., IF ’63Robert Meade Chilstrom, MIA ’69,CER ’73Johnnie L. Cochran Jr.Consulate General of the Republic ofPolandFrancis CostelloRichard A. Debs1199 SEIU New York’s HealthExxon Mobil Education FoundationMahshid FarahmandJames HarmonA. Michael Hoffman, IF ’69, MIA ’73KeySpan FoundationHarley L. Lippman, MIA ’79Merrill Lynch & Company, Inc.Lucio A. NotoOpen Society InstituteRonald Owen PerelmanPiper Rudnick LLPPolish & Slavic Federal Credit UnionEric C. RudinSaudi Arabian Oil CompanyJoan SchneeweissS. L. Green Management LLCJoan E. Spero, MIA ’68The Tinker Foundation IncorporatedUkrainian Studies Fund, Inc.Jens Ulltveit-Moe, MIA ’68Unibanco-Uniao de BancosBrasileiros S.A.United Federation of Teachers, Local2 AFTJeanette S. WagnerKathryn E. WilburLan Yang, MIA ’96$5,000–$9,999Amy L. Abrams, MIA ’81American Council of LearnedSocietiesAmerican International GroupAnonymousArent Fox Kintner Plotkin & Kahn,PLLCDavid J. Bershad, Esq.Peter A. Berton, CER ’56Citco Fund Services (USA) Inc.Citigroup IncorporatedThe Coca-Cola CompanyColumbia University AlumniAssociation of KoreaErnst & Young LLPFWA of New York Educational FundGoldman, Sachs & CompanyGNYHA Ventures, Inc.John A. Grammer Jr., MIA ’63Claus M. HalleHealth Insurance Plan of GreaterNew YorkRalph O. Hellmold, IF ’63, MIA ’64HSBC Bank USAInternational Women’s HealthCoalitionThe Kosciuszko Foundation, Inc.Leahey & Johnson, PCLehman Brothers, Inc.Harold F. Lenfest, Esq.Brian C. Lippey, IF ’78, MIA ’78Local 32B-32J, SEIU, AFL-CIODavid MarkinClaudette M. Mayer, IF ’76, MIA ’76Gregory McLaughlinGertrude G. MichelsonBasil A. Paterson, Esq.George C. PaunescuE. John Rosenwald Jr.Howard J. RubensteinJuan A. SabaterAlan J. SchwartzBrent Scowcroft, PhDCarl SpielvogelJonathan M. Tisch FoundationGeraldine WangNorman and Rosita WinstonFoundationAlexander E. Zagoreos, MIA ’64$2,500–$4,999American Federation ofLabor–Congress of IndustrialOrganizationsLisa Anderson CER ’76The Auschwitz Jewish CenterBank of AmericaJudith Meyers Brown, IF ’71Pamela Hawkins Casaudoume, MIA’89Pierre J. de Vegh40 Acres and a Mule Filmworks, Inc.Elise D. FrickJoan HelpernDonald L. Holley, Esq., MIA ’59Lila J. Kalinich, MDVictor Alan Kovner, Esq.Luba LabunkaLVMH Moet Hennessy LouisVuitton, Inc.Dennis MehielZachary Bennett Metz, MIA ’01Brett Alan Olsher, MIA ’93Schulte Roth & Zabel LLPClaire C. Shipman, MIA ’94Stuart Alan ShorensteinBarry F. SullivanFranklin A. Thomas, Esq.Kate R. Whitney$1,000–$2,500Endre BalazsRobin L. Berry, MIA ’78Donald M. BlinkenKim Christopher Bradley, MIA ’83Marcia Beth Burkey, MIA ’88Linda K. Carlisle, MPA ’81Charles E. Cheever IIIWha-Sup Chung, MIA ’77Anna M. CiencialaStephen F. Cohen, CER ’69Jennifer Ragusa Corddry, MPA ’99Michael C. Creadon, MPA ’96Gordon Jamison DavisJohn William Dickey, MIA ’92David N. DinkinsMaurice A. DuBoisFundacao Instituto de PesquisasZev Furst, MIA ’71Barbara J. Gallagher, MIA ’85Ronald T. GaultDr. Susan Aurelia Gitelson, MIA ’66Radmila GorupLawrence G. HefterMyron HnateykoFred P. HochbergJoseph Kindall Hurd III, IF ’92, MIA’94International Committee ofJournalism, Inc.Yasumitsu Iwasa, MIA ’94Eva Cristina JedruchAndrea Lynn Johnson, MIA ’89Jacques Lloyd Jones, Esq., IF ’69Vernon E. Jordan Jr.Fatima Sbaity Kassem, MIA ’91Kenneth J. KnucklesMichael Lehmann, IF ’72William R. Liesman, CER ’74, MIA’74Amy Kay Lipton, MIA ’88Mary A. H. Rumsey FoundationJay MazurStanislaw A. MilewskiMitsubishi International CorporationLondon MorawskiAlexandra Curran Nichols, MIA ’67Vahid F. NoshirvaniErnesto Aguilera Rangel, MIA ’99Barbara Helen Reguero Barbaria,MIA ’86James Jerard Richard, MIA ’98Harland A. Riker Jr.Safra National Bank of New YorkFred SchwartzHoward W. ShawnRuby B. SherwoodThomas H. Shrager, MIA ’84Suzanne SimmonsEdward Byron Smith Jr., MIA ’70Alfred C. Stepan III, IF ’65Transport Workers UnionYuko Usami, MIA ’77Katrina Vanden HeuvelEnzo ViscusiCarl WeisbrodWilford WelchGordon James Whiting, IF ’93Arthur M. Yoshinami, MIA ’80$500–$999Carlos Manuel Gouveia Abreu,MIA ’02AnonymousDavid Seth Baran, MIA ’87Wensley Barker III, MIA ’98Roger R. Baumann, IF ’84, MIA ’85Patrick F. BohanAmy Blagg Chao, MIA ’99Joanna A. ClarkPhilip A. Dabice, MIA ’77Connie J. DickersonThomas John Durkin CER ’87,MIA ’87The Dwight SchoolWalter A. EberstadtPeter D. Ehrenhaft, MIA ’5746 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 47DONOR LISTSIPAIvy Lindstrom Fredericks, MIA ’98Peter P. McN. Gates, Esq., IF ’62Charles A. Gepp, MIA ’93Joseph E. GoreJohn D. Greenwald, Esq., IF ’71Edgar C. Harrell, CER ’72Paula S. HarrellNeal H. Harwood, MIA ’61George Franz Hollendorfer, MIA ’01Douglas R. Hunter, MIA ’73Laurel Bowers Husain, MIA ’81Marisa LagoEugene Kistler Lawson, CER ’69Margaret FineChristopher Joseph Loso, MPA ’97Harold J. Magid, MIA ’79Arfan M. K. Malas, MIA ’68Amy L. Miller, MIA ’82Sherwood G. Moe, MIA ’48Katharine A. MorganCatherine Mulder, MIA ’81New York State DemocraticCommitteeJennifer Hirsh Overton, MPA ’93Carol Jean Patterson, CER ’76,MIA ’76Peter J. PettiboneJohn H. A. Quitter, IF ’67Clyde E. Rankin III, Esq., IF ’74Lucius J. RiccioGalen B. Ritchie, IF ’61Andrew RomayDaiji Sadamori, MIA ’74, CER ’76Margaret Ann Sekula, CER ’01, MIA’01Jean-Francois Seznec, MIA ’73Romita Shetty, MIA ’89Christopher William Smart, CER ’89Richard M. Smith, IF ’69Marc St. John, IF ’84, MIA ’85Padraic Joseph Sweeney, MIA ’89Hajime Takeuchi, MIA ’91Christos John Thomas, MIA ’90Miroslav M. TodorovichNeale X. Trangucci, IF ’81, MIA ’81Desa V. WakemanKathleen F. WallaceLaurence Furrey Wallace, MIA ’02George T. WeinDavid A. Weisz, IF ’77Gavin Conrad Wellington, MPA ’95Jayne S. WernerByung-Kon Yoo, MIA ’92Jerry Chan Yoon, MIA ’01Michael J. Zagurek Jr., MIA ’79$250–$499Roger E. AilesAustin Chinegwu Amalu, MIA ’81Shehriyar Darius Antia, MIA ’03Sanford AntignasPatrick Kenehan Archambault,MIA ’99Katharine E. Archibald, MIA ’83Gaspar Atienza, MIA ’00Reed David Auerbach, IF ’81,MIA ’82Gemma Hyaekyong Bae, MIA ’86Gordon N. BardosArlene Renee Barilec, MIA ’84Salwa Berberi, MIA ’86Matthew A. Berg, MIA ’98Peggy Robbins Bide, IF ’85, MIA ’85Melanie June Bixby, MIA ’91Julius R. Blocker, MIA ’56Alice K. Bolocan, CER ’57Donald Bronkema, CER ’57Jeffrey L. Canfield, CER ’82, MIA ’82Rafael Cervantes, MIA ’01Jonathan A. ChanisShoma Chatterjee, MIA ’01Jamsheed Kairshasp ChoksyWellington Pao-Chun Chu, CER ’87,MIA ’87Yung-Woo Chun, IF ’93, MIA ’94Irene Borecky Coffman, MIA ’82Richard Wayne CoffmanCharles D. Cook, Esq., MIA ’50Theodore Albert D’Afflisio, MIA ’71Stela Maris Dallari, MPA ’03Edward N. De Lia, MIA ’87Istvan A. DeakAlice M. DearJohn Melone Deidrick, MIA ’85Marc P. Desautels, MIA ’66Robert Laurence Direnzo, MPA ’94Jutta E. Dorscher-Kim, MIA ’87Roberta M. Edge, MPA ’79Tayeb Yehya El-HibriGordon Epstein, IF ’75, CER ’78,MIA ’78Mitchell B. Feldman, MIA ’77Louise R. Firestone, MIA ’79Grace Frisone, MIA ’76Larry S. Gage, Esq., IF ’71Evans Gerakas, MIA ’59Sol Glasner, CER ’76, MIA ’76Gary W. Glick, CER ’72Marilu Goldberg-Finardi, MIA ’82Oscar Gomez Cruz, MIA ’01Matthew Spalckhaver GordonJohn M. GorupVictor Gotbaum, MIA ’50Edward J. GraceMahmud Osman HaddadKay L. HancockTeresa Misty Hathaway, MIA ’89Rachel Beth Heller, MPA ’01Anna Katharina Herrhausen, MIA ’02Peter Alexander Hofmann, MIA ’86W. E. HollidayJohn Schaller Hopley, MIA ’90Ramya Thambuswamy Hopley,MIA ’86Deborah Lee James, MIA ’81Mark M. Jaskowiak, IF ’77Edward Van K. Jaycox Jr., CER ’64,MIA ’64Horace P. Jen, MIA ’93Elizabeth Lynn Katkin, Esq., IF ’90,MIA ’92Peter N. KujachichMiodrag Kukrika, MDPeter Leon George Laurens, MIA ’01Steven I. LevineJirawat Sophon Liwprasert, MIA ’84Dallas D. Lloyd, MIA ’58David J. Lund, MIA ’81Linda Freed Lund, MIA ’81Gerard Joseph Maguire, MIA ’02Jennifer Rebecca Malkin, MIA ’96Angelo Michael Mancino, MPA ’03Patrick E. Mathes, MIA ’97Rodolfo Abelardo Mayer Prieto,MIA ’02Stephen Allen Messinger, IF ’88,MIA ’89Milton W. Meyer, MIA, ’49John S. Micgiel, MIA, ’77Deborah Lynne Mosselson, MIA ’98Mazen NaousRichard T. Newman, MIA ’51Mark David O’Keefe, MIA ’95Yalman Onaran, MIA ’93Ruth G. Ornelas, IF ’80, MIA ’81Richard B. Palmer, MIA ’55Jose PeraltaEden Prather Perry, MIA ’01Elizabeth M. Phillips, MIA ’79Jefrey Ian Pollock, MPA ’97Robert W. Pons, MIA ’64Parvaneh PourshariatiMilovan T. RakicFauzia Rashid, MIA ’01John M. Reid, MIA ’64Robert D. Reischauer, MIA ’66Brian B. Rigney, MIA ’00Glenda G. Rosenthal, CER ’71Sophia SaadehJulie Elizabeth Satow, MIA ’01Uli SchamilogluLilli deBrito Schindler, MIA ’90Allison H. Schovee, MIA ’85Ernst J. Schrader, MIA ’65Olga ShashkinaElisabeth Deanne Sherk, MIA ’92John G. SiegalT. David Stapleton, MIA, ’01Elizabeth Stern, MIA, ’89Emanuel Stern, MPA, ’90Kristine Mary Sudano, MPA ’02Yuriko Tada, MIA, ’95Frank C. Taylor, IF ’66Douglas Boyd Thomas, MIA ’98Elizabeth F. Thompson, CER ’89,MIA ’89Susanne TodtStephanie Louise Watnick, MIA ’92Stephanie Beth Wolk Lawrence,MPA ’93Hidemasa Yamakawa, MIA ’92Neguin YavariZhijing Yin, MPA, ’03Osamu Yoshida, MPA ’99Andrew W. Zimmerman, MD, IF ’68$100–$249Robert A. AderholdJo Anne C. Adlerstein, Esq., IF ’75David E. Albright, CER ’71William W. Alfeld, MIA ’51Christopher Carl Allieri, MIA ’00Maria del Rocio Alvarez, MPA ’02James M. ArrowsmithVlado BabicSuzana Bacvanovic, MIA ’00Peter J. W. Baillargeon, MIA ’01Leonard J. Baldyga, MIA ’62Jillian Barron, MIA, ’88Hurd Baruch, Esq., IF ’61Edward J. Bayone, MIA ’79Edmund Beard, MIA ’68Robin M. Beckett, IF ’77Martin H. Belsky, IF ’68Chris BernhardtWendy Lee Kutlow Best, MPA ’87Jennifer Anne Beubis, MIA ’95Pieter Anton Bierkens, MIA ’92Thomas H. Boast, MIA ’72Holly Bernson Bogin, MIA ’88Stanley P. BorowiecZofia BorowskaJoan Copithorne Bowen, MIA ’67Paul D. Boyd, IF ’63Deborah K. Breslof, MIA ’86Gordon Marshall Burck, MIA ’86Michael John Burke, MPA ’89Allen L. Byrum, MIA ’72Robert Anthony Calaff, MPA ’90Mary W. Carpenter, MIA ’51Sally F. Chen, MPA ’99Jeff Geefen Chyu, MIA ’83Eugene CiszewskiAmanda Hoagland Clark, CER ’82Christopher Noel Clausen, MIA ’00Susan E. Clelland, MPA ’03Ellen Miriam Cohen, MPA ’03Joseph J. Collins, IF ’80, MIA ’80Richard W. Cortright Jr., MIA ’82Daniel Joseph Costello, MPA ’01William V. Cox, MIA ’83Dustin Craven, MIA ’93David Cameron Cuthell Jr., MIA ’90Karl I. Danga, IF ’71, MIA ’72Jonathan DeanDaniel DickerStephen D. Docter, MIA ’60James DonenwirthCharles F. Dunbar, MIA ’61Cecilia Elizabeth Dunn, MPA ’93Andrew J. Dunscomb, MIA ’00Judith Ann Edstrom, IF ’72, MIA ’72Sari J. Ellovich, MIA ’75Sharon E. Epstein, IF ’71, MIA ’71Brent Herman Feigenbaum, MIA ’84Alfonso Fernandez, Esq., IF ’81Vincent A. Ferraro, IF ’73, MIA ’73Leesa S. Fields, MIA, ’82Tammy S. Fine, MPA ’94Benjamin A. Fleck, MIA ’48Hugh Corning Fraser, MPA ’95Laurence Todd Freed, MIA ’94Gerald S. Freedman, MD, IF ’62Amy Esther Friedman, MIA ’92Stephen Gerard Fromhart, MIA ’98Bruno B. Frydman, MIA ’80Kathryn Lynne Furano, MPA ’90Ryszard GajewskiMichael William Galligan, IF ’83,MIA ’84Sridhar Ganesan, MIA ’96Stephen Bernt Gaull, CER ’88,MIA ’88Joseph G. Gavin III, MIA ’70Linda L. Gerlach, MIA ’93Patricia C. Gloster-Coates, CER ’70,MIA ’70Ira E. Goldberg, MIA ’75Irena G. GrossGregory J. Gruber, MIA ’96Marcello HallakeKatherine Olivia Hardy, MIA ’97Peter L. Harnik, MIA ’75SIPA NEWS 47

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 48DONOR LISTSIPAGary Edward Hayes, CER ’81,MIA ’81Jennifer Ann Hemmer, MIA ’89Miriam E. Hill, MPA ’99Michael Anthony Hillmeyer, IF ’96,MIA ’97William D. Howells, CER ’60,MIA ’60Mi-Ae Hur, MIA ’00Stanislaw JedrysekWeirong Jin, MIA ’93Ray Christopher Johnson, MPA ’89Richard B. Jones, MIA ’80John Charles Jove, MIA ’85Linor Tal Junowicz, MIA ’95Sharon Kahn-Bernstein, MPA ’97Maryam D. Kamali, MIA ’92Rhona Malton Kaplan, MPA ’82Robert Kaplan, MIA ’48Jeffrey Shinji Kashida, MIA ’76Daniel Lewis Katzive, MIA ’92Peggy Ockkyung Kauh, MPA ’01Lauren Jennifer Kelley, MIA ’84John J. Kerr Jr., Esq., IF ’76Allan R. Kessler, MIA ’82Brigitte Lehner Kingsbury, MIA ’89James Henry Kipers Jr., MIA ’02Donna W. Kirchheimer, MIA ’68Lidia KopernikAndrzej KorbonskiAlicia S. Kossick, MIA ’99Z. Anthony KruszewskiRegina KrzychWalter KuskowskiDarwin R. LaBarthe, MD, IF ’62Julie Werner Lane, MPA ’92Donald A. LawniczakMel Laytner, MIA ’72Nelson C. Ledsky, MIA ’53Andre D. Lehmann, CER ’73,MIA ’73Jay A. Levy, MD, IF ’62Nadine Netter Levy, MIA ’70Scott Louis Licamele, MIA ’97Catherine L. LiesmanLauren LiesmanDavid-Sven Charles Lindholm, IF’98, MIA ’98John Joseph Lis, IF ’96, CER ’96,MIA ’96Ronald Dean Lorton, IF ’71, MIA ’71Erica Granetz Lowitz, MPA ’94Laurie Aileen Macaulay, MPA ’03Edward E. MalefakisDonald W. Maley Jr., MIA ’79Lawrence H. Mamiya, IF ’68Michael C. Manganiello, MPA ’01Jennifer Lin Marozas, MPA ’97Raul Kazimierz Martynek, MIA ’93Jennifer Lili Match, MIA ’89Dobrosav MatiasevicMarc Oliver Matthiensen, MIA ’95Joseph J. McBrien, MIA ’77John McDiarmid Jr., MIA ’68Eugenia McGill, MIA 2000Kimberley Elizabeth McGill, IF ’98,CER ’98, MIA ’98Frederick F. McGoldrick, MIA ’66James D. McGraw, MIA ’55Laila M. Mehdi, MIA ’86Namrata Yogesh Mehta, MIA ’97Sandeep Mehta, MIA ’96Jeffrey Peter Metzler, MPA ’99Calvin Marshall Mew, IF ’72Scott B. MeyerPeter MieszkowskiZoran MilkovichKenneth MillerDeborah Lynn Mitchell-Nagpal,MPA ’92Marianne Mitosinka, MIA ’81Redmond Kathleen MolzCharlotte T. Morgan-Cato, MIA ’67James William MorleyKin W. Moy, MIA ’90Christine Munn, MIA ’81Maureen Patricia Murphy, MIA ’99Anne R. Myers, MIA ’70Jonathan Jacob Nadler, MPA ’81James I. NakamuraPeter Ryan Natiello, IF ’90, MIA ’90John Rustle Navarro, MIA ’91Stephen S. Nelmes, MIA ’73David Michael Nixon, MIA ’83Mila L. NolanBradley S. Norton, MPA ’02Aleksandra NowakowskiThomas F. O’Connor Jr., MIA ’76Tracey Ellen O’Connor, MIA ’94Peter Damian O’Driscoll, MIA ’97Harry John O’Hara, IF ’90, MIA ’91Timothy J. C. O’Shea, IF ’84,MIA ’85J. Rafal OlbinskiClarence W. Olmstead Jr., Esq.,IF ’67Bruce A. Ortwine, MIA ’78Charles D. Paolillo, MIA ’61Constantine G. Papavizas, IF ’81,MIA ’81Peter PastorRichard J. Pera, MIA ’79Hilda Renee Perez, MPA ’95Nis Adolph Petersen, MIA ’54Shelly Louise Pettigrew, MIA ’96James Andrew Pickup, MIA ’91Richard P. Poirier, MPA ’80Polish Veterans of World War IISPK, Inc.Bonnie M. Potter, MIA ’73Tomasz PotworowskiPeter William Quinn, IF ’97, MIA ’97David C. Ralph, MIA ’67K. Steve RasiejJulie RatnerJeremy Neal Reiskin, MIA ’87Janet S. Resele-Tiden, MIA ’92Therese Ruth Revesz, MIA ’69Scott Andrew Richman, MIA ’91Jean K. Robinson, MIA ’83Alina Mercedes Rocha Menocal,MIA ’98Susan Rockefeller, MPA ’98Smedes Rose, MIA ’94Susan A. S. Rosthal, MIA ’71Richard C. Rowson, MIA ’50George F. Ruffner, MIA ’72Robert R. Ruggiero, MIA ’56Thomas J. Russo, CER ’76Julie Ann Ruterbories, CER ’91,MIA ’91Mirjana SamardzijaFernando S. Sanchez, MIA ’90Mariko Sato, MIA ’94Marvin A. Schlaff, MIA ’62Harold B. SegelKaoruko Seki, IF ’93, MIA ’93Mervyn W. Adams Seldon, CER ’64Albert L. Seligmann, MIA ’49Steven Harold Semenuk, MPA ’90Frank G. SerafinLillian SiemionEdward SilvermanRobert SilversMelvyn J. Simburg, Esq., IF ’71,MIA ’71George W. Simmonds, CER ’52John Sitilides, MIA ’86Felix SmigielAurellia SobczykDebra E. Soled, CER ’83, MIA ’82Jan Solomon, CER ’75Christian R. Sonne, CER ’62,MIA ’62Nicholas J. Spiliotes, CER ’79, IF ’79Peter Spiller, MIA ’68Charles H. Srodes, MD, IF ’65Alan Stern, MIA ’68Bosiljka StevanovicTara Jayne Sullivan, MPA ’86Irene B. Susmano, MIA ’88George SwierbutowiczJohn Temple SwingEmilia SzymanskiJennifer Kelleher Tamis, MIA ’01Joanna A. Tan, MIA ’95Serge TodorovichViolet TodorovichMary Ming-Lung Tsai, MIA ’03Daniel B. Tunstall, MIA ’68Robert F. Turetsky, MIA ’72Natalia Udovik, MIA ’69Ralph W. Usinger, MIA ’73Elizabeth K. Valkenier, CER ’51Harold E. Varmus, MD, IF ’64Milos M. VelimirovicJames C. Veneau, MIA ’96Gabor P. VermesAlexander R. Vershbow, CER ’76,MIA ’76Joseph L. Vidich, MIA ’80Dragan D. VuckovicApril Wahlestedt Palmerlee, MIA ’00Sarah A. Walbert, CER ’80, MIA ’80Kimberly Anne Wedel, MPA ’88Marilyn S. Wellemeyer, MIA ’68Zofia J. WerchunSzczepan WesolyMoine I. West, IF ’75, MIA ’76Maciej R. WierzynskiElizabeth Roberts Wilcox, IF ’93,CER ’94Jill Sue Wilkins, MIA ’91H. David Willey, IF ’63Paula WilsonBoji WongBrian J. Woods, MPA ’02Juliet Wurr, IF ’88, MIA ’89Harry M. Yohalem, Esq., MIA ’69Rachel Yona Zenner, MPA ’98Below are the 35 organizationswhose matching gift programs supportedthe work of SIPA because agraduate or friend affiliated withthe company made a gift to SIPA.Altria Group, Inc.American International Group, Inc.Bank of America FoundationThe Bank of New YorkBayerische Hypo-und VereinsbanAG, NY BranchCarnegie Corporation of New YorkCitigroup FoundationDeutsche Bank Americas FoundationDow Jones & Company, Inc.EAI CorporationExxonMobil FoundationFannie Mae FoundationFirst Data CorporationThe Ford FoundationGE FoundationIBM International FoundationING (U.S.) Financial ServicesCorporationThe J. P. Morgan Chase FoundationKPMG FoundationW. K. Kellogg FoundationThe McGraw Hill CompaniesFoundationMellon Financial Corporation FundMerrill Lynch & Co. Foundation, Inc.MetLife FoundationMitsubishi International CorporationMONY FoundationMoody’s FoundationMorgan Stanley Dean WitterFoundationMotorola FoundationNational City Bank FoundationNew York Life FoundationReuters America Inc.UBSW. P. Carey Foundation, Inc.The William Penn Foundation48 SIPA NEWS

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 49SIPA News is published bi-annually by SIPA’s Office of External Relations.Managing Editor: JoAnn CrawfordEditors: Arvin Bhatt, Saira StewartContributing Editor: Deirdre DowneyContributing writers: Rafis Abazov, Lisa Anderson, Andre Banks, Arvin Bhatt, John Bresnan,Eric Cantor, Hocine Cherhabil, Geoff Craig, Deirdre Downey, William Eimicke, Albert Fishlow,Pui Wing Ho, Thomas R. Lansner, Robert C. Lieberman, Maria Ma, Michelle Marston, RachelMartin, Sharyn O’Halloran, Vince O’Hara, Mica Rosenberg, Glenda Rosenthal, Veronika Ruff,Robert Y. Shapiro, Marie WiltzContributing photographers: Guillermo Arias—AP Photo, page 22 (right); Eileen Barroso,page 39, 40, 41 (right); Mike Clarke—AFP/Getty Images, page 10; MIchael Dames, page 41(left); Khaled Fazaa—AFP/Getty Images, page 30; Stephen Ferry/Liason, page 35,36,37; BayIsmoyo—AFP/Getty Images, page 4; Kamran Jebreili—AP Photo, page 28–29; Thomas R.Lansner, page 34; Shah Marai—AFP/Getty Images, page 15; Behrouz Mehri—AFP/GettyImages, page 14; Jamie Puebla—AP Photo, page 22 (left); Joel Robin—AFP/Getty Images,page 19 (right); John Sommerd II—Reuters, page 24; Schalk van Zuydam/AP Photo, page32; Ian Waldie—Getty Images, page 7; Aubrey Washington—Reuters/Corbis, page 20, page22 (right).Contributing illustrator: Otto SteiningerCover Photograph: An Estonian woman votes in European elections, June 13, 2004—AFP/Getty ImagesDesign and Production: Office of University PublicationsSchool of International and Public AffairsDean: Lisa AndersonAssociate Deans: Robin Lewis, Patrick Bohan, and Rob GarrisOffice of External Relations:JoAnn Crawford, Director of Publications and Special EventsRodrick Dial, Director of Alumni RelationsYun Won Cho, Director of DevelopmentColumbia University420 W. 118th St.MIA Program: 212-854-8690MPA Program: 212-254-2167Office of External Relations: 212-854-8671Fax: 212-854-8660http://www.columbia.edu/cu/sipa

for pdf 2/10/05 1:41 PM Page 50Columbia UniversitySchool of International and Public Affairs420 West 118th Street, Mail code 3328New York, NY 10027Nonprofit Org.U.S. PostagePAIDNew York, NYPermit No. 3593