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particularly significant when working for staffing companies and supply staff pools,which has become the case for many young people (Hales et al., 2000).Some of the reviewed literature consists of reports on different welfare initiativesdirected at vulnerable groups of young people. Many of these concerns the UK's NewDeal for Young People, which is one of the largest and most developed welfare to workpolicy, and which has been adopted by several other OECD countries (White & Riley,2002). In the UK higher unemployment rates among young people of disadvantagewithout a driver’s licence and access to a car has in some local policies been meet byproviding new transport services (shared taxis with low fares, moped loans etc.),especially in rural locations with limited public transport. The result of these initiativesseems to be mixed (Cheng, 2003; Wright et al., 2009). There are also examples of localwelfare to work programs in France, where offering driving education for free has beenused as an innovative mean for improving employability and labour market integrationfor local young people of disadvantage. Good success rates are reported and the conceptseems to spread to other local welfare-to-work service providers (Nativel, forthcoming).3.5 Vulnerable groups of young peopleThe youth welfare research primarily focuses on young people who are in an exposedposition on the labour market. A common feature is the emphasis on the fact that youngpeople are not a homogenous group, and that the rising youth unemployment which hasaffected many countries since the 1990s affects certain groups of young people morethan others (Jones, 2002; Webster et al., 2004). It has a particularly severe impact onyoung people without further/higher education, those who are part of socioeconomicallyweak households, are of foreign extraction, and live in suburbs, small towns or in ruralareas. Those most affected are young people whose ability to take out a driver’s licenceand gain access to a car is limited by lack of financial and other resources, and who livein geographical locations with limited availability of satisfactory alternatives to cartravel, which prevents them from accessing job opportunities and keeping a job(Furlong et al., 2003; Green et al., 2005; Licaj et al., 2012; Priya & Uteng, 2009). In thisconnection it should also be noted that other issues, such as access to education, socialand leisure activities for youth are dealt with in a few studies, but access to work is thedominant theme (e.g. McWhanell & Braunholtz, 2002; Sjolie & Thuen, 2002; Storey &Brannen, 2000).The gender issue has also been examined within this research, but here, the studies haveproduced varied results. The general impression is that the discrepancies between youngmen and young women taking driving tests and having access to vehicles is in processof being ironed out. Some studies point to a link between higher unemployment andyoung women with children and single mothers, being less likely to have a driver’slicence and access to a car (Chapple, 2001; Dobbs, 2005) For example, in the US,young single mothers have been the main beneficiaries of welfare to work car programs(Fol et al., 2007). Other studies suggest that young men are more affected by not havinga driver’s licence and access to a car than young women. Many industrial jobs for menhave disappeared in recent decades. At the same time, the expanding service sector,which offers the type of unqualified work available to young men without further/highereducation, appears to be more insistent that young men have driver’s licences and/oraccess to cars than for young women to do so (for a review see Verick, 2009).There are also transport and disability-related studies which deals with the significanceto young disabled people of holding a driver’s licence to be able to gain employment36 VTI rapport 824A

and become self-sufficient. Most of the publications look at young people withpsychological issues which make it difficult for them to cope with learning to drive anddriving (Brooks et al., 2013; Båtevik & Myklebust, 2006; Geiger et al., 1995; Verhoefet al., 2013). Concrete links between holding a driver’s licence and gainful employmentare, however, rarely investigated, and these links frequently seems to be taken forgranted. This is an attitude these studies share with much of the literature found in thefull-text search.3.6 Study examplesUnder this section some studies are presented more in length in order to give a morecomprehensive understanding of the research under review. The studies have also beenselected to exemplify important findings and urgent questions, derived from the analysisof the literature.3.6.1 Lack of driver’s licence and dependence on social security amongyoung people with disabilities in NorwayDriver’s licence holding at 28-29 years of age was one of the factors examined in aNorwegian longitudinal study aimed at explaining why young people with disabilitiesare often characterized by high rates of unemployment and social security dependency(Myklebust, 2013). Included were young people with various disabilities of a somatic,psychological and/or social nature, and who were educated in ordinary schools, inspecial or regular classes. These young people were followed prospectively from theirfirst years in upper secondary school and into their late twenties. According to thestudy, nearly 44% of disabled young people were outside the Norwegian labour force in2011. The corresponding percentage for the whole population of young people was9.7%.Including driver’s licence holding in the study was motivated by the argument that alicence demonstrates some level of capability for employers. It may also be aprerequisite for certain types of work and many people need a car for commuting towork. Thus, a driver’s licence was conceptualized as an important resource in order toearn a living. It was therefore assumed that those former students with specialeducational needs without a driver’s licence had a greater risk of being a social securityrecipient than those with such a licence.The analyses indicates that the risk of being dependent on social security in their latetwenties was for men without a driver’s licence close to 13 times the risk compared withthose with a licence (other factors controlled for). The corresponding number was 3.4times for women. Lack of a driver’s licence entailed considerably greater risk ofdependence for men compared with other variables (education level, parenthood, etc.);e.g. the risk of being dependent on social security was 2.3 times higher for men withoutformal qualifications compared with those with such qualifications.This study has been selected as it exemplifies that in many quantitative studies ofvulnerable groups of young people, driver’s licences and/ or access to a car turn out tobe one of the most important factors behind whether young people are in employmentor not. However, this circumstance is often relatively briefly discussed in thepublications in comparison with other investigated themes, which are more establishedin the welfare research tradition. The study also represents a clear example of the greatvariation within the group of young people regarding the significance of a driver’slicence for employment, because of how different factors interact – in this case, genderVTI rapport 824A 37

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