Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe, Vol. 1: Italy ... - Historia Antigua

Almost 200 inscriptions from first century BC to seventh century ADdemonstrate the extent of Jewish settlement around the WesternMediterranean and enable the Jewish contemporaries of Nero,St Ambrose and Pope Gregory the Great to speak directly to posterity.Most are epitaphs, in Greek, Latin, or Hebrew (sometimes in all three),including 75 from the catacombs of Venosa in Italy, and are publishedwith English translations and full commentary for the first time. Includedhere also are dedications from the earliest known synagogues in WesternEurope. Some inscriptions show the titles and offices held by prominentJews, and their contacts with the East. Many illustrate the developmentof Jewish commemoration practices, with the use of biblical formulae anddistinctive symbols. Comprehensive indexing provides information onnames, ages at death, vocabulary and linguistic peculiarities. Critical textsare given for all the inscriptions, in many cases with new suggestionsabout reading, restoration, dating or interpretation.

Jewish inscriptions of Western EuropeVolume 1

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONSWESTERNEUROPEOFVolume 1Italy (excluding the City of Rome),Spain and GaulDAVID NOYCAMBRIDGEUNIVERSITY PRESS

Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of CambridgeThe Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 IRP40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia© Cambridge University Press 1993First published 1993Printed in Great Britain at the University Press, CambridgeA catalogue record for this book is available from the BritishLibraryLibrary of Congress cataloguing in publicationdataNoy, DavidJewish inscriptions of Western Europe - David Noy.p. cm.Includes bibliographical references and index.Contents: Vol. 1. Italy (excluding the City of Rome), Spain andGaulISBN 0 521 44201 X (v. 1) hardback1. Inscriptions, Jewish - Europe. 2. Jewish epitaphs - Europe.3. Jews - Europe - Antiquities. 4. Europe - Antiquities. I. Title.CN745.N68 1993909'.09822'004924 - dc20 93-23947 CIPISBN 0 521 44201 X hardback

CONTENTSPrefaceIntroductionixxiiiInscriptions:Northern and Central Italy 1Campania 37Venosa 61Southern Italy 150Italy (uncertain provenance) 182Sicily and Malta 184Sardinia 228Spain 238Gaul 263Appendices:1: Inscriptions considered medieval 2732: Inscriptions not considered to be Jewish 284Indexes 306Bibliography 350Abbreviations 377Concordance with CIJ 381Plates 384vii

PREFACEThis book results from the work of the Jewish InscriptionsProject in the Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge. Itfollows Jewish inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (W.Horbury & D. Noy, 1992), and will be followed by a volumeon the inscriptions of the city of Rome. The Project has beenfunded by the British Academy.The book aims to collect all Jewish inscriptions from WesternEurope, apart from the city of Rome, which can be datedbefore A.D.700. Some of the omissions from the relevantsection of J.B. Prey's Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum of1936 were corrected by B. Lifshitz in his revised edition of1975, but a large number of inscriptions have been publishedsince then, and others were omitted by both Frey andLifshitz. Sixty-five inscriptions in this collection were notincluded by Frey or Lifshitz.The inscriptions considered to be Jewish have at least one ofthe following characteristics:(i) The use of Hebrew or Aramaic.(ii) The use of specifically Jewish symbols, particularly themenorah (seven-branched candelabrum), but also the ethrog(citron-fruit) and shofar (trumpet). The lulab (palm-branch),amphora, Solomon's knot and five- and six-pointed star occurin non-Jewish contexts too often to be regarded as indicatorsof Jewishness.(iii) The use of Jewish terminology (e.g. npoaeoxf],apXtavvdYCOYo;) or designations (e.g. Ebreus, ludaeus).(iv) The use of distinctively Jewish names (e.g. Juda), wherethere are no indications that the inscription is Christian orpagan; this excludes CIJ 74*-77* (see comments on nos.lland 23, below)(v) In the case of some inscriptions from Venosa and Sicily,provenance from a Jewish catacomb.In some cases the Jewishness of an inscription remainsdoubtful, and this is indicated in the notes. Three Samaritaninscriptions and one mentioning a Jew who converted toChristianity have also been included. The inscriptions fromIX

PREFACEorder in the catacombs (see the plan, Plate II) rather than bythe alphabetical system of CIJ. This illuminates a number offamily connections which were previously obscure.The computer-generated indexes are much morecomprehensive than those of CIJ, and are intended tofacilitate the use of the inscriptions for research in such areasas demography and linguistics. Only inscriptions 1-192 (i.e.those which can be dated before 700) are indexed. Wordswhich have been entirely restored in the text are not indexed;thus, the presence in the index of a word or phrase indicatesthat at least some of its letters are preserved in the survivingtext before restoration. Because of the simultaneous use ofLatin, Greek and Hebrew, some parts of the index arearranged thematically or in Latin alphabetical order. It ishoped that the convenience of having similar words fromdifferent languages near each other will compensate for thelack of Greek or Hebrew alphabetical order.Readers are asked to note the following miscellaneous points:(i) All dates are A.D. imless stated.(ii) The letter forms shown are those which differ mostsignificantly from standard ones. The forms offer anapproximate representation of those used in the inscriptions,but are not intended to be exact facsimiles. In the Greekinscriptions, the form of the letters alpha, epsilon, sigma andomega is always shown where possible.(iii) The term 'loculus' is used to describe a horizontal slot fora body, cut into the rock face in an underground burial area(hypogeum or, if more complex, catacomb). Loculi are oftenarranged one above the other like the drawers of a filingcabinet. An 'arcosolium' is another type of tomb cut into therock, with a trough-shaped hole for the body cut at or slightlyabove groimd level, and an arch made above it.(iv) The following system of brackets is used in the texts:(aba) indicates the resolution of an abbreviation; [aba]indicates the restoration of lost text; indicates acorrection where letters were omitted or written incorrectly inthe inscription; {aba} indicates superfluous text which ispresent in the inscription but should be ignored. [...] indicatesXI

PREFACElost text where the number of letters is known approximatelybut no restoration is suggested; [ - - ] indicates lost textwhose length is uncertain. A dot beneath a letter means thatthe reading is doubtful.I should like to express my thanks to many people. Firstly tothe other members of the Jewish Inscriptions Project: DrWilliam Horbury and Miss Joyce Reynolds have read throughthe whole work at various stages in its progress, correctedmany errors and made innumerable suggestions forimprovements (too numerous to be acknowledgedindividually). Their generous help has guided me throughmany areas where my own knowledge was very limited. DrDouglas de Lacey has constantly been ready to deal withcomputing problems and has devoted much time to thedevelopment and improvement of the programs whichproduced this book from a computer database. Dr GrahamDavies has administered the finances of the Project andprovided much valuable advice.Then my thanks go to others who have generously given theirtime and energy. Valerie Hope and Dr James Carleton Pagetkindly helped to proof-read the book. Dr Irina Levinskayaread through much of the work and made many valuablesuggestions. Professor Robert Coleman gave considerableadvice on linguistic questions. Dr Antonio Capano and hiscolleagues of the Soprintendenza Archeologica at Venosa andMaria Pia Malvezzi and Valerie Scott of the British School atRome went to great lengths to help me when I visited Italy inSeptember 1992. Others who have helped witJi discussion,advice and information include Drs. Alice bij de Vaate, DrTessa Rajak, Dr Doug Lee, Professoressa Lellia CraccoRuggini, the Biblioteca Zelantea at Acireale, theSoprintendenze Archeologiche at Aquileia, Ostia, Padua,Reggio di Calabria and Taranto, and members of seminargroups at Reading, Cambridge and Utrecht. Friends andrelatives who endured my increasing fractiousness as thework neared completion also deserve thanks. The errors ofomission and commission which remain are of course my own.xii

INTRODUCTIONComments about particular sites have in most cases beengiven with the notes about the first inscription from that site.In the following cases a separate discussion seemed justified.(i) AQUILEIAApart from no. 7 below, the only epigraphic evidence forAquileian Jews is the epitaph of one from Rome {CIJ 147),discussed by D. Mazzoleni (1987), and dated probably to the3rd century. The finding at Aquileia of three African-typelamps decorated with a menorah is mentioned by A. Zevi,RMI 28 (1962), pp.466-8. Various apparently Sabbath-derivednames for which Ruggini (1959), p.280, suggests a Jewishorigin are likely instead to be Christian: Sabbatius (G.Brusin, NS (1925), pp.20-8, Sabatia (C7L v 1693; this couldalso be related to Sabazius), Sabda (C/L v 1368). TheChristian deacon Gazeus who put up a votive inscription atAquileia with his mother Bona {ILCV 1210) presumably hadPalestinian connections, but the description of him byRuggini, p.262 n.224, as a converted Jew is unsubstantiated.An unpublished epitaph mentioned by Ruggini, p.230 n.l08,(also Cracco Ruggini (1977), p. 371) contains the nameKaiowoq Maio\)HiTni;- She attributes the ethnic to Maiuma, theport of Gaza, and regards the man as Jewish. The inscriptionis also mentioned by G. Brusin (1953-4), pp.62-3, and F.Vattioni (1972), col. 125, without additional details. However,the ethnic can only be regarded as showing possibleJewishness; a similar name (KaiODHoq) occurs in a Christianinscription from Palestine (SEG 38.1593).The 'pretender' Magnus Maximus was killed at Aquileia on28th August 388. Cracco Ruggini (1977), p.365, links thiswith the destruction of the synagogue of Aquileia in the sameyear, since he appears to have adopted a pro-Jewish policy.There may be reflections of Jewish missionary activity in theworks of the Aquileian Christians Rufinus and Chromatius.xm

INTRODUCTIONAt Monastero, the north-eastern suburb of the city, the firstphase (late 4th-early 5tJi century) of the basilica building wasdiscovered by Maionica in 1895 and excavated by Brusin in1949-50. It consisted of a single nave, 16.85 x 48.25 m. (anatrium or narthex was foimd later), with a mosaic floor withgeometrical motifs (including the Solomon's knot) and 39inscriptions recording the donors and the area they gave. Thebiggest donors were 'Victor et Theosebes cum filiis suis* whogave 1200 square feet. Others gave from 35 to 500 feet.Several donors are said to have come from Syria. Two Greekinscriptions name the donors as Mareas, Julianus, Palladiusand Joseph from Kaprotouris (35 feet) and Barbeousos,Mathbe his wife and Joanna and Malchos their children fromRhabona (area lost). A donation of 50 feet by a couple whosenames are lost cum suis is dedicated to d(omi)n(o) Sab(aoth).The building was later transformed into a three-aisledchurch. Because of the names and dedication, Brusinsuggested that the first phase was the synagogue destroyedby fire in 388, but later rejected this idea (JRivAC 38 (1962),p. 152). It was taken up by Zovatto ((1960-1), pp.53-8) andCracco Ruggini ((1977), p.366), although firmly rejected byothers who have looked at the evidence (Ferrua (1975), p.360;Mazzoleni, AAAd 22 (1982), p.306; Solin (1983), p.739). Theevidence is summarized in CIJ i with no conclusion. In factthere is considerable evidence for Syrian Christians atAquileia, and the names (which are not distinctively Jewish)and dedication (which has no Jewish parallel) seem bestexplained by attribution to such a group. The donorsPrimenius and Leontia who gave 300 feet may well be thesame people who gave 300 feet to the Christian basilica delfondo TulHo (Cuscito (1972), p.242). The size of the buildingwould be exceptional for an Italian synagogue, since it istwice as big as the one at Ostia. There are no traces ofdestruction by fire. The majority of the donors had commonLatin names, and were perhaps native ItaUans who belongedto the same Christian body as the Syrian immigrants.xiv

INTRODUCTION(ii) PORTOMost of the inscriptions assigned to Porto in CIJ (nos.535-551) and by G. Sacco (1984) are from the collection ofCardinal Pacca which was formerly in the Bishop's Palace atPorto. Pacca carried out excavations at Porto in the early19th century, but also collected stones from Rome. There arestrong similarities between some of his Jewish inscriptionsand tiiose from the Monteverde catacombs in Rome, and itseems very likely, as Leon (1952) argued, that they originatedin Rome. CIJ nos.535-8, 540, 542-5, 547-8 and 551b willtherefore be included in the forthcoming volume ofinscriptions from the city of Rome. However, nos. 16-17 beloware likely to come from Porto. Fragmentary epitaphs fromPacco's collection with no indication of Jewishness are alsodiscussed in Appendix 2 (nos.206-214).Another indication of a Jewish presence at Porto is a capitalnow in the Vatican Museum which was found in the'Xenodochium of Pammachius'. It is published by Leon (1952),p. 166; Yarden (1971), p.23 and pl.65; Goodenough, Jewishsymbols ii p.52, iii fig.793. Each of the four faces has amenorah marked on it by a series of points; six similarcapitals were unmarked. The building was used by Christianpilgrims from the late-4th to the 7th or 8th century. Thecapitals may have been re-used from a Jewish function(Goodenough suggests that they could come from columnswhich held a small canopy over a sarcophagus), or perhapsmore probably the marking was done by a Jew who used theXenodochium.(iii) VENOSAThe catacombs on the Maddalena hill just outside Venosawere first brought to the attention of the scholarly world in1853. Ruggiero (1890), p.500, published a letter of 25th Sep.1883 from Luigi Rapolla, who had visited them but thoughtXV

INTRODUCTIONthat they were Christian. In fact, Rapolla had been madeaware of them in 1852, and was accused of taking part inillegal excavations there (Ruggiero, p.503). A thoroughinvestigation was made for the Naples Museum by Stanislaod'Aloe later in 1853. At much the same time Pasquale deAngelis and RafTaele Smith also explored the catacombs,apparently on their own initiative (reported by Rapolla on 3rdDecember; Ruggiero, p.502). They had a plan drawn up by anengineer from Potenza (the basis of Plate II below). Thevarious manuscripts remained unpublished until 1878, whenG. Ascoli reported to the IV Congresso Intemazionale diOrientalisti, and then published a monograph based on thework of the 1850s. Ascoli*s publication was the basis of mostsubsequent work on the catacombs, although a number ofother distinguished scholars visited the site, includingHirschfeld and Lenormant, who both gave some independentreadings. Chwolson published the Hebrew texts from copiessent to him by Fabiani. D'Aloe's copies of the inscriptions, andsome of those by de Angelis and Smith, were published byRuggiero in a work which seems to have been overlookedsince. De Rossi transcribed a manuscript which he was shownby Minervini at Naples, which differed significantly from thecopies of de Angelis and Smith and appears to have been anindependent work (Bulletino di Archeologia Cristiana (1878),p.65). This manuscript was used for the first time by Frey inCIJ, which is thus the most authoritative source for most ofthe texts.Since Prey's work a number of other scholars (including Leon,Colorni, Ferrua and especially Colafemmina) have reexaminedthe inscriptions to produce improved readings.Colafemmina discovered a number of texts overlooked by the19th-century investigators, and in the early 1970s found anew gallery with the first dated inscription (no. 107). The stateof many inscriptions has deteriorated considerably since the19th century. The plaster on which most of them werepainted or incised has in some cases fallen from the wall orbecome damp; incursions by humans and livestock have donefurther damage (Levi (1962), p.135); and landslides andxvi

INTRODUCTIONearthquakes, which had already blocked a number of galleriesin the 1850s, have continued to make parts of the catacombsinaccessible. However, substantial work is now being done atthe site to preserve what remains and to make access easierand safer.The Lauridia hypogeum, a small burial area about 100 m.from the main Venosa catacombs, was discovered beforeLuzzatto's visit to Venosa in 1932 (Luzzatto (1935), p.203). Itwas subsequently made inaccessible by landslides. Hisphotograph of the entrance was pubHshed by Levi (1962): thedoorway was formed by two columns placed on other stonesfor protection against landslides, with another column reusedas an architrave. The decorations of a spear, snakes andarrowheads on the architrave have sometimes been taken tosuggest that it was from a Mithraist structure. Snakes arecommon in Mithraic art in Italy, and Mithras is sometimesshown armed with a bow and arrows, but the spear seems tohave no particular Mithraic associations. Inside, the galleriesof the hypogeum were 2.15-2.33 m. high (Levi (1965)), withthe burials in arcosolia. Levi suggested that it might be anextension of the principal gallery (D) of the main catacombs,but there is no evidence for this, and it had its own entrance.Four inscriptions on marble plaques were found inside thehypogeum. They were first published and understood asJewish by Frenkel in a local guidebook; Luzzatto did notregard the hypogeum as Jewish. One mentions a teuseves(no. 113), who may be a *godfearer' on the fringes of Judaismor a pious Jew. The others (nos. 114-6) use titles (iiaTnp, naxnpjtaxepcav), formulae and names (Marcellus, Faustina) which arealso found in the main catacomb but have nothingintrinsically Jewish about them; Marcellus in no. 114 could bementioned in no.90 too. The Jewishness of all the inscriptionshas been widely accepted but is not absolutely certain, sincethe symbols and Hebrew found in the main catacombs arelacking.Meyers (1983) mentions a manuscript recording a visit tosome catacombs by a 17th-century Bishop of Venosa, who sawxvn

INTRODUCTIONabout 80 Hebrew inscriptions. Colafemmina (1981) cites awork by d'Aloe which refers to a visit to tombs at the grottadi Santa Rufina in 1842, when he saw inscriptions in Hebrew,Greek and Latin. These descriptions do not fit the mainJewish catacomb, but probably refer to a further level ofburials discovered beneath the previously known ones duringexcavations in 1981. Seven parallel galleries were found cutinto the hillside, each apparently with a separate entrance,but with connecting passages between some of them. Therewere no inscriptions or symbols, so (if the above identificationis correct) they must have been violated after 1842. Theexcavators think that the position and form of the 'new*catacombs make it very probable that they are also Jewish,but there is considerably more doubt than with the Lauridiahypogeum.Christian catacombs have been foimd too, within a fewmetres of the Jewish ones (Colafemmina (1973b), p.56), andthere is a Christian inscription dated to 503 (id., VetChr 13(1976)). A fragment of a pottery vase with a menorahinscribed on it was found during excavations at the baths ofVenosa, among pagan and Christian pottery remains (id.(1980), p.212 and tav.IV). There is also a large collection ofdated 9th-century Hebrew tombstones from an open-aircemetery; Colafemmina (1980a), p.215, mentions one whichused Latin as well, seen by the local historian Rocco Briscesebut subsequently lost. There are no dates after the 840s, andit seems that the Jewish community of Venosa was wiped outor put to flight at the time of the Saracen raids anddestruction of the city in the 850s.The dating of the Jewish catacombs has always been a matterof disagreement. The discovery of the dated inscription of 521showed that the most widely expressed view (4th-5thcentury) needed to be extended at least a little; Mommsen inCIL ix, p.660, had already suggested 6th-century dating.Paleography is of limited help because almost all othersouthern Italian inscriptions of the right period are cut onmarble or limestone, whereas most of the Venosaninscriptions are painted or incised on plaster.xviii

INTRODUCTIONAdjacent inscriptions can be in Greek and Hebrew, Latin andHebrew, or all three languages. It is likely that Greek becameless popular and Latin more popular over time. However,there is an example from Venosa (unUkely to be later thanthe 3rd century) of the same person making a dedication toMithras in Greek and to Mercury in Latin. Greek was still inoccasional use in predominantly Latin-speaking parts of Italyin the 6th century, e.g. in a Christian inscription dated to 530from Reggio (JCI v 1). Every arcosoUum with two or moreinscriptions has some Hebrew, but there is only one survivinginscription of any length which is in Hebrew alone (no.82),and one in Greek written in Hebrew characters (no.75). Theentirely Hebrew epigraphy of the 9th-century Venosan Jewsis a different phenomenon altogether.Dating is further complicated by the difficulties of putting theinscriptions in any relative chronological order. Most comefrom arcosolia around gallery D, and it is likely that thearcosolia nearer the entrance are the oldest ones, but it is notcertain that the builders created arcosoHa systematically asthey extended the gallery: they could have built them on oneside only at first, or have dug the whole gallery beforemaking any arcosolia. It is also unknown how long any onearcosolium was in use: some contain up to fourteen burials,and if they were reserved for one family it might take manydecades to use all the space. However, the lack of apparentrelationship between many of the people buried next to eachother suggests that arcosolia were available at least toextended family groups. It is also possible that some arcosoliawere controlled by collegia, or by fossores who sold off thespaces.Arcosolium D7 has 9 inscriptions with no Greek. Their styleand (in most cases) paleography is close to Q2, which containsthe inscription of 521. D7 and Q2 are near the end of theirrespective galleries, and it seems probable that they areroughly contemporary with each other and that they containthe latest inscriptions of the catacombs. No.90 is shown byboth position and content to be the latest inscription from D7.The area of Venosa was involved in the fighting andXIX

INTRODUCTIONdestruction of the 540s and early 550s while the Goths andByzantines disputed control of southern Italy. The apparentlyprosperous condition of some of the Jewish famiHes isunlikely to reflect either that period or the Byzantine rulewhich followed. The Jews may have prospered again after theLombards took control in 570, but the civic titles are moreappropriate to the earlier period. Most of the inscriptions ofD7 are therefore probably from the first half of the 6thcentury.It is even more difficult to establish a terminus post quem.The isolated Greek inscriptions from 0, N and the beginningof D are probably among the earliest, and arcosolium DI hasseveral inscriptions with the ev eipiivn "H KOijiiioiq formulawhich does not occur further down the gallery. In DI, onlyno.53 (the furthest inscription from the gallery and sopresumably the latest) uses the tdipoq formula which isstandard in the Greek inscriptions elsewhere. D2, D3 and D4use mainly Greek, some Hebrew, and Latin only in the latestinscriptions. D5 has a xd(|)0(; formula in Hebrew characters(no.75). D2 contedns 10 inscriptions, and is likely to have beenin use for a longer period than the others. D6, at the end ofthe gallery, might be expected to be among the laterinscriptions, but its use of Greek and Hebrew (not Latin), andof ffi5e iciTE rather than xowpo^, suggests that it was acquiredfairly early by someone anxious to secure the most prominentposition in the gallery.The suggested relative chronology of the main arcosolia istherefore:DID6D2, D3, D4, D5D7, Q2It is difficult to estimate the likely time-gap between earlyand late inscriptions. There was room for several hundredburials in the arcosolia and loculi of gallery D, and of coursemany more in other galleries (known and unknown) whichare likely to have been in use at the same time. The poorXX

INTRODUCTIONmay not have got into the catacombs at all. There are 7arcosolia nearer than DI to the beginning of the gallery, sothe earliest inscriptions are probably rather later than theearliest use of the gallery. The size of the population ofVenosa, and of the Jewish element within it, is unknown. AJewish community numbered in hundreds, with an annualdeath rate of the order of 40-50 per 1000, is unlikely to havetaken more than a century to fill up the area between D2 andD7, even if only a proportion of the burials took place there.The earliest inscriptions from gallery D are perhaps noearher than the early 5th century, but some of the isolatedinscriptions from elsewhere may go back to the 4th century.(iv) SICILYJewish inscriptions from Sicily are concentrated on the eastcoast and its hinterland. Although there are no inscriptionsfrom the north-west of the island other than the Samaritanno. 161, Greg.M. {Ep. viii 25, ix 38) shows the existence of asubstantial commimity at Palermo, with more than onesynagogue. Lamps decorated with menorahs have been foundat LiUbeo, Marsala (A.M. Bisi, NS (1966), pp.315 no.44/65,338 fig.31, 344; ibid. (1977), pp.398 fig.20b, 401), and at Ericinear Trapani (Bisi, SicArch ii,8 (1969)).XXI

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY1 {CIJ i 646): Milan (Mediolanum): 5th century or later. Epitaph;Latin.Milan, Atrium of St Ambrose Basilica.Marble plaque, 49 x 15 cm., left side broken. Letter forms: Q.;letters have serifs. Numeral L inverted.Text follows CIJ (photograph),(amphora?) (shofar) (menorah) (ethrog?) (lulab)hie requi\{e]scet in p|[a]ce benem\[e]monae Pa\\[t]er quivixet annos plus menos LV.p\[a]pe (11.3-4): le Blant p\acevixet (1.6): le Blant vixitHere rests in peace Pater [or the father] of good memory,who lived more or less 55 (?) years.G. Labus (1820), p.420 (facsimile; from the stone); E. le Blant & E. Renan (1860),p.348 n.l (from the stone); E. le Blant (1865), p.477 (from the stone); C/L v.ii (1877),p.692 no.6310 (from the stone and ms. of Mazzuchelli); V. Forcella & E. Seletti (1907),p.xxi, pp.72-3 no.77 (facsimile; from the stone); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.501 no.4956(follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.462-3 no.646 (photograph; from the stone); E.Gk)odenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.52; iii, fig.849 (photograph).R. GaiTucci (1883), p.713; S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; J. Juster (1914), p.l81 n.9; S.Krauss (1922), p.259; H. Leclerq (1928), cols.69, 139; E. Goodenough (1951-2), p.455n.23; L. Ruggini (1959), pp.215, 218 n.80; H.J. Leon (1960), p.l31 n.2; C.B. Pascal(1963), p.54; V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.75; J. Moreau & H.I. Marrou, ILCV iv (1967),p.44 no.4956; L. Yarden (1971), p.27, pl.l31; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l36 n.70.Milan had a substantial Jevdsh community in the time of StAmbrose (see Ruggini (1959), p.227). The Council of Aquileia (380/1)referred to the condemned Ursicinus working to upset the church ofMilan 'now at the synagogue doors, now in the houses of the Arians'(J. Wittig, Papst Damasus I, RQ suppl.l4 (1902), p.22). In a letter of388 {Ep. xl 8), Ambrose refers to the synagogue at Milan having beenburnt down by 'divine judgement', apparently recently, and wishesthat he had set fire to it himself. A letter of Theoderic to the Jews ofMilan, dated to 523-6 (Cassiodorus, Var. v 37), rather grudgingly

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYprotects their legitimate rights against the church.This inscription was found in 1813, along with no.2, when thefloor of the St Ambrose Basilica was restored. A number of paganinscriptions, as well as many Christian ones (cf no.201; also CIJ 93*,claimed as Jewish by E. Diehl, ILCV ii no.4957, on the groimds of aS3mibol thought to be, but in fact completely unlike, a menorah), werealso discovered. This one was dated to the 5th century by Ruggini,but the closest parallels are from the 6th and 7th centuries (seebelow). Five symbols were used, of which the central one is amenorah and the one at the right end a lulab (drawn like a menorahwith three branches on either side of the main stem). Only part ofthe symbol at the left end is preserved. CIJ takes it as another lulab,which is clearly wrong. Forcella & Seletti thought it was the tail of adove, and Labus the legs of a bird, but it may instead be the neck ofan inverted amphora, since an amphora occurs in other combinationsof symbols. The frescoed tomb at Venosa (no. 109) has the symbols inthe sequence amphora-ethrog-menorah-shofar-lulab, and the samerange of symbols occurs several times at Rome in various orders {CIJ254, 361, 416). However, there are no other examples of an invertedamphora. In this inscription, the symbols on either side of themenorah were both understood as shofars by Frey, but they are notidentical, and it is possible that one (probably that on the right)represents an ethrog.Hie requiescit in pace is found in no.2 below and in many otherplaces (Index VII e). The formula is a very common Christian one.Benememoriae is also found in Christian inscriptions {ILCV iii,pp.492-3) including 7LCV 2740 adn., 4210 and 4273C from Milan.Various forms occur in other Jewish inscriptions (Index III e). It wasoften made into an adjective, benememorius (cf no. 120, below), whichvan der Horst, p.65, regards as exclusively Jewish. The preferredChristian form bonae memoriae was not used by Jews.The spelling menos occurs in ILCV 4179B adn., from Milan (cf.Index VII b). The use of the plus minus formula is discussed by H.Nordberg, Biometrical notes (Helsinki, 1963), pp. 14-15, 25-30; hefinds from the Christian epitaphs of Rome that it was particularlycommon in the 6th century, and was very often used, as here, withan age ending in 0 or 5 (66.4% of all uses).At the point in the inscription where a name would be expected,pater is written instead. It is odd to find someone commemorated

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYanonymously as 'father' (whether that should be understood as afamily or community term), and it is likely that Pater is actually aname. Although it is not listed as a cognomen by Kajanto (1965), it isalmost certainly one at least twice in CIL vi: Q. Acutius Pater in10557 and C. lunius Pater in 20818; Aurelius Patero (nom.) occurs in32922. A baptized Jew named Phatir is mentioned by Greg.T., Hist.Franc, vi 17, in the year 582. No other known name would fit; Passerwould require a restoration of two letters where there is only roomfor one.The numeral of the age is written with L inverted to resemblegamma and written obliquely so that its two strokes parallel the twostrokes of the following V. It is possible that this is the right half ofX, misunderstood by the stone-cutter from his original copy, but,since one stroke is twice the length of the other, a presumablyaccidental inversion of L seems more likely.2 (CIJ i 644): Milan: 5th century or later. Epitaph; Hebrew andLatin.Milan, Atrium of St Ambrose Basilica.Marble plaque, broken in two horizontally; parts lost on both sidesand at the bottom. Letter forms: A Q.; letters have serifs.Text follows CIJ (photograph).nXmenorah)[*:'ty]hie requiesclet] | in pace b(ene)m(emoriae) Ros]Alexandinus qui vixet ann os plus menus [ - - ].esDf70] (1.1): Diehlrequiesclet] (1.2): le Blant REQVIESI[os]\es (11.3-4): CIL D[iogen]\es; Labus, Forcella & Seletti [Moys]\esmenus (1.6): le Blant MENSPeace. Here rests in peace Joses (?) the Alexandrian, ofgood memory, who lived more or less .. years.6. Labus (1820), p.420 (facsimile; from the stone); E. le Blant & E. Renan (1860),p.348 n.l (from the stone); E. le Blant (1865), p.477 (from the stone); CIL v.u (1877),

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYp.691 no.6294 (from the stone); V. Forcella & E. Seletti (1897), pp.70-1 no.76 (from ms.of Mazzuchelli); J. Oehler (1909), p.448 no.201 (follows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927),p.501 no.4955 (follows C/L); H. Leclerq (1928), cols.69, 218 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936),pp.461-2 no.644 (photograph; from the stone); E. Goodenou^, Jewish symbols ii(1953), p.52; iii, fig.848 (photograph); W. Horbury & D. Noy, JIGRE (1992), pp.228-9no.l42 (follows CIJ).G.L Ascoli (1880), p.26; R. Gamicci (1883), p.713; G.N. Alcott (1904), p.238; S. de Ricci(1905), p.472; J. Juster (1914), p.l81 n.9; S. Krauss (1922), p.259; L. Ruggini (1959),pp.215, 218 n.80, 230 n.l08; H.J. Leon (1960), p.l31 n.2; C.B. Pascal (1963), p.54; A.Milano (1963), p.28; V. Colorni (1964), pp.18 n.75, 19; J. Moreau & H.L Marrou, ILCViv (1967), p.44 no.4955; L. Yarden (1971), p.27, pl.l33; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l36 n.70;L.H. Kant (1987), p.677 n.29; G. Mayer (1987), p.lOO.This inscription was found in 1813 along with no.l, and is apparentlyof similar date. The lettering, formulae and orthography are similarbut not identical. The spelling menus and use of annos in a 'lived'formula also occur in ILCV 1500, from Milan and dated to 409; 2852(Milan, 403) uses menus too.There is some doubt about the restoration of the name in 11.3-4.Diogenes and Moyses are both too long, and loses, suggested to Freyby Silvagni and a common name at Venosa, is much more probable.The deceased man was an 'Alexandrian', written without the letter r,and this must mean Egyptian Alexandria. Despite his origin, he wascommemorated in Latin and Hebrew, and his epitaph is typical ofnorthern Italy, with the addition of the Hebrew word and Jewishsymbol.Hie requiescet in pace followed by h.m. is found in ILCV 3169,3169A-b (all from Bergamo, 6th-century), 3178 (Ticino). The parallelwith no.l means that h.m. here should be expanded as benememoriaerather than the usual Christian bonae memoriae (or even benemerenti; cf. no. 11). The formula hie ... pace is also used in ILCV 681,the epitaph of Petrus Alexandrinus negotias linatarius (sic), fromPalermo and dated to 602.The final line contained nothing more than a numeral, sinceenough of the plaque is preserved below menus in 1.6 to show thatnothing was written there.

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY3 {CIJ i 649): Milan (?): uncertain date. Epitaph (?); Greek andHebrew.Milan, Museo civico archeologico (Castello Sforzesco); inv.no.463.Marble fragment, 15 x 23 cm.; only lower right comer preserved.Letters 3-3.5 cm.; letter forms A 6 GO. Some letters have serifs.Text follows CIJ (photograph).[ - - ]eaeai | [ - - eY(?)]Y6vo)v | [ - - ]1.1: de March! [KaTae]eo6ca1.2: de March! [jiexa (?) npolyovGJV1.3: Monneret de Villard ubsh... grandchildren (?) ... forever.A. de March! (1913), pp.74-5 no.l4 (photograph; from the stone); U. Monneret deV!llard (1915), pp.82-3 no.45 (photogi-aph; from the stone); CIJno.649 (photograph; follows Monneret de VlUard).V. Colom! (1964), p. 19.! (1936), pp.464-5This inscription was first published by de Marchi, who stated that itcame to the Castello Sforzesco Museum from the collection of DrAnnibale Ancona, with no indication of its origin. There is some otherevidence of Greek being used at Milan (although it is better attestedat Aquileia): IG xiv 2294 is a pagan epitaph for Domnina. 2293 and2296-8 are Christian epitaphs of the late 4th or 5th centuries; threeare explicitly of people from the east (Constantinople, Magdala inEgypt, &K6 KWHTji; EivaK©v). The last of these came from the floor ofthe St Ambrose BasiHca (= Forcella & Seletti no. 19). It is thereforequite possible that this Greek inscription too originates from Milan.Frey rejected de Marchi's restorations, and suggested somethinglike [xd-ROC^ ooioq] Ea(x)ai (presumably for eaxi, rather than a genuinefuture) [ ml EYJYOVCOV [ai)T0\)], or something with |Lienvfia0ai. EYYOVCOVis slightly more likely than de Marchi's npoYOVCOV (ancestors), but bothare possible. The surviving words and combination of languagessuggest that text was an epitaph. The Hebrew could end a similarformula to that of no.82, below.

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY4 (CIJ i 638): Brescia (Brixia): 4th century (?). Epitaph (?); Greek.Lost (formerly church of S. Andrea, Brescia).Text follows IG xiv (1890).[ - - - ] I [&p]xim)vd|YCOYoM (or -o[^) | [ - - - ].... archisynagogos ....IG xiv (1890), p.547 no.2304 (from mss. of Feliciani and Marcanova); S. Krauss (1922),p.259 (follows IG); CIJ i (1936), p.457 no.638 (follows IG); A.A Garzetti, // x.v.3(1986), p.640 no.l260 (from mss, of Marcanova, Feliciani and Ferrarinus).S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; J. Juster (1914), p.l81 n.l3; H. Leclerq (1928), cols.69, 139;L. Ruggini (1959), pp.215, 217; C.B, Pascal (1963), p.54; A Milano (1963), p.28; V.Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.71; I. Mufioz Valle (1972), p.l60; D. Novellone (1973), p.517; B.J.Brooten (1982), p.23 n.83, p.60; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.214 no.ll3.This inscription was copied by three historians between 1465 and1486 in the church of S. Andrea just outside Brescia. The letterrecorded as omega by Marcanova and Feliciani was given as omicronby Ferrarinus. It appears to be the remains of an epitaph forsomeone who held the title of archisynagogos, but it could instead bepart of an honorific or dedicatory inscription. The name wouldpresumably have come before the recorded text, and there may havebeen more words after it. The use of Greek is unusual at Brescia, asat Milan, but there are three other Greek inscriptions from there, IGxiv 2302-3, 2305: two epitaphs and one which may be from a statuebase. The 4th-century dating of the inscription suggested by Rugginimust be regarded as very tentative.Novellone's suggestion of Jewishness in an epitaph from Bresciafor the freedman M. Hostilius Dicaeus, on the grounds of the nameand the reference to domum ... aeternalem, is not convincing. Apagan inscription from Brescia by a woman named luda (CIJ 77*) isdiscussed below (no.ll).5 (CIJ i 639): Brescia: 4th century or earlier. Epitaph (?); Latin.Brescia, Museo civico dell'eta romana; inv.no. MR 3029.Limestone tablet, 63 x 130 x 15 cm.; damaged at top but apparentlyno lettering lost. Letters 7.5-6.5 cm., with serifs. Word-divider(hedera). Letter form: G. Ligature: AE.

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYText follows A. Garzetti (1984).Coeliae Paternae I matri synagogae Brixianorum.Coeliae CIJ CoeliaeLine divisions given incorrectly by GruterFor Coelia Patema, mother of the synagogue of theBrixians.J. Gruter (1707), p.323 no.3 (facsimile; from copies by Panvinio and Verderio); P.Osann (1834), p.432 (follows Gruter); G. Brunati (1856), p.219 (fi^m the stone); CIL v.i(1872), p.465 no.4411 (from the stone); E. Schiirer (1879), pp.29, 40 no.40 (followsGruter and CIL); J.P. Waltzing (1899), p. 142 no.505 (follows CIL); H. Dessau, ILS ii.i^(1902), p.650 no.6724 (foUows CIL); S. Krauss (1922), p.259 no.ll6 (follows CIL); E.Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.495 no.4898 (foUows CIL); CIJ i (1936), p.457 no.639 (followsCIL and earlier eds.); (1975), p.49; M.A Levi (1963) (photograph); BJ. Brooten(1982), p.60 (follows CIL and CIJ); A. Garzetti, // x.v.l (1984), pp.135-6 no.204(photograph; from the stone).E. le Blant & E. Renan (1860), p.347 n.8; S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; J. Juster (1914),p.l81 n.l3; H. Leclerq (1928), cols.69, 139; A. Ferrua (1936), p.l35 n.l; (1941), p.44; L.Ruggini (1959), pp.215, 217; HJ. Leon (1960), p. 188 n.l; E. Cattaneo (1963), p.353;C.B. Pascal (1963), p.54; V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.71; I. Mufioz Valle (1972), p.l59n.44; S.J.D. Cohen (1980), p.26 n.lO; A. Konikoflf (1986), p.ll; G. Mayer (1987), pp.90,123; C. Stella (1987), p.38 no.l4; LS. Kant (1987), p.696 n.l49, p.698 n.l70; L. CraccoRuggini (1988), p.258 n.24; G.L. Gregori (1990), p.74.This inscription was first recorded in the 15th century, and the earlyprinted and manuscript sources which mention it are Usted by CIJ,CIL and Garzetti. It was moved from the S. Salvatore church outsideBrescia to the S. Afra monastery in the city in 1519, and when themonastery was sold in 1771 it came into the possession of thebrothers Vincenzo and Camillo Gambara, who gave it to themuseum.The title mater synagogae also occurs at Rome (CIJ 523), andmay be implied by the terms mater and \if[Vi]^ used elsewhere.Synagoga is likely to mean the Jewish community rather than thesynagogue building; cf. no. 139, below. Coelius is a well-attestedgentilicium, and occurs at Brescia in Garzetti no.759, P. Coelius P.l.

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYEmptus; ibid. 156 is tiie epitaph of L. Caelius Arrianus, a doctor ofLegio II Italka, Paternus/a is a well-known cognomen (Kajanto(1965), S.V.), and the feminine form occurs near Brescia in Garzettinos. 1131 (Scutrinia Patema) and 1141 (Crescentio and Paterna gavea mosaic to an early Christian church). The inscription has beendated to the 2nd century by Brunati, 2nd or 3rd by Gregori, and 4thby Ruggini. The wording is probably that of an epitaph, but could befrom an honorific inscription.A number of inscriptions use the term ordo Brixianorum(Garzetti nos. 103, 109, 146, 232, 276, 285); the first two are dated tothe mid-3rd century. Garzetti no.996 has a defensor reipublicaeBrixianorum. The Jews clearly used the designation term which alsoapplied to the inhabitants of the whole town.6 (Plate III; CIJ i 640): Concordia: late 4th-early 5th century.Epitaph; Latin.Portogruaro, Museo nazionale concordiese; inv.no.289.Sarcophagus front. Letter forms: A, -L, AA, ^ for Q. Some worddividers(triangles). Letters have serifs.Text follows D. Bertolini & G. Henzen (majuscule text) as explainedin C/L, and new photograph.Flavia Optata miliitis) de | numiero) regiipru) Emesienoru)Iude(o)\ru. si quis pos ovitu | meiu) arcia) volu{erit)apierire), eniferet) fiisci) | (ibus) aur(i) lib(ra) una.(lulab?)Iude{o)\ru 01.2-3): CIL Iudeo\ru(.m)Lefort (11.2-3): emeif) sivQ) de 'q}>u(blico)ovitu 0

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYtreasury one pound of gold.D. Bertolini & G. Henzen (1874), p.29 no.23, p.42 n.l5 (from the stone and a cast); D.Bertolini (1874), pp.290-l no. 12 (fi^m the stone); L. Lefort (1875), pp.344-5 (from thestone); CIL v.ii (1877), p.l0€4 no.8764 (from the stone); E. Diehl (1908), p.45 no.243;ILCV ii (1927), p.488 no.4857 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.458 no.640 (follows C/L); D.Hoffmann (1963), pp.50-l no.36 (follows Lefort); G. Lettich (1983), pp.95-6 no.57(follows C/L ai.1-2), Hoffmann (11.3-5)).G.N. Alcott (1904), p.431; J. Juster (1914), p.l81 n.l4; H. Leclerq (1928), col.69; A.Ferrua (1936), p.l35 n.l; (1941), p.44; L. Ruggini (1959), pp.215, 225 n.95, 232 n.l20,260 n.216, 271; G. Brusin & P.L. Zovatto (1960), p.59; B. Forlati Tamaro (1962), p.l06;C.B. Pascal (1963), p.54; A Milano (1963), p.28; L. Cracco Ruggini (1964), p.932 n.21;V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.72; D. Hoffnaann (1969), i pp.68, 78, 94; ii p.30 n.230; L.Cracco Ruggini (1980a), p.l57; H. Solin (1983), pp.648, 741; G. Mayer (1987), p. 125.This inscription from Concordia was written on the front of asarcophagus, found in 1873 in the southern part of the mainlymilitary cemetery. It appears to have been erected for a soldier'swife, although there has been much debate about the correctinterpretation of 1.1. The provenance and language suggest a date inthe late 4th or early 5th century (Ruggini). Soldiers were normallydesignated Flavins by this time, which would explain the use ofFlavia in the name. Jews were excluded from miUtary service in Italyin 418 (C.Theo. 16.8.24; cf. PL xl 1133), and if the restorations arecorrect the inscription is no later than that.If Flavia Optata was not a soldier's wife, she was presumably asoldier's daughter. There are parallels for the attribution of childrento military units in ILCV 557 Pista de numero Misacorum aged 11(near Aquileia) and ibid.564 Ursulenthus de schola secundascutarioro aged 6 (Thrace). The husband/father's name was evidentlyomitted by accident; there are many omissions, imorthodox spellingsand puzzling abbreviations in the Concordia inscriptions. In thiscase, pos, ovitu and una were all written without their final letter, sothe abbreviated words have been resolved in the text above on thesame principle, omitting the final -m of words in the accusative.Emesa (modern Homs) was in Syria, and from the 4th century inAugusta Libanensis. Its inhabitants could therefore not be describedas ludeorum (v^itten Iude(o)ru in the inscription) from anyassociation with the province of Judaea, and the word must signify

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY'Jews'. The city had a Jewish community, and its bishop, Eusebius,wrote against the Jews in the mid-4th century (Jerome, de Vir.Ill.91). The mihtary unit specified here is not mentioned in the NotitiaDignitatum, but that is not surprising since the western section islater than 421 and this unit must have been abolished or at leastreorganized in 418.The only connected name in Not.Dig. is Regit; it lists themamong the auxilia palatina in the East (Or. vi 49) and the legionescomitatenses stationed in Italy (Occ. v 229, vii 32). There was a unitof auxiliares Reginenses in Moesia, who took their title from theMoesian town of Regina, and Lefort (followed by Henzen) suggestedrestoring de num(ero) RegUnensium) here.Units of Emesenes are known from epigraphic sources, however,and a unit of Emesene Jews is possible. A numerus Hemesenorumexisted in Numidia in the early 3rd century (J. Carcopino, Syria 6(1925), p. 129; 14 (1933), p.25; E. Albertini, Revue Africaine 72 (1931),pp. 194-203; AE (1933), nos.46-8). The cohors I miliaria Hemesenorumsagittariorum equitata was stationed in Pannonia Inferior from themid-2nd century, and was still recruiting people from the East in the3rd century (RE iv col.295). M. Campanius Marcellus, whose careeris recorded in an inscription from Capua (CIL x 3847), was trib. coh.pr. Hemesen. He is dated to the late 2nd century by H. Devijver,Prosopographia militiarum equestrium quae fuerunt ab Augusta adGallienum i (Louvain, 1976), no.C 71.The practice of preparing a tomb during one's lifetime andprotecting it with a fine payable to the fiscus was standard atConcordia, and much of the vocabulary could be abbreviated; cf.no. 145, below, for a similar formula used at Catania. However, in theother Concordia inscriptions which use inferat or inferre debebit(Lettich 7, 16, 28, 38, 41), the phrase is written in full. The phrasefisci viribus is used in legislation of 340 against grave-violation: anybuilding in which something taken from a tomb is found fisci viribusvindicetur (Codex ix 19.2). Fisco inferre is found in a law of 357:anyone who takes stone from a tomb decem pondo auri cogatur fiscoinferre (ibid. 19.4.1).These considerations support the text and translation above. Itmay, however, be possible to separate EMESIVDEIRV from themilitary title, as some early editors did. EME would be from the verbemo: cf. emerat in Lettich 8, emet in 44 and other parts of the verb in10

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY25, 33, 35, 41, 45, 46 and 53. SIV would represent sibi: expressionslike sibi conparavit or emit are used in Lettich 24, 31, 35, 46, 48(sivi). DERV, more difficult to explain, would probably be a mistakefor de suo as in Lettich 8; other possible phrases are de propria (24and 48), de propria suo (35 and 46), de propria lahore suo (41 and53), de propria meo (45), de publico (suggested by Lefort). Thisinterpretation seems much more unsatisfactory than the 'Jewish' oneadopted above, but Flavia Optata's connection with a Jewish armyunit is far from certain.7 (Plate IV; CIJ i 643): Aquileia: 1st century B.C. Epitaph (?); Latin.Aquileia, Museo archeologico nazionale; gallerie lapidarie, sezionerepubblicana.Limestone plaque, 23 x 40 x 18 cm. Letter form: AA. Word-dividers(triangles); letters have serifs.Text follows CIL i^ ii.4 (1986).Liucius) Aiacius | Piublii) Kibertus) Dama I ludaeus porltoruiivus) siibi) f{ecit).V. s. f. (1.4) could also be viotum) s{olvit) fieliciter)Lucius Aiacius Dama, freedman of Publius, Jew, customshouse worker, made (the tomb) while he was alive [orhappily fulfilled his vow].H. Pais, Supplementa Italica i (1884), p.228 no. 1166 (from copy by Gregorutti); E.Maionica (1885), pp.20-l (from the stone); C. Gregorutti (1885), p.284 n.l58 [not seen];G. Corradi (1924), p.l57 (foUows Pais); E. Diehl, ICLV ii (1927), p.501 no.4855 (followsPais); CIJ i (1936), pp.459-60 no.643 (follows Pais); S.J. de Laet (1949), p.78 (followsPais); S. Panciera (1957), p.63 n.89 (follows Pais); CIL ? ii.4 (1986), p. 1094 no.3422,tab.116 fig.7 (photograph; from the stone).M. Rostowzew (1904), p.389 n.94; S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; J. Juster (1914), p.l82 n.l;H. Leclerq (1928), col.69; A. Calderini (1934), pp.245, 347 no.llO, 354, 401; A Degrassi(1954), pp.16-17 n.l8; L. Ruggini (1959), pp.216 n.75, 232 n.ll7; C.B. Pascal (1963),p.53; A. Milano (1963), p.28; V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.74; A MUano (1971), cols.228-9;G. Cuscito (1972), p.245; P. Vattioni (1972), col.125; H. SoUn (1983), pp.612 n.37, 613,11

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY649, 727; G. BandelU (1984), pp.175, 179-80, 200-1, 217 iio.9; L.H. Kant (1987), p.682n.69; C. Vismara (1987), pp.120-1; M. Bvironi (1991), pp.319-320 n.244.On other evidence for Jews at Aquileia, see p.xiii, above. Thisinscription was first published in the 1880s. The fact that Dama hada different prcenomen from his patron suggests that it is unlikely tobe later than the 1st century B.C. He might have been taken intoslavery as a result of Pompey's wars in Judaea. The letteringconfirms a republican date according to Bandelli (following Maionicaand Gregorutti, although disagreeing with Panciera), and itsinclusion in the revised CIL i^ implies agreement with that dating;however, a 1st century A.D. date (with Panciera) cannot be entirelyruled out.The nature of the inscription depends on the interpretation of theabbreviation at the end. Votum solvit feliciter is common in votiveinscriptions, but vivus sibi fecit is found in epitaphs. If theinscription is votive, Solin points out that it does not necessarilyprove the existence of a Jewish community at Aquileia at such anearly date, as it could have been put up by a visitor (especially ifportor signifies 'sailor' as Frey suggested).However, it is much more likely that the inscription is an epitaphand portor, which is otherwise unknown, stands for portitor, assuggested by TLL, s.v. This would signify that Dama was anemployee of the portitorium (customs post) of Aquileia whoseexistence is attested by Cicero {Font, i 15). The portitorium wasoperated by contractors using slaves and freedmen who are knownfrom other inscriptions, e.g. CIL v 703, 792 = i^2193 (where only theletters FOR are preserved). This interpretation of Dama's job wasaccepted by Maionica, Calderini and Bandelli, and the only argumentagainst it is the lack of explicit evidence to identify portor andportitor.The name Dama is found at Aquileia for two freedmen (CIL v1450, 8355), and at Betriacum for a slave (ibid.4087). It occurs in CIJ544 as restored by G. Sacco (1984), no.86. Solin (1982), pp. 1281-2,has 68 examples, of which a majority are slave or freed. Horace, Sat.i 6.38 mentions the Syrian Dama', and there are references to a mannamed Eleazar ben Dama in the 1st or 2nd century (e.g. ToseftaHullin ii 22). Aiacius is an unusual nomen: Aiacius Modestus isrecorded in two inscriptions from Rome (C7L vi 32327, 32329), and12

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYthere is a P. Aiacius (sic) P.f. at Opitergium (CIL v 1983).8 (Plate V; CIJ 643a): Grade: 5th century (first half). Mosaic;epitaph of ex-Jew; Latin.In situ.Mosaic inscription with guide-Hnes. Letter-forms: A ^ L ^.Abbreviation bars (11.6, 10, 11); word-dividers (triangles) in 11.3, 10.Some letters have serifs.Text follows S. Tavano (1986b).hie requiescit | Petrus qui Papa\rio fildus) Olympii Iu\daei,solusque | ex gente sua 11 ad Xpi(axo\)) meruit | gratiamperveni\re et in hanc s(an)c(t)am | aulam digne sepul\tusest sub d(ie) pr(i)d(ie) Id(us) luKias) inddctione) quarta.solusque 0.4): Solin solus que (=qui)et... hanc written as FT... HANCHere rests Petrus, also called Papario, son of Olympius theJew, and the only one of his race who deserved to reach thegrace of Christ. In this holy building he was buriedworthily on 14th July in the fourth year of the indictioncycle.G. Brusin (1947), pp.l8-20 (photograph of copy by G. Simonutti); AE (1951), p.207no. 172 (follows Brusin 1947); M. Mirabella Robert! (1951), col.983 (photograph); R.Egger (1953), pp.343-7 (follows Brusin, 1947); G. Brusin & P.L. Zovatto (1957), pp,458-62, fig.37 (photograph; from the original); L. Ruggini (1959), pp.215, 225 n.97; G.Brusin (1964), pp.244-5, 255, fig.146 (photograph); P.L. Zovatto (1971), pp.15-16, 29pl.26 (photograph; from the original); CIJ (1975), pp.49-50 no.643a (follows AE(1951)); AE (1975), p.l04 no.418 (follows Brusin & Zovatto); P. Rugo (1975), pp.51no.58, 123 (photograph; follows Brusin 1947); G. Cuscito (1977), p.216 fig.28(photograph); L. Cracco Ruggini (1980a), pp.l39-160, fig.l (photograph; from theoriginal); H. Solin (1983), p.738; S. Tavano (1986a), fig.22; (1986b), pp.267-8, 318-322(photograph; from the original).C.G. Mor (1960-1), pp.325-9; C.B. Pascal (1963), p.54; L Kajanto (1963), p.ll9; (1966),pp.9, 22; M. Mirabella Robert! (1966), i pp.l05-112, ii figs.56-60; G. Cuscito (1972),13

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYpp.245-7; A Perma (1975), p.360; D. Mazzoleni (1986), p.314; L. Bertacchi (1986),pp.275-6; LH. Kant (1987), p.686 n.97; C. Vismara (1987), p.l21.This mosaic panel was found in 1946 within a small building 1 m.below the central nave of the Duomo of Grade built by Bishop Eliasin 579. The panel contains a design of vines, grapes, birds and avase, in brightly coloured tesserae, as well as the inscription.Although it has usually been assumed that the building in whichPetrus was buried was always a church, Tavano (1986b) beHeves thathis tomb was originally in a rectangular burial chapel in an area oftombs, and that it was only later transformed into a church. There isno other evidence of burial inside a church in this period and region,a fact which supports Tavano's explanation. A deep apse with apresbyterial bench and a chair and a canopied altar (replacing anearlier altar) were added to the original plan of the building, andanother extension made room for a font. The transformation mayhave happened when the bishops of Aquileia moved their seat toGrade (Cracco Ruggini (1980a), p. 140). The building was surroundedby the Basilica of S. Eufemia begun by Bishop Nicetas after 452, andthe original floor was covered when that building was converted toBishop Elias' Duomo.If Tavano's theory is correct, the epitaph cannot be later than thefirst half of the 5th century. Cracco Ruggini (1980a, p. 143) showsthat there are no paleographic difficulties in this dating, and that theuse of supralineate bars to mark abbreviations could be considerablyearlier. Brusin & Zovatto noted artistic similarities with two mid-5thcentury mosaics from Thibari, Tunisia. The range of dates suggestedby Zovatto and Egger for ind(ictione) quarta (1.11) is 406, 421, 436,451, although Kajanto regards the use of indictio without a consulardate as 6th-century. The early 5th century was a time of manyvoluntary and forced conversions of Jews, such as the massconversion of the Jews of Minorca in 417/8.Petrus is a new name taken on baptism, as in a fragmentaryepitaph from Rome for [Pascajsius qui nomen hahuit luda {ILCV4993A). Papario is an unusual name, but is found in CIL vi 9224lulius Pappario, and might be a preferable restoration to Paparifus]in 9920 (early 6th-century). MAMA iv 26 (Afyon Karahisar in centralTurkey, 2nd/3rd century) has riaTcapicovoq as a patronymic.2. qui is written for qui et; cf. ILCV 3239 Restitute qui14

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYSaramaf..]. Kajanto (1966), p.9, found a total of 11 other examples,and regarded the expression as an abbreviation of qui vacatur.4. Solin suggests that -que should be understood as qui, i.e. 'who,alone This spelling occurs in a number of Christian inscriptions(ILCV iii p.573), but in view of the fairly elegant Latin style ofPetrus' epitaph it seems unnecessary to interpret que as anythingother than the 'and' suffix.5. ex gente sua might be understood as 'of his family' or 'of hisrace'. In epigraphic use at the Hkely date of this inscription, gensusually signifies 'race*, e.g. ILCV 1778a.4 'Illyrica de gente Petrus',3537 'quod gens infelix vertere non timuit' (although in 44 'filiusHanhaualdi regalis gentis Burgundionum' might mean 'royal family').Genus is a commoner word for 'family'. If gens is correctly understoodas 'race', it presumably means the Jews of Grade rather than allJews everywhere.6-7. The phrase gratia Christi (cf. Xpi(aTo\)) ... gratiam), withChristi sometimes written as a Greek abbreviation, is fairly common(cf ILCV iii pp.358-9), often referring to baptism. Cyprian, Test, i 22,says that the Jews will lose but the Christians will receive *panem etcalicem Christi et omnem gratiam eius'. The complete expressionused in Petrus' epitaph is unusual, but appears to echo the Aquileianbishop Chromatius (CCSL 9a, Sermo x 4), commenting on Mt. xx9-10: 'invitatae sunt omnes gentes ex quibus sumus nos, qui venimusad gratiam Christi'; he also uses gratia Christi at ii 8 and iii 9. Theuse of meruit with an infinitive is mainly a feature of Christian verseepitaphs at this date {ILCV iii p.553). In this case it is evidently away of saying that Petrus was baptized.8-9. in hanc s(an)c(t)am aulam is written where an ablativewould be expected, a common feature of Christian inscriptions. Aulais sometimes used for 'church', and is given the description sancta atCimitile near Nola {ILCV 3482.2) and possibly at Carmona in Spain(2030a). It could, however, indicate 'tomb' as Tavano's theoryrequires, perhaps implying something larger than an ordinary tomb:F. Grosso Gondi includes it in his list of words for tomb {Trattato diepigrafia cristiana (1920), p.242), with the first dated example from368. The abbreviation of sanctus is common {ILCV iii pp.402-3).9-10. Some form of sepultus est is often followed by the date ofburial, but the addition of digne is unusual and emphasizes thegrandeur of Petrus' burial. Cracco Ruggini (1980a), p. 160, believes15

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYthat it refers both to his moral virtues and to the elegance of hismonument.9 (CIJ i 642): Pula (Pola): 3rd-5th century. Epitaph; Latin.Lost (formerly Church of S. Vito, Pola).No details of stone or letter-forms. Word-dividers (points).Text follows CIL v.i.Aur(elius) Soter et Aurielius) \ Stephanus Aur(eliae)Soteriae matri pien\tissimae religioni | ludeicae metuentifdlii)p(osuerunt).Vogelstein & Rieger give 11.1-5 only and different line-divisionspien^tissimae (11.3-4): Rossi | pientissimaereligioni (1.4): Siegert religioniludeicae (1.5): Rossi IVFICAEAurelius Soter and Aurelius Stephanus for Aurelia Soteria,their very devout mother, a fearer of the Jewish religion.Her sons set up (the monument).O. Rossi (1616), p.269 (from copy by A Sant' Enrilian di Gussago); J. Gruter (1707),p.721 no.ll (from copy by Apianus); K. Orelli (1828), p.439 no.2523 (follows Gruter);CIL v.i (1872), p.lS no.88 (from manuscripts); H. Vogelstein & P. Rieger (1896), p.477no.l49 (follows Orelli and CIL); E. Diehl (1908), p.44 no.241; ILCV u (1927), p.498no.4927 (foUows CIL and Vogelstein & Rieger); K. Lake (1933), p.89 (foUows CIL); CIJi (1936), p.459 no.642 (follows CIL); B. Forlati Tamaro, // x.i (1947), p.209 no.558; L.Ruggini (1959), p.215, p.226 n.99; F. Siegert (1973), p. 153 (fit)m CIJ).H. Cannegieter (1758), pp.28-9; J. Bemays (1877), p.567; J. Juster (1914), p.l81 n.2; AFerrua (1941), p.44; L.H. Feldman (1950), p.203; P. Testini (1958), p.537; C.B. Pascal(1963), p.53; A Milano (1963), p.28; V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.73; B.J. Brooten (1982),p.l46; H. Solin (1983), p.738; M. Simon (1986), p.284 n.61; J. Reynolds & R.Tannenbaum (1987), p.52; L.H. Kant (1987), p.689 n.l09; G. Mayer (1987), pp.99, 124;R. Kraemer (1988), p.289.CIL gives full details of the manuscript tradition of the inscription,going back to two originals, Sanutianum by Marinus Sanutus of16

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYVenice, 1483, and Bellonus, liber B n.3. Sanutus recorded theinscription as being in the church of S. Vito at Pola, but there is noinformation about its subsequent fate.The date of the inscription cannot be determined with anycertainty. The names indicate that is in the range of 3rd century(Kant) - 4th or 5th (Ruggini).It is questionable whether Aurelia Soteria should be regarded asa godfearer or as a full Jew (Feldman), since the phrase religioniludeicae metuenti is unparallelled in other inscriptions. In fact, therelationship of the words matri ... metuenti is doubtful. Lake takespientissimae with metuenti: mother, very devout fearer of theJewish religion' - Siegert regards religioni as a mistake for thegenitive. Kraemer understands Very devout mother, of the Jewishreligion, fearing (God)'. The translation given above seems morenatural in view of the word order, but is far from certain. See no. 12for further discussion of 'godfearer' expressions.The Aurelia Soteria who commemorated her alumna in no.202,below, cannot be regarded with any degree of certainty as the sameperson. Perrin (1913) has one example each of Sotera, Soterius andSotira (X(&iapa). Solin (1982), pp.416-7, gives 36 examples of Soterfrom Rome (lst>-4th century) and 5 of Sotira (lsi^3rd century); also 3of the masculine Soterius. Soteris was a much commoner feminineform: 101 examples (ibid., pp.419-421). If the Soteria of no.202 couldbe identified with the woman in this inscription, it would be furtherevidence that she was a godfearer and not a full Jew, since no.202begins D.M.10: Ravenna: 5th-6th century. Amphora; Hebrew.Ravenna, Museo nazionale; inv.no. 10571.Upper part of amphora with handles.Text follows M. Dukan, C. Sirat & M. Zerdoun (1984).(A) two undeciphered letters orfigures(B)[D]I*:'C?Peace.17

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYM. Dukan, C. Sirat & M. Zerdoun (1984), pp.287-303 (from the original).N. Pavoncello (1985), pp.293-4.Although there is no other epigraphic evidence of Jews at Ravenna,there are literary indications of their presence there, along withother people from the East (Ruggini (1959), pp.204 n.41, 228 n.l03,241).This unglazed amphora was found in 1972/3, in excavations atMoneta Aurea, near the city-walls of the Theoderican period. It is ofa widely distributed type, examples of which have been found at sea.According to information given to Dukan, Sirat & Zerdoun (p.292) byA. Zemer, a similar amphora with a menorah has been found inSpain.(A) was written on the neck of the amphora, at handle level, andprobably indicated the contents. (B) was painted on the belly on theopposite side. The editors regard the word as a mark of Judaism, toguarantee the origin of the contents for Jewish purchasers. It is alsopossible, although less likely, that it is part of an owner ormanufacturer's name, e.g. Shalomsion, or that Shalom was itself aname in this case. The editors regard the lettering as from betweenthe 4th and the 7th century, and suggest 5th-6th century from thearchaeological context.11 (CIJ i 636): Civitavecchia (Centumcellae): 2nd-4th century (?).Epitaph; Latin.Lost (formerly Civitavecchia, Museo comunale).Marble plinth with base and cornice, 51 x 42 x 30 cm., withinscription on face of pUnth. No details of letter forms.Text follows R. Mengarelli (1919).lulius luda | fecit lulie | Mariae co\iugi bene merienti)cun qua bixit 11 annis XXV.Julius Juda made (the monument) for Julia Maria his welldeservingwife, with whom he lived for 25 years.R. MengarelU (1919), pp.224-5 no.405 (from the stone); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.505no.4993 (follows Mengarelli); CIJ i (1936), p.455 no.636 (follows MengarelU); i^ (1975),p.49.18

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYM. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; A Milano (1963), p.28; V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.76; J.Moreau & H.I. Marrou, ILCV iv (1967), p.44 no.4993; D. Mazzoleni (1976), p.84 n.2;(1984), n.l3; ICI ii (1985), p.x n.6; G. Mayer (1987), pp.97, 125; L.V. Rutgers (1992),p.ll2 n.77.Mengarelli reported that this inscription was found at the vignaAlibrandi, in a pagan necropolis of late date flanking the Via Aurelia(localita Polveriera according to Mazzoleni). There was a Christianburial site in the same area (ICI ii nos.5, 8, 17-19). The inscriptionwas given by the Alibrandi family to the Civitavecchia museum, butseems to have been lost when the building was bombarded duringthe Second World War.The inscription did not use Jewish symbols, and had apraefericulum on the left face and a patera on the right. However,the names Juda and Maria together make it extremely probable thatthe couple were Jewish. Juda (sometimes graecized as Judas) occursin seven other inscriptions in this volume (Index II a; also Gelasius,fr.43 (Thiel)); its genitive can end -anti (no. 183) or -ati (CIJ 676 fromPannonia), or -avToq in Greek (no. 183). 183 also uses the Hebrewequivalent, min*. The name was naturally avoided by Christians, andas a man's name it is not found in pagan use. However, CIJ 77*from Brescia, a dedication to the lunones by Annia L.I. luda, isundoubtedly pagan, since Pascal (1963) shows that the lunones arelocal divinities in Cisalpine Gaul. The name was not a usual one forJewish women, and there is no evidence that Annia luda was aconvert from Judaism.Unless Juda and Maria had abandoned Judaism, the lack ofsymbols in an otherwise non-Jewish context suggests that theepitaph is no later than the 4th century. The use of bene merentirather than some form of benememorius also suggests a relativelyearly date. The use of a plinth, presumably as part of a column,indicates an elaborate monument unlike anything else known forItalian Jews.19

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY12: La Bottaccia (Lorium): 2nd-4th century (?). Metrical epitaph;Greek.Unknown.No details of stone. Ligatures: GOP NY. Bars over numerals. Worddivider(point) in 1.5.Text follows G. Amati (1824).evedSe ev eipf|VT) KETTE | 'Po\)(pavo(; dii-o^Kov9eoaepf|q OCYICDV xe voiicov | aocpiTiq le awioicop-8X©v Ktt' f||i(Epwv) T\' ©p(gc) V\)(KT5;) i'.Mp(a) v\)(kt6q) (1.5): CIG, CIL

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYreferences to *holy law', but ayioi vofioi is not a usual Christianexpression (Lampe, s.v. vonoq; Rom. vii 12 uses v6[iOC, ayio^ and doesnot seem to occur in Christian inscriptions. The introductory formulais used only by Jews and Christians. locpia occurs in a number ofJewish epitaphs (van der Horst (1991), p. 152), although again it isnot necessarily Jewish. d|i\)|i(OV is also applied to a Jew at Rome(Leon (1960), no.l).A number of Latin apparently Christian epitaphs use phrasesderived from deum Idominum metuens /timens (ILCV 3359a.4 and4779 (Rome), 1672 and 3416A (Vienne), 1341 adn. (Numidia)). Someform of eeoaepfiQ is used in four inscriptions from Rome usuallythought to be Christian (IGCVO 964, 965, 1010, 1014). None of thesehas any intrinsically Christian content, but the word is used bymany Christian writers to describe the pious (Lampe, s.v.). The useof the Greek and Latin phrases by Jews or people associated withJudaism is discussed by Reynolds & Tannenbaum, pp.48-66. Theyare found in CIJ 5, 285, 524, 529 and CIL vi 390a (pagan) and29763. The occurrence of OEoaepfjt; and dyicov v6|i(ov together stronglysuggests a connection with Judaism; two 'godfearers' were among the(piXoiaaGeiq at Aphrodisias. If the word was chosen for metricalconvenience (Reynolds & Tannenbaum, p.31), it may well signify a'pious' man who was fully a Jew. However, Hommel argues againstthis on the grounds that 6eoaEpf|q is used where ooioq would havebeen used for someone who was fully a Jew. Cf. the use of a latinizedform of Geoaepfjc; at Venosa in no. 113.There are no adequate grounds for dating the inscription. Theintroductory formula is similar to the EvGdSe KETTE (for KEixai) of theJewish inscriptions from Rome and in no. 146 below. The unusualposition of EV EipfivTi here (cf. no.96) may be due to metricalconsiderations. Most of the few metrical Jewish epitaphs are fromEgypt; from Rome, CIJ 476 (Latin) is dated to the 2nd century byFrey and JIGRE 141 (Greek) is probably 2nd-century too. ILCV iii,p.315, collects Latin inscriptions using the 'hour of the night'formula; one of them (4337) is dated to 364. Rufinus' epitaph is thuslikely to come from the same broad period, but greater precision doesnot seem possible. Siegert notes that other Lorium inscriptions aredated to the 2nd-3rd century and Amati regarded this one as later.21

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY13 (Plate VI): Ostia: 2nd century (second half) (11.1-5); 3rd century(second half) (11.6-7). Donation to synagogue; Latin and Greek.Ostia, Lapidario Ostiense; inv.no.8978. Cast in Rome Synagogue.Marble tablet, 36 x 54.3 x 2.5-3.5 cm., with an additional fragmentbelow; letters 3-5 cm. Upper right corner damaged. 11.6-7 writtenover an erasure. Letter forms: A, E (Latin) / G (Greek), TT, C, 03; 1.6only li. Letters have serifs; some word-dividers (triangles).Text follows M. Guarducci (1974), with Horsley's restoration of 11.6-7.pro salute Augiusti). I O I K O S O H T I O E V K E ai7co[i]|T|a£V E K T W VamoO 8o|ndTcov K O I Tfjv KaPwiov || O V E G T I K E V voncp dyicpMiv8i(; 4)a\)aT0(; |JE|[xd xSv l]5i6)[v].For the safety of the Emperor. Mindius Faustus with hisfamily built and made (it) from his own gifts, and set upthe ark for the holy law.M. Floriani Squarciapino (1962b), pp.299-315; AE (1967), pp.27-8 no.77 (followsSquarciapino); M. Floriani Squarciapino (1970), p.183-5; M. Guarducci (1974), pp.l5-17, fig.5 (photogi-aph; from the original); A. Ferrua (1975), p.361 (followsSquarciapino); H. Solin (1983), p.726; Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.82 (follows AE); G.Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.ll2 no.25 (follows Guarducci).P.L. Zovatto (1960-1), pp.60-3; M. Floriani Squarciapino (1961), pp.326-337, figs.15-16;(1961-2), pp.119-132, fig.lO; (1962a), pp.1-8; (1963a), pp.139-141; (1963b), pp.l94-203;F. Zevi (1970), p.61-73, 382-3; A.M. Rabello (1971a), cols.l506-9; (1971b), pp.350-l; F.Zevi (1972), p.l34, 145; R. Meiggs (1973), p.587.8; H. Shanks (1979), pp.162-9; AT.Kraabel (1979), pp.497-500; (1981), p.90; G. Foerster (1982), pp.l69-70; L.I. Levine(1983), p.656; R. Chevallier (1986), pp.252-3; E.M. Meyers & AT. Kraabel (1986),p.200; A.M. Rabello (1987), p.51; L.M. White (1990), pp.69, 79.The synagogue of Ostia was discovered in 1961 during work on themotorway to Fiumicino airport; the course of the motorway wasdiverted to allow the building to be preserved. The synagoguecomplex was outside the city walls of Ostia, beyond the Porta Marinain an area which has only partly been excavated, very close to theancient course of the River Tiber. The original building, in opusreticulatum, has been dated because of the building technique to thesecond half of the 1st century, but it was adapted and expanded inthe 4th century (in opus listatum, with bricks and tufa blocks) to theform which has been preserved. There is no certain evidence that the22

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYIst-century building was originally a synagogue, but it is veryprobable that it was (contra White (1990), p.69), as its plan wasretained in the later building and there is no evidence of any othersubstantial modification.The synagogue was approached through a narrow entrance fromthe Via Severiana, down two steps leading to a vestibule with asmall well. On the right of this were three entrances leading into therectangular area of the main hall and adjoining rooms: the first ledto an area whose original purpose is unclear but which wasconverted into a ritual bath, and the third into a partly separatedarea with a raised floor. To the left of the vestibule, and further onto the right, were entrances to a number of other rooms, includingone with an oven and marble worktop where five lamps withmenorahs (right-angled arms, tripod, no crossbar) were found(Squarciapino (1962b), p.310; Zevi (1970), fig.30), and several roomswith benches around the walls. There is a photograph of anotherlamp with a menorah of the same design foimd at Ostia (not in thesynagogue) in CIJ i p.465.The second entrance on the right of the vestibule led to the frontarea of the main hall, and then to a much more imposing entrance tothe hall itself, with four Corinthian columns about 4.7 m, higharranged in a rectangle. In the front area, two black and whitemosaics are preserved. One has a geometric design around a sixpetalledrosette. The other is in a poorer state of preservation andappears to have been more roughly executed. It contains two shapeswhich may be Jewish symbols: they have been interpreted as achalice and a loafEntering the main hall itself (12.5 x 24.9 m.), one faced a raisedpodium in the slightly curved wall at the far end. To the left of theentrance was the torah shrine. This was approached by turning 180°from the entrance and climbing four steps. It consisted of a semicircularopus vittatum wall pointing south-east towards Jerusalem.The wall has a pillar at either end, and each pillar faces aCorinthian column, slightly separated from the wall. Each pair ofpillar and column had an architrave resting on it. The front ends ofthe two architraves (1.85 m. long, 0.47-0.485 m. wide, 0.335—0.33 m.high) both have in relief, so that they would be visible to someone onthe steps or standing at the foot, a large menorah flanked by theother common symbols: lulab and ethrog on tiie left and shofar on23

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYthe right. The menorahs are decorated with patterns of diamondsand circles to suggest precious stones, and were originally gilded.Squarciapino (1961) dates the reliefs to the late 3rd or early 4thcentury. Rectangular depressions in the architraves probably held awooden screen in front of the apse of the shrine. The semi-circularshape of the shrine, like a limate sigma, suggests (Squarciapino(1962b), p.306) that the structure referred to as rnnna in a 4th or 5thcenturysynagogue inscription from Side in Pamphylia {CIJ 781)might also be a torah shrine.The floor of the main hall to the right of the four-columnedentrance has a black and white mosaic with a Solomon's knot design.The rest of the floor near the entrance was made, as in other parts ofthe building, of re-used pieces of marble, including a number ofinscriptions. These were laid at the time of the 4th-centuryalterations. One which has been left in situ is the pagan epitaph ofP. Larius Privatus made by his sons Larius Gratus and P. LariusPrivatus.The inscription of Mindius Faustus was found among thematerial reused in the flooring of the vestibule. It consists of one lineof Latin and four lines of Greek in slightly smaller letters. Belowthis, two more lines were erased and the name Mindi(u)s Faustuswas inscribed over the erasure, in later and rougher characters; theyseem too different from 11.1-5 to be taken as an early alterationcorrecting a mistake. The fragment of 1.7 was found separately, butmakes a perfect fit with the rest of the tablet. The erasure endsimmediately below the lettering of 1.7, which is presumably the lastline of the complete inscription.The first part of the name is written in Greek as Mindis, butclearly represents the nomen Mindius, which is well known fromother Ostian evidence. Among the numerous Mindii are L. MindiusFortunatus the shipowner (C/L xiv 251, dated 192) and MindiusFelbc (Thylander (1952), no.A248). Other Mindii are known as amanufacturer of lead pipes (C/L xiv 1998, 5309.37) and asshipwrights (ibid.256). 4564.11, a fragmentary list of names, includesone which might be restored as [Minjdius FaustufsJ. 845, the epitaphof M. Clodius Crescens, says that his burial place was granted byMindius Faustus. In view of the commonness of both parts of thename, it cannot be assumed that the donor to the synagogue was thesame man.24

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYThe upper right comer of the inscription is broken off, and thereis room for another letter. It is therefore possible that the dedicationended AVGG rather than AVG, i.e. Augustorum. This would suggestM. Aurelius and either L. Verus or Commodus, or Severus andCaracalla. If only one emperor was mentioned, his identity cannot beestablished with any certainty. Chevallier suggested M. Aurelius,since the lettering seems to be late 2nd-century. Similar 'loyalty*formulae, which were common throughout the Roman Empire, wereused with the names of the mlers in the proseuche dedications ofPtolemaic Egypt. CIJ ii 972 from Qisyon in Palestine is a synagogueinscription in Greek with the wnep aornpioc^ formula and the names ofSeptimius Sevems and his family; and Scheiber (1983) no.3 is aJewish inscription from Pannonia with a dedication to SevemsAlexander and Julia Mamaea. The fact that at Ostia only this part ofthe inscription was in Latin, whereas other groups in the city seeminvariably to have used Latin throughout their inscriptions by thelate 2nd century, shows that the Jews there were still using Greekas their main language, as would be expected from their use of Greekat Rome at this time.Small triangular word-dividers are used after KE, TSV and a^xoi) in11.2-3, but were also placed between the upsilon and tau of avToi) andafter AO at the end of 1.3, presumably to fill gaps. In 1.3, HZ iswritten as a small eta inside a limate sigma, presumably because theeta was accidentally omitted at first.The original donation of the keibotos was made by someone otherthan Mindius Faustus. Faustus must have restored it, but cannothave been responsible for the final semi-circular torah shrine (contraGuarducci), since his inscription was regarded as obsolete at the timeof the last stage of the building, being reused in the floor. The secondphase of the inscription can only be dated by letter forms. The firstdonation seems to have been of something more than the ark. Theverbs *built* and 'made* appear to refer to something probably quitesubstantial which would have been apparent from the tablet'soriginal position. It was perhaps a wall or column, or a platform forthe ark (see below), but probably not the whole building. White(1990) understands 8O|X(5:TO)V as coming from 8dE)fia, room or house, andindicating that the donor gave part of his own house for thesynagogue. It more probably comes from 56|ia, gift, as in the phraseEK Twv Tcpovoiaq 8o|iaxo)v used in a number of donor inscriptions from25

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYthe Sardis synagogue (Trebilco (1991), pp.49-50). The use of thephrase with *his own' is, however, unusual.Kipono;, the usual spelling, is a general word for a wooden box orchest, and was adopted as a second name by the city of Apamea, butwas also used for Noah's Ark, which could be depicted as a chest(Trebilco (1991), pp. 90-2). The earlier form of *ark' in the synagoguemay well be the wooden cupboard depicted on some of theinscriptions from Rome (e.g. CIJ 401). The original donor perhapsprovided some sort of platform for it as well as the cupboard itself.See no. 12 above on the expression v6^ioq Scyioq; here it must mean therolls on which the law was written.Horsley suggests ^e|[x6 xSv l]8i©[v] as a possible restoration for11.6-7, and this would fill the available space at the beginning of theline well. In the position (both in the whole sentence and after ^Exd),I6i©v must indicate family or household rather than property. Thereis room for more letters at the end of the line, but it was notnecessarily used. Another explanation would be that the survivingletters come from nexd and a name including Mindius in the dativesingular or genitive plural.14 (Plate VII): Ostia: ls^-2nd century. Epitaph; Latin.Ostia, Lapidario Ostiense.Marble plaque, 23 x 43.6 cm. Letter forms: G L Y. Word-dividers(triangles); letters have serifs.Text follows M. Floriani Squarciapino (1970) and new photograph.Plotio Fortunato | archisyndagogo) fecierunt) PlotiusAmpliatus Secundinus | Secunda P T N et Ofilia Basiliacoiugi biene) mierenti).For Plotius Fortimatus the archisynagogos. PlotiusAmpliatus, Secundinus (and) Secunda made (themonument) .... , and Ofilia Basilia for her well-deservinghusband.M. Floriani Squarciapino (1970), pp. 187-91 (from the original); AM. Rabello (1971b),pp.350-1 (follows Squarciapino); A. Ferrua (1975), p.361 (follows Squarciapino); H.Solin (1983), p.726 (follows Squarciapino); Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.82 (follows26

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYSquarciapino); G. Horsley, NDIEC(follows Squarciapino); T. Rajak & D. Noy (1993).F. Zevi (1972), p.l34; B.J. Brooten (1982), p.23 n.83.iv (1987), p.214 no.l2; v (1989), p.l48 no.ll3This inscription was found in November 1969 when it was caught inthe teeth of a mechanical harrow. The exact findspot is unknown, butit comes from the area of Pianabella-Procoio south of ancient Ostia,between the Via del Mare and Castel Fusano. This area was occupiedby necropoleis which flanked the Viae Severiana and Laurentina, andhas produced many finds although it has not been systematicallyexcavated. The inscription's lettering is of high quality, and togetherwith the names suggests a relatively early date.The Jewishness of the inscription depends on the wordarchisynagogos. Outside the Aegean area this is a term withinvariably Jewish connotations (R^ak & Noy). It is possible that anAegean trader could have been buried at Ostia, but it is unlikely thathe would have been recorded by his family or commemorated inLatin, and it would be more natural to give his place of origin. Ittherefore seems fairly certain that Plotius Fortunatus wasarchisynagogos at Ostia itself In a purely Italian context, anarchisynagogos is almost certain to belong to a Jewish community.The first three names in 11.3-4 are probably those of threeindividuals, all with the nomen Plotius/a. There is very similarwording in CIL xiv 860 from Ostia, D.M. C. Cominio Sucesso fecit C.Cominius Restus Quietus Pasianus patri h.m. The position of thethree names ahead of Fortunatus' wife makes it almost certain thatthey are his children rather than his ex-slaves as Ferrua thought.Plotius is a well-attested name at Ostia, used by people with thestatus of duovir (CIL xiv 4710), augustalis (4562) and eques (400,401). A man called Plotius Secundinus (with different parents) iscommemorated in a pagan epitaph (Thylander (1952), no.A22). OnSecundinus in Jewish use, see no.75, below. The gens Ofilia is alsoknown at Ostia, although much less common. CIL xiv 4629 has thename Ofilia (with cognomen lost); 1300 has OfiUia (sic) Faustina andOfillia Alexandria. Several inscriptions mention people with thecognomen Ampliatus (4454, 4569, 4962), and Basilia occurs twice(Thylander, nos.A121, A265; also Basilius in B273, Christian) - theform Basilia was common at Rome (Solin (1982), p. 1007). The othercognomina in the inscription are very common ones,27

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYThe letters P TNin 1.4, not known as an abbreviation elsewhere,are explained by Solin either as the tria nomina of Secunda'shusband or as P(loti) T. n(ostri), and by Ferrua as p(a)t(ro)n(o).However, since the three preceding names are probably those ofFortunatus' children, a more likely expansion is p(a)t(ri) n(ostro). Thephotograph shows what could be a word-divider between P and T,but it is slightly lower than the other dividers in the line, and maybe an accidental mark. The resolution b(ene) m(erenti) in 1.4 seemspreferable to something like b(ene)m(emorio) in view of the likelydate of the inscription; cf. no. 1, above.15 (CIJ 534a): Ostia: 3rd century (253-260 or soon after).Honorific; Latin.Ostia, Lapidario Ostiense.Text on two marble tablets, each in three fragments. Letters 5.7-2.7cm.Text follows CIL xiv, with new restorations in 11.7 and 10.Miarco) AurelUo .] f{ilw) Ter{etina) PyUadi] \ A[..]SC/[...]Scythoploli] | p[an]tomim[o sui] temporUs] | primo inc[ et I probata a[b imp(eratoribus) Valeriana] 11 [e]tGal[lien]g [ - - ] \ ex provincia [Iuda]e[a post] | mortempatrUs s]ui ludiae; item de^u\rioni civitat\.iu]mAscalo[nitan]orum | et Damascen[or]um. huic s[ecu]ndus |ordo Augus[ta]lium non solum | propter memo[ri]ampatr[i]s eius, sed | et propter plenum [ipsius pe]ritiampostullantibus] omnibus pariter civibus [ - - ] | [ - - - ]c (1.4) could also be read as pFor Marcus Aurelius Pylades, son of of the Teretinetribe, .... from Scythopolis, the first pantomimus of his timein .... , and approved by the Emperors Valerian andGallienus .... from the province of Judaea .... after the deathof his father Juda. Also a decurion of the cities of Ascalon28

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYand Damascus. To him, second, the order of the Augustalesnot only in memory of his father, but also because of hisown consummate skill, with all the citizens demanding itequallyD. Vaglieri (1913), p.300 no.6 (carts of 11.8-12 only); CIL xiv suppl. (1930), p.687no.4624 (from the original); CIJ i (1975), p.44 no.534a (follows Vaglieri).R. Meiggs (1973), pp.222, 422-3; AT. Kraabel (1979), p.499 n.77; H. Solin (1983),p.727.This inscription was included by Lifshitz in the revised CIJ withouthis being aware of its more complete publication in CIL xiv. Theadditional text does not provide anything to substantiate theindication of Jewishness in the name luda in 1.8 (cf no.ll). Solinthought it was from ludaeus used in a geographical sense, but thefuller text shows that it must be a personal name. The connectionswith Scythopolis, Ascalon and Damascus are quite plausible for aJew but, of course, have no confirmatory weight. There is no reasonwhy a Jew should not have been a decurion; the undertaking ofmunicipal offices by Jews was actively encouraged by legislation ofSeverus and Caracalla (Digest 1 2.3.3.). It might be more difficult toundertake the involvement in pagan cult which went with being anAugustalis, but it is not stated that either Pylades or Juda actuallywas an Augustalis. As a celebrated pantomimus^ Pylades is unhkelyto have been a pious Jew himself, although Philo attended theatricalperformances, and an inscription shows that Jews attended thetheatre at Miletus {SEG 4.441). It was an actor of Jewish origin,Alityrus, who introduced Josephus to Poppaea (yita 3).Pylades may well have been a stage-name, since a number ofother actors with the same name are known, including a pantomimuspatronized by Augustus.In 1.10, the restoration slecujndus seems inevitable, but there isno other evidence for a 'second order' of Augustales at Ostia (cf. thediscussion by Meiggs (1973), pp.217-222). However, the similarlyworded CIL xiv 474, in which the ordo decurionum of Ostia awards astatue to someone whose name is lost but who won victories in manypresimiably theatrical contests, starts the 'decree' sentence with huicprimum splendedissimus (sic) ordo... It is therefore possible thatsecundus in Pylades' decree is intended as an adverb, and that the29

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYAugustales honoured him 'second', after the decurions. The man whoreceived the statue from the decurions was also honoured on popularinitiative, for his exceptional skill and his dutifulness to the city:'postulante populo ob eximiam ipsius peritiam obsequiaque inpatriam maxima'. The wording is so similar that it seems Pylades toomust have received a statue.16 (Plate VIII): Porto (Portus): 3rd-4th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Lost.Fragment of plaque, 15 x 16 cm. Letters 2 cm.; letter forms A € li CCO.Text follows photograph and some restorations of G. Sacco (1984).[ 1 I [ K]ai [ ] I [&5e]X(|)oi- ev e[lpiivii] | [f|] KoiniicfK;a[i5]|T©v.Sacco restores 1.1 as [ivOdSe xavtctt - - ].... and .... , brothers. In peace their sleep.G. Sacco (1984), pp. 113-4 no.93 (from de Rossi's notes and squeeze; photograph ofsqueeze).SEG 34 (1984), p.264 no.lOlO; L. Dubois, BE (1988), p.487 no.l030.This inscription was stated by de Rossi to be from the excavations ofPrince Alessandro Torlonia at Porto: these took place in the 1860s atvarious parts of the site (Thylander (1952), pp.8-10). It has only beenpublished by Sacco, but de Rossi regarded it as Jewish because of thefinal formula. This was used in southern Italy as well as at Rome(see no.46, below), so it would not be surprising to find it in use in aseparate necropolis at Porto. This inscription and no. 17 are, however,the only real evidence for the existence of a Jewish burial site atPorto; see Introduction, above.30

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY17 (Plate TK): Porto: 4th century. Dedication or donation (?);Greek.Rome, Museo Torlonia.Lower right part of marble plaque, 21 x 28 x 3 cm. Letters 3.5-4 cm.(1.4 is much smaller); letter forms A E C V CO.Text follows G. Sacco (1984).[ ]a^v \ [ K]ott 0eo86|[poD (?) KaPi 'EXKT\k (ppov|Tiaxav..... with .... and Theodorus (?) and Hillel the phrontistai.G. Sacco (1979), pp.252-4 no.4, tav.LXXn.2 (photograph; fix)m the stone); SEG 29(1979), p.237 no.981 (follows Sacco); H. Solin (1983), p.726 (follows Sacco); G. Sacco(1984), pp. 104-5 no.85 (photograph; from the stone and de Rossi's notes); Schtirerrevised iii.i (1986), p.82.J. & L. Robert, BE (1982), p.431 no.499; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.217 no.42,p.230 no.115.De Rossi received a copy of this inscription from Gatti, who saw it atthe Palazzo Torlonia (later Museo Torlonia, where it was noticedmuch later by L. Moretti). According to Moretti {RAL 19 (1964),pp. 194-5), the Greek inscriptions in the museum were all from theexcavations carried out at Porto in the 1860s by Prince AlessandroTorlonia (cf. no. 16, above).The surviving fragment is the lower part of an irregularlywritten inscription. The last line was written in much smaller lettersthan the others, to fit into the available space, and the letters wereplaced in the middle of the line. 1.1 was written in noticeably largerletters, but was probably not the first line of the complete inscription.There are also traces of writing on the reverse, including the remainsof a lunate omega (Sacco (1984), p. 105).The letters of 1.1 could be part of a larger word, but make goodsense as the preposition o

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYwere widespread among Jews (e.g. CIJ 31, 358, 722, 723). The thirdname is a Greek form of Hillel, a well-known Jewish name from the1st century onwards, which can also be spelled 'laXk^X, 'lEkf\K(Robert). It is this name which indicates that the inscription isJewish. The title phrontistes was not an exclusively Jewish one,although it existed among the Jews of Rome (CIJ 337 and possibly494), Aegina (722-3), Jaffa (918-9) and Side (L. Robert (1958), p.39).It derives from the verb (ppovTi^©, and can be applied to anyone whohas to 'manage' or 'oversee', sometimes corresponding to Latincurator or procurator and the Greek eTa[iieXr\Tf\c,. Frey (CIJ i p.XCII)saw the Jewish phrontistes as the administrator of communalproperty, but there is no direct evidence of this. The nature of thisinscription is unclear, but suggests a dedication or donation bysomeone whose name is completely lost, along with the threephrontistai.18 (Plate X; CIJ i 533): Castel Porziano: 2nd century (?). Decree ofcommunity; tomb inscription; Latin,Rome, Museo nazionale delle terme; inv.no.34502.Right part of marble tablet, 53 x 59 cm. Inscription within a frame.Letters 2.8 cm. (1.1), 2.4 cm. (other lines). Letter forms: G Q.. Lettershave serifs; word-dividers (points).Text follows E. Ghislanzoni (1906), except for restorations of 11,1 and7.[synagoga (?)] ludeorum [in colionia) Ostiiensi)commor]antium qui compara | [verunt ex conlat{l)\ione locumCiaio) lulio lusto I [gerusiarche ad m]unimentumstruendum | [donavit, rogantib{?)]us Livio Dionysio patre et[ ]no gerusiarche et Antonio I [ dia] biu annoipsorum, consentdente) ge[r\us(.ia). C{aius) lulius Iu]stusgerusiarches fecit sib[i] | [et coniugi] suae libiertis)libiertabusque) posterisque eorum. | [in fro]nte piedes)XVIII, in agro piedes) XVII.32

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALY[synagoga (?)] (1.1): Ghislanzoni [universitas][donavit rogantib]us (1.5): Lanciani [permiseruntcurantib]usThe community (?) of the Jews Hving in the colony of Ostia(?), who acquired the place from a collection (?), gave (?) itto the gerusiarch Gains Julius Justus to build a monument.It was on the motion (?) of Livius Dionysius the father and...nus the gerusiarch and Antonius .... the life-officer (?), intheir year, with the agreement of the gerusia. Gains JuliusJustus the gerusiarch made (the monument) for himselfand his wife, and his freedmen and freedwomen and theirdescendants. 18 feet across, 17 feet away from the road.E. Ghislanzoni (1906), pp.410-15 (photograph; from the stone); R. Lanciani (1906),cols.268-273 (from the stone); AE (1907), p.479 no.206 (follows Ghislanzoni); J. Oehler(1909), p.448 no.l98 (follows Ghislanzoni); H. Dessau, EE (1913), pp.374-5 no.583(from the stone); J. OfTord (1914), p.47 (follows AE); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), pp.499-500 no.4937; H. Leclei-q (1928), cols.69, 134, 139, 218; CIJ i (1936), p.393 no.533(photogi-aph); F. Zevi (1970), pp.61-2 (follows CIJ); (1972), p.l32 (follows Ghislanzoni);B.J. Brooten (1982), p.l6 n.52, p.70 n.75.G.N. Alcott (1904), p.442; J. Juster (1914), p.l81 n.l; D.S. Blondheim (1925), pp.128-9;J.B. Fi-ey (1931), p.89; A. Bei-ger (1957), pp.80-1; P.L. Zovatto (1960-1), p.60; A. Milano(1963), p.26; M. Floriani Squarciapino (1970), p.l86; T.D. Barnes (1971), p.283; LMufioz Valle (1972), p. 160; R. Meiggs (1973), p.389; A.T. Ki-aabel (1979), p.499 n.77; H.Solin (1983), p.725, p.732 n.296; Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.82; R. Chevallier (1986),p.253; L.H. Kant (1987), pp.693-5.This inscription was found in 1906 in excavations on royal propertyat Castel Porziano, near the 16th milestone of the road to Lavinium.It has always been assumed that it relates to the Jewish communityof Ostia, because the site is within the area used for Ostian burials.The discovery of the synagogue at Ostia has reinforced this view.Ghislanzoni's restorations, as well as his 2nd-century dating,have been accepted by subsequent editors, although some are ratherspeculative. The dating depends mainly on the letter forms, but thenames and final formulae are appropriate to a 2nd-century context(although they could be earlier or later). In 1.1, Ghislanzonisuggested universitas on the analogy of Cod. i 9.1 (213), universitas33

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYludaeorum qui in Antiochensium civitate constituti sunt. Even if thisexpression is from the rescript and not the 6th-century compilers, itis very unlikely that the Jews of Antioch habitually referred tothemselves by a Latin title, so it is no evidence for Jewish usage.Diehl noted civitas as another possible restoration, but synagoga(suggested by Lanciani) is perhaps more likely in view of its frequentuse at Rome. The right end of 1.1 is somewhat indented compared tothe other lines, and presumably the left end was too, which means(assuming that the estimated size of the missing part is right) thatsynagoga or a word of similar length would fit the available spacebetter than universitas. If legalistic terminology was employed,collegium might be preferred. Corpus is the commonest term used inother Ostian collegial inscriptions, but would be too short here if theother restorations are correct.There are no Ostian or Jewish parallels for this use ofcommorantium (1.2), but a number of Ostian non-Jewish inscriptionsuse negotiantiuni, which is a possible restoration here. The spellingof muniment urn in 1.4 is paralleled in Thylander (1952) A19, dated tothe time of Hadrian.The Jewish association, whatever its name, acted formally on theinitiative of three officers. The pater named first was evidently thetitular leader in the same way that other collegia had patres. Thetitle may have been understood as pater synagogae, but pater alone isfound in many places (see no.56, below). The second officer was agerusiarch and the third had a title apparently ending iu, which wasrestored by Ghislanzoni as dia biu on the analogy of dia viu in no.23(see no.72 for the original Greek form): there is a trace of the letterbefore IV, which could be B, S or G. The expression 'in their year' israther odd after the title of an officer 'for life', however. The approvalof the gerusia was apparently given, although the phrase could alsobe understood as consent(ientibus) gefrusiarchibus].The site was just over 5 m. square, and may well have been onlya part of the land owned by the association. The purpose of theinscription, apart from showing the honour in which Justus was held,was to demonstrate his right to build on the site. Lanciani suggestedthat it was used for a columbarium, but Julius Justus and his wifewere presumably not cremated themselves. As vdth the other Ostianinscriptions, all the Jews named bore very common Graeco-Latinnames, with no recognizably Jewish elements. Justus was, however,34

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYwidely used by Jews (Index II a, and such historical characters asJustus of Tiberias and Josephus' son Justus). Many Ostian epitaphsrecord a burial-place having been given (locus donatus and variants)by a named individual, but this seems to be the only one where thedonor is a group.19 (CIJ i 552): Fondi (Fundi): imcertain date. Epitaph; Latin andHebrew.Unknown.Text follows CIJ.[ 1C7A^[ - - - WiTVCSCCANIC[ - - - ]E(menorah)DONIOSE[---]0Nn^b^Dlbc (1.4): Diehl boviPeace.CIL x.i (1883), p.623 no.6299 (facsimile; from the stone); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927),p.502; CIJ i (1936), p.408 no.552 (follows CIL and copy by de Rossi); L. Yai-den (1971),p.27, pl.l35 (follows CIJ); G. Camevale & E. Rotunno (1975), p.79 (photograph of C/Lfacsimile).N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.806; J. Juster (1914), p.l81 n.3; H. Leclerq (1928), col.69; M.Schwabe (1937-8), p.509; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.52; A Milano(1963), p.27; V. Colorni (1964), p. 18 n.77; C. Colafenunina (1983a), p.200; Schiirerrevised iii.i (1986), p.83 n.ll9.This inscription was published in CIL from a copy made byMommsen in 1876. No details were given of its origin or form, andwhereabouts was recorded as *apud Petrum Izzi'. The right sideappears to be complete, although the last letter of 1.2 could be O. Itis imclear how much has been lost on the left, as the menorah wasnot necessarily central. The inscription is totally incomprehensible,and it is not even clear that it is all (apart from the final Hebrewword) in Latin. 1.1 might contain the end of a feminine name, and 1.335

NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ITALYmight have the end of a mascuUne name {CIJ suggests Macedonio)followed by se vivo, or represent e don(o) Iose[phi] (or evenIose[pp]on). Colafemmina dates the inscription to the 5th-6thcentury, but there does not seem to be any reason to exclude £inearlier or later date.The only other known connection of ancient Fundi with the Jewsis that the bishop, along with the bishop of Formiae, was called in byPope Gregory to settle a dispute about where the Jews of Terracinacould have their synagogue (Greg.M., Ep. ii 6).36

CAMPANIA20 {CIJ i 553): Capua: 2nd-4th century. Epitaph; Latin.Vatican Museum, Lapidario ebraico ex lateranense; inv.no.30876.Cast in Rome Synagogue.Marble tablet. Letter forms: K M. Letters have serifs. Word-divider(triangle) in 1.1.Text follows personal inspection.P{uhlius) Alfius luda | arcon arcosy\nagogus q{ui) vi{xit)ann{is) LXX mesib{us) VII I dieb{us) X. Alfia So Iteris cumq{ua) an{nis) I XXXXVIII coiugi I inconparabil{i)bene merenti fecit. (1.6) omitted on the stonePublius (?) Alfius Juda the archon (and) archisynagogos,who lived 70 years 7 months 10 days. Alfia Soteris, withwhom he lived 48 years, made (the monument) for herincomparable, well-deserving husband .T. Mommsen (1852), p.193 no.3657 (from copy by Henzen); K. Orelli & G. Henzen(1856), p.224 no.6144 (from the stone); E. Schiirer (1879), pp.21, 25, 41 no.42 (followsMommsen and Orelli); CIL x.i (1883) p.392 no.3905 (from copy by Henzen checked byDressel); E. Diehl (1908), pp.42-3 no.232; ILCV ii (1927), p.493 no.4887 (follows C/L);CIJ i (1936), pp.408-9 no.553 (photograph; from mss. of MigUori and Marini and copyby de Rossi); C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), pp.27-8 (follows C/L); T. Rajak & D. Noy(1993).G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.20; N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.806; G.N. Alcott (1904), pp.442, 444;S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; C. Dubois (1907), p.l02; J. Juster (1914), p.l82 n.5; S. Krauss(1922), p.247 no.l03; H. Leclerq (1928), cols.69, 139; J-B. Frey (1933a), p.366; A.Ferrua (1936), p.l34; (1941), p.43; A. MUano (1963), p.27; V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.78;I. Mufioz Valle (1972), p.l56 n.30; B.J. Brooten (1982), p.23 n.83, p.29-30; C.Colafenmiina (1983a), p.200; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.214 no.ll3; G. Mayer(1987), pp.98, 124; E. Serrao (1988-9), p.l06 n.lO.This inscription was found at Capua in the 18th century (Ferrua),and was given to Pope Clement XIV. It seems to have come from theVilla Pellegrini, but there are no details of the context of the find.The form of the names and the use of bene merenti (cf. no.ll) suggest37

CAMPANIAthat the inscription is no later than the 4th century.Damage to the stone has almost obliterated the initial of thepraenomen, which is followed by a small word-divider, but it appearsthat P for Publius is the only appropriate letter which would fit whatsurvives, even though L. and C. have been suggested by previouseditors. The nomen Alfius is known from a number of other Capuaninscriptions, but with the praenomina C, L,, M. and Q. There is,however, a P. Alfius P.l. Philomusus at Aquinum (C/L x 5450). Seenos.ll and 9 on the cognomina of the husband and wife.The juxtaposition of titles in 11.2-3 and the spelling match veryclosely the Rome epitaph CIJ 265: Stafulo arconti et archisynagogohonoribus omnibus fuctus (sic). The 'Stafulo' inscription indicatesthat the titles of archon and archisynagogos were notinterchangeable; luda's epitaph could be understood, if it were not forthis comparison, as showing that they depended on each other, sincethey are not linked with et. No. 181 below is the only otherinscription showing archon as a title used by Jews in WesternEurope outside Rome.CIJ 1284, an undated ossuary from Jerusalem, records a womanfrom Capua, Maria the wife of Alexander. There are two slightlydifferent texts: (a) Mapia AX£^av8po\) Y\)vf| drco KairovTiq; (b) MapiaYovfj AXe^av5po\) octo Kajiooriq.21 {CIJ i 554): Nola: 7th century or later (?). Bronze lamp; Hebrew.Unknown (formerly Museo del vescovile seminario, Nola).Text follows CIJ.Remondini niK n-uii mien u '3C/L, Diehl mjn m:sm3 '3For the commandment is a lamp and the law is light.G. Remondini (1757), app.no.XXXVII (from the original); C/L x.i (1883), p.l55 no.l367,Auctarium p.l008 (ftvm the original); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.503 no.4968 (followsC/L p.l55); CIJ i (1936), p.409 no.554; C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), pp.23-4 (foUowsC/L p.l55).38

CAMPANIAN. Tamassia (1903-4), p.807; J. Moreau & H.I. Marrou, ILCV iv (1967), p.44 no.4968;C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.200; Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.83 n.ll9.This text comes from a bronze lamp with eight lights, but wasmistakenly printed as part of the Christian epitaph of Bonitus son ofStauracus (CIJ 88*) in Remondini, CIL (corrected in the Auctarium)and Diehl (corrected by Moreau & Marrou). According to Remondini,the inscription was in the Museo del vescovile seminario at Nola.The text is a quotation from Prov. vi 23. CIJ dated the lamp tothe 5th century or later. In view of the fact that the earliest otherHebrew biblical quotations in Italian inscriptions (apart from shalomformulae) are probably 7th century or later (no. 120 from Taranto),5th century is likely to be too early. The lamp could even bemedieval.According to PL liii 863, a letter of the presbyter Uranius, thefuneral of Bishop Paulinus of Nola in 431 was attended by Jews andpagans as well as Christians. No.22 below should perhaps beattributed to the Jewish community of Nola.22: Brusciano: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Greek.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale; inv.no. 151594.Slab of blackened travertine, 29.5 x 34 x 4.5 cm. Greek letters2.5-3.2 cm., Hebrew 2.5-3.0. Letter forms: A E 1= C. Letters haveserifs.Text follows E. Miranda (1979).(menorah)EvGa icixe 6 I peppi AppS I Mdpii; 6 evTi|no(;.(lulab)(shofar)Peace. Here lies the rabbi Abba Maris, the honoured one.E. Miranda (1979), pp.338-9 no.l (photograph); SEG 29 (1979), pp.233-4 no.968(follows Miranda); J. & L. Robert, BE (1980), p.484 no.585; H. Solin (1983), p.727(follows Miranda); Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.83-4 (follows Miranda).C. Colafenunina (1983a), p.201; E. Serrao (1988-9), p.l03 n.3.This inscription was found at Brusciano in the territory of Nola (16km. from Naples, 9 km. from Nola) in 1957 on the property of G.Saverio. There have been no other epigraphic finds on the site39

CAMPANIA(Miranda).The formula evOa K I T E (for KEitai) is found in no.30 below, andoccurs four times in Jewish inscriptions at Rome, twice {CIJ 296,501) accompanied by a menorah, but never with ni*?©. However, Di*?©precedes the Latin equivalent of the formula in no.2, above. IndexVII e shows various similar formulae.The Greek spelling of *rabbi' matches the Latin rehhi in nos.36and 86. The Greek form pip occurs at Beth She'arim (5S ii 45, 202)and 3-1 is foxmd in Hebrew and Aramaic (C7J 857, 900, 1218). Cohen(1981-2) discusses the title, whose exact significance in Europeaninscriptions is unclear.The words which follow could be taken separately (as above):Abba Mari (Tather Lord') is Aramaic, and was the name of an early4th-century rabbi (Midrash Shemuel i (7)), as well as of Jewishscholars in 12th- and 14th-century France {EJ, s.v.). Abba alone wasused as a title of respect by Christians for priests, bishops andmonks (Lampe, s.v.), but is recorded as a name from the late 3rdcentury {EJ, s.v.). Mari alone could be a name too, e.g. Rabba b, Mariin b Sanh. 100a (possibly identical with Abba Mari). The twoelements could also be taken together as a form of the name nD»3Hor nna», graecized as App0|iapT (genitive) in JIGRE 145 from Jaffa,Apo|iapiiq in CIJ 901 from the same place. In CIJ 908, A|iPco^ap^i isgenitive of a feminine name.23 {CIJ i 561): Marano: 1st century or later. Epitaph (?); Latin.Unknown.No details of stone or letter-forms.Text follows L. Giustiniani (1804).Ti{berius) Claudius I Philippus I dia viu et I gerusiarchesmaceriam duxit.Tiberius Claudius Philippus, life-officer and gerusiarch,built the wall.L. Giustiniani (1804), p.335 (from copy by G. Proto sent by F. di Laviro); T. Monunsen(1852), p.l38 no.2555 (follows Giustiniani); R. Garrucci (1864), p.l87 no.3 (followsGiustiniani); E. ScMrer (1879), pp.18, 23, 40-1 no.41 (follows Monunsen and Garrucci);40

CAMPANIACIL x.i (1883), p.231 no.l893 (follows Giustiniani); C. Dubois (1907), pp.101, 103(follows CIL); E. Diehl (1908), p.42 no.230 (follows CIL); G.A. Galante (1913), p.238 n.l(follows CIL); S. Krauss (1922), p.246 no.l02, p.302 (follows CIL); E. Diehl, ILCV ii(1927), p.493 no.4885 (follows CIL); H. Leclerq (1928), cols.70, 138, 218; CIJ i (1936),p.413 no.561; C. Giordano & L Kahn (1979), p.21 (foUows CIL).G.L Ascoli (1880), p.ll2 n.l; R. Garrucci (1883), p.710; S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; J.Juster (1914), p.l82 n.8; J-B. Frey (1933a), p.366; A. Milano (1963), p.27; V. Colorni(1964), p.l8 n.80; TLL viii (1966), col.7; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.201; Schiirerrevised iii.i (1986), p.81; L.H. Kant (1987), p.695 n.l44; D. Mazzoleni (1987), p.314.All editions of this inscription depend ultimately on Giustiniani, whorecorded it in his section on Quarto in the territory of Marano. CIJand others have attributed it to Puteoli, where a Jewish communityis known to have existed in about 4 B.C. (Josephus, Ant. xvii 12.23-5;BJ ii 2.101-5) and probably in the time of St Paul (Acts xxviii 13-14refers to 'brethren' there). Marano lies between the ancient roadsfrom Capua to Puteoli and Capua to Naples, but is closest to Puteoliand was probably used for burials from the city, as Castel Porzianowas for burials from Ostia (no. 18). The epitaph of a woman namedClaudia Maria, aged 65, was also foimd there (CIL x 2292).Ti. Claudius Philippus could be a freedman of Claudius or Nero,a new citizen from their reigns, or (perhaps more probably) thedescendant of such a freedman or new citizen. The titles he heldprovide the reason for thinking that he was a Jew, since they matchthose attested in the Ostian community in no. 18 (although dia biu,for viu, is partly restored there). His Jewishness is therefore by nomeans certain, as the titles are not exclusively Jewish (but see IndexV b for other Jewish occurrences). The nominative form gerusiarchesused here also occurs in nos. 18 and 163 (in Greek); only 18 shows theexistence of a gerusia too. Jewish gerusiarchs are also recorded atAntioch (BS iii, p.20), Apamea (discussed in Schiirer revised iii.i,p. 14) and Rome.Maceria and maceries are very common epigraphic terms for'wall' in many contexts (TLL s.v.). Other verbs used for theirconstruction are adicere, facere, cingere, circumdare, claudere. Theyare most often parts of tombs, e.g. CIL x 2765.5 from Cumae, hocaedificium maceria cfircumjductum, but can also be from shrines, e.g.xiii 5959 from Germany. Philippus probably constructed a tomb, butit is just possible that his wall was part of a synagogue.41

CAMPANIAA number of other men with Semitic names are known frominscriptions at Puteoh: Malchio (C/L x 3791), Zabda (ibid.4245),Aciba(s) {CIJ 75*, 76* - both inscriptions with a Dis Manihusdedication, as in the case of the same name in CIJ 74* fromCerveteri). A man named Herodes from Ascalon is recorded at Bacoli,nearby {CIJ 51*). None of these inscriptions can be regarded asJewish.24 {CIJ i 557): Frattapiccola: uncertain date. Ring; Latin.Unknown (formerly Mazochi's collection).Text follows CIL.SanUes.(menorah)(Ring) of Sania.CIL x.ii (1883), p.932 no.8059.484 (from copy by Mazochi); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927),p.501 no.4946 (follows C/L); H. Leclerq (1928), col.211 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936),p.411 no.557 (follows C/L).C. Jullian (1890), p.l07; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.52 n.ll; V.Colorai (1964), p.l8 n.79; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.200; L.H. Kant (1987), p.680 n.58;G. Mayer (1987), p.l21.This ring was given to A.S. Mazochi of Capua (1684-1771) by thepriest of Frattapiccola, 14 km. north-west of Naples and to the eastof the road from Naples to Capua. It has a menorah next to what ispresumably the owner's name. The Latin word sanies ('diseasedblood; venom; discharge from a wound') is unsurprisingly notrecorded as a name. It is much more likely that the word here is agraecized genitive of Sania, since genitive forms are common on ringsand there are other examples on rings of the -es ending, e.g. M.Buonocore (1990), no.63 Sentiaes I lustines. The ending also occursat Venosa, e.g. no.90. The names Sanius and Sannio are listed bySolin & Salomies. Another possible (although unlikely) explanation ofthe inscription, which would indicate a mixture of Christian andJewish ideas, is that it is an abbreviated form of sanctus lesus.42

CAMPANIA25 i.CIJ i 555): Naples (Neapolis): uncertain date. Bronze seal;Hebrew.Unknown (formerly Garmcci's collection).Text follows facsimile of R. Garrucci (1880).wb^ (?)Garrucci, CIJ 01*7011'May there be peace (?)R. Gan-ucci (1880), p.l66, pl.491 no.l5 (facsimile; from the original); CIJ i (1936),p.410 no.555 (facsimile; follows Garrucci).J. Juster (1914), p.l82 n.9; I. Zolli (1937), p.304; S. Applebaum (1962), p.32; A. Milano(1963), p.27; C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), pp.26-7 (facsimile; from C/J); C.Colafemmina (1983), p.200.This bronze seal has the shape of the sole of a shoe, with dotsaround the edge representing nails, and a ring on the back. It camefrom Naples and was in Garrucci's collection. A number of soleshapedrings in the Vatican Museums are listed by Buonocore (1990,nos.32, 40, 44, 69, 72, 74, 78). There are Christian (or possiblyJewish) good luck formulae on nos. 72 (vivas) and 78 (spes in Deo). Itis therefore less likely that the Hebrew inscription on this sealrepresents the owner's name (as Frey and Applebaum supposed) thanthat it is a good luck formula. It should probably be understood asDibcj Tf, from Ps. cxxii 7.The Jewish community at Naples is mentioned by Procopius(Bell. V 8.41, 10.24-6), who describes how they fought for the Gothsagainst the Byzantines, and in a number of letters of Greg.M.26 (CIJ i 556): Naples (?): 1st century (70-95). Epitaph; Latin.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.No details of stone or letter-forms. Word-dividers (points) in 11.1, 3, 4,end 1.5, after agatis.Text follows CIL (except 11.5 and 6).43

CAMPANIA[Cl]audia Aster | [H]ierosolymitana | [ca]ptiva. curam egit[Tiiberius)] Claudius Augiusti) libertus | [Pro{'^)]culus. rogovos faciite) 11 [prae]ter licim ne quis | [mi]hi titulum deiciatcu [ra]m agatis. vixit annis I X X V .[Pro(l)]culus (1.5): Garrucci [....]uius; Mommsen [Ares]cusus; all other eds.[Mas]culuslicim (1.6): all eds. legemdeiciat (1.7): Mommsen efficiatClaudia Aster, prisoner from Jerusalem. Tiberius ClaudiusProculus (?), imperial freedman, took care (of the epitaph). Iask you to make sure you take care that no-one casts downmy inscription contrary to the law. She lived 25 years.T. Mommsen (1852), p.370 no.6467 (from the stone); K. Orelh & G. Henzen (1856),p.44 no.5302 (follows Mommsen); R. Garmcci (1862a), pp.24-5 (from the stone); G.Fiorelli (1868), no.l811 [not seen]; CIL x.i (1883), p.237 no.l971 (from the stone); M.Ruggiero (1890), p.30 (fixim copy by C. Giorgi); C. Dubois (1907), p.l03 (follows C/L);H. Dessau, ILS iii (1916), p.887 no.8193 (follows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.492no.4880 (follows C/L); H. Leclerq (1928), cols.70, 211 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936),pp.410-11 no.556 (from Mommsen and ms. of de Rossi); i (1975), p.44; C. Giordano &I. Kahn (1979), p.26 (follows C/L).R. Gan-ucci (1862b), p.95; E. Renan (1873), p. 158; G.L Ascoli (1880), p.21; O. Manacchi(1884), p.25; C. Jullian (1890), p.l07; G. Gatti (1892), p.269 n.l; E. le Blant (1892),p.306; N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.807; S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; S. Krauss (1922), p.247;J-B. Frey (1933a), p.366; A. Fenxia (1936), p.463 n.3; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.509; A.Fen-ua (1941), p.43; A. Milano (1963), p.27; V. Colorai (1964), p.l8 n.79; E. Miranda(1979), p.337; H. Solin (1983), pp.648-9, 729; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.200; G. Mayer(1987), p. 123.Mommsen (1852) described this inscription as being of uncertainorigin, although he saw it in the Naples museum. CIJ attributed itto Marano, apparently by confusion with no.23. Frey had access to deRossi's notes, but gave almost the same reading as Mommsen. In 1.6,the word usually printed as legem is said by Mommsen to have beenlicim on the stone, which is very like the form used in no. 145.The man's name in 1.5 was restored by Mommsen first as44

CAMPANIAArescusus and then as Masculus. The latter has been accepted by allother editors. However, Solin & Salomies (pp.453-4) list 53 nameswith the required -cuius ending, of which Proculus is probably thecommonest (attested for a Jew in CIJ 390).A woman described as a captive from Jerusalem does not have tobe Jewish, as Solin notes, but it is very probable that she is, andthat she was captured at the sack of Jerusalem in 70. Her originalname was probably Esther, latinized as Aster (cf Index II a; AviliaAster ludea in CIL viii 8499 from Setif; CIJ 468 from Rome); this isa particularly early occurrence of the name, which otherwise seemsto have no epigraphic attestation before its Greek form in BS iinos.88, 147, 176. She would have acquired her Roman name from theimperial freedman Ti. Claudius Proculus if he was her owner andthen patron. He may have been her husband too, but the inscriptiondoes not show this. She was, however, under the minimum age formanumission established by the Lex Aelia Sentia, and marriage wasa valid reason for under-age manumission. Proculus must be afreedman of Claudius or Nero. The latest possible date for theinscription is 95, if Aster was captured as a baby. Proculus may havebeen Jewish himself, since there were many Jewish freedmen in Italyat this time (Philo, Leg. 155; G. Fuks, 'Where have all the freedmengone ?', JJS 36 (1985), pp.25-32), but there is no confirmation of thisin the inscription beyond the presence of the reference to Jerusalem.The elaborate appeal for the protection of the inscription isaddressed to someone in the plural, perhaps all inhabitants or allpassers-by. The 'law' is probably Roman law. It is possible that 'you'means the local Jewish community and 'law' is Jewish law. Gatti andFrey understood the whole sentence as an injunction to let no-oneelse put up an epitaph, but deiciat would not be an appropriate verbin this sense (Mommsen's original reading efficiat would, but heabandoned this in CIL in favour of the reading suggested byGarrucci). An epitaph from Rome erected by Octavia Successa to herhusband and collibertus C. Octavius Hermes (C/L vi 23363) containsan injunction which, like Proculus', uses polite phrasing and stressesimportant words, producing a structure which is not easy tointerpret: '... quod rogat et vetat supra eum vivos fieri sed quod rogovos ut eo loco post me sacrifidum confrequentetis'.45

CAMPANIA27 (Plate XI; CIJ i 558): Naples: 5th-6th century. Epitaph; Latinand Hebrew.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.Plaque, 25 x 44 cm. Letter forms: H (once), Q.. Letters have serifs.Text follows photograph in Giordano & Kahn (1979), p.37.hie requiescit in pace 1 Barbarus filius Cumani I de Benafriqui vixit an\nus pKus) m{inus) XVIII, deposiltus Idus luliasinddctione)VI."[nniaO bl^ ni^\D (menorah)-[miin: Galante ]iini2nHere rests in peace Barbarus son of Cumanus fromVenafrum, who lived more or less 18 years. Laid to rest on15th July in the 6th year of the indiction-cycle.Peace to your sleeping-place.G.A. Galante (1913), pp.238-43, pl.n.2, III.2 (photographs; from the stone); CIJ i(1936), pp.411-2 no.558; C. Giordano & I. Kalm (1979), pp.36-7 (photogi-aph; followsGalante); E. Serrao (1988-9), p.l03 n.4 (follows CIJ).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.52 n.ll; H.J. Leon (1960), p.l31 n.2; V.Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.79, p.l9; M. Chalon (1974), p.42 n.l5; C. Colafemmina (1980a),p.224 n.93; (1983a), p.200; H. Solin (1983), p.726.This burial place was found on 18th November 1908 during buildingwork in the north-east of the city, in the corso Orientale (now corsoMalta) between piazzetta della Trivice and via Nuova, opposite themain entrance of the Nuovo Stabilimento Militare di Artigleria(Serrao). The tombs were covered with tiles, some sloping upwards inthe shape of a roof Ca cappuccina'), and some resting flat on two lowwalls to form a sort of sarcophagus. There was a second layer ofburials on top of some of the tombs. Two inscriptions were foimd ontheir tombs, and another fragment out of position (nos,27-9). Theinscriptions were taken by the Ispettorato Municipale diRisanamento. A tile with a stamped menorah was also found, butsubsequently lost.Galante dated the burials to the first half of the 5th century, but46

CAMPANIASolin and others have suggested slightly later dates. The lettering ofthis inscription is of very good quality, but the Hebrew formula useddoes not occur otherwise until 7th-century Taranto (e.g. no. 121). Thedating formula is probably 5th or 6th century, and the use of de witha place-name is parallelled at Venosa (no. 107). Hie requisci waswritten on the other side of the plaque, and was presumablyabandoned because of the spelling error.Barbarus was a particularly common name in Africa (41 of the 98occurrences in Kajanto (1965), p. 18, come from there). It was used bypeople of all ranks (6 senatorial examples), and by Christians (5examples) (Kajanto, p.312). Cumanus was originally an ethnicderived from Cumae, as in the case of Ti. Gracchus' friend C.Blossius Cumanus. Kajanto, p. 191, gives 3 male examples; VentidiusCumanus governed Judaea from 48 to c.52 (Schiirer revised i, p.458),P. Gelasius I, fr.43 (Thiel i, p.506), says that a slave of the JewJudas has fled to the church of Venafrum and claims to have beencircumcized. A Jew who bought the plate of the church of Venafrumis mentioned by Greg.M. (Ep. i 66). In this inscription it is unclear ifBarbarus or Cumanus came from Venafrum; most probably bothcame from there. Chalon uses the analogy of de filio in no. 189 fromNarbonne to suggest that de Benafri here gives the grandfather'sname, but this seems unlikely despite the use of genitive for ablativeending.28 (Plate XII; CIJ i 559): Naples: 5th-6th century. Epitaph; Latin.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.Letter form: Q.. Abbreviation bars; letters have serifs. Word-divider(point) in 1.8.Text follows G.A. Galante (1913).hie re quies cit in palce Here ni filia 11 Thelesilni Romei,an(norum) | pl(us) m(inus) VIH. (menorah)Here rests in peace Irene daughter of Telesinus of Rome,aged more or less 8.G.A Galante (1913), pp.238-40, pl.UI.l (photograph; fh)m the stone); CIJ i (1936),pp.412.3 no.559 (follows Galante); C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), p.38 (follows47

CAMPANIAGalante); E. Serrao (1988-9), p.l04 n.4 (follows CIJ).M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.509; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.52 n.ll; H.J.Leon (1960), p.l31 n.2; B. Blumenkranz (1960), p.9 n.65; V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.79;C. Colafemmina (1980a), p.224 n.93; (1983a), p.200; H. Solin (1983), p.726; G. Mayer(1987), pp.94, 113.This inscription is from the same burial area as no.27, and uses verysimilar wording. The name of the deceased girl is probably alatinized form of Irene; cf. Hireni in ILCV 2847 from Tropea, andSolin (1982), pp.423-6. No.32 below has another latinized form; cfvariants in Index II a, and the masculine form in no. 148. It is muchless likely that the name is a form of Herennia. Telesinus derivesfrom the Italian town Telesia, and was probably a real ethnic in thecase of Pontius Telesinus, a Samnite leader in the Social War. It wasone of the names of the consul of 66 (PIR L 273). It is mentioned asthe name of a Jewish vir clarissimus by Pope Gelasius (Thiel i,p.508), and occurs in CIJ 479. Romeus must indicate someone whohad moved from Rome to Naples; cf lohannis Romeus in ILCV 1878from Parentium. The form seems to be influenced by the GreekTco[iaTo{;, and the use of Th- instead of T- in the patronymic may alsobe a sign of Greek influence.29 (CIJ i 560): Naples: 5th-6th century. Epitaph; Latin.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.Text follows G.A. Galante (1913).[-•-]\RE[--]\LV[--]G.A. Galante (1913), p.238, pl.in.3 (photogi-aph; from the stone); CIJ i (1936), p.413no.560 (follows Galante).C. Colafemmina (1980a), p.224 n.93; (1983a), p.200; E. Serrao (1988-9), p.l04 n.4.This inscription was found with nos.27-8, but only the bottomcomer survives and there are no grounds for any restoration.left48

CAMPANIA30: Naples: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.Marble plaque, 36 x 42 x 2 cm., with a fracture running through theright part of the text. Letters 3 cm,; letter forms A 6 C, Letters haveserifs.Text follows E, Miranda (1979),evea K I T E I BEVia|Liiv | 6 TcpoaxdTrii; | 6 KeaaQe\)(;.Here lies Benjamin the prostates,the Caesarean.E. Miranda (1979), pp.340-l no.2 (photograph; from the stone); SEG 29 (1979) p.234no.969 (follows Miranda); J. & L. Robert, BE (1980) p.484 no.585 (follows Miranda); H.Solin (1983), p.727 (follows Miranda); Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.84(followsMiranda); E. Serrao (1988-9), pp. 105-7 no.l (photogi-aph; from the stone); H. Solin(1991), pp.155-6.C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.201; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.242 no.8.Another group of inscriptions (nos.30-35) was foimd in Naples inSeptember 1931, close to the site of nos.27-9, during the constructionof foundations for the building now the Caserma Mameli. The detailsof the find are given by Serrao, who studied the original reports; herresearch rules out the attribution of this inscription to the samelocality as no.22 suggested in the revised Schiirer. A series of tombswas found at a depth of about 3 m., 10-15 m. from the corsoOrientale. They were tombs 'a cappuccina' like those found byGalante, with tiles 65 x 50 cm. A few had low surrounding walls, andthese were the ones which produced inscriptions. Prof. Sgobbo, whoreported the discovery, regarded them as no later than the 6thcentury.This inscription was published by Miranda as of unknownprovenance, but Serrao established that it belongs to Sgobbo's group.Miranda dates it to the 4th or 5th century, and Serrao puts it in the5th along with the rest of the group (Solin (1991) p. 155 incorrectlysays that she attributes the group to the 4th century). The use ofGreek may suggest that it is somewhat earlier than the Latininscriptions in the group. The opening formula is found, with thesame spelling, in no.22, above.The title of prostates also occurs among Jews at Rome (CIJ 100,365), but not elsewhere in Italy. It was used by the Jews at Larisa49

CAMPANIA(SEG 29.537), Aphrodisias (Reynolds & Tannenbaum (1987), p.41)and Xenephyris (JIGRE no.24, with two names). It has beeninterpreted either as a patron of the community or as an equivalentfor gerusiarch (Horsley) or 'president', 'chairman' (Juster (1914),p.443, Krauss (1922), p. 145, following Philo's usage). A. Kasher (TheJews in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt (Tubingen, 1985), p. 114) notesthat it was used in general in antiquity with such a variety ofmeanings that no single function can be attributed to all its Jewishoccurrences. The final sigma of the word here is written as a muchsmaller letter with an oblique line across it.The ethnic 'Caesarean' is also found at Rome (CIJ 25 and 370,which uses the same spelling as here), Athens (ibid.715) and BethShe'arim (BS ii no.203). It probably refers to Caesarea in Palestine,although Serrao points out that, in view of the possible North Africanconnections of two other inscriptions in the group, it could meanCaesarea in Mauretania.31: Naples: 5th century. Epitaph; Latin and Aramaic.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.Marble plaque, 25 x 25 x 2 cm, upper left corner and top broken.Letters 2 cm.; letter forms C for C, A for D, 4^, H, *1 for Q.Text follows E. Serrao (1988-9).[hie requiescit] (?) | [Gau]diosus se\[n]ior cibis Mau\ritaniaequi bixlsit plus minus 11 annos LXXX.nbi)(lulab) (menorah) (shofar) Dlbtt?Here rests (?) Gaudiosus (?) the elder, citizen ofMauretania, who lived more or less 80 years.Peace on him.E. Serrao (1988-9), pp.l07-9 no.2 (photograph; from the stone).H. Solin (1991), p. 155.In the text, 1.1 is restored on the analogy of nos.32-5; the spelling isuncertain. The restoration of the name in 1.2 as Gaudiosus is veryprobable: it was a common Christian name, and the feminine form is50

CAMPANIAfound used for a Jew in no. 175. Names with -osus terminations wereparticularly common in North Africa. Other less common nameswhich would also fit are Fastidiosus, Blandiosus, Studiosus.Senior may be used here to distinguish the deceased man fromsomeone else with the same name, but could also be a title, since itis found as a formal or informal title at Naples in Greg.M,, Ep. ix 46(seniores et cives Neapolitanae civitatis), 76 (Rustico viro clarissimoseniori) and 84. The phrase principales vel seniores urbium is used inNov.Maiorian. vii 18 (458). If the word is a title, it would probablyindicate a Jew with a position in the civic hierarchy, although itcould be a Latin equivalent of presbyter used as a title within theJewish community.In the apparently Aramaic formula, nba is written instead of theHebrew vbi}. This form is also found in a North African inscription,Le Bohec no.7, and occurs in the Jerusalem Talmud and theTargums (G. Dalman, Grammatik des jiidisch-paldstinischenAraniaisch (2nd ed., Leipzig 1905, repr. Darmstadt 1960), p.229),There is evidence of the use of Aramaic in Egypt at this time (e.g.the ketubah of 417 published by C. Sirat et al.. La ketouba deCologne (Cologne, 1986)), and cf nos.22 above and 33 below.32: Naples: 5th century. Epitaph; Latin and Hebrew.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.Marble plaque, 30 x 30 x 3.5 cm. Inscribed square frame aroundedge; Latin text inside two inscribed tabulae ansatae. Letters 2.5 cm.;letter forms A, C for C, -L, AA. Horizontal lines over V, KAL.Text follows E. Serrao (1988-9).ic requiescit Ere\na qui bixet anas plusminus sexsaginta.•1 (lulab) (menorah) (shofar)et morta est \ \ V Kaliendas) Octobres.Here lies Irene, who lived more or less sixty years.Peace.51

CAMPANIAAnd she died on 27th September.E. Serrao (1988-9), pp.l09-lll no.3 (photograph; from the stone).H. Solin (1991), p.l55.Erena is clearly a form of Irene; cf. Hereni in no.28 above. The Greekform ending in -a was particularly common in Cyrenaica, but thereare, as Solin points out, no real grounds for Serrao's suggestion thatErena came from Cyrenaica. The inscription is full of irregularspellings (as with all this group but not the group discovered in1913), and uses qui for quae (1.2).33: Naples: 5th century. Epitaph; Latin and Aramaic.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.Marble plaque, 32 x 57 x 6 cm. Letters 4 cm.; letter forms A AA °Text follows E. Serrao (1988-9) (photograph).hie requiisquet | Numerius ebreus | qui bicset annos XX^,cuius anima in req I ue.yni^ nnOi? (ethrog) (menorah) (shofar) n^b^Here rests Numerius the Hebrew, who lived 26 years. Hisspirit in rest.Peace. His dwelling-place (?). Amen.E. Serrao (1988-9), pp.111-3 no.4 (photograph; from the stone).The name Numerius is also found at Venosa (no.95, q.v.). Ebreus/ais found in other inscriptions from Naples (nos.35, 37); the Greekform occurs several times at Rome (CIJ 354, 370, 379: all from theMonteverde catacomb), but nowhere else in Western Europe. There isa possibility that the term was used for Jews who spoke Hebrew orAramaic {TDNT iii, pp.368-9), and all the relevant Naplesinscriptions contain at least one Semitic word. It has also beensuggested (ibid., p.390) that it could have been used for thedescendants of prisoners of war brought to Italy, although it seemsunlikely that real knowledge of such descent would have beenretained by the date of this inscription.In 1.3 the final symbol of the numeral is clearly the form of 6 also52

CAMPANIAfound at Venosa, although Serrao reads it as Q and understands itas an abbreviation of quinque. There are irregular spelUngs in 11.1, 3,4-5.The final two letters of the Latin are on the same line as theAramaic, which has the symbols in its centre. The ethrog could alsobe interpreted as a hedera; the menorah (with right-angled arms andno crossbar) and the shofar (more elaborate than the usual ' shape)are rather different from those in the other Naples inscriptions.The second word of the Aramaic seems to be noi? (existence,habitation) followed by the suffix n instead of i, as in no.31 above. Ifso, it is presumably used in the sense of 'tomb'.34: Naples: 5th century. Epitaph; Latin and Hebrew.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale; inv.no. 146339.Marble plaque, 27 x 29 x 6.5 cm. Letters 2.5 cm.; letter forms -L *1.Text follows E. Serrao (1988-9).hie requiescit | Pascasus qui bix\sit plus minus | annos LVbene.DI (shofar) (menorah) (lulab)Here rests Pascasus, who lived more or less 55 years well.Peace.E. Serrao (1988-9), pp,113-4 no.5 (photograph; from the stone).Serrao lists six occurrences of Pascasus in ICUR. Pascasius was afairly common name among Christians (e.g. SEG 30.373), and is thedoubtful restoration in a Roman epitaph for a convert from Judaism(ILCV 4993A). The bishop of Naples in 602 was called Paschasius(Greg.M., Ep. xiii 15). Various Greek forms of the name are discussedby D. Feissel, BCH 105 (1981), pp.489-90: he regards naaxaaia asthe 'correct' feminine form.The use of bene in this sense does not occur in other Jewishinscriptions. It usually forms part of a phrase like cum quo benevixit, although the phrase bene vixit alone is found in Christianepitaphs (ILCV 1927b, 2799A, 4143). Serrao suggests that here beneshould be regarded either as an equivalent for shalom (hardly an53

CAMPANIAobvious one) or as an abbreviation of benemerens. However, manyJewish epitaphs from Rome use phrases Hke KaX&c, Piwaaq, and benehere may correspond to KoXibq.35: Naples: 5th century. Epitaph; Latin and Hebrew.Naples, Museo archeologico nazionale.Marble plaque, 28 x 29 x 7 cm.; upper right comer damaged. Letters3 cm.; letter forms A 6 Q..Text follows E. Serrao (1988-9) with correction by H. Solin (1991).hie reqais[cit] in I pace Criscentia fiUia Pascasi ebreavirgo qui vixit annus pilus) niiinus) XVIII. I]•« (menorah)D^b^virgo (1.4): Sen-ao vir coHere rests in peace Crescentia daughter of Pascasus, theHebrew woman, a virgin who lived more or less 18 years.Peace. Amen.E. Sen-ao (1988-9), pp.114-6 no.6 (photograph; from the stone); H. Solin (1991), p.155(from Sen-ao).This is the one inscription from Serrao's group which uses in pace inthe introductory formula like nos.27-8 from the 1913 group. Serrao'sinterpretation of 1.4 as vir co qui for vir cum quo was corrected bySolin, who saw that what was actually written was virgo qui. Qui isalso used for quae in nos.32 and 36. The deceased girl's name isclearly a form of Crescentia, spelled with i instead of e. Her fatherPascasus may be the man in the previous inscription. Virgo is usedfor a much older woman in no.89, and the Greek equivalent appliesto someone younger in no.46.54

CAMPANIA36 {CIJ i 568): Naples (?): 5th-6th century. Epitaph; Latin andHebrew.Lost.No details of stone published.Text follows CIJ.hie requiescit in pace I Benus filia rebbitis | Abundanti, quivixit I annis pl(us) m{inus) XVII, d{e)p{osita) II Id{us)luniias).Two lines of undeciphered Hebrew.plius) (1.4): Mommsen [P]Llun(ias) (1.5): C/L VIIHere rests in peace Venus, daughter of Rabbi Abundantius,who lived more or less 17 years. Laid to rest on 12th June.L. Muratori (1740), p. 1842 no.4 (from copy by Ign.M. Como); T. Mommsen (1852),p. 180 no.3492 (follows Muratori); C/L x.i (1883), p.316 no.3303 (from copy by M.H.Maza in ms. of Muratori); C. Dubois (1907), p.l03 (follows C/L); V. Castiglioni (1909),pp.93-4 (from Gan-ucci); J. Oehler (1909), p.446 no. 163 (follows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV ii(1927), p.495 no.4904 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.418-9 no.568 (from earlier eds.2and mss. of Migliore, Marini and de Rossi); i (1975), p.44; C. Giordano & I. Kahn(1979), pp.22-3 (follows C/L); V. Bracco, // i.i (1981), pp.60-1 no.l05 (from Muratoriand mss. of Marini and de Rossi); E. Serrao (1988-9), p.ll4 n.33 (follows CIJ).R. Gan-ucci (1862a), p.26; (1862b), p.95; (1864), pp.160, 175; R. Mowat (1869), pp.247-8; G.I. AscoU (1880), pp.12, 24; R. GaiTucci (1883), p.713; N. Tamassia (1903-4),pp.807, 809 n.2; S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; E. Diehl (1908), p.43 no.236 adn.; S. Krauss(1922), p.247; H. Leclerq (1928), col.70; A. Ferrua (1941), pp.43-4; A. Milano (1963),p.27; V. Colorni (1964), p.l8 n.81; S. Simonsohn (1974), p.850; C. Colafemmina(1980a), p.224 n.93; S.J.D. Cohen (1981-2), p.2 no.6; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.201;Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.83 n.ll9; G. Mayer (1987), pp.94, 122.This inscription has been attributed to both Salerno (CIJ,Bracco)and Puteoli (C/L, noting 'originis incertae'). Muratori's informationwas that it was on the property of D. Maza of Salerno. In C/L, whichcites a copy by Maza in a manuscript of Muratori as well asMuratori's published work, the inscription is said to be at Naples on55

CAMPANIAMaza's property. CIJ and Bracco cite Marini's manuscript to showthat it was found at Salerno 'in vinea Ridaei' before reaching Mazaat Naples, but Ferrua states that this is a misreading of 'in vineaDidaei Mazae'. Ferrua takes these references to show that 'theinscription was probably at Naples', and Lifshitz in CIJ i^ states 'it isclear that the inscription comes from Naples'. Room for doubtremains, but it seems probable that the inscription was found onMaza's property at Naples. The close similarities with no.27strengthen the likelihood that it comes from Naples.Ferrua points out that the manuscripts consulted by Frey wereall ultimately dependent on Muratori. Muratori and CIL print copiesof two lines of Hebrew, but no editor has produced a coherent textfrom them. It has sometimes been suggested (e.g. Fiirst, quoted byMommsen) that they are Punic, but this is hardly likely in aninscription mentioning a rabbi (cf no.22). m'^E? appears to be writtentwice in the first line, but the copy does not fit any of the usualphrases which accompany it. The text may have included a biblicalquotation, but it seems that the original copy was badly done and theHebrew cannot now be reconstructed.Kajanto (1965), p.216 cites two Christian examples of the use ofthe name Venus or Benus (C/L viii 25347, ICUR 9069: Benus Pelagibenemerenti). The name Venerosa (written BevEpcoaa) in CIJ 268probably comes from the same root. Abundantius, derived fromabundans, was a common name for Christians: Kajanto has 14examples of the masculine form (p.281).37: Naples: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Latin.New York, Jewish Museum.Marble tablet, 24 x 28 x 2.9 cm., with Latin text in a tabula ansatabelow symbols and Hebrew. Letter form: H (for H); letters have serifs.Text follows E. Goodenough, pl.893.(shofar) (menorah) (lulab)D^b^hie positus I est Flaes ebreus.Peace.56

CAMPANIAHere was placed Flaes the Hebrew.E.R. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), pp.54-5; iii, pl.893 (photograph; from thestone); L. Yarden (1971), p.27, pi. 136 (photograph; follows Goodenough); H. Solin(1983), p.727; E. Serrao (1988-9), p.ll2 n.29 (follows Goodenough).C. Colafemmina (1983a), pp.200-1.Goodenough saw this inscription in the Jewish Museum in NewYork, and was informed that it came from Naples, but had no otherdetails of its origin. The use of shalom at the beginning rather thanthe end corresponds to no.22, whose remaining text is in Greek, andto no.l which uses Latin. Ebreus is used in other Naples inscriptions.The parallels suggest that this inscription is from a similar period.On hie est positus, see no.84. The name Flaes seems most likely to bea form of Flavins.38 (CIJ i 567): Pompeii: 1st century (before 79). Graffito; Latin.Naples, Museo nazionale; inv.no. 114323 (partly lost).Letter forms: 6^ (for D), M.Text follows CIJ.Sodom[a], I Gomora.Sodom, GomorrahA. Mau (1885), pp.97-8 (from the original); E. le Blant (1886), p.l46 (facsimile; followsMau); F. Niccolini (1896), p.20 (follows Mau); CIL iv Suppl.iii (1909), p.568 no.4976(from the original); A. Sogliano (1911), p.l2 [not seen]; M. della Corte (1927), p.l78[not seen]; E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.499 no.4935 (follows C/L); J-B. Frey (1933a),pp.369-370 no.5 (facsimile); CIJ i (1936), p.417 no.567; ? (1975), p.44; A. Baldi (1964),p.21; C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), pp.75-6 (follows C/L).A. Mau (1902), p.l7; J.B. Frey (1933b), p.340; A. Ferrua (1937), p.l33 n.2; (1941), p.43;E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.55; I. Kahn & C. Giordano (1974), p.l74;H. Solin (1983), p.725; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.201; Schurer revised iii.i (1986), p.82n.ll5.This graffito was written in charcoal in large letters on a fresco inthe triclinium of house Reg.IX Ins.I no.26. It was 1.8 m. above floorlevel. An allusion to Sodom and Gomorrah would most naturally bewritten at the time of the eruption of Vesuvius, comparing their57

CAMPANIAdestruction to Pompeii's. If it was written earlier, as Mau (in CIL)and Frey believed, it would express someone's disapproval ofbehaviour in the city. The writer evidently knew Gen. xviii-xix,directly or indirectly. A pagan might have such knowledge, and aChristian certainly would, but in view of the date and the lack ofconvincing evidence for Christians at Pompeii, the most naturalexplanation of the inscription is that it was written by a Jew.39: Pompeii: 1st century (62-79). Graffito; Latin (transliteratedHebrew).Pompeii, Antiquarium.Text follows C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), photograph on p. 105.POINIUMCHEREM(pentagram) (pentagram)Retribution ! Doomed to destruction ! (?)I. Kahn & C. Giordano (1974), pp. 170-5, figs. 1-2 (photograph; from the original); C.Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), pp.90-105, 115-7 (photographs; from the original).H. Solin (1983), p.727.This graffito was found in 1961, on the plaster of the vestibule wallof the house Reg.I Ins.XI no. 14. The plaster had been laid duringrepairs after the earthquake of 62, The first word is written in largercharacters than the second, which is to its right.The significance of both words is unclear. M. Guarducci suggestedto Giordano & Kahn that poinium was a latinized form of 7ioi|JViov,'sheep'. Fraser & Matthews have an example from 2nd-century Creteof noijivii used as a name. Another possibility raised by Giordano &Kahn is that it comes from Tioivfj, 'retribution, ransom, blood-money',and was written at the time of the eruption of Vesuvius, but thelettering is of remarkably good quality for something written at sucha time.It has been generally agreed that cherem is a transliteration fromHebrew, but it is unclear whether it represents the Hebrew mn,which occurs eight times in the Bible in the sense of 'offering' ormore commonly '(doomed to) destruction'; or D I D , 'vineyard', used58

CAMPANIAallegorically for the people of Israel, e.g. Is. v 7. Fraser & Matthewshave an example from Samos, c.300 B.C., of XapejLi as an abbreviationfor the name Xap£|4iTiq.If the two words are taken in the sense of 'retribution' and'doomed to destruction' respectively, they fit together well, mostplausibly in the context of the eruption but possibly as an expressionof the earlier feelings of a discontented Jew.The pentagram (five-pointed star, sometimes called Solomon'sseal) was used by Jews but was also a common non-Jewish symbol.Thus, although this inscription was accepted by Solin as the onlyfirm evidence of Jews at Pompeii, its Jewishness is not absolutelycertain.40 {CIJ i 563): Pompeii: 1st century (before 79), Amphorae; Greek,Pompeii, Antiquarium (?)Text follows M. della Corte (1946).TPY|AES I 'Io\)5aiKogTrules (?), Judaean.CIL iv Suppl.i (1909), p.731 no.6990; J.B. Fi-ey (1933a), pp.366-7 no.l; CIJ i (1936),p.415 no.563; i^, p.44; M. della Corte (1946), pp.98-9 nos.114-7; AE (1951), p.205no.l61 (follows della Corte); CIL iv Suppl.iii (1963), p.l003 no.9757 (followsCorte); A. Baldi (1964), p.l5; C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), p.42 (facsimile).dellaA. Sogliano (1911), p.ll no.9 [not seen]; M. della Corte (1927), p.l75 [not seen]; J.B.Frey (1933b), p.341; A. Fernia (1937), p.l33 n.2; (1941), p.43; E. Goodenough,Jewishsymbols ii (1953), p.55; I. Kahn & C. Giordano (1974), p.l67; E. Miranda (1979), p.337n.6; H. Solin (1983), p.725; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.201; Schm-er revised iii.i (1986),p.82 n.ll5.Four amphorae with writing in black were found in Reg.I Ins.VIII, inthe caupona of L. Vetutius Placidus in the north-east corner of theinsula, and were published by della Corte in 1946. 1.3 clearlycontains the word 'Jewish' or 'Judaean', to describe either thecontents or the producer, and the importation of wine from Judaea toItaly strongly suggests a demand for it among Jews. Della Cortesuggested that 1.1 stood for Tpuyivov {atramentum, made from winelees),and 1.2 represented the merchant's initials (cf. LES on another59

CAMPANIAamphora, CIL iv 9758). It is perhaps more likely that 11.1-2 togethergive the name of a producer, shipper or place of origin. The lastletter seems to be a Latin S, although the rest of the inscription isGreek.CIJ 563 gives the text TY I ILIIX I lOYAAIKOY, interpreted byFrey as Felix 'Io\)6aiKO\), 'Felix slave of loudaikos'. It now appearsthat this inscription, from an amphora found in 1904 at the houseReg.VI Ins. 16 no, 10, must have given the same text as the morerecently found amphorae. This is the text referred to by all thewriters listed in the bibliography except della Corte and AE.41: Herculaneum: 1st century (before 79). Graffiti; Latin,in situ.14.3 cm. long; letters 3.1-5.1 cm.Text follows CIL.David.A. Maiuri (1939), p.217 n.30 (quotes della Coile); M. della Coile (1959) p.268 no.353(from the original); CIL iv Suppl.iii (1970), p.ll23 no.l0584 (from the original); C.Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), pp.28-9 (facsimile; follows della Corte).H. Solin (1983), p.727; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.201.This inscription comes from the House of the Wooden Lararium(Ins.V no.32). It seems that it must represent the biblical name, butit is unclear whether it was the writer's own name or part of abiblical allusion. Some other names were written on the same wall:Q. Albinius L.f (?); Salvia Superba (della Corte nos,351-2). There wasalso a Greek alphabet, a statement that 'The centurion doesn't havea cloak', and the letters EBVR PEDAD H.The Semitic (but not necessarily Jewish) name Abdeus {AbdeusLiviae) occurs on a number of stamped tiles from Herculaneum (dellaCorte, p.268). A coin of Archelaus the son of Herod the Great wasfound in the Casa dei Cervi (Giordano & Kahn, p,33).60

VENOSA42 {CU i 580): Venosa (Venusia): late 4th-5th century. Epitaph;Greek.In situ: Gallery D, right side, to right of opening of an arcosolium.Painted in red. Letter forms: A/^ € C.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text) with new restoration of 1.1.TdqK); BEpo[viicn] \r\c, E [ X © V ] ( ? ) X,y'(?) I [ - - - ]Bepo[vncf^]|vn

VENOSAno.230; SB i 1038), it was not common there. There is anotherItahan example: IG xiv add.225b (S. Croce di Camerina in Sicily,Christian). A number of inscriptions from Rome begin with the namein the gen. and x&^toq owoq, e.g. IGUR 1310, 1321, or simply xdcpo;(IG xiv 1515, pagan). At Venosa, the word was often written withomega rather than omicron (Index VII d).The damaged name is likely to have been a form of Berenice;no.59 has the same name with the genitive ending -evig and theLatin form was sometimes given the dative Beroniceni (CIL vi 20395,ICUR 610). It is unclear how much of the inscription has been lost,and the restoration of four letters at the end of 1.1 is possible. Theapparent -vnq ending here would make sense as a genitive, and hasbeen restored accordingly; tdqwq is, however, sometimes followed bythe nominative. There is also one example of Beroniciane as anominative form (NS (1955), p. 196). A male name probably from thesame root occurs in no.80, below. Berenice was widely used bypagans, but was the name of several members of the Herodianfamily; it was also the name attributed by the Greek version of theActs of Pilate to the woman named Veronica in the Latin version(Bibliotheca Sanctorum, s.v. Veronica). Veronica is actually aderivative of Berenice (cf. nos.59, 170); the spelling Veronice alsooccurs in a pagan inscription from Sicily (CIL x 7445).The epsilon of 1.2 could be the beginning of eCiiae, but as thatexpression is only used once at Venosa it is more likely to be fromtxm.The use of Greek in this inscription and its position near thebeginning of gallery D suggest an early date (cf. Introduction), butthe use of xdcpot; suggests it is later than most of the DI inscriptions.Since it is written outside an arcosoUum and not over a particulargrave, it might indicate a re-used tomb, or be a marker added laterlike no.56. However, it is also possible that early burials in thearcosolia off the gallery were given epitaphs in the gallery itself,rather than over the grave as was the practice from DI onwards. Theposition of this inscription in the relative chronology of gallery D istherefore uncertain.62

VENOSA43: Venosa: late 4th-6th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ; first tomb of arcosolium opposite no.42.Inscribed on plaster, left side of gallery D. Letters 8-8.5 cm. Letterforms: 6 C.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1975a).Eio

VENOSAC. Colafemmina (1975b), p. 135.The restoration of the name here as Longinus is suggested by itsoccurrence in no.62, but Longus and Longinianus are also possible,and it is not even certain that the deceased person was male. Thename Longinus was much used at Rome (52 examples in CIL vi),although not by Jews; it was the name of a soldier at the crucifixionin the Acts of Pilate. The title 5id Pico occurs certainly in no.72 (q.v.)and in latinized forms in nos. 18 and 23; it is a plausible although notcertain restoration here. This inscription raises exactly the samedoubts about dating as no.42.45: Venosa: late 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Greek.In situ; 6th tomb of cubiculum opposite no.44.Inscribed on plaster at head of tomb; letters 2-3 cm. Letter forms: 6^0 LU.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1975a).I Tdcpox; I [ - - laPeace. Tomb ....C. Colafemmina (1975a), p.44 no.VI, tav.XTV.l (photograph; from the original); P. Rugo(1978), p.44 no.35.VI, p.l26 (photograph; follows Colafenunina); H. Solin (1983), p.735(follows Colafemmina).This inscription comes from the left side of gallery D, further in thanno.43 above. The Hebrew was inscribed very lightly.46 (CIJ i 588): Venosa: early 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: Gallery D, right side, to right of arcosolium opening.Inscribed. Letter forms: 6^, €, M(twice), C, V, 00.Text follows CIJ (mgguscule text).S5e idxe Kdaxa TcapGevoq ex©v SeKaxeaadpcov | ev ipiivn | T|Koi|Lni

VENOSAKoCjiTioi^ (1.3): de Angelis & Smith ap. Ruggiero Koipci\(Tf\(;Here lies Casta, virgin, aged fourteen. In peace her sleep.CIL ix (1883), p.661 no.6197 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); R, Garrucci (1883),p.709 no.3 (ftx)m copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5,no.3 (de Angelis & Smith's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.444 no.l22 (follows C/L); CIJi (1936), p.429 no.588 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith and ms. of de Rossi).H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.274 n.l8, 276 n.27; P. Testini (1958), p.537; C. Colafemmina(1973a), p.239 n.9; (1975b), p.l35; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.225 no.ll4; G.Mayer (1987), p.ll8; P.W. van der Horst (1991), p.l02.The masculine form of this name, Castus, occurs at Rome in CIJ 128(Greek) and 230 (Latin). There are 25 non-Jewish examples of Castain CIL vi. Virgo is found in nos.35 and 89, and noupQtvoq occurs in anumber of Jewdsh inscriptions from Rome and elsewhere. These arediscussed by Horsley, who shows that the range of ages given is from14 to 22. The description was presumably regarded as superfluous foranyone younger, implying that 14 was the earliest age at which agirl might be expected to be married. The evidence is, of course, verylimited, and there is no reason to assume that the age of marriagewas the same for Jewish women in all parts of the ancient world.The whole question is discussed by B. Shaw, The age of Roman girlsat marriage: some reconsiderations', JRS 77 (1987), pp.30-46.The formula S8e mxai is common at Rome (10 examples in CIJ)and Beth She'arim (BS ii 34, 35, 38, 40, 43, 158), usually written S8eKite, as here. It was used by Christians in Italy, too: IGCVO 746(Syracuse), 747 (Rome). The formulae and spellings ev6d5E me (BS ii94, 96, 147, 152, 153, 164, 191) and evGa iciTe (155, 159, 160, 161)were alternatives at Beth She'arim as well as in Italy (Index VII e).At Venosa the alternative was xd(po;: T&cpo^ is found 23 times and S8e14 times; there are also 13 examples of the parallel Latin hierequieseitIpausat. In arcosolia DI and D6 S8e is the preferredformula, but it also occurs once each in the main gallery and in D2.With the exception of the example from D2 (no.66), the position of allthe ©8e inscriptions is consistent with their being earlier than thetdqwq ones (see Introduction).The formula ev eipTivri fj Koi^Tiai(; is found five times at Venosa(Index VII f): three times in DI, and here in gallery D nearer to theentrance (also once in O, no.97). It was the standard formula for the65

VENOSAJews at Rome, and also occurs at Porto and Taranto, but appears tohave died out fairly early in the development of the Venosacatacombs.The plan of de Angelis & Smith suggests that this inscriptionwas placed in the gallery to mark a burial in the arcosolium. Itappears to be roughly contemporary with the DI inscriptions below.47 (CIJ i 579): Venosa: early 5th century. Epitaph; Greek andHebrew.In situ: arcosolium DI, grave 3.Inscribed above the tomb. Letter forms: 6* € C V (X).Text follows CIJ i no.579 (majuscule text).S8e Kixe AoOfip^y&xrxQ Svpia voG exwv Suo.ZwpiajvoC (11.2-3): d'Aloe ap. Ruggiero, Ascoli E'fipialvovHere lies Asther, daughter of Syrianus, aged two. Peace.There is a menorah in the centre of the inscriptionG.I. AscoU (1880), p.52 no.3 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); H. Graetz(1880), p.442 (follows Ascoli); CIL ix (1883), p.662 no.6204 (from copies by de Angelis& Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.6 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J.Oehler (1909), p.445 no.l27 (foUows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.425-6 no.579 (from copies byde Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi).D. Chwolson (1882), col.160 n.3; N. FeroreUi (1915), p.lO; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.274n.l8, 279 n.44; V. Colorni (1964), p.20 n.89; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l26 n.22; C.Colafenunina (1975b), p.l35; (1983b), p.444 n.4; G. Mayer (1987), pp.93, 103, 112.From its position, this seems to be the earliest recorded inscriptionfrom DI. The arcosolium has 11 graves, as shown in the plan, andnumerous loculi in both sides. The inscriptions are no longer readilyvisible. Of the 5 DI inscriptions which preserve names, none has anyindication of a family relationship with any of the others.A large menorah is written in the middle of 11.1-3, with theHebrew of 1.4 to the right. The deceased girl's name corresponds toEsther (cf. no.20). Various Greek spellings of the name occur at BethShe'arim: Aaeiip (BS 147, also CIJ 732-3, IGCVO 996), Aornp (176,66

VENOSAalso CIJ 306), ElaGiip (ii 39), 'loGiip (88).The father's name is in some doubt: Ascoli followed de Angelis &Smith and d'Aloe in taking the first letter as epsilon, while CIJfollowed the reading of sigma in the de Rossi ms. Eurianus is not aknown name, whereas Syrianus is (four examples in PLRE ii,pp. 1050-1), so the reading of sigma seems preferable.Di*?» was misspelled if the reading is correct. The use of aleph torepresent a vowel suggests a scribe who was more used to Latin orGreek script.48 (CIJ i 594): Venosa: early 5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew andGreek.In situ: arcosolium DI, grave 4.Painted in red. Letter forms: 6^ 6 C CO.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text and restoration of 11.5-6).S5e mxe Ie|pTipa QT\y6m\p | 'IaKol)p Sn8ao|KdXo\)- ev eipiilvn n]id (menorah'>)\n\[Gi(; a^xnc;].1.1 Ascoli with restoration by Chajes: diTh]a [spj)' na] nilio]8Ti8a

VENOSAColafemmina (1973a), pp.236, 239 n.9; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l33 n.54; C. Colafemmina(1975b), p.135; (1980a), p.208; S.J.D. Cohen (1981-2), p.l5 n.27; C. Colafemmina(1983b), p.444 n.3; G. Mayer (1987), p. 121; C. Colafemmina (1991), p. 13.D'Aloe's transcription of the Hebrew in 1.1 produced few intelHgibleletters. CIJ notes that the de Rossi ms. agreed with de Angelis &Smith, and that version is followed here. Ascoli appears to haveprinted only the letters on which he thought that all thetranscriptions agreed. The meaning of the line is totally unclear.Chajes restored Ascoli's version plausibly as the expected 'Severadaughter of Jacob, peace', but this does not explain the CIJ reading.The last word is very probably Dibw.1.2 uses mxe rather than the usual Venosa spelling of me.According to the de Rossi ms., there was an additional € betweenKeTxe and the name. The name Severa also occurs in Greek letters atRome in CIJ 144 and 352. H is used instead of Y in 1.3 and I in 1.4.As in CIJ 340, the name Jacob is not given a Greek ending, althoughit often was graecized as 'laK^poq (e.g. CIJ 715) or 'IaKO\)poX)5 vo|io^ia8fiq.AiSdoKoXxx; (cf. no. 186, below) is a standard Greek word for 'teacher',and was also used by Christians (IGCVO 163, from Rome), but wasused by Jews for someone who gave instruction in or studied theLaw, and was sometimes interchangeable with ^ocppi. In this sense, itis frequently applied to Jesus in the Gospels. There is detaileddiscussion by K.H. Rengstorf, TDNT ii, pp.135-165. Didaskaloi wereamong the officers of the early Church (Acts xiii 1, I Cor xii 28-9,Eph. iv 11). CIJ 1158 from Beth She'arim is the epitaph of ZCCHO\)TIXO55i8da[KaXo(;], and the possibly Jewish inscription from Corinthpublished in NDIEC iv no.ll3 has been restored as 8i5do[KaXo5] Kod,dpx[icn)vd7(jyylo^.The restoration of 11.5-6 seems fairly secure. Ki|niaiq and icoinim^are among the spellings of KOiHTioiq attested at Rome. MH in 1.6 is thereading of the de Rossi ms.; d'Aloe gave five indecipherable letters,reproduced in CIL, but the facsimile published by Ruggiero showsthat these could be interpreted as MH to the right of a Hebrew shin.Shin was read by the de Rossi ms. to the left of 1.5. It could be theremains of Dibo, or more probably a misunderstood menorah as in68

VENOSAnos.49 and 79. The adjacent no.47 has a menorah. The last word ofthe restored Greek formula could be O O D rather than axixriq.49 (CIJ i 574): Venosa: early 5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew (writtenleft-to-right).Lost: from arcosolium DI, grave 5.Inscribed (with a nail according to d'Aloe) on the plaster of a tombcovering.Text is a new interpretation of CIL ix 6198.(menorah) I (menorah)CIJ vtihederayvo;Goodenough

VENOSAmenorah, but that the writing began left to right.50 {CIJ i 577): Venosa: early 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: arcosolium DI, grave 5.Inscribed on the wall. Letter forms: 6^ ^ 6 C Q).Text follows CIJ (msguscule text and restorations); 11.2 & 3 followd'Aloe's facsimile.S5e mie Aviiicnxoi; | vi(7a)o(; uoc; Ep[..]o(; (?) | eY(Y)ovo;AvTiicnTov I AEIABEHIl^ [ulnvwv | ev8eKa- ev elpf|vn || [f|Koi]|nia[i(;] a[^]xoC.Ascoli gives text only 'AvfjiaiTo^ ... 'AvTixfiToovt(m)o

VENOSAspelling with iota instead of eta is also found in nos.46 and 65, andthe form has been preserved in modem Greek dialect in Italy: G.Rohlfs, Lexicon graecanicum Italiae inferioris (Tubingen, 1964),p.348, lists nipio, nipiu, nipia as forms of VHTCIOV. See no. 155 for therange of ages attributable to vninoq. The fourth letter of 1.2 hasusually been understood as alpha, but it has a completely differentform from the other alphas of the inscription, and d'Aloe's facsimileshows that it is actually pi. Schwabe suggested that the word mightbe an indication of status, such as laxpdq.The end of 1.2 must give the father's name, although it is verydifficult to associate the letters with any known name. Schwabesuggested 'Ep6toq, but the ending should be genitive. 'Epudxo; as agenitive of Herma(s) is possible. A word for 'grandson' follows in 1.3:eyyovo; was probably intended, but eKyovo; is possible. Then comesthe grandfather's name, and the second half of 1.4 gives thedeceased's age. If he was more than just 11 months old, the first partof the line should give something like exSv + number (sometimesfollowed by Kai as in CIJ 140), but that is not possible from theletters recorded here. They must therefore apply to the grandfather,hence Schwabe's suggestion of 8id piou; he took li^ as giving an age(10) with the L symbol for years used in Egypt, but the letter doesnot have the right-angled form used for this. D'Aloe's facsimile showsthat the interpretations of several of the letters are doubtful: A couldbe A, H could be M and could be K. The father of Severa in theadjacent grave is described as ST^SaoKdXov, and it is possible that theletters shown in d'Aloe's copy here represent AEIAACKIL, althoughwriting -ei- for -i- (rather than vice versa) would be exceptional atVenosa. The epitaph ends with the standard Jewish formula fromRome (see no.46).61 (CIJ i 618): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek (?).Lost: from arcosolium DI, grave 8.Letter painted and menorah inscribed on the plaster of a tombcovering.Text follows CIJ.71

VENOSAA(menorah)CIL ix (1883), p.661 no.6199 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); M.Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.2 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.444no.l23 (follows CIL); CIJ i (1936), p.443 no.618 (from copies by de Angelis & Smithand d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi).G.P. Bognetti (1954), p. 197; L.H. Kant (1987), p.679 n.45.The single recorded letter of this inscription could be Greek or Latin,but as the other epitaphs from the arcosolium use only Greek orHebrew, it is presumably Greek.52 (CIJ i 576): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: arcosolium DI, grave 11.Painted in red on plaster. Letter forms: 6^ C Q).Text follows CIJ majuscule text, corrected by H.J. Leon (1953-4),p.268 n.4.SSeicikai Avoaid crnq jcpoo[fiX] ^"'^\u(?)id|-toa (lLl-2): CIJ minuscules xf^jtoanpoohX]) ^"'^^ 1X1 (11.3-4): CIJ minuscules jipoaW]A(t))x[o

VENOSAepitaphs, no.65 below, CIJ 675 from Hungary and BS ii 99. BS ii 194has the formula e\)Tox«q 'qj v^iwv dvaaxdai. Belief in resurrection isalso explicit in the Regina inscription from Rome {CIJ 476), butotherwise it is not mentioned in Jewish epitaphs. The name was alsomuch used by Christians: T.S. Brown (1984), 'Prosopography*, has 10examples apart from those in the letters of Greg.M. ICUR 6130specifically associates the name with the idea of future life.The interpretation of 11.4-5 is difficult, and d'Aloe noted that theplaster was damaged after the surviving lettering. Ascoli (followed byOehler and Krauss) wanted to restore TcpoaidTnt;, but that is not atitle which occurs otherwise at Venosa. Frey, influenced by de Rossi'sreading of 1.4, saw a reference to a proselyte, and this seems themost plausible explanation: Y is frequently changed to I in Venosaninscriptions, so the spelling is predictable, assuming that HA hasbeen lost at the end of 1.4. Proselytes are mentioned in at least seveninscriptions from Rome, but this is the only occurrence of the term atVenosa. There was legislation against circumcision from the 2ndcentury (Linder, p.81). Ex-Christian proselytes were subject toconfiscation of property (C.Theo. xvi 8.7, 353) and later (presumablyin place of earlier legislation) the inability to make a will (C.Theo. xvi7.3, 383); the Jews who converted them were liable to the deathpenalty (Nov.Theo. iii = Codex i 9.18(19), 438).53 {CIJ i 587): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.Lost: from arcosolium DI, grave 11.Inscribed (?). Letter forms: 6. € C 00.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text and restoration of 1.5).y'- ev [el]pe[vTi f|] K6pni[(n; a^xou].vwvdpxoaoivoYfflJYov (11.3-4): CIL APXOC CINArCJ0|rOYTomb of Callistus, child, archisynagogos, aged 3 years 3months. In peace his sleep.G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.49 n.l (from copy by de Angelis & Smith, 11.1-4 only); CIL ix(1883), p.661 no.6201 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); R. Garracci (1883), p.71173

VENOSAno.7 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.7(de Angelis & Smith's facsimile); E. de Ruggiero (1904), p.406 no.3243 (follows CIL); J.Oehler (1909), p.444 no.l24bis (follows CIL); CIJ i (1936), p.429, no.587 (from copy byde Angelis & Smith and ms. of de Rossi); B.J. Brooten (1982), pp.23 n.83, 25 n.99, 26,28; T. Rajak & D. Noy (1993).S. Krauss (1922), pp.118, 245 no.lOld; H. Leclerq (1928), col.139; HJ. Leon (1953-4),pp.270, 275-6; G.P. Bognetti (1954), pp.197, 200 n.l; HJ. Leon (1960), p.l73 n.l; I.Mufioz VaUe (1972), pp,160-l; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.239 n.9; (1975b), p.135; G.Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.214 no. 113; LU. Kant (1987), p.695 n.l45; L. CraccoRuggini (1988), p.259 n.25; P.W. van der Horst (1991), pp.92-3, 106.This inscription comes from the last grave in DI, and is the only onein that arcosolium to use xdcpo^ The de Rossi ms. noted that it was ina badly deteriorated condition. It was not recorded by d'Aloe, andLeon was unable to find it; he regarded it as dubious, vtmov is a formof viimo\) as in no.94, and not a patronymic as indicated by deRuggiero: neither Nipius nor anything closely resembling it isrecorded as a name. The title archisynagogos also occurs in nos. 64and 70, each time with a different spelling. The occurrences ofarchisynagogos are all among the earlier Venosan epitaphs, and thetitle may have died out by the time of the Latin inscriptions.This is the only example of a very young archisynagogos in aJewish inscription, but there are numerous cases of other titles beingheld by children, e.g. *IoKa0ivoq StpX(ov vfjmot; in CIJ 120, MarcusCuyntus Alexus grammateus aged 12 in CIJ 284. The omission of anyreference to Callistus' father might mean that he was already deadand Callistus was the nominal owner of the family's wealth, but it isa general feature of the Venosan epitaphs that the earlier Greekinscriptions say much less about ancestry than the later Latin ones.The name Callistus was extremely common at Rome: Solin (1982)has 173 examples, including 62 slaves or ex-slaves.Some Christians professed to regard the holding of importantJewish offices by children as a fulfilment of the prophecy in Is. iii 4,*I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule overthem'. Jerome, in his commentary ad lac., applies this to 'patriarchasludaeorum et iuvenes sive pueros effeminatosque ac deliciisaffluentes', and Eusebius ad lac. comments on the physical andmental immaturity of 'those called patriarchs among the Jews' and'the other didaskaloi'. However, Christians could also be ordained74

VENOSAand at least hold the rank of lector at very early ages during thesame period: revised Schiirer ii, pp.435-6; AH.M. Jones, The laterRoman Empire ii, p.914.The restoration of 1.5 is fairly sure, since the formula is used intwo other epitaphs from the same arcosolium, but the last word couldbe ( T O O . Two lines may have been required. The spelling is unusual: Efor H in eipevn and O for -01- in K6[n\aiq are both forms not securelyattested at Rome. The spelling of K O I ^ T I O K ; (if the omission of iota isnot accidental) may be influenced by K©|xa.54 (CIJ i 604): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek.Lost: from arcosolium Dl(?)Text follows CIJ.[ - - ]G0[ - - ]CIJ i (1936), p.435 no.604 (from ms. of de Rossi).This inscription, of which only one letter was recorded, is knownfrom the de Rossi ms. According to Prey's comments, it is from the*4th or 5th' cubiculum of the catacomb. If this follows d'Aloe'snumbering, the *5* cella' of the right side is arcosolium DI.55: Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.In situ: gallery G.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1983b), p.443.Peace.C. Colafemmina (1983b), pp.443-7 no.l, fig.l (photograph; from the original).This inscription was found in May 1981 during photographing of themain catacombs. It was at the beginning of gallery G turning from D,on the right wall, on the upper part of the unplastered rock dividingthe first column of loculi from the second. The spelling of a^b9i withan additional aleph occurs in other inscriptions, e.g. no.47 fromarcosolium DI. 'Riis is the only inscription from gallery G, which75

VENOSAconnects D and F and may have been added only after they werecompleted.56 {CIJ i 612): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin.In situ: left side of gallery D, to left of opening of arcosolium D2.Painted in red inside a frame or guide-lines. Letter form: ^.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text).absida ubi cesquit Faus tinus pater, (menorah)absida (1.1): CIJ minuscules absiFaus^tinus (11.2-3): d'Aloe ap. Ruggiero Fau^stinusThe niche where Faus tinus the father rests.O. Hirschfeld (1867), p.l50 (from the original); F. Lenormant (1882), p.201 (from theoriginal); C/L ix (1883), p.61 no.647 (follows Hirschfeld), p.665 no.6236 (from copy byd'Aloe); R. Garrucci (1883), p.718 no.41 (facsimile; fit)m copy by de Angelis & Smith);M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.26 (d'Aloe's facsimile); E. de Ruggiero (1904),p.406 no.3248 (follows C/L); E. Diehl (1908), p.44 no.237 (follows C/L); J. Oehler(1909), p.444 no.118 (follows C/L); S. Krauss (1922), p.245 no.lOla (follows CIL); E.Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.500 no.4939 (follows CIL); H. Leclerq (1928), col.218 (followsHirschfeld and CIL); CIJ i (1936), p.440 no.612 (fix)m copies by de Angelis & Smithand d'Aloe); i^ (1975), p.45; B J. Brooten (1982), pp.43-4, 63 n.34, 69 (follows CIJ).G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.50 n.l; F. Bamabei (1882), p.550; N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.807;G.N. Alcott (1904), p.42; D.S. Blondheim (1925), p.LVIH; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510;A. Ferrua (1941), p.44; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.271, 278 n.34, 282; G.P. Bognetti (1954),pp.194, 197, 200 n.l; P. Testini (1958), p.542; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; J. Moreau &H.L Marrou, ILCV iv (1967), p.43 no.4939; C. ColafenMnina (1973a), p.235; (1973b),p.l5 n.30; (1980), p.208; LU. Kant (1987), pp.679 n.45, 696 n.l49; C. Colafemmina(1991), p. 13.This epitaph is from the main gallery by the entrance of arcosoliumD2, and probably refers to Faustinus pater whose Greek and Hebrewepitaph (no.61) is in the arcosolium. As it is in Latin, it is probablylater than most of the inscriptions inside the arcosolium. The sameman may be the grandfather of Mannine in D2 (no.62), in which casehis death can only have preceded hers by a very short period (as they76

VENOSAare in adjacent graves) and as she died at 38 he would probably havebeen in his 80s. He may also be the grandfather of Faustinus andgreat-grandfather of Faustina in D7 (nos.86, 87). Faustinus was,however, an estabUshed name at Venosa: the tombstone of thesoldier C. Flavins Cf Hor. Faustinus was seen at the SS. Trinitachurch by F. Bamabei {RAL (1881-2), p.550).Absida does not occur elsewhere at Venosa, but S\|fi(; was thestandard designation of an arcosolium at Beth She'arim, e.g. BS iiip.20, and Robert, in BE (1956) 340, notes that it appears to be a newterm there in this sense. Absida or absis was used in medieval Latinfor a reliquary or a canopy over a tomb, as well as for an apse, butwas not a standard designation for the tomb itself. It seems possiblethat its use at Venosa in this inscription represents Palestinianinfluence. The practice of writing 'signpost' inscriptions to show theway to a particular tomb was also followed at Beth She'arim.The spelling cesquit for quiescit occurs in ILCV 1617 from Rome.3099 has the abbreviation cesq., and there are 12 examples ofcesquet; cesquid and cesquat also occur.The title pater occurs frequently at Venosa, and Leon suggestedthat it designates a gerusia member. This is plausible, as theexistence of gemsiarchs at Venosa suggests some sort of council, butfar from certain, and in no. 18 the pater is named before thegemsiarch. There are a number of Ein'opean examples of patersynagogae, and also a North African one from Volubilis {BE (1971)726). If it is correct to suppose that a community had only one patersynagogae at a time, it is very unlikely that pater at Venosa canhave the same implication, since it appears that several patres couldexist there simultaneously. The use of pater as a general title ofhonour, especially for a rabbi, prophet or teacher, is discussed by G.Schrenk, TDNT v, pp.977-8. At Beth She'arim it seems to have beenused within the Jewish community, but the significance is unclear:Mevafi naxpbq jcpea(p\)tepoD) {CIJ 1137).Many other religious and trade groups used pater as a title, e.g.an officer of a Dionysiac association at Istros (early 3rd century)which also had an agonothete and hiereus {BE (1955) 163.17, 163a).It could be a municipal title too: an inscription of 473 from Cilicia(AE (1986) 691) gives details of work done eTci "lUouM€YaXortp(£7ceax6TO\)) K6\n\xo(; Tcaxpdq. 7iaxf\p xr\(; ndTxcoq is a well-attestedtitle in the Greek-speaking world from the 5th century. References77

VENOSAare collected by C. Roueche, GRBS 20 (1979), pp. 176-9: mainly fromAsia Minor, but also Palestine, Crete and Greece. In the West, patercivitatis was a later version of the office of curator civitatis, whichfrom the late 3rd century was the summit of a curial career (A.H.M.Jones, The later Roman Empire ii, pp.725-30, 759). There was still apater civitatis at Syracuse in the early 8th century (Brown (1984),p. 17), and at Ravenna in the lOth/llth century (C. Diehl, Etudes surI'administration byzantine dans I'exarchat de Ravenne (Paris, 1888),p. 108). While there is no reason why a Jew could not have held theoffice of pater civitatis at Venosa at least in the early 5th century(Codex i 18(19) of 438 excluded Jews from the posts of defensorcivitatis and pater but still obliged them to serve as decurions), it isunlikely that pater in the Venosan inscriptions is anything otherthan a title of honour within the Jewish community. Cf thecomments on the title of pater patrum (nos.68 and 114).57 {CIJ i 672): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.Lost: from left side of gallery D, to right of opening of arcosolium D2.Letter painted, menorsdi inscribed.Text follows facsimile of d'Aloe ap. M. Ruggiero (1888), no.25.{menorah)G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.51 no.l (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); CIL ix(1883), p.664 no.6225 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero(1888), between pp.504-5, no.25 (d'Aloe's facsimile); CIJ i (1936), p.423 no.572 (fromcopies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms, of de Rossi).N. Jacobone (1909), p.33; HP. CJhajes (1910), p.234; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii(1953), p.54; V. Colorni (1964), p.20 n.89; C. Colafenmiina (1983b), p.444 n.3.Only one letter survived of this Hebrew inscription, and it is likely tohave been the beginning of DI'PW, although other restorations are, ofcourse, possible. A menorah with nine branches was inscribed next toit. It may have referred to D2 or to the loculus to the right.78

VENOSA58 {CIJ i 573): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.Lost: from arcosohum D2, grave 1.No information about whether it was painted or inscribed.Text follows CIJ.Peace.G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.54 no.9 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); CIL ix (1883), p.665no.6235 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5,no.40 (de Angelis & Smith's facsimile); CIJ i (1936), p.423 no.573 (from copy by deAngelis & Smith and ms. of de Rossi).N. Jacobone (1909), p.33; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ix (1953), p,54; G.P. Bognetti(1954), p.l97; V. Colorni (1964), p.20 n.89; C. Colafemmina (1983b), p.444 n.2.This inscription comes from the front grave of an arcosolium whichcontained inscriptions in Greek, Latin and Hebrew. It is likely thatthere was originally more text giving details about the deceased, aswell as this final formula. Some marks below the letters in deAngelis & Smith's facsimile may indicate fiirther lost text.69 {CIJ i 581): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek andtransUterated Latin.In situ: arcosolium D2, grave 6.Inscribed (?). Letter forms: 6^ € C 00. Some letters in 1.5 have apices.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text).tdcpot; BepcflviKe V K ; rcpeopiie peq ex (piXta 'Idxreuq.2Bepo)viKe|vi(; (11.2-3): CIJ i Bep(BviK(ia>v(n)(;£T (1.4) omitted by Garrucci, CILTomb of Berenice, elder and daughter of Joses.R. Garrucci (1883), p.717 no.31 (facsimile; fix)m copy by Smith & de Angelis); CIL ix(1883), p.664 no.6226 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888), betweenpp.504-5, no.31 (de AngeUs & Smith's facsimile); E. de Ruggiero (1904), p.406 no.3242(follows C/L); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no.l44 (foUows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV u (1927),79

VENOSAp.495 no.4899 (foUows CIL); CIJ i (1936), p.426 no.581 (from copy by de AngeUs &Smith and ms. of de Rossi); i^ (1975), p.45; B.J. Brooten (1982), pp.42-3.G.I. AscoU (1880), p.49 n.2; S. Krauss (1922), p.246 no.lOU; M. Schwabe (1937-8),p.510; L. Robert, Hellenica i (1940), p.28 n.2; HJ. Leon (1953-4), pp.271, 275 nn.20 &22-3, 277 n.30, 278; GJ>. Bognetti (1954), pp.197, 200 n.l; HJ. Leon (1960), p.l81 n.3;L Mufioz VaUe (1972), p.l56 n.29; C. Colafenunina (1975), p.135; (1980a), p.208; R.S.Kraemer (1985), pp.431 n.2, 433; G. Mayer (1987), pp.90, 112, 118; L.H. Kant (1987),p.698 n.l70; R.S. Kraemer (1988), p.219; P.W. van der Horst (1991), p.l06; C.Colafemmina (1991), p.l3.The deceased woman's name appears to be a genitive form ofBep6viicn as probably in no.42 (q.v.). In this case it seems to have aLatin genitive -is ending despite the use of the Greek alphabet. Joseswas a common name at Venosa. Berenice held the title of presbytera,although her father is given no title. It must be a title, since the useof a patronymic means it would be pointless to describe her as *theelder' to distinguish her from someone else 'younger' of the samename. The spelling with iota instead of upsilon, as in nos.62 and 71,corresponds to the Christian Leta presbitera in ICI v 13 from Tropeain Calabria. Presbiter was the standard Latin spelling of the maleversion according to the index of ILCV. The -es genitive ending hereis common in later Latin, and in Greek loan words such as this it islikely to reflect Greek influence; in no.71 there is an -EQ ending forboth name and title. 1.3 is a transliteration of the Latin et filia,where another genitive would be expected. Latin is used in some ofthe other inscriptions of this arcosolium, but this is probably itsearliest occurrence in the catacombs. IGCVO 509 from Romeproduces something similar: ATU^TITPK; ex Aeovtia ZetpiKe i^exKiePeve^iepevxi; cptA^ta is also used in the otherwise fully Greek IGCVO676.The holding of ecclesiastical offices by women in southern Italywas regarded as something of a problem by the Church in the late5th century: a letter of 494 from Pope Gelasius to all the bishops ofLucania, Bruttium and Sicily complains that women are beingallowed to 'minister at the sacred altars'. G. Otranto, VetChr 19(1982), pp.341-60, discusses this text and epigraphic evidence ofChristian presbyterae: the Leta inscription, which he dates to themid-5th century; an inscription of 425 from Salonae where a tombwas purchased from Fl. Vitalia pr(es)b(ytera) sanc(ta) matrona; a80

VENOSApreshiterissa at Ippona; possibly a woman designated as presbuteriaat Poitiers, 4th-5th century.60: Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek (transliterated Latin ?).In situ: arcosolium D2, grave 6.Painted in red on plaster; letters 3.5-7.5 cm.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1974), p.89.[---]|a)[--]|TI[--l I piYivl--]C. Colafemmina (1974), pp.89-90 no.IV, tav.Ic (photograph; from the original); P. Rugo(1978), p. 12, p.43 no.34 (follows Colafemmina).This inscription was found by Colafemmina and F. dell'Aquila in1973, next to no.59. The last letters look like viginti transliteratedinto the Greek alphabet. The previous inscription also contains Latinin Greek characters, and this text may have referred to the sameburial.61 (C/7 i 599): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek and Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium D2, grave 7 (below no.67 according to d'Aloe).Pgdnted in red above a loculus. Letter forms: A 6 C.Text follows C/J, corrected by H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.268 n.4.Toqxx; I OaooTtvi | mxepi;.]ni« (1.5): AscoU, C/L, CIJ i ]'di»Tomb of Faustinus the father. Peace to Israel. Amen.G.I. Ascoli (1880), pp.50 n.l, 59-60 no. 16 (fh)m copies by de Angelis & Smith andd'Aloe); D. Chwolson (1882), cols. 151 no.24, 158 (facsimile; from copy by Fabiani); CILix (1883), p.664 no.6229 (from copies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero(1888), between pp.504-5, no.29 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.446 no.147(follows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV u (1927), p.494 no.4894 (follows C/L); C/J i (1936), p.43481

VENOSA2no.599 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); i (1975),p.45; B.J. Brooten (1982), pp.43-4, 63 n.34, 69.H. Graetz (1880), p.445; N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.810 n.l; S. Krauss (1922), p.246no.lOlm; H. Leclerq (1928), col.139; G. DelUng (1951), col.522 n.2; H.J. Leon (1953-4),pp.268 n.4, 271, 276 n.26, 278, 279 n.44, 282; G.P. Bognetti (1954), p.l97; P. Testini(1958), p.539; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; V. CJolomi (1964), p.20 n.91; E. Dinkier (1974),p.l33 n.50; C. Colafemmina (1975b), p.135; (1978), p.374; (1980), p.208; L.H. Kant(1987), pp.679 n.48, 696 n.l49; C. Colafemmina (1991), p.l3.Although the epitaph is in Greek and Hebrew characters, it wasapparently written by someone who knew Latin, since the name in1.2 has a Latin genitive ending and the title (as in no.62) is closer toLatin than Greek. See no.56, above, on the Latin inscription from theopening of the arcosolium which appears to point to this burial.Apart from no.56, this is the first of many occurrences of the nameFaustinus/a among Venosan Jews. The spelling -ao- is common in theVenosan inscriptions, and a Latin inscription from Africa uses thespelling Faostina (ILCV 2543 adn.). -av- may already haverepresented the pronunciation af or av. -a- for -au- is also found (cf.no.65, and ICUR 12458, 14244). The Hebrew here consists of twocommon expressions which are not otherwise securely attested atVenosa, but are both found in no. 145 from Catania (dated 383).'Peace to Israel' comes from Ps. cxxviii.62 (CIJ i 690): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: arcosolium D2, grave 8; below no.63 according to Munkacsi'sphotograph.Painted in red on plaster of tomb wall; plaster broken away belowand to the right. Letter forms: 6^ 6 X C CO.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text).x&pox; I Mawiveq 7ipea|piTepe(; xiydxep AovlTlvt jtaxepii;, 1V76VIVI Oaooxivi TiaxepK;, ex[©]v h\'.jcpeolpix^e; (11.2-3): CIL nPEC|BITEREC; d'Aloe ap. Ruggiero OPE | ITEPBCIvYovav (1.4): 1. ^yyoviov82

VENOSATomb of Mannine the elder, daughter of Longinus thefather, grandchild of Faustinus the father, aged 38.F. Lenormant (1882), pp.201-2 (from the original); CIL ix (1883), p.664 no.6230 (fromcopies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.31(d'Aloe's facsimUe); J. Oehler (1909), p.446 no.l48 (foUows C/L); M. Schwab (1913),p.88 (foUows Lenormant); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.494 no.4895 (follows C/L); CIJ i(1936), p.430 no.590 (from copies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of deRossi); £. Mimkdcsi (1939), p.89, Abb.46 (photograph; from the original); B J. Brooten(1982), pp.43-4, 54, 63 n.34, 69.G.L AscoU (1880), p.49 n.2; P. Bamabei (1881-2), p.550; C. Clermont-Ganneau (1883),p.l43; S. Krauss (1922), p.246 no.lOln; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.271, 275-6, 278; G.P.Bognetti (1954), pp.197, 200 n.l; H.J. Leon (1960), p.l81 n.3; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370;L Mufioz VaUe (1972), p. 156 n.29; C. Colafenmiina (1973b), p. 15 n.30; (1975b), p.135;(1980), p.208; R.S. Kraemer (1985), pp.431 n.2, 433-4.; L.H. Kant (1987), pp.696 n.l49,698 n.l70; G. Mayer (1987), pp.90, 96, 122; R.S. Kraemer (1988), p.219; P.W. van derHorst (1991), p.l06; C. Colafemmina (1991), p. 13.Graves 8 and 9 have their own vault at the end of the mainarcosolimn of D2. This inscription is situated between one with Latinin Greek characters and another wholly in Latin, and is heavilylatinized itself despite being ostensibly in Greek: the two masculinenames have Latin case-endings, and the title naxepiq (found in Latinin no. 176) is closer to patris than to naxp6(; (as in no.61). OaorepresentsLatin Fau- as in no.61. The words for 'daughter* and'grandchild' are more misspelled than in other Venosan inscriptions.A comparable form of the word for grandchild, evyowv, occurs in CIJ920 from Jaffa. There seems to be Latin influence in writing x for 0in 'daughter' and t for e and vy for yy in 'grandchild'. The syncope of-lov to - I V at the end of the word which would be eyydvtov in standardspelling is common in southern Italy, perhaps influenced by Oscan.Mannine, from a family of holders of titles, is one of three female'elders' from Venosa (there is only one male one; see no.59). Mannineis a name from Asia Minor according to Mayer, but is not includedby L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Personennamen (Prague, 1964) or othername-lists. L. Robert, Noms indigenes dans VAsie-Mineure gr4coromaine(Paris, 1963), p.365, mentions Mannis and Manneis. Thereis no reference to a husband, and she appears to be buried in herown family's arcosolium, whether or not she was married. It is likely83

VENOSAthat she was the granddaughter of Faustinus pateradjacent grave (see no.56).buried in the63 {CIJ i 606): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin andHebrew.In situ: arcosohum D2, grave 8.Painted in red on the wall after being traced with a finger on wetplaster. Letter forms: L^^.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text).hie requesc\et Alexsanr{i)a | pateressa qui v[ix]\it anoro plusm[inus- - ] | DibCrequesc\et (11.1-2): Ascoli, Garrucci reques\et; Lenormant requiesc\et; d'Aloeap. Ruggiero requescit | etAlexsanr{i)a (1.2): CIJ Alexsan(d)ra; Ascoli, Garrucci Alexsandra; LenormantAlexsanra, Munkicsi Alessandraqui t;[ix]|({ (11.3-4): Garrucci qui | t^; Ascoli q{uae) vi^xit; CIL, Diehl 9uie|[t;]i(;d'Aloe quU[..]\nt, Munkicsi KITHere rests Alexandria the fatheress, who lived more or less.. years. Peace.G.L Ascoli (1880), pp.50 n.l, 53-4 no.6 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe);H. Graetz (1880), p.445 (follows Ascoli); F. Lenormant (1882), p.203 (facsimile ofHebrew; from the original); CIL ix (1883), p.664 no.6231 (from copies by de Angelis &Smith and d'Aloe); R. Garrucci (1883), p.718 no.56 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith);M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.30 (d'Aloe's facsimile); E. de Ruggiero (1904),p.406 no.3239 (follows CIL); E. Diehl (1908), p.44 no.240 (follows CIL); J. Oehler(1909), p.446 no.l49 (follows CIL); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.495 no.4900 (foUowsCIL); CIJ i (1936), p.436 no.606 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe andms. of de Rossi); E. Mimkdcsi (1939), p.89, Abb.46 (photograph; from the original); B J.Brooten (1982), pp.44, 61, 63, 69 (foUows CIJ).F. Bamabei (1881-2), p.550; H.P. Chajes (1910), p.235; N. FerorelU (1915), p.lO; S.Krauss (1922), p.246 no.lOlo; H. Leclerq (1928), col.139; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.271-2,276-7, 278 nn.34-5, 283; G.P. Bognetti (1954), pp.197, 200 n.l; P. Testini (1958), p.536;H.J. Leon (1960), p.l88 n.l; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; L Mufioz VaUe (1972), p.l5984

VENOSAn,44; C. Colafenmiina (1973a), p.235; (1973b), p.l5 n.30; (1980), p.208; S.J.D. Cohen(1980), p.26; C. Colafemmina (1983b), p.444 n.2; L.H. Kant (1987), pp.696 n.l49, 698n.l70; G. Mayer (1987), pp.90. 111; P.W. van der Horst (1991), pp. 107-8; C.Colafemmina (1991), p. 13.This is one of only three Latin inscriptions from D2. It is probablylater than no.62, which is written beneath it and apparently refers toan earlier burial in the same grave. Alexsandra and Mannine werepresumably related, which would mean that the pateressa came froma family of patres.In 1.2 Frey understood R (the reading of the de Rossi ms.; d'Aloeonly read R) as representing DR. The name Alexandra also occurs inCIJ 239. Alexandria is found in ibid.8 (written Alexadria), 144, 208and 470, and occurs rather more often than Alexandra in ICUR (alsoGreg.M., Ep. vi 35 and ix 170), so it is more likely that the namehere should be read as Alexsanr(i)a than Alexsan(d)ra. The use of-xs- in latinized Alex- names was common, e.g. ICUR 995, ILCV 851,1407B adn., 2709 (cf no. 141, below). Requescet is an unusual form ofrequiescit which also occurs in 7LCV 4426; requescit was verycommon, as was anoro for annorum - using genitive instead ofaccusative or ablative after vixit.Pateressa is clearly to be regarded as a title, the feminine versionof pater, formed in the same way as Christian and medieval Latinwords like preshyterissa, senatorissa, from (usually 3rd-declension)masculine nouns (cf. Tcctxp^viooa in a 2nd-3rd century inscriptionfrom Cyprus, AE (1975) 830); the -essa ending here reflects thefrequent use of e for i at Venosa. Leon understood the word asdesignating the wife of a pater. Lenormant equated it to matersynagogae at Rome, but Alexandria was explicitly not described asmater (cf. no. 116). She must be regarded as a woman in the sameposition as a pater (see no.56).Writing qui for quae (1.3; cf no. 175) is a common tendency in latevulgar Latin, where the pronunciation of the two words would havebeen very much closer than in the classical language, and is reflectedin Romance. Leon suggests that the plus minus formula was notused by the Jews of Rome, and perhaps only came into general usein the period after the Rome catacombs. Many Christian inscriptionsuse it, and it was also graecized in formulae like nkiov eXaixov andHiKp^TcXovq. Like d)^ in the Jewish inscriptions from Leontopolis85

VENOSA(JIGRE no.41), it was probably more a matter of convention than areal indication of any exceptional uncertainty. The other Venosaninscriptions which use it all abbreviate it, whereas here it is writtenin full, perhaps confirming the evidence of position that thisinscription is earlier.64 (CIJ i 596): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek andHebrew.In situ: arcosolium D2, grave 9.Painted in red above the tomb. Letter forms: K 6 C X OJ.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text), corrected by C. Colafemmina(1974), p.94.xdcpox; I ACHAONOYA dtpxcanvoo yovrfOM eiwv TievTnvTaACHAONOYA (1.2): omitted by Rvigo (AC apparent in his photograph); d'Aloeap. Ruggiero, Ascoli, CIL ACHAONYA2dpxo

VENOSA(1954), p.l97, p.200 n.l; V. Colorni (1964), p.20 n.89; I. Mufioz Valle (1972), p. 160; C.Colafenunina (1975b), p.135; (1980a), p.208; D. Feissel (1981b), p.l43; BJ. Brtx)ten(1982), p.23 n.83; C. Colafenunina (1983b), p.444 nn.2,4; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987),p.214 no.ll3; P.W. van der Horst (1991), pp.34, 92; C. Colafenunina (1991), p.l3.Both Leon and Rugo were able to read fewer letters than theirpredecessors, but the discrepancies between the earlier versions areminor. Colafemmina re-read the inscription in 1973 and confirmedLeon's reading of 1.4 but not of the Hebrew. The grave is that of anarchisynagogos (with another variant spelling) aged 50, but theinterpretation of what must be the name in 1.2 is difficult. Ascolithought it suggested the Hebrew names 'Asiel and Himiya', but hadno other example of such a double name. Lenormant thought thatNO was written in smaller letters because it should have come at theend of the line, and therefore understood the name as ZiXovdvot); thiswas followed by CIJ and apparently by Colafemmina (1980a). Itinvolves treating A at the beginning as an error. Another possibilityis Silanus, found in no. 121 and also known as the name of a 9thcenturyJewish poet at Venosa (EJ xiv 1532). Derenbourg suggesteda Greek form of ^i^p^o, as in Ascoli no.39. Tamassia thought the namederived from Asellus, which is perhaps more likely (cf the use ofAsella at Venosa). It could be a form of Asellio, probably from thegenitive AaeXXiovoi;, but the subsequent alpha remains unexplained.The spelling of TievTnKOVxa here as n£vxr\vxa is the only example ofthe form cited by LSJ, which compares the modem Greek iceviivxa.65 (CIJ i 598): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: arcosolium D2, left extension, grave 1.Inscribed (?). Letter forms: 6. €/< C GO.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text).x&(pci){; I OaoxivTit; | viTiiii; exov | e', xiydxep | Avaa[xaaiov(?)]Tomb of Faustina, child, aged 5 years, daughter ofAnastasius (?)CIL ix (1883), p.664 no.6233 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888),between pp.504-5, no.38 (de AngeUs & Smith's facsimUe); J. Oehler (1909), p.446no.l51 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.433-4 no.598 (fix>m copy by de Angelis & Smith87

VENOSAand ms. of de Rossi).H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.274-6, 278; G.P. Bognetti (1954), p.l97; B. Lifshitz (1962),p.370; C. ColafenMnina (1973b), p.l5 n.30; (1975b), p.135; B.J. Brooten (1982), p.44; H.Solin (1983), p.717 n.287; G. Mayer (1987), pp.94, 119; P.W. van der Horst (1991),p.ll7.Every word in this epitaph differs from standard speUing, but thesense is clear. CIJ 102 also uses a feminine form of V T I T U O ; . exov for^x©v also occurs in, e.g. IGCVO 42 and 101, from Rome. In 1.5, onlythe letters ANAC are recorded, and this could be the genitive of thename in no.72, but, as the genitive there is "Ava, it seems more likelyto be the beginning of the name Anastasius, as in no.52.66 (C/7 i 591): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: arcosolium D2, left extension, grave 2.Letter forms: A G C 00.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text), corrected by H.J. Leon (1953-4),p.268 n.4.SSe Kixe I npexi6aa S D Y A T H P XO\) Oaooxi[vot)].idxe 0.1): de Angelis & Smith ap. Ruggiero BITE, CIL [KpxeOaoCTxtlvw)] 0.4): CIJ i Oon)o[x(vot)], CIL AYCHere lies Pretiosa, daughter of Faustinus.CIL ix (1883), p.665 no.6234 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888),between pp.504-5, no.39 (de Angelis & Smith's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.446no.l52 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.430 no.591 (from copy by de AngeUs & Smith and2ms. of de Rossi); i (1975), p.45.H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp,268 n.4, 274 n.l8; GP. Bognetti (1954), p.l97; C. Colafemmina(1975b), p.135; BJ. Brooten (1982), p.44; G. Mayer (1987), p.l21; C. Colafemmina(1991), p.l3.The name Pretiosa (cf. no.84) was not common: CIL vi has only oneexample (16871), and Kajanto (1965), p.276, four. Greg.M. Ep. ii 38refers to a man called Pretiosus, and CIL ix 6150 gives the name of abishop as Pretziosl..]. Pretiosa's father may have been the pater in88

VENOSAno.56, since any title after the patronymic would be lost, butFaustinus was a common name. The correct spelling of e\)YdTnp anduse of xoi) in the patronymic suggests a better grasp of Greek than insome of the inscriptions.67 (CIJ i 615): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin.In situ: arcosolium D2, right extension.Painted in red on either side of grave. Letter forms: 6 ^j.Text follows CIL ix no.6228.(Left) ice reqi\{e^citMa\rcellus.(Right) fecet dolore gr andeparentilbu]s.reqi\[e]scU (Left 11.1-2): CIJ majuscules REQI\SCTdolore (Right 1.1): d'Aloe ap. Ruggiero DLORparena[bu]s (Right 1.2): CIJ majuscules PARENTIBS; Garrucci PARENTIPS;d'Aloe PARENTIPHere rests Marcellus.He made great grief for his parents.CIL ix (1883), p.664 no.6228 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); R. Garrucci (1883),p.719 no.33 (facsimile; from copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888), betweenpp.504-5, nos.27-8 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no.l46 (follows C/L); E.Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.4883 no.493 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.442 no.615 (fix)mcopies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi).F. Bamabei (1881-2), p.550; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.276, 278 n.35; G.P. Bognetti (1954),p.l97; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.235; (1973b), p. 15 n.30;(1978), p.374; L.H. Kant (1987), p.679 n.45; G. Mayer (1987), p.lOO.The second sentence (similar to a formula in no.86) indicates thatMarcellus died young. The use of Latin in this inscription and no.68suggests that the right extension is the latest part of D2. Theomission of h in hie is well attested, and ILCJV 1419 (Bovillae) uses asimilar form to the one here: ice requisquet. The restoration of theverb here as reqi\,e]scit may be unnecessary, as e was often omitted.89

VENOSA68 {CIJ i 610): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin.In situ: arcosohum D2, right extension.Painted in red inside frame 12 x 33 cm. on vault of arcosoliumextension. Letters 2.5-3 cm.; letter forms A 6 t^.Text follows CIJ (mgguscule text), corrected by A. Ferrua (1981),p. 197 and by personal inspection./lie pausat Ca\tella anniorum) VIIII{I} | filia piatris)piatrum) Sebbetei. (menorah)Vllim(1.2): all eds. Villipiatris) piatrum) (1.3): CIJ minuscules p(,rae)piositi)Sebbetei (1.4): de Angelis & Smith ap. Ruggiero, CIJ, CIL, Garrucci SecreteiHere at an end is Catella, aged 9, daughter of the father offathers Sebbetius.R. Garrucci (1883), p.714 no.32 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); CIL ix (1883),p.664 no.6227 (from copy by de AngeUs & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.32 (de AngeUs & Smith's facsimUe); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no. 145 (foUows C/L);E. Diehl, ILCV u (1927), p.495 no.4905 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.437-8 no.610(from copy by de AngeUs & Smith and ms. of de Rossi); A. Ferrua (1981), p.l97 (fromthe original).G.I. AscoU (1880), p.49 n.3; S. Krauss (1922), p.246 no. 101m; H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.272;G.P. Bognetti (1954), p.l97; P. Testini (1958), p.536; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; AMUano (1963), p.54; J. Moreau & H.I. Marrou, ILCV iv (1967), p.43 no.4905; C.Colafenmiina (1973a), p.235; (1973b), p. 15 n.30; (1980), p.208; B.J. Brooten (1982),p.71; G. Mayer (1987), pp.94, 118; L.H. Kant (1987), p.679 n.45, p.696 n.l49; C.Colafemmina (1991), p. 13.The deceased girl shared the fairly unusual name of the mother inno.89: it also occurs in 7LCV 140 and Greg.M., Ep. i 62 and iii 39.Ferrua (1989) no. 122 derives it from catula, 'puppy*. It is also found(in the genitive Catelles) at Capua (ILCV 140, dated 552) and inGreek at Syracuse (Ferrua), and the masculine is found in ICUR1659 and 4279.The father (following Ferrua's reading, although the second Bnow has the appearance of R) has the same name and title as thegrandfather in no.85, q.v. The style of this epitaph resembles 89 (hie90

VENOSApausat formula) and 85 (age in genitive, patronymic immediatelyafter the name). It was probably one of the last in arcosolium D2, asit is from an extension in the side of the recess, and it seems likelythat Catella's father was the man recorded in no.85, as neither thename nor the title were common (although as both names and titlesappear to have gone in families the identification is not certain).There he was grandfather of two children aged less than 2, whilehere he is the father of a child of 9; the chronological differencebetween the two inscriptions could be anything from a very smallnumber of years up to 50 or 60.The verb pauso was a common alternative for iacet and requiescitin Christian inscriptions, perhaps encouraged by the popularity ofdvenauaaxo among Greek-speaking Christians. It was used by manyauthors, especially writers of medical texts (L&S s.v.; F. Arnaldi,Latinitatis italicae medii aevis lexicon imperfectum (Brussels, 1939),s.v.). Some form of hie pausat also occurs in nos.87 and 89, and thesame verb is used in no. 187.The abbreviation PP (as in nos.85 and 90) was generallysupposed to represent praepositus until the discovery of no. 114 whichrecords a naxr\{) Tcatepcov; hence it is very probable that Sebbetius wasentitled pater patrum. This was the highest title in the Mithras cult,and Levi took it as evidence of Jewish-Mithraist syncretism atVenosa. The abbreviation PP was used for the title by Mithraists atRome (CIMRM i 401-3, 521; the dated inscriptions are from 358 to404). The Mithraists at Rome who were called pater patrum are alldesignated vir clarissimus (CIMRM i 369, 378, 400-3, 520-1,including dates from 357 to 404) or vir egregius (CIMRM i 336).However, it is unnecessary to seek any direct Mithraic influence onthe title's appearance at Venosa, because according to the Letter ofSeverus (PL xx 73 Iff), the leading (praecipuus) Jew of the town ofMago on Minorca in 418, Theodorus, was 'legis doctor et, ut ipsorumutar verbo, pater patrum': he had also held all the civic offices of thetown (p.733). Severus later describes him (p.735) as summussacerdos. On pater used alone as a title, see no.56.This is the only inscription from inside D2 to have a menorah(which was drawn outside the frame for the inscription).91

VENOSA69 {CU i 583): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: arcosoUum D3, grave 6.Painted in red above grave. Letter forms: 6 C (X).Text follows CIJ (majuscule text with restorations).xdcpox;- I 'louoTtt [0\)Y](i|Tep (S)a|i(»n[X].[eoYldjxcp (E)aMl^l (U.2-3): CIJ majuscules [...]N[..]A|TEPOAMiiH; d'Aloe ap.Ruggiero read lOPETANTATA and indicated two fiirther lost linesTomb. Justa, daughter of Samuel.CIL ix (1883), p.662 no.6206 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); M.Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.8 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.445no.l29 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.427, no.583 (from copies by de Angelis & Smithand d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); i (1975), p.45.M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.275 n.20, 281 n.51; GP. Bognetti(1954), p.197; L Mufioz VaUe (1972), p.l60; C. Colafemmina (1975b), p.135; G. Mayer(1987), p. 120.The readings of de Angelis & Smith, d'Aloe and the ms. of de Rossishow considerable discrepancies; the CIJ i version is based mainly onde Rossi. The name of the deceased woman was not (as usuallyhappened at Venosa with the xdqKx; formula) given a genitive ending,but as with e.g. no. 7 0 was written in the nominative; x&(po(; musttherefore be understood separately. At the beginning of the nameSamuel, omicron was written instead of lunate sigma. Samuel, likeother biblical names, was not given case endings at Venosa, althoughit was common to graecize it elsewhere e.g. Z O U O T I X K ; , I.oi\i6T\h}(;. Italso occurs in Latin and Hebrew (Index II a). Justa (cf. CIJ 2 4 0 ) isthe feminine of a name much used by Jews (cf. no. 18).70 (CIJ i 584): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek and Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium D3, grave 7 .Inscribed on the plaster above the tomb. Letter forms: K C CO.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text).9 2

VENOSAxdcpox;- 'Ioaf|(p dtpxTioDlvaycWox; "^^^ *Icoofj(p dupx^ox) vayoyov.x&ifox, (1.1): Lenormant majuscxiles TAOCOApxnouvaYc&yax; (11.2-3): Lenormant majuscules APXHCYNATCOrCOdpxnouvayoYow 01.4-5): C/L APXHCYNATCJOrOYIimod] "th di*?!©] (1.6): Ascoli mb, 1. mbo; C/L gives facsimile of Hebrew lettersin two linesTomb. Joseph the archisynagogos, son of Joseph thearchisynagogos. Peace to his resting-place (?)G.L Ascoli (1880), p.57 no.l2 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); F.Lenormant (1882), p.204 (facsimile of Hebrew; from the original); CIL ix (1883), p.662no.6205 (fix)m copies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero (1888), betweenpp.504-5, no.7 (d'Aloe's facsimUe); E. de Ruggiero (1904), p.406 no.3244 (follows C/L);J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no.l28 (foUows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.427-8, no.584 (fix)m copiesby de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987),p.214 no.113; T. Rajak & D. Noy (1993).J. Derenbourg (1881), p.l31; P. Bamabei (1881-2), p.550; HJ>. CJhajes (1910), p.236; N.FerorelU (1915), p.lO; S. Krauss (1922), p.245 no.lOle; H. Leclerq (1928), coLl39; HJ.Leon (1953-4), pp.270, 275-6, 281 n.51; G.P. Bognetti (1954), pp.197, 200 n.l; V.Colomi (1964), p.20 n.90; I. Mufioz Valle (1972), pp.ieO-l; C. Colafemmina (1973a),p.239 n.9; (1975b), pp.135-6; (1978), p.374; (1980), p.208; BJ. Brooten (1982), pp.23n.83, 26, 28; L.H. Kant (1987), p.679 n.49; P.W. van der Horst (1991), p.92; C.Colafemmina (1991), p.l3.The title archisynagogos (cf no.53) and the name Joseph eachproduced two different spellings; in fact every occurrence of the titleat Venosa produces a different spelling (Index V b). Biblical namestended not to be given case-endings at Venosa (cf. Jacob in no.48,Samuel in no.69), although Joseph frequently was elsewhere: 'IOXTHTIO^is the commonest form in CP J. The name Joseph (found in no.79with another spelling) was also in use at Venosa in the 9th century(Ascoli no.25, dated to 821). Krauss regarded no.79 as the epitaph ofthe father, but there is nothing except the name to connect theinscriptions. The fact that both father and son held the title ofarchisynagogos does not necessarily mean that it was hereditary93

VENOSA(Brooten), but titles at Venosa naturally tended to rim in families.The reading of the Hebrew formula at the end is very doubtful: itwas omitted altogether by de Angelis & Smith, shown as two lines byd'Aloe (of which the intelligible letters are ni in the first line and inthe second), and given as •j©'? w ma by the de Rossi ms. The textgiven here is Lenormant's, followed by CIJ (withoutacknowledgment); it is the commonest Hebrew formula at Venosa(Index VII d). An alternative restoration would be bunw* ba DI*?©, as inno.61.71 (CIJ 1 597): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek and Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium D4, grave 2.Painted in red on plaster above tomb. Letter forms: ^> 6 C.Text follows CIJ (mgguscule text).idqx); OalooTiveq jipea|piTepe

VENOSAor with others named Faustinus/a, and the name is too common topermit any identification.72 {CIJ i 575): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek andtranshterated Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium D4, grave 4.Painted in red. Letter forms: 6^ B J JU C Y GO.Text follows C/J, corrected by H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.268 n.4.xdcpoi; "Ava 5ia pi o\). c6X^i.a&katii (1.3) confirmed by Colafenunina (1974): Ascoli, CIL, CIJ a&kco\Tomb of Ana, life-officer. Peace.G.I. Ascoli (1880), pp.51-2 no.2, p.ll2 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe);CIL ix (1883), p.662 no.6208 (fix)m copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); R.Garrucci (1883), pp.709-11 no.l4 (facsimile; from copy by Smith & de Angelis); M.Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no,9 (d'Aloe's facsimile); E. de Ruggiero (1904),p.406 no.3240 (follows CIL); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no. 132 (follows CIL); CIJ i (1936)^p.424 no.575 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); i(1975), p.44; C. Colafemmina (1974), p.95, tavJIIb (photograph; from the original); P.Rugo (1978), p.41 no.32, p. 125 (photograph; follows Colafenunina).H. Graetz (1880), pp.441, 447; D. Chwolson (1882), col.160 n.3; N. Ferorelli (1915),p.lO; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.509; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.53 n.23;H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.268 n.4, 281-2; G.P. Bognetti (1954), p.l97; V. Colomi (1964),p.20 n.89; C. Colafenomina (1975a), p.135; (1983b), p.444 n.2.Eraser & Matthews have one example of "Ava, as a feminine namefrom Thera. Preisigke's Namenbuch gives one masculine examplefrom Egypt, dated to the 7th/8th century. Av& is found in the LXX asboth a masculine and feminine name: III Kgdms xii 24, Naanandaughter of Ana was a wife of Solomon (it also occurs as apatronymic in Gen. xxxv 3, and as a man's name in I Chron. iii 20);III Kgdms X V 10, Ana daughter of Abessalom was mother of Asa kingof Judah. No.65, above, has the letters ANAX which may be theinflected genitive of the name used here ('daughter of Ana'), but couldalso be the beginning of a longer name. CIJ 411 (Rome) and no. 19595

VENOSAbelow (Oria) have the feminine name Anna, and no.90 from Venosagives the genitive Annes; it also occurs in Greek in BS ii 2, 3, 70 (thelast is explicitly feminine). The spelling of annorum as anoru inno.88 shows that the omission of one n would not be surprising.Schwabe notes H3n as another possible root, and JE lists three3rd/4th century Babylonian Jews with this name. Prey's suggestionthat Ana is a form of Ananias is therefore unnecessary, but thisinscription gives no firm evidence about Ana's gender, since womenclearly held other titles at Venosa.Clermont-Ganneau and Graetz regarded 5ia pio\) as anacclamation to the deceased: 'lifelong peace', when taken with thefinal word. However, the phrase was used as a title by the Jews ofRome (C/J 398, 503; not attached to another title) and Mantinea(720 naTTjp Xom 8i& piov); it is also a probable restoration in no.44,above, and latinized in nos. 18 and 23. There are numerous examplesof ha plow added to another title to indicate that it was held Tor life',e.g. iepeo(; 8i& fiiox> at Aphrodisias (BE (1962) 459, 2nd century orlater), Tcpooidtn^ 8i& piov at Serrai in Macedonia (SEG 30.590, 3rdcentury). S. Dow, HSCP 63 (1958), p.434, refers to ephebic officials atAthens being described as oi 8i& piou. It is not clear in the Jewishinscriptions from Italy whether it indicates the holding for life of anotherwise known title such as archon or archisynagogos, or whetherit was a special title.This inscription is the only case at Venosa of Dlbio beingtransliterated into the Greek alphabet, although this occurs severaltimes at Beth She'arim, with the form oaX6p. (BS ii 21, 25, 72; cf. G.Horsley, NDIEC v, p. 15). The use of transliteration rather thantranslation, like its usual use in Hebrew letters, suggests that (evenwithout the Hebrew alphabet) shalom was regarded as somethingdifferent from eipiivii.73 (CIJ i 619): Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin (someGreek characters).Lost (?): from arcosolium D4, grave 6.Painted in red above tomb.Text follows C/J (de Rossi ms. version).96

VENOSAhie req \ ECCHd'Aloe ap. Ruggiero, CIL: hie reqs\ecit [ - - ] | [ ]Here rests .... (?) (?)CIL ix (1883), p.662 no.6207 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); J. Oehler(1909), p.445 no.l31 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936)^ p.443 no.619 (from copies by deAngelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); i (1975), p.46.H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.269 n.4; GP. Bognetti (1954), p. 197; C. Colafenunina (1973a),p.235; L.H. Kant (1987), p.679 n.45.The reading of the de Rossi ms. was confirmed by Leon. It is unclearif 1.2 should be understood as part of the hie requiescit formula or aspart of the name of the deceased. It is possible that at least two ofthe letters are Greek not Latin. This is the only Latin inscriptionfrom D4, or from any of the arcosolia on the right side of gallery D,and was perhaps written by someone who was more accustomed tothe Greek alphabet. However, the letters could be interpreted asreqecet for requiescit.74: Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium D5, grave 1.Painted in red on plaster; letter 3.5 x 5 cm.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1974), p.91.C. Colafenunina (1974), p.91 no.V, tav.Id (photograph; from the original).Colafemmina and dell'Aquila found this inscription in 1973, near theopening of arcosolium D5: it was 67 cm. above the first grave (whichwas 65 cm. above the floor level of the gallery). The arcosohum itselfwas 1.46 m. high, 1.77 m. wide and 1.93 m. deep, with three gravesin the floor. The letter v alone is also found in no.57 and, accordingto the de Rossi ms., at the side of no.48. It is likely that DI"?© wasoriginally written in full, but it is possible that the one letter couldbe used to represent the whole word.97

VENOSA75 (C/y i 595): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Greek inHebrew characters.In situ: arcosohum D5, grave 3.Painted in red on back wall of arcosolium. Ligature of ip.Text follows C/J, with 1.6 corrected by C. Colafemmina (1974), p.93.unso'D (11.1-2): Lenormant innstnoirnaipno (1.4): Ascoli wnaip'Onj'T ]» 'O'Q'p (1.6): CIJ wn'noo "p; Ascoli nrl ]o 'p; Colomi ]« 'O'n'pPeace to his resting-place. Tomb of Secundinus, elder.fell asleep in peace. Aged eighty.HeThere is a menorah in the middle of 11.3-7 and a lulab and ethrog(?)(omitted by Lenormant and Rugo) to the rightG.L AscoU (1880), pp.49 n.2, 60 no.l7, 94-5, 98, 115, tav.H (facsimUe; from copies byde Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); H. Graetz (1880), pp.441-2 (foUows AscoU); F.Lenormant (1882), p.205 (facsimile; from the original); D. Chwolson (1882), cols. 153-4no.27 (facsimUes of copies by d'Aloe, Fabiani and d'AngeUs & Smith); CIL ix (1883),p.662 no.6210 (from copies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero (1888),between pp.504-5, no. 12 (d'Aloe's facsimUe); M. Schwab (1913), pp.89-90 (facsimile;follows Ascoli); CIJ i (1936), p.432 no.595 (frt>m copies by de Angelis & Smith andd'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.96 (from the original); C.Colafemmina (1974), p.94, tav.H (photograph; from the original); P. Rugo (1978), p.42no.33, p. 125 (photograph; foUows Colafemmina); B.J. Brooten (1982), pp.44 n.l3, 52n.48 (follows C/J).J. Derenbourg (1881), p.l32; C. Clermont-Ganneau (1883), p.l43; K. Dieterich (1898),p.186; N. FerorelU (1915), p.lO; S. Krauss (1922), p.246 no.lOlr; H. Leclerq (1928),98

VENOSAcol. 137; J.B. Frey (1932), p.99; I. ZoUi (1937), p.304; EJl. Goodenough (1951-2), p.455n.23; Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.53 n.24, p.54; iii, fig.852; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.270,274, 276, 279, 282 n.53; GP. Bognetti (1954), pp.197, 200 n.l; H.J. Leon (1960), p.77n.l; C. Colafenunina (1975b), p.l36; (1980), p.208; D. Feissel (1981b), p.l44; C.Colafenunina (1983b), p.444 n.5; G. Mayer (1987), pp.97, 120; P.W. van der Horst(1991), pp.33-4; C. Colafemmina (1991), p.l3.The epitaph starts with a conventional Hebrew formula in two lines,with slightly unusual spelling (Index VII d). Instead of reverting toGreek or Latin, it continues in Hebrew characters but with Greekwords and a Latin name with a Greek ending. The use of Hebrewcharacters for Greek words is paralleled in a marriage contract fromAntinoopolis dated to 417 (C. Sirat et al.. La ketouba de Cologne(1984)), but became common only at a much later date.11.3-5 must be understood as tdqxx; SeKowStvoo Ttpeapotepoi),appropriately transliterated except for a superfluous rr in 1.4 and 1 in1.5. 1.6 is less clear. Lenormant and CIJ understood it asrepresenting Kod MaTn(5iva(q) (which they derived probably fromMatera). Colomi read H3»T ]H 'o»D»p = (presumably) KOinn

VENOSA'sleep' formula. The use of the aorist eKOiniieTi here is in any caserather different from the formula favoured in arcosolium DI, whichseems subsequently to have fallen out of use (see no.46).While the menorah and lulab are clear, there is some doubtabout the third symbol. D'Aloe's facsimile shows it as a dove, Ascolidenotes it as dove or ethrog, and a letter of d'Aloe (Ruggiero, p.601)described what was presumably this symbol and the lulab as a dovewith an olive branch. Another letter written by L. Rapolla when thecatacomb was first investigated (Ruggiero, p.500) refers to a paintedpalm and amphora, which also appears to mean this inscription.According to Frey, the symbol is certainly an ethrog.76 {CIJ i 600): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek and Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium D6, grave 2.Painted in red above grave, a(ijacent to no.77. Word-dividers in 11.1and 4. Letter forms: 6^ € X C CO.Text follows CIJ and personal inspection.S5e Kiie {OA} | Oavotivoq Yepw^ 16pxov Apxlaxpog | \i\h

VENOSAF. Bamabei (1881-2), p.550; N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.810; N. Ferorelli (1915), p.lO; S.Krauss (1922), p.245 no.lOlg; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.270,274-6, 282 n.52; G.P. Bognetti (1954), p.l97, p.200 n.l; G. Radke (1955), col.894; P.Testini (1958), p.535; HJ. Leon (1960), p. 182 n.4; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; V. Colorai(1964), p.20 n.89; C. Colafemmina (1975b), p.135; D. Mazzoleni (1976), p.98 n.l5; V.Nutton (1977), p.224 no.80; C. Colafemmina (1980a), p.208; BJ. Brooten (1982), p.44;C. Colafemmina (1983b), p.444 n.2; R.S. Kraemer (1985), p.435 n.21; F. Kudlien(1986), p.51; LJI. Kant (1987), p.690 n.ll6; D. Mazzoleni (1987), p.314; P.W. van derHorst (1991), pp.29, 99; C. Colafemmina (1991), p.l3.The last letters of 1.1 were read as OA by most editors but appear asOA in CIL, leading to their interpretation as an abbreviated form ofthe nomen Flavins by de Ruggiero and Gummerus. However, afterpersonal inspection there is no doubt that the letters are OA. It ispossible that they represent an abbreviated form of Fabius, but muchmore likely that they are the beginning of the name Faustinus,abandoned so that it could all be fitted on one line below.The ending of Yepouaidpxov in 11.2-3 is clearly wrong, and it hasusually been supposed (most recently by Kudlien) that it was meantas the genitive plural -cov (like exov for exSv in no.65). It is unlikely inview of the surroimding nominatives that it is a genitive singularwith -ov written for -om. A much stronger possibility (assumed by vander Horst and in the translation above) is that the word was treatedlike fipxwv and meant to have a -m nominative ending, like CIJ 504iepeoodpxcflv. No.87, below, gives the title in Latin and implies anominative form ierusiarcon, although in earlier inscriptions (cf.no.23) the nominative usually ends -es. The ending -ov for -m couldalso be explained as a present participle; verbs such as dotopxEOi),Wvaotopxe© are found in the present participle form {LSJ s.w.). Allthe alternative explanations to the genitive plural would mean thatFaustinus was a gerusiarch and a chief doctor, not chief doctor of thegerusiarchs, and it is hard to imagine that Venosa had enoughgerusiarchs to justify their own chief doctor. There is an epitaph of aChristian doctor and officer from Rome, IGCVO 145: Atovtxjiot) laxpouTipeapfuxepou. On 'gerusiarch*, see no.23 above.Faustinus is the only Venosan Jew whose profession is mentioned(unless didaskalos can be interpreted as a profession). The title ofdpxidxpoq or archiater is well-attested in legal and epigraphic sources;relevant texts in the Codex are dated from 286 to 531. E. de101

VENOSARuggiero, DizEp i, s.v., has examples from Beneventum (CIL ix 1655,dated 231, a man of equestrian status), Nola (CIL x 1381, 4th-5thcentury according to Nutton), Puteoli and Pisaurum, as well as thisone. The 6th-century epitaph of Urbicus v.i. ... arciatri from Capua(AE (1989) 165) can be added to the list. The title could refer tosomeone working in the imperial palace, or to a municipal employee.At Rome there were archiatri for the Vestal Virgins and the Guild ofAthletes, and a law of 368 established a system of one for eachregion of the city (Nutton, p.208; C.Theo. xiii 3.8). The athleticassociation of Thyatira also had an archiatros in the 2nd or 3rdcentury (NDIEC ii no.2). The payment of a public salary to a doctorby a town council is specifically approved by Ulpian (Digest 1 9.4),and the immunity of archiatri from all munera was reiterated severaltimes in the 4th century (Codex x 53(52).6.pr., C.Theo. xiii 3.2 & 4).The only other known Jewish holder of the office is Julius fromEphesus (CIJ 745, 2nd or 3rd century), although Jewish medicalknowledge was highly valued; CIJ 5* (Nutton no.85) is probably notJewish, contra NDIEC ii p. 13. Two Venosan medici are recorded in1st or 2nd century inscriptions, both apparently of ex-slave status: Q.Baebius (mulieris) 1. Cladus and C. Egnatius Entimus (CIL ix 467,470). Faustinus is likely to have been employed by the town ofVenosa: if he had worked for another municipality, the inscriptionwould surely have said so, while a doctor working only for the Jewishcommimity is unlikely to have been called dpxiATpo^ (although therewas presumably nothing to prevent it). Another possibility is that hehad worked at the imperial palace and perhaps retired to Venosa;this is the type of archiater with which the legal texts are mostconcerned, and provisions were made for them to keep theirprivileges on retirement (Codex x 53.6 (333)). Caesarius, the brotherof Gregory Nazienus, achieved the friendship of the emperor andsenatorial rank through his medical work (Greg.Naz., Or. vii). Thereis no reason why a Jew should not have held such an appointmentbefore the exclusion of Jews from all forms of militia, but courtphysicians after the mid-4th century usually had more distinctiveepithets (NDIEC ii, p. 18).The patronymic has been treated as Isaac either by readingkappa (Lenormant) or emendation (CIJ minuscules). However, *Iad isa known Jewish name (e.g. JIGRE 146, 149; Schwabe suggests aderivation from Jesse), and it seems likely that this is the genitive;102

VENOSAin BS ii 209, 'Io\)8a 'laa, it does not decline. Kudlien takes thepatronymic as evidence that Faustinus was an immigrant to Venosafrom the East and not a native, but this is very speculative: otherVenosans had biblical names, and Isa(s) is the father's name inno. 107, where it is inflected.On the dating of D6, see Introduction.77 (CIJ i 678): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek and Hebrew.In situ (partly lost): arcosolium D6, grave 3.Painted in red above grave, opposite no.78. Word-dividers usedthroughout. Letter forms: 6^ 6 C CO.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text and restoration).S8e K I T E I 'AaiXkcL yo\r\ loi) | Oavaxivov, exwv | X\ Ovydinp T O V'Eh. ocvoi) (shofar) (menorah) (lulab)[DJI'TIO]: omitted by d'Aloe ap. Ruggiero; Ascoli m^.]; CIL nV?Here lies Asella, wife of Faustinus, aged 30, daughter ofAelianus. Peace.G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.54 no.7 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); F.Lenormant (1882), p.204 (facsimile of Heb.; from the origmal); CIL ix (1883), p.662no.6212 (fix)m copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero (1888), betweenpp.504-5, no. 14 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no. 130 (follows C/L); CIJ i(1936), p.425 no.578 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of deRossi).F. Bamabei (1881-2), p.550; H.M. Adler (1902), p.ll3; N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.810; N.FerorelU (1915), p.lO; E.R. Goodenough (1951-2), p.455 n.23; HJ. Leon (1953-4),pp.274 n.l8, 276 n.25; GP. Bognetti (1954), p.l97; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; V. Colorai(1964), p.20 n.89; C. Colafemmina (1975b), p.135; B J. Brooten (1982), p.44; G. Mayer(1987), pp.96, 118.Some of the text had been lost by the time Lenormant saw thisinscription, but he accepted Ascoli's version derived from earliercopies. The epitaph is unusual at Venosa in naming both thehusband and father of the deceased woman. The name Asella occursin Latin in nos.86 and 89 below; there are also five examples in CIL103

VENOSAvi, and the feminine and masculine forms occur in PLRE i and ii.Almost certainly Faustinus is the man in the adjacent grave (no.76),and he and Asella are the parents of Faustinus in the followinginscription. Asella's father's name is probably Aehanus (cf. CIJ 139),but "EXaivoc; is found in a Christian epitaph from Rome (IGCVO1308). The use of xoi) before the name of husband or father is fairlyfrequent at Venosa (Index II b) but not at Rome (where 501 is theonly example in CIJ).It is likely that in view of the special position of D6, the reargrave was used first, and Faustinus was buried after his wife andchild in a grave nearer to the gallery.78 (CIJ i 601): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: arcosolium D6, grave 3 (right).Painted in red above child's grave on right side at end of gallery.Plaster damaged after lettering of 1.4. Word-dividers in 11.1-3 (CIL) or2-3 (Lenormant). Letter forms: 6. € C GO.Text follows CIL ix no.6211.S8e idxEOauoTivoi; vn moc; \i-r\vm e' | eCiioev.^Cnoev 0-4): CIJ ICnoev [ - - ]Here Ues Faustinus the child. He lived 5 months.F. Lenormant (1882), p.202 (from the original); CIL ix (1883), p.662 no.6211 (fromcopies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.l3(d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no. 134 (foUows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.4352no.601 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); i (1975),p.45.F. Bamabei (1881-2), p.550; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.274n.l8; G.P. Bognetti (1954), p.l97; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; C. Colafemmina (1975b),p.135; B J. Brooten (1982), p.44.ECTICJEV expressions usually give years and months after the verb andin the accusative, but this is not invariably the case, e.g. CIJ 359eCnoev ex©v e', 384 e^T^aev exwv ^'; cf no.63, above, vixit anoro. This isthe only Venosan inscription in which eCTloev is used. It is unusual to104

VENOSAfind the lived' verb after the age; the only comparable formulae inIGCVO are ein eCnaev M^' vel. sim. in 371, 1019 and 1307. Freyassumed that some text was lost after the verb, and as an age wouldbe superfluous it would have to be an adverb. However, the survivingtext makes sense as it stands.Faustinus was apparently the child of the man and womannamed in the previous two inscriptions. There is an adjacent childsizedgrave, and there appears to have been another child buriedthere for whom no epitaph was preserved.79 (CIJ i 686): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: gallery D, next to entrance of arcosolium D7.Inscribed. Letters 4.5 cm.; letter forms 6^ C CO.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text), corrected by H.J. Leon (1953-4),p.268 n.4, and with a new restoration for 1.2.xdcpo; I [ElJoxTricp | [.Japiov | [....]0Y | [....]N || [ ](menorah)[.lofrfow 0.3): AscoU [.]A[..]IOY, CIL [..]XDIOY, CIJ majuscules [.JAPIOY(menorah) (1.7): CIJ, Ascoli [u)h}oTomb of Joseph son of .ariusG.I. Ascoli (1880), p.54 no.8 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); CIL ix (1883), p.663no.6214 (from copy by de AngeUs & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5,no.20 (de AngeUs & Smith's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no. 136 (follows CIL);CIJ i (1936), pp.428-9, no.586 (from copy by de AngeUs & Smith and ms. of de Rossi);i^ (1975), p.45.N. PeroreUi (1915), p.lO; H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.268 n.4; V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.89; C.Colafenunina (1975b), p.135.If it is correct that two letters are lost at the beginning of 1.2, as CIJshows, the name must have been written Eioxyficp and not *IoxjTi(p asrestored by CIJ and Ascoli; cf. Eiaxjiii; in nos.43 and 94. 1.3 must givethe patronymic, and the other lines details of fin*ther relatives, titleor age, but there is no basis for any restoration. Leon interpreted thelast line as containing a menorah rather than a Hebrew letter.105

VENOSAThere are a number of possible restorations for the patronymic.The nomen Narius was current at Venosa at a much earlier period(C/L ix 422 records M. Narius as the aedile of 29 B.C.), and so wasMarius (C/L ix 539, 575). Josephus names one of the Jewish leadersduring the Babylonian assault on Jerusalem as 'ICDOSTI^ (or 'Icodwiic;)Mibq KapioD, corresponding to the biblical Qareah.Although this inscription is in Greek, all those from arcosoliumD7 are in Latin or Hebrew. It is possible that Joseph was buried notin D7 but in the arcosolium to the right, which has produced noinscriptions.80 (C/7 i 609): Venosa: late 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Hebrewand Latin.In situ (deteriorated): arcosolium D7, grave 4.Painted in red inside frame at least 42 cm. wide; ends of 11.2-3 areoutside the frame. Letters 3-4 cm.; letter form: ^. Ligatures: CI(twice), % "13, bii.Text follows CIJ.i3K^pn^nn^b^hie cisquilt B]enricianus | cum nepiote Benri(?)]cianiu | qui[---] [---]Ascoli and CIL show traces of two illegible letters in 1.5Peace to Benericianus.Here rests Benericianus with his grandsonwho ...Benericianus,G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.58 no. 14, pp.94, 96, tav.II (from copies by de Angelis & Smith andd'Aloe; facsimile of Hebrew); H. Graetz (1880), p.446 (follows Ascoli); D. Chwolson(1882), col. 152 no.25, col.158 (facsimile; from copy by Fabiani); CIL ix (1883), p.663no.6215 (frx)m copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe; facsimile); M. Ruggiero (1888),between pp.504-5, no. 16 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no. 137 (followsC/L); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.503 no.4970 (foUows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.437 no.609(from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi).106

VENOSAN. Ferorelli (1915), p.lO; J.B. Prey (1932), p.99; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii(1953), p.53; H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.278 n.34, p.282; V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.92; C.Colafenunina (1973a), p.235; (1978), p.374; LJI. Kant (1987), p.679 n.45.The spelhng of the Hebrew in 1.1 may be influenced by the Latindative ending of the name, or by the dropping of the final s inpronimciation; cf no.82. The deceased man's name Ben(e)ricianus(the second e is transliterated into Hebrew but omitted in the Latin)appears to have been shared by his grandson, although otherrestorations of the second name are possible. The name is notrecorded elsewhere (the closest form listed by Kajanto (1965) isBeneranus, a form of Venerianus), but there are a number ofexamples of Berenicianus, which is perhaps what was intended here.There are other examples of this spelling of quiescit, e.g. ILCV3095b (North Africa); cf. cisqued in no.86. The ablative afl^er cumshows the frequent vulgar Latin confusion of o and ft. ILCV has 8examples of cum maritu.81 (C/7 i 671): Venosa: late 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.Lost: from arcosolium D7, grave 4, beneath no.80.Painted in red.Text follows G.L Ascoli (1880), no.20."in[2WQ](?) [ - - ]ub^^ ('Yrh [ - - ]... his resting-place eternal life.G.L AscoU (1880), p.62 no.20, p.lll (from copy by d'Aloe); CIL ix (1883), p.663 no.6216(facsimUe; from copy by d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.l7 (d'Aloe'sfacsimile); CIJ i (1936), p.423 no.571 (from copy by d'Aloe).N. Jacobone (1909), p.33; J.B. Frey (1932), p.99; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols u(1953), p.54; HJ. Leon (1953-4), p.283; V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.90.This inscription is only known from a copy by d'Aloe. Although heregarded it as a separate inscription from no.80, it probably refers tothe same people. His facsimile shows in of 1.1 further left than 1.2,and it probably represents the end of a line. If that is correct and theletters represent the end of laaoo, it was probably used in a formula107

VENOSAlike inncjD nt>vi rather than being followed by the name of thedeceased; his name would have been written earher in a completelylost line. 1.2 contains a formula similar to that used in no.82, andthese words would have been the end of the line.82 (CIJ i 569): Venosa: late 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium D7, grave 5.Painted in red. Ligatures of *n, IJTD.Text follows C/J, corrected by H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.268 n.4..naDOiiQ I.c?a3 mD I('Ynb ^r\Dm \ \n»0UD 0-3): Ascoli, Chwolson nxiovD; Lenormant, CIJn« (1.4): Chwolson1.6 omitted by d'Aloe ap. Ruggiero{ohyawtResting-place of Vitus son of Faustinus. May (his) soul rest! May his spirit (have) eternal life !G.L AscoU (1880), pp.63-4 no.21, pp.94, 96, 109-111, 115, tav.n (facsimUe; from copiesby de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe); F. Lenormant (1882), pp.206-7 (facsimile; from theoriginal); D. Chwolson (1882), cols.155-6 no.31, 158 (facsimUe of copies by d'Aloe andde Angelis & Smith); CIL ix (1883), p.663 no.6217 (from copies by de AngeUs & Smithand d'Aloe); R. Garrucci (1883), pp.711-2 no.22 (from copy by Smith & de Angelis); M.Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.l8 (d'Aloe's facsunile); V. Castiglioni (1909),pp.83-6; CIJ i (1936), p.422 no.569 (from copies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe andms. of de Rossi); i^ (1975), p.44.H. Graetz (1880), p.440; C. Clermont-Ganneau (1883), p. 143; N. Tamassia (1903-4),p.810; N. FerorelU (1915), p. 10; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.509; E. Goodenough, Jewishsymbols U (1953), p.53; HJ. Leon (1953-4), pp.a68 n.4, 279, 282-3; B. Lifshitz (1962),p.370; V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.95; C. Colafemmma (1975b), p.l36; (1980), p.207 n.29;108

VENOSAB J. Brooten (1982), p.44; G. Mayer (1987), p.ll9.According to Leon's reading, the deceased is 'Bitah' son of'Faustinah'. Despite the apparently feminine endings, it seems thatthe names must be masculine and represent Vitus (or Bitus) son ofFaustinus (two of the commonest names at Venosa), *Bita daughter ofFaustina' (as understood by Ferorelli) would still assume mistakes inthe Hebrew (i for n endings in 11.1 and 5, ]a for rn in 1.2), and wouldleave a matronymic in place of the patronymic invariably used inother Venosan epitaphs. The transliteration might illustrate that thefinal s was not pronounced in the Latin names; cf. Anatoli for -ius inno. 120 from Taranto. Vitus, apart from its use by the Venosan Jews,occurs as a cognomen in CIL ix 4247 from Amitermium. In no.84 itsHebrew transliteration ends in ^. Schwabe notes that irregularities inthe transliteration of Latin names also occur in the Talmud.Vitus son of Faustinus is mentioned in the ancestries of no.87 (asa gerusiarch) and no.86 (as maior civitatis). This inscription is Hkelyto be the epitaph of the same man, and his titles would have beengiven in a Latin text which was not preserved. He is also likely to bethe father of Pretiosa in the adjacent grave, and the son of Faustinusin no.56. The Vitus identified as pater patrum in the ancestry ofno.85 is probably not the same man, because of the difference inJewish title.The use of UDDD corresponds exactly to the xdtqxx; + genitiveformula which begins many of the Greek epitaphs, aawo was thestandard Hebrew word for 'tomb' at Venosa, and also occurs in BS iii5, 6. The spelling innaiOD was sometimes used instead. nsvD is foundin rather different formulae at Otranto (no. 134) and Jerusalem: CIJ1413 nrn aswon and 1414 insD'o m"?©]; cf.Index VII d.DQ} can signify 'breath' (especially in expressions of dying, e.g.Gen. xxxv 18, 'at the moment when she breathed her last' JiK2«a '•nnnuD »a nwB3) and 'resting-place' (as in CIJ 1081 & 1114 from BethShe'arim) as well as 'soul'; cf. van der Horst, p.44. ma is to Ue atrest*, e.g. ©aa *nia 'whose souls are resting' in y Erub. Ill 21c. Theformula WB3 nia occurs in CIJ 892 (Jaffa), 900 (Jaffa), 988 (Nazareth),JIGRE 119, sometimes followed by an expression such as 'in thebond of life' which makes 'soul' the most likely interpretation of BD3.It is unclear if e7&3 and r\um should be regarded as referring to twofundamentally different aspects of the 'soul' or 'spirit' or as109

VENOSAalternative terms for the same concept.The formula of 11.5-6 also occurs in JIGRE 133 from Egypt andno.l83 below from Spain. It may well derive from Dan. xii 2: *0fthose who are sleeping in the dust of the earth, many will awaken,some to everlasting life (chM) ^m"? nb)k), some to shame and everlastingdisgrace'; cf. nb^s'7 D^^n Ca life for ever') in y Ber. V 9a. Medievalepitaphs used expressions about returning to eternity (nob'wb ,IQ'7"IJ>'?)as euphemisms for dying, e.g. Scheiber nos.21, 36.82a: Venosa: late 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.Lost.Text follows D. Chwolson (1882) no.30.in no*'!Resting-place of Vitus son of Faustinus.D. Chwolson (1882), col. 155 no.30 (facsimile; from copy by Fabiani).This is virtually the same text as the first three lines of no.82, butChwolson stated that it was not the same inscription. There is,however, no other authority for it, and it is likely to be anotherversion of no.82 (perhaps written elsewhere on the tomb).83 (CIJ i 605): Venosa: late 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek.Lost.Text follows CIJ.[ - - ]C0[ - - ]CIJ i (1936), p.435 no.605 (ftx)m ms. of de Rossi).This is an isolated letter recorded in the de Rossi ms, attributed to*12th cubiculum' by Frey. It is probably the omega to tiie right of 1.3in D'Aloe's copy of no.82.110

VENOSA84 {CIJ i 570): Venosa: late 5th-early 6th centin"y. Epitaph; Hebrewand Latin.In situ: arcosolium D7, grave 6.Painted in red. Letter forms: A/^ k. Ligature: M.Text follows CIJ and personal inspection.hie positaestPretiosafiliaBiti.noronu (1.2): Garrucci noironfi (misprint?)10'3 fl.3): Chwolson, Garrucci no'aposita 0.4): Ascoli [depjositaResting-place of Pretiosa daughter of Vitus. Peace.Here was placed Pretiosa daughter of Vitus.There is a menorah in the middle of 11.5-6G.I. Ascoli (1880), pp.61 no.18, 94, 115 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe);H. Graetz (1880), p.446; D. Chwolson (1882), col.154 no.28 (facsimile; fix)m copy byFabiani); R. Garrucci (1883), pp.712-3 no.23 (fix)m copy by de Angelis & Smith); CIL ix(1883), p.663 no.6218 (ftx)m copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero(1888), between pp.504-5, no.l9 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no.l38(foUows C/L); V. CastigUoni (1909), pp.87-8 (foUows Garrucci); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927),p.503 no.4969 (foUows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.422-3 no.570 (fix>m copies by de AngeUs &Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); A Ferrua (1981), p.200 no.4969 (fix)m theoriginal).N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.810; N. FeroreUi (1915), p.lO; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.509; E.Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.53; HJ. Leon (1953-4), pp.274, 279 n.42, 282;V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.94; C. Colafenunina (1975b), p.l36; (1980a), p.207 n.29; G.Mayer (1987), p.l21.Pretiosa was probably the daughter of Vitus son of Faustinus in theadjacent no.82. A Pretiosa daughter of Faustinus occurs in no.66,111

VENOSAfrom another arcosohum, but the name was unusual. If Pretiosa wasburied between her father and her niece (no.86), she was presumablyan adult when she died. There is no indication of her marital status.The Hebrew and Latin texts do not correspond exactly, and theHebrew version of 'Bitus' has an unexpected ending as in no.82 (q.v.)(this time "i instead of n, although one reading gave n here too); theremay have been some confusion because the Latin uses the genitive,but that should have made the final Hebrew letter It is noticeablethat DiVej was not translated into Latin.In 1.4, Ascoli thought that there were some missing letters afterhie and restored [dephsita, but there is not sufficient room in d'Aloe'scopy, and Garrucci and most other editors followed de Angelis &Smith's reading posita, confirmed by Ferrua. Depositus and positus(see Index VII e) are much more common in Christian than inJewish epitaphs. Hie sum posita is found in CIL ix 5860 fromAuxinum.85 (CIJ 1 607): Venosa: late 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Latinand Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium D7, grave 7a.Inscribed on plaster inside a frame, on vault of arcosolium; originalred paint now worn away; letters 1.3-3.5 cm. Letter forms: A (twice),4^, TTl, n (twice),

VENOSAHere rest Andronicus aged 11 months and Rosa aged 19months, the children of Bonus, grandchildren of the fatherof fathers Sebbetius, and great-grandchildren of Vitus thefather of fathers. Peace to their resting-place.There is a menorah in the middle of 11.6-8G.L Ascoli (1880), pp.55-6 no.ll (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); H. Graetz (1880),pp.445-6 (follows Ascoli); R. Garrucci (1883), p.713 no.24 (from copy by de Angelis &Smith); CIL ix (1883), p.663 no.6219 (from copy by de AngeUs & Smith); M. Ruggiero(1888), between pp.504-5, no.24 (de Angelis & Smith's facsimUe); E. de Ruggiero(1904), p.406 no.3241 (follows C/L); J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no.l39 (foUows C/L); E.Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), pp.495-6 no.4906 (foUows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.436 no.607 (from2copies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); i (1975), p.48; C.Colafemmina (1975a), pp.44-5 no.VIII, tavJCV.l (photograph; fi\)m the original); P.Rugo (1978), p.40 no.29, p. 123 (photograph; fix)m Colafemmina); A. Ferrua (1981),p.l98 no.4906 (from the original).N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.810; V. Castiglioni (1909), p.91; N. FerorelU (1915), p.lO; S.Krauss (1922), p.246 no.lOlh; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.272, 277, 278 n.34, 280; G.P.Bognetti (1954), p.200 n.l; P. Testini (1958), p.536; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; A MUano(1963), p.54; V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.89; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.235; (1973b), p.l5n.30; (1978), pp.374, 376 n.6; (1980), p.208; B.J. Brooten (1982), p.71; L.H. Kant(1987), p.696 n.l49; G. Mayer (1987), pp.93, 121; C. Colafenunina (1991), p.l3.A brother and sister who died young are commemorated together.The names Andronicus and Rosa are not otherwise recorded forJews. Their father was Bonus, a name also used by Jews in Sardinia(nos. 171-2). Bonus (as in no.85) and Bona were in use at Venosa inthe 9th century (C. Colafemmina, VetChr 24 (1987), pp.201-9 no.2; U.Cassuto, Qedem 2 (1944), pp.104 no.2. 111 no.lO). The father here isnot given any title, perhaps because he was himself still relativelyyoung.The children's grandfather and great-grandfather are also named,presumably because they did hold titles, although it is possible thatone or both were still alive. Such an emphasis on ancestors, largelyconfined to arcosolium D7, seems to be unique among Jewish orChristian inscriptions of this period from Italy, or among any Jewishinscriptions from anywhere, and is more reminiscent of thecommemoration practices of the pagan aristocracy. On the title paterpatrum, see no.68.113

VENOSAAndronicus was a reasonably common name in Italy, e.g. ICUR2561, 7424, 14985, 18419. Rosa is unusual: Kajanto (1965) has sixfemale examples and one male, and ICUR 5462 and AE (1978) 64can be added to his list; there are also instances of Roseta andRosula. The nominative plural forms nepotis and pronipotis show thecommon vulgar Latin confusion of -is and -ts. Sebbetius (probably thesame man as in no.68) is a variation of the 'Sabbath' name whichoccurs frequently at Rome in forms like Sabbatius (see also JIGREno.58); cf the Greek and Hebrew forms in nos. 158 and 126, below.On Vitus, which Colafemmina read in preference to Avitus, seeno.82.The verb requiseent in 11.1-2 is for requieseunt: the verb is spelledwithout e and -ent is used as a present tense ending, both wellattestedin vulgar Latin.The Hebrew formula at the end was read by Colafemmina(1975a) as above; previously only Di*?© and b had been read, andCastiglioni suggested restoring "^Knw* n^b\D.Ascoli and Garrucci read an omega to the left of 1.3, outside theframe, but if this is correct it is likely to be the remains of anotherinscription.86 (Plate XIII; CIJ i 611): Venosa: early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin(some Greek characters) and Hebrew.In situ: arcosoUum D7, grave 7b.Inscribed and painted in red. Word-dividers; letters with serifs.Letter forms: A, €, T, f), l,^ M, I for M (once), *1 for Q. Ligatures: IB,niText follows ClJy corrected from Bognetti's photograph (1954),pp. 198-9, fig.2.hie eiseued Faustina | filia Faustini patiris), annorum |quattuordeei mr\nsurum | quinque, que fuet unieaparen\turum, quel dixerunt tn\nus || duo apostuli et duorebbites et I satis grandem dolurem fecet pa\rentebus etlagremas cibita ti. I114

VENOSAn)b^ .2)53 ni3que fuet pronepus Faustini | patiris) et nepusBiti et Aeelli, qui fuerunt maiureseihi\tatis. (hedera)Faustina CIJ i, Ascoli, Lenormant, Garrucci, Mimkdcsi FaustinaFaustini(1.2): CIJ i majuscules, Ascoli, Lenormant, Garrucci, MunkdcsiFaustin2quattuordeei (1.3): CIJ iquattuordecimgrandem (1.7): CIL, Garrucci, Mimkdcsi grande*?» nsoo (1.10): Ascoli, Garrucci, Munkdcsi D naon; CIL \h\o nasn; Castiglioni0 nnoo; 1. 'TO nssonnrooiiB 0-10): Ascoli nroove; Munkicsi nrooiuWi ma C.ll): CIL ynmx{n]Aeelli (1.13): CIL Aseni; CIJ majuscules AceZZeHere rests Faustina, daughter of Faustinus the father, agedfourteen years five months. She was her parents* only child.Two apostles and two rabbis spoke the dirges for her, andshe made great enough grief for her parents and tears forthe community.Resting-place of Faustina. May her soul rest! Peace.She was the great-granddaughter of Faustinus the father,granddaughter of Vitus and Asellus who were leaders of thecommimity.There is a menorah in the middle of 11.10-13O. Hirschfeld (1867), p.l52 (from the original); G.L Ascoli (1880), pp.15, 24, 50 n.l, 61no.l9, 94, 96, 109-10, 115-6, tav.n (facsimile; from copies by de Angelis & Smith andd'Aloe); H. Graetz (1880), p.438 (follows Ascoli); D. Chwolson (1882), cols. 154-5 no.29,159 (facsimile; from copy by Fabiani); F. Lenormant (1882), pp.205-6 (facsimile; fromthe original); CIL ix (1883), p.61 no.648 (facsunile of Heb.; fix)m Hirschfeld), p.663no.6220 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); R. Garrucci (1883), pp.715-7no.25 (facsimile; from copy by Smith & de Angelis); M. Ruggiero (1888), betweenpp.504-5, no.20 (d'Aloe's facsimile); G. Racioppi (1902), p. 118 n.2 (follows Ascoli); N.115

VENOSATamassia (1903-4), p.807-10 (follows Ascoli); E. de Ruggiero (1904), p.406 no.3245(follows C/L); E. Diehl (1908), pp.43.4 no.236 (foUows C/L); J. Oehler (1909), p.444no.ll9 (follows C/L); V. Castiglioni (1909), pp.88-90 (follows Garrucci); S. Krauss(1922), p.245 no.lOlb (follows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV u (1927), p.494 no.4893 (followsC/L); H. Lecleni (1928), cols.113, 139, 218-9 (follows Hirschfeld and C/L); CIJ i (1936),pp.438-440 no.611 (from copies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi);i (1975), p.45; E. Munkdcsi (1939), p.90 (from the original); G.P. Bognetti (1954),p.l94 n.4, pp.198-9, fig.2 (photograph); P. Rvigo (1978), pp.17 n.39, 124 (Bognetti'sphotograph); B.J. Brooten (1982), pp.43-4, 63 n.34, 69 n.74 (foUows CIJ); P.W. van derHorst (1991), pp.35, 98 n.55, 100, 146-7 no.IV (foUows CIJ).C. Clermont-Ganneau (1883), p.l43; GJI. Alcott (1904), pp.369-370; H.P. Chajes(1910), p.238; N. FeroreUi (1915), p.ll; D.S. Blondheim (1925), pp.LVHI, 72-3, 98; M.B.Ogle (1933), p.89 n.3; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; I. ZoUi (1937), p.304; C. Roth(1948), p.396; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.53; H.J. Leon (1953-4),pp.268 n.4, 271-2, 276-9, 282-3; P. Testini (1958), p.536; L. Ruggini (1959), p.239; B.LUshitz (1962), pp.367, 370-1; A MUano (1963), pp.45, 432; V. Colomi (1964), p.20n.93; K.H. Rengstorf (1964), pp.414, 418; L. Cracco Ruggini (1964), pp.932, 949; ADavid (1971), coLl362; C. Colafemmma (1973a), p.235; (1973b), pp.10 n.l3, 15 n.30; S.Simonsohn (1974), pp.848-850; M. Chalon (1974), pp.45-6; C. Colafemmina (1975b),p.l36; C. d'Angela (1975), p.515; M. Cagiano de Azevedo (1976), p.368 n.4; C.Colafemmina (1980a), pp.208, 211, 214; SJ.D. Cohen (1981-2), p.2 nos.4-5; M.Salvatore (1984), p.88; V.A Sirago (1986), p.l6; G. Mayer (1987), pp.72, 94, 99, 118,119; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.225 no.ll4; LJH. Kant (1987), pp.679 n.45, 696-7,701 n.l94; C. Colafenunma (1991), pp.13-14.Faustina, an only child of 14 who apparently died immarried, wasthe daughter of Faustinus the pater (see no.87), granddaughter ofVitus (see no.82) and Asellus who were maiores civitatis and greatgranddaughterof Faustinus the pater (see no.56). Her epitaph is byfar the most elaborate from Venosa, although it is not in aparticularly distinguished position. The emphasis on importantancestors is very reminiscent of the adjacent no.85. In style andpalaeography (especially of the Hebrew) there are close parallels withno. 107, q.v. Although the epitaph is mainly in Latin, the Greek eta isused twice (11.3 and 5), and in 1.13 the c of Aeelli is most likely to bea lunate sigma (for Aselli), although a senior at Naples calledAccellus is mentioned by Greg.M., Ep. ix 84. Frey, following the deRossi ms., took this name as feminine, but Bognetti's photographshows that it ends in i.116

VENOSA1. Ciscued is a form of quiescit; cf. Index VII b; quesqued (ILCV3101e, Catania); cisqued (ILCV 1000, Rome); cesquid (ILCV 3091a,Rome).2. On the title of pater at Venosa, see no.56.3. Mx\nsurum for mensium: cf. CIJ 268 U T I O K ; , no.203 below^Tiaipoq. For the ending, cf. ILCV 3375a unatopov^i, 3391 niiacopcov,4576 meserum (all Rome). Such precision about age is unusual atVenosa.4. Uniea probably implies that Faustina was an only child, notjust an only daughter. There are a number of comparable expressionsin epitaphs from Rome: Secundino unico filio meo (ILCV 2285a adn.);unicus in diem vite meae (ibid.3887, father to 6-year-old son); adedication by filia uniea to her mother (CIL vi 7968 = 12964); paterinfelicissimus feci unico quondam meo (ibid.36622).4-5. Parenturum for parentum: cf parentorum in ILCTV 2797band 4187 (Rome).5. Trr\nus is a latinized version of Bpiivoq (cf. threnus used byAusonius, e.g. Comm. Prof. Burd. vii 4), and another example ofGreek influencing the inscription's writer. The word shows thecommon vulgar Latin confusion of -os and -Us. Cohen notes that itcould signify the Book of Lamentations, but its use as a term for'dirge' by other Latin writers makes that unlikely in this context. Atthe funeral of a prominent Jew of Oria in the 9th century *R.Ammitai lamented him in a dirge which he had especially composedfor him' (Chronicle of Ahimaaz 14c, tr. M. Salzman). Dixeruntprobably means 'spoke', but could be understood as 'sang' (L&S s.v.,B.4).6. There is considerable literary evidence about the practice ofthe patriarch sending 'apostles' to the Diaspora in the late 4thcentury, e.g. Jerome, Comm. in Gal. i 1; Eusebius, Comm. in Is. xviii1-2, where their purpose is to deliver the EyicuKXia yp^Wiaxa fromtheir leaders; Epiphanius, adv. Haer. xxx 11, where an apostle sentto Cilicia takes letters, collects tithes and first-fruits, and deposesmany archisynagogoi, hiereis, presbyters and hazzans. However, thispractice ended wiUi the abolition of the patriarchate in the 420s, andfurther legislation of 429 prohibited the ludaeorum primates ofPalestine from collecting money in other provinces (C.Theo. xvi 8.29).If the apostuli at Faustina's funeral came from the patriarch (asassumed by, e.g., Graetz and van der Horst), the inscription would117

VENOSAhave to be dated to the early 5th century, whereas a 6th-centurydate seems much more likely. Bognetti dated it to the early 7thcentury and regarded the apostles as emissaries from the exiliarch atBabylon, being used by the Persians to create an anti-Byzantinealliance. This places the inscription too late, and although it ispossible that the apostles came from Babylon in the 6th century, it ismore likely that they were representatives of important Jewishcommunities of Palestine, for whom the legal provisions against fiuidraisingwere unlikely to be enforced in Italy imder Gothic rule.Simonsohn suggests that they came from the academy at Tiberias.Rengstorf discusses the identity of d7c6oTOXo(; and n**7»: the latter termwas used for the representative of a community, someone acting asproxy or someone authorized by God, as well as for the patriarch'senvoy. At Venosa in the 9th century there was *a man who had comefrom the land of Israel, profoundly learned in the law of God, amaster of wisdom' (Chronicle of Ahimaaz 4b, tr. M. Salzman).6. In Cohen's survey of the epigraphic occurrences of the variousforms of 'rabbi', this is the only one where the word is not used asthe prefix for a personal name. The spelling here is similar to nos.22(q.v.) and 36. The two *rabbis' who spoke the dirge might be twoleaders of the Venosan community, but the title does not occur inany of the other inscriptions, and they are more likely to be outsiderslike the 'apostles'.7. Satis grandem dolurem feeet: cf. ILCV 3887 (also quoted forunieus) qui mi dolorem et luetum reliquit; CIL vi 6051 (which alsohas the phrase uniea quel fuerat\ 10969 and 22804 also use thetheme of the grief which the deceased created for the bereaved. InILCV, the accusative of grandis is always grande (3 examples); it isused in the sense of 'big* in phrases like grandeque caritatem (4340,Aquileia) and grandis eontemptus habendi (964 1.4, Rome). For satisin the sense of Very', cf. 3446 1.5 (Rome) dileeta satis, 3380a (Rome)cirea maritum satis religiosa. There are similar sentiments to thoseexpressed here in ibid.4183 from Capua, dated 563: quiusrememoratio dolum parentibus demisit.8-9. Civitas or eibitas was the standard word for describing a'city in 4th-6th century inscriptions (see index of ILCV; AE (1983)197 from Puteoli) as well as legal texts. It is extremely unlikely thatit refers here only to the Jewish community; it is much more likely tomean the whole of Venosa, and to indicate the family's importance.118

VENOSA11. The same formula is used in no.82. This is the only Venosaninscription in which the Hebrew does not come either at thebanning or the end, and the final lines of Latin may have beenadded as something of an afterthought.14. Maiores civitatis appear to be 'civic leaders' in general ratherthan holders of a particular office. Jews in southern Italy werereminded of their obligation to undertake municipal burdens in 396,and the Letter of Severus (cf no.68) shows them as office-holders inearly 6th-century Minorca. Although they were excluded from theposts of defensor and pater civitatis in 438 (Codex i 9.18(19) =Nov.Theo. iii), such an exclusion would not necessarily have beenenforced in Italy under Gothic rule. It seems not to have been fullyeffective even under Byzantine rule: Codex i 5.12 (527) complainsabout 'heretics' (including Jews) infiltrating public offices, andexcludes them from the posts of ekdikos and pater poleos. Thereference by Greg.M. Ep. iii 15 to priores civitatis at Naples is asimilar usage to maiores here. In ix 47 and 76, he describesTheodorus, elsewhere the patronus civitatis, as maior populi. Theexpression does not occur in ILCV, but there are references there topeople described as principalis civitatis in Italy (370, 371). C.Theo.xvi 9.3 (dated 415) is addressed to Annati didascalo et maioribusludaeorum.The plan of de Angelis & Smith places this inscription at thesame grave as no.85, which d'Aloe apparently missed, but it isunclear what the family relationship is (if any) between the twoepitaphs.87 (C/7 i 613): Venosa: early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin andHebrew.In situ: arcosolium D7, grave 12.Painted in red at head of grave; inscription 34 x 53 cm. Letters 3.5-4cm.; letter form: T. Ligature: la; abbreviation bar (1.3).Text follows CIJ (majuscule text) and personal inspection.hie pa[u]sad Fausti\nus patier), nepus Fas\tini pat{ri)s,filius Viti ierusiarcontis. I119

VENOSAinnDtOQn^b^pa[u]sad (1.1): Ascoli (following d'Aloe) IA[-]AD (,iace€>); Garracci \paus\ad1.2 omitted by d'Aloe ap. Ruggieropatin)s(1.3): d'Aloe ap. Ruggiero PTSierusiarcontis (1.4): Oehler ierusiarc. arcontisunaoD (1.5): Ascoli, CIL irnBO; Garracci O' "jon; Diehl (1927) irnoanor »T fl.6): Chwolson ovuiv; Garracci noil in; Krauss nonHTHere at an end is Faustinus the father, grandson ofFaustinus the father, son of Vitus the gerusiarch.Peace to his resting-place .... (?) (?)There is a menorah in the middle of 11.5-6G.I. AscoU (1880), p.50 n.l, pp.58-9 no. 15, pp.94, 96, tav.H (from copies by de AngeUs& Smith and d'Aloe; facsimile of Hebrew); H. Graetz (1880), pp.440, 445 (foUowsAscoli); D. Chwolson (1882), cols.152-3 no.26, 157 (facsimUe of copies by de AngeUs &Smith & d'Aloe); CIL ix (1883), p.663 no.6221 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith andd'Aloe); R. Garracci (1883), p.717 no.26 (from copy by de AngeUs & Snuth); M.Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.21 (d'Aloe's facsimile); E, de Ruggiero (1904),p.406 no.3247 (foUows C/L); E. Diehl (1908), p.42 no.231 (follows C/L and Ascoli); J.Oehler (1909), p.444 no.l40 (foUows C/L); V. CastigUoni (1909), p.90 (follows Garracci);S. Krauss (1922), p.246 no.lOli (follows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV u (1927), p.493 no.4884(follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.440-1 no.613 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith andd'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); B.J. Brooten (1982), pp.43.4, 63 n.34, 69 (follows C/J).J. Derenbourg (1881), p.l31; N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.810; N. FeroreUi (1915), p.lO; H.Leclerq (1928), col.139; J.B. Prey (1932), p.99; I. ZolU (1937), p.613; E. Goodenough,Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.53; HJ. Leon (1953-4), pp.270-1, 277-9; GP. Bognetti(1954), p.200 n.l; P. Testini (1958), p.539; H.J. Leon (1960), p.l82 n.4; B. Lifshitz(1962), p.370; C. Colafemmina (1973a), pp.235, 239 n.9; (1973b), p. 15 n.30; (1975b),p.136; (1978), p.374; (1980), p.208; LU. Kant (1987), pp.679 n.45, 696 n.l49; D.Mazzoleni (1987), p.314; C. Colafemmina (1991), p. 13.This Faustinus held the title of pater like his grandfather, while hisfather was a gerusiarch: the spelling of that word used here would bequite natural for the genitive of a nominative ending in -on, as inno.76. The use of i- for g- is paralleled in P.Ital. 30,103 and 53,4.120

VENOSAThere can be httle doubt that the Faustinus commemorated hereis the father of Faustina in no.86. Faustina was the granddaughterof the maior civitatis Vitus and great-granddaughter of the paterFaustinus. The names and the title of the elder Faustinus fit exactly;this time Vitus (here spelled with V rather than 5 as in no.86) isdescribed as gerusiarch, presumably his title in the Jewishcommunity, rather than by his status in the city. There are fourgraves between Faustina's and Faustinus', which at least indicatesthat he did not die immediately after her, although the timediflPerence can only be guessed. Since Faustinus certainly died afterFaustina, this inscription is confirmation that the graves nearer thegallery were used before those deeper into the arcosolium.There is in fact a slight discrepancy between the copy of deAngelis & Smith's plan published by Ruggiero and AscoH's version,which was presumably intended to be an exact copy. Ruggiero showsfour graves without inscriptions between Faustina and Faustinus,and Ascoli shows only three.On the formula hie pausat, see no.68. The spelhng with d here isparallelled in no.86, cisqued.There has been considerable divergence in the reading andinterpretation of the Hebrew. Ascoli and CIL understood the thirdword of 1.5 as a Hebrew form of Faustinus, but the spelling would beodd, and inae^o with a superfluous n (as in no.Ill) seems more likely.Chwolson took 1.6 as 'lovSaTo^ in Hebrew characters (which would beunparalleled and surely superfluous at Venosa), and Chajesunderstood it as a way of writing nin* Hi\ Derenbourg thought itcould be read as noBi mr, a mistake for iDBa man, 'may his soul rest'.It could also be an attempt to write 'gerusiarch' in Hebrewcharacters, which would imply that it was part of a longer formulatranslating the patronymic.88 (CIJ i 616): Venosa: early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin.In situ: arcosolium D7, grave 13.Painted in red at head of grave. Letters 3-4.5 cm.; letter forms ^.Text follows CIJ i, corrected by CIJ i^, p.45, and with a newinterpretation of 1,3 and different expansions in 11.6 & 7; new readingin 1.4 from personal inspection.121

VENOSAhie requeseet Osses eum oxore sua Maria et nepo\teSma W loses fuit I filius Bon[i]ni et mortuos estpKus) miinus) XXX^ et oxor [elms mor\\tua est anniorum)LX; nepos [mortuos est] annoirum) [..]d'Aloe ap. Ruggiero gives the text only of 11,1, 2 and 4, followed by two otherunintelligible inscriptions'requescet (1,1): d'Aloe, CIJ i, C/L, Garrucci requiscetSma W loses (1,3): CIJ, CIL sua Maetuut. Oses; Garrucci sua MAETrr losesfuit (1,3): CIJ i, C/L, Garrucci fiietBon[i]ni QA): d'Aloe, Garrucci Boni; CIJ i, CIL Bolntmortuos est (1,4): Garrucci MORTVOSQV; CIJ i, CIL, Garrucci mortuosann{os)[e\ius 0-5): Grarrucci ipsiusanniorum) 0.6): CIJ i annios)[mortuos] (1,6): CIJ i [mortua]2annoirum) 0-7): CIJ i annios); CIJ i anrutis)Here lies (J)oses with his wife Maria and grandchildSarmata (?). Joses was the son of Boninus and died agedmore or less 36, and his wife died aged 60; the grandchilddied aged ..C/L ix (1883), p,663 no,6222 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); R,Garrucci (1883), pp,713-4 no,27 (ftx)m copy by de AngeUs & Smith); M. Ruggiero(1888), between pp.504-5, no,22 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J, Oehler (1909), p,445 no,141(follows C/L); E, Diehl, ILCV u (1927), p,506 no,4999 (foUows C/L); CIJ i (1936)^pp.442-3 no,616 (frx)m copies by de AngeUs & Smith and d'Aloe and ms, of de Rossi); i(1975), p.45,G,I, AscoU (1880), p,50 n,2; HJ, Leon (1953-4), pp,268 n.4, 277-8, 283; C. Colafemmina(1973a), p.235; (1978), p.376 n,6; L,H, Kant (1987), p.679 n.45; G, Mayer (1987), pp,97,105,The name which is written as Osses in 1.1 and usually imderstood asOses in 1.3 is probably a form of Joses (Diehl). The Joses of no.90 hada wife named Maria, and the identity of that couple with the onehere seems very likely. In no.90 they are the parents of Agnella wife122

VENOSAof Gesua, and one of them is the child of Sarmata the pater patrum.If he was Agnella's father, there is nothing to contradict thepatronymic of 'Osses' here. As no details are given of the parents ofthe grandchild buried with Joses and Maria, it is possible that theyare Agnella and Gesua. If Joses' father in 1.4 could be identified withBonus the father of Andronicus and Rosa in no.85 (grave 7a), therewould be a clear link between two family groups using thearcosolium. However, my own reading of the inscription indicatesthat the letter N is written twice in the patronymic with a small gapbetween, indicating that the correct reading is Bon[i]ni from Boninus.3. The interpretation by Frey and CIL (sua Maetuut. Oses) makesthe grandchild female and gives her the improbable name Maetuut.The name Maetus/a is recorded (CIL x 4219, xii 3642), but would notexplain the last letters. Diehl suggested a connection with metuenti.Garrucci understood W as something like the symbol or marker usedbefore and after ojcor in no.90 1.4, which left tiie name as Maet. Inview of the identifications suggested above, a more plausibleinterpretation of the letters SVAMAETWTOSES is Sarmate Wloses, with the grandchild named after Agnella's father and W usedlike a full stop. There seems to be another example of the use of Was a full stop in CIL vi 16941; the use of a single V or triangle todivide words or sentences is well attested.6. The restoration [mortuos (sic) est] is perhaps superfluous, asnepos annoirum) would give the required sense, but it would notmake the line much longer than 1.2.As it stands, this is the only inscription in the main part of D7without any Hebrew. It is likely that there was at least a Di'?wformula in the lost text.89 (CIJ i 608): Venosa: early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin andHebrew.In situ: arcosolium D7, grave 14.Painted in red at head of grave.Text follows CIJ (meyuscule text) corrected by H.J. Leon (1953-4),p.268 n.4; 1.2 has a new interpretation and 1.4 follows d'Aloe'sfacsimile. Letter forms: 1^ ^; abbreviation bar (1.6).123

VENOSAhie pausant Asella [et] Sarra, filiae Opillonis [e]C\telles. Sarra, coniux Hintiu I AEREI, que vixit annupilus) miinus) | LXX, et Asella, virgo anoru || pilus)miinus) xxxiiiL ^n2^m nt^^hie 0.1) omitted by d'Aloe ap. Ruggierofiliae Opillonis 0-2): CIL filia Ropillonis; CIJ i Ropnionis; CIJ id'Aloe Borrio{..][e] C\telles 01.2-3): CIL ICN\TELLESAEREI que 0-4): CIL l]EREI; CIJ i [o?>r«tannu (1.4): CIL, CIJ annusXXXIIII (1.6): CIL, CIJ XIIII; d'Aloe XLIII1.7 not given by d'Aloe, CIL or CIJ iPopillonis;Here at an end are Asella and Sarra, the daughters ofOpillo and Catella: Sarra, the wife of Hintius .... , who livedmore or less 70 years, and Asella, the virgin, aged more orless 34. Peace to her resting-place.CIL ix (1883), p.664 no.6223 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); M.Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5, no.23 (d'Aloe's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.445no.l42 (follows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.506 no.4998 (follows C/L); CIJ i(1936), p.437 no.608 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); i^ (1975), p.45.H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.268 n.4, 277-8, 279 n.43, 283; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.235;G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.225 no.ll4; G. Mayer (1987), pp.94, 97, 107, 118.This is the last epitaph in the main part of D7, and presents anumber of problems of interpretation. It commemorates two sisters,although in view of the large difference in their ages at death it musthave been written only after Sarra's death. Asella occurs elsewhereat Venosa (nos.77 (q.v.) in Greek, 86 in the masculine form), andSarra (a form of Sarah) is found in Greek in no.Ill; it was alsocommon among the Jews of Rome. The husband's name is otherwiseunknown. The father's name, which has previously been interpretedas Ropillo or something similar, is more probably the known nameOpillo, with the previous letter being the e expected at the end offiliae. The name Opilio is well attested: 4 examples in Brown'sProsopography, including 5th-century men at Rome and Naples, and124

VENOSAthe consul of 524. Catella is found in no.68, q.v.Sarra and Asella were buried together in a family tomb eventhough Sarra had been married. The reading of Asella's age as 34 byLeon makes her imique among Italian Jews as a woman well overthe age of marriage who is recorded as a virgo (see Horsley'sdiscussion and no.46, above). Christian inscriptions designate asvirgo or napOevo^ both very yoimg children (e.g. IGCVO 756, aged 1)and women older than Asella (e.g. ibid.661, aged 50). A sarcophagusfrom Beth She'arim (BS iii no. 15) has the epitaph of Atio daughter ofR. Gamaliel who died a virgin aged 22.In 1.4, d'Aloe read AEREIQVE, but que (= quae) was omitted byCIL and CIJ i; it was reinstated by Leon, but appears to besuperfluous in the structure of the sentence. The first 5 letters of theline could be a continuation of the husband's name (Hintiuaerei) or aLatin version of iepevQ, as suggested by Frey. Another possibleinterpretation is ABREI = hebrei, but no-one else at Venosa uses thisdesignation. None of these explanations is very satisfactory, and it ismore likely that Aerei is a patronymic with fllii omitted (the nameAerius occurs once each in PLRE i and ii) or an ethnic: towns calledAerea in Gallia Narbonensis and Macedonia are noted by Perrin(1913), and Aere in Syria is listed in RE, s.v. At the end of the hne,CIJ and CIL read annus (for annos). The endings -ds and -Us areoften confused in vulgar Latin (cf. no.86), but annu (the readinggiven by d'Aloe) occurs in this context in no.113 and five times inILCV.The writer of the Hebrew formula at the end apparently tried touse the feminine n suffix but was confused by the more common i,and finally used both.90 (CIJ i 614): Venosa: mid-late 6th century. Epitaph; Latin.In situ: arcosolium D7, right extension.Painted in red; inscription 39 x 82 cm. Letters 3-6 cm; letter formsA/A c, 1^ AA/M. Ligature of LI.Text follows CIJ, corrected from photograph in C. Colafemmina(1973b) and personal inspection.125

VENOSA(menorah) (menorah) (menorah)hie requiscet Gesua cum oxore sua Agnella. I et Gesua fuetfilius Marcelli et Annes, I nepos piatris) piatrum)Marclli et mortuos est I anniorum) plius) miinus) LX. etAgnella W oxor W Gesues fuet filia lositis et Maries 11 etnepos Sarmatanis piatris) piatrum) | et mortua estanniorum) plius) miinus) XLIIII.Line-divisions for 11.1-3 given incorrectly by CIJrequiscet (1.1): Garrucci requiescetpiatris) piatrum) (11.3 & 6): Diehl, CIJ minuscules pirae)piositi)Marclli (1.3): MARCLLI in the originalanniorum) (11.4 & 7): CIJ minuscules annios)LXa.4): Garrucci XXAgnella 0.4): Garrucci AgrdlaHere rests Gesua with his wife Agnella. And Gesua was theson of Marcellus and Anna, grandson of the father offathers Marcellus, and he died aged more or less 60. AndAgnella the wife of Gesua was the daughter of Joses andMaria, and granddaughter of Sarmata the father of fathers,and she died aged more or less 44.R. Garrucci (1883), p.714 no.29 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); CIL ix (1883),p.664 no.6224 (from copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe); M. Ruggiero (1888),between pp.504-5, no.24 (d'Aloe's facsimile); E. Diehl (1908), p.43 no.233 (follows C/L);J. Oehler (1909), p.445 no.l43 (foUows C/L); E. Diehl, /LCV U (1927), p.496 no.4907(follows C/L); F. Luzzatto (1935), p.205, fig.l (photograph); CIJ i (1936), pp.441-2no.614 (fiom copies by de Angelis & Smith and d'Aloe and ms. of de Rossi); C.Colafemmina (1973b), p.l5 n.30, tav.II (photograph).G.L AscoU (1880), pp.49 n.3, 50 n.2; J. Perrin (1913), p.70; S. Krauss (1922), p.246no.lOlk; L. Robert, Hellenica i (1940), p.28 n.8; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.272, 276-8, 283;P. Testini (1958), p.536; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; C. Colafenmiina (1973a), p.235;(1978), p.374; (1980), p.208; B.J. Brooten (1982), p.71; L.H. Kant (1987), pp.679 n.45,696 n.l49; G. Mayer (1987), pp.96, 98, 103, 105, 118, 124; C. Colafemmina (1991),p.l3.126

VENOSAAs usual in D7, there is considerable emphasis on ancestry, but inthis case only the grandfathers (of both husband and wife) heldtitles, even though Gesua himself did not die young. The lack oftitles in subsequent generations may be connected with thedisruption of Jewish communal life which is likely to have occurredwith the wars and Byzantine conquest in the mid-6th century (seeIntroduction). Agnella is almost certainly the daughter of the Josesand Maria commemorated in grave 13, no.88 (q.v.), which means thatSarmata was her maternal grandfather. Grave 13 was first used forthe burial of Joses, aged 36. His daughter Agnella's burial at the ageof 44 must have taken place at least 30 years later, perhaps 40 or50. Agnella's husband Gesua died at 60, which means either that hewas much older than she was or that he died after her. The gapbetween Joses' burial in grave 13 and Gesua's in the extension couldtherefore be up to 60 years. This inscription is cert£iinly the latestfrom gallery D, by position as well as content, and it contains noHebrew. It probably indicates a burial made after gallery D had goneout of general use.The name Gesua corresponds to Hebrew i)"iB», Jeshua (I Chron.xxiv 11, etc.), the shorter form of Joshua reflected in LXX "iTiaouq. Apater patrum (cf. no.68 on the title) named Marcellus also occurs (inGreek) in no. 114, and could be the same person, but it is also foundin nos.67 and 103. Anna is a Hebrew name also attested at Oria(no.l95); cf. no.72. Agnella is not otherwise recorded for Jews, butthe masculine form was common in late antiquity (6 examples inGreg.M.'s letters, 5 more in Brown's Prosopography), and Agnes wasa popular name among Christians. Her parents Joses and Maria bothhad Jewish names. Frey takes the nominative of her grandfather'sname as Sarmata, the form which occurs in two Christianinscriptions, /LCV 3188 (Capua, 517) and 2167.8. The second digit of the numeral could also be read as X,making the age 24.There are clear menorahs in red above the centre and right sideof the inscription; the one to the left, which is recorded as painted inblack by d'Aloe, has faded much more.127

VENOSA91: Venosa: late 4th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek (?).In situ iP.): gallery D.Inscribed on fresh plaster of tile used to close loculus. Tile fragment31 X 17 X 3.5 cm.; plaster 1-3 cm. thick; letters 4-2.5 cm. Letterform: Y.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1974), p.89 and tav.Ie.[---]|piOD[--]|(^«^>T[--]C. Colafemmina (1974), pp.89-90 no.ll, tav.Ie (photograph; from the original).This inscription was found by Colafemmina and F. deirAquila in1973 in gallery D, on the ground. 1.2 appears to have the ending of amasculine name in the genitive, which could be from the deceased'sname or a patronymic. Colafemmina noted that it coidd come from'locvoDdptot; (cf no. 101), but many other names would fit.92: Venosa: late 4th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek (?).In situ (?): cubiculum K.Inscribed on plaster which had partially hardened. Plaster fragment25 X 20 x 3.5 cm.; letters 19-21 cm. Letter forms: K 6.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1974), no.IIIa.[ - - - ] I [ - - ]EIA[ - - ]C. Colafenunina (1974), pp.89-90 no.IIIa, tav.Ia (photograph; from the original); P.Rugo (1978), p. 12, p.43 no.34 (follows Colafenunina).Colafemmina found this plaster fragment on the groimd in cubiculumK, along with traces of at least two other inscriptions. It is the firstinscription found from that part of the catacomb. The letters areexceptionally large. Letters of comparable size in ICUR (e.g.nos.26022, 26084, 26132) usually come from large tiles used as tombcoverings.128

VENOSA93: Venosa: late 4th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek (?).In situ (?): cubiculum K.Inscribed on plaster. Plaster fragment 24 x 23 x 4 cm.; letters18.5-11 cm; letter forms: 6 X.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1974), no.IIIb.[ - - ]Peio\)C. Colafemmina (1974), pp.89.90 no.IIIb, tav.Ib (photograph; from the original); P.Rugo (1978), p.l2, p.43 no.34 (follows Colafenunina).This fragment seems to have been found along with the previousinscription, and is written in almost equally large letters. It appearsto be the end of a man's name in the genitive; Colafemmina suggeststhat it could be from Etkieptoc;.94 (CIJ i 585): Venosa: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: corner of cubicula M-N.Inscribed on plaster of tile closing loculus, 58 x 35 cm. Letters 4-7cm.; letter forms 6^ € TT C CO.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1975a).x&(^gI Eloxjfi; I vimo;.Tomb. Joses, child.CIL ix (1883), p.665 no.6238 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); J. Oehler (1909),p.446 no. 154 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.428, no.585 (from copy by de Angelis &Smith and ms. of de Rossi); C. Colafenunina (1975a), p.43 no.3, tavJQI.2 (photograph;from the original); P. Rugo (1978), p.45 no.36, p. 127 (photograph; followsColafemmina).L. Robert, Hellenica i (1940), p.28 n.2; HJ. Leon (1953-4), p.275 n.22; P. Testini(1958), p.539; C. Colafemmina (1975b), p.135.The few recorded inscriptions from this part of the catacombs, whichwas largely destroyed by landslides, are all in the Greek alphabetexcept no. 100; three (possibly four, if no. 100 is included) use thex&(po; formula. Cubicula M and N and gallery I are on a lower levelthan the other galleries. They appear originally to have had aseparate entrance, and perhaps became connected to the rest of the129

VENOSAcatacombs accidentally. The inscriptions may be later than DI, andare certainly earlier than D7 or Q2. It is possible that the whole areais earlier than the main catacombs, but a lower level does notnecessarily indicate an earlier date.This inscription comes from a child's tomb which was foundunviolated. On the spelling of the father's name, see no.43. vimo^ forvnTcioq also occurs in nos.65 and 97 and CIJ 349. As with many of theepitaphs beginning xdqKx;, the name and description of the deceasedwere not put into the genitive (cf. no.69).95 (Plate XIV): Venosa: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: cubiculum N, next to no.94.Inscribed on plaster of covering of loculus, 53 x 35 cm. Letters 4-7cm.; letter forms: ^» € M C T CO.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1975a).xdcpo^ I Na)|X£|peiou- bf dlp-nvn-Tomb of Numerius. In peace.C. Colafemmina (1975a), p.42 no.II, tavJQI.l (photograph; from the original); P. Rugo(1978), p.45 no.37, p.l27 (photograph; from the origmal); C. Colafemmina (1983a),p.202, pl.2 (photograph).C. Colafemmina (1980a), pp.207-8; H. Solin (1983), p.735; H. SoUn & O. Salomies(1988), p.370; E. Serrao (1988-9), p.ll2.The name Numerius also occurs for a Jew at Naples (no.33). Solin &Salomies, p.370, list a number of examples of its use as a singlename rather than a praenomen. Colafemmina suggests that it wasused by Jews because of its similarity to vd^ot;. The formula may bethe remains of the irai^iiati; formula, or simply an abbreviatedversion.130

VENOSA96: Venosa: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ; cubiculum N, near no.94.Painted in red above tomb in arcosolium. Letters 12-13 cm.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1975a).x6l[(^(; - - ] I [ - - - ]Tomb (?)....C. Colafemmina (1975a), p.44 no.V, tavJQII.2 (photograph; from the original); H. Solin(1983), p.735 (follows Colafenunina).The two very large preserved letters suggest the xdcpoq + nameformula.97 (CIJ i 592): Venosa: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: cubiculum N.Inscribed (?). Letter forms: 6^ C CJO.Text follows CIJ (version of the de Rossi ms.).de Angelis & Smith ap. Ruggiero, CIL: TA

VENOSA(Ant. ix 123) and the LXX use RomeUas (bibhcal Ramehah), but thatis a less likely explanation here, since it would be surprising to findomega written for epsilon. The name was not given a genitive ending.Colafemmina (1974), p. 75 and tav.IVa, records finding in 1973 amenorah measuring 21 x 21 cm., inscribed in the rock on the rightpillar of the first arcosohum on the right in gallery I, which led fromN at right-angles. The jimction of N and I was very close to Romulus'epitaph, but had been blocked by a landslide at the time of the firstinvestigations.98: Venosa: late 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ; cubiculum N.Inscribed on plaster of a loculus. Letter form: 6.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1975a).[ - - ]0A[ - - ] I [ - - 1KEI[ - -1 I (menorah)C. Colafemmina (1975a), p.43 no.IV, tav.Xin.l (photograph; from the original); P. Rugo(1978), p.44 no.35.IV, p.l26 (photograph; from the original); H. Solin (1983), p.735(follows Colafemmina).This inscription appears to have used some form of the mxaiformula, but it is too fragmentary for any restoration, andColafemmina was unable to examine the upper part closely. Hethought the letters OZ probably preceded OA in 1.1. The loculus is toosmall for a child aged more than about two.99: Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: gallery L.Inscribed on plaster; letters 2-6 cm.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1975a).idKpo^ 'Hajcepdxou.Tomb of Esperatus.C. Colafemmina (1975a), pp.41-2 no.l; H. Solin (1983), p.735 (follows Colafenunina).132

VENOSAC. Colafemmina (1980a), p.207.The text was inscribed on the plaster of a loculus measuring 82 x 48cm. at the beginning of gallery L, which has been made virtuallyinaccessible by landslides. It could not be photographed. The name isprobably a form of Speratus: prothetic vowels before initial s-clustersare common in vulgar Latin. Colafemmina regards it as equivalent tothe Hebrew Tiqwah.100 (CIJ i 617): Venosa: late 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Latin(including transliterated Greek).Lost: from gallery L.No information about whether it was inscribed or painted. Letterforms: M.Text follows copy of de Angelis & Smith ap. M. Ruggiero (1888) no.42and CIL ix no.6237.(menorah) TAFUPNMITI I [ - - ]I^ENde Rossi ms. ap. CIJ: TAFWNPMITI \ [ VSETGarracci: TAFU PNMITIBESTomb (?) of ..miti.... (?) (?)CIL ix (1883), p.665 no.6237 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); R. Garracci (1883),p.720 no.42 (from copy by de Angelis & Snuth); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5,no.42 (de Angelis & Smith's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.446 no. 153 (follows CIL)^CIJ i (1936), p.443 no.617 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith and ms. of de Rossi); i(1975), p.45.M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; H.J. Leon (1953-4), p.281 n.51; LJI. Kant (1987), p.679n.45.This inscription comes from an isolated position in gallery L, atright-angles to gallery D. It is known from copies by de Angelis &Smith and the de Rossi ms., but the versions are difficult to reconcilewith each other or to make sense of. They agree on reading the firstthree letters as TAF in the Latin alphabet, which appears to be atransliteration of xdcpoq, whether the next letter is taken as U or CO.What follows must be the name of the deceased, and Garrucci133

VENOSAunderstood it as meaning Primitibes. The beginning of 1.2 seems tobe lost, so the letters ISE and whatever comes after are probablypart of a patronymic or some other additional detail. The deceased'sname certainly contained the letters MITI, and IS in 1.2 could also beinterpreted in the de Angelis & Smith facsimile as B. Some form ofPrimitivus/a (or Primitivianus) is a likely but not certain explanation.101 (CIJ i 682): Venosa: late 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: gallery O.Inscribed (?). Letter forms: A/^ € C YText follows CIJ (majuscule text and restoration).xdqxx; I *Ievouapio\)- I ev ipnvn K O I U T I [oi^ ai5x]oi).•levowtpCoD 0.2): CIL ENOYAPIOYTomb of Januarius. In peace his sleep.CIL ix (1883), p.665 no.6240 (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888),between pp.504-5, no.45 (de Angelis & Smith's facsimile); J. Oehler (1909), p.446no.l56 (follows CIL); CIJ i (1936), pp.426-7, no.582 (from copy by de Angelis & Smithand ms. of de Rossi).H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.274 n.l8, 275 n.25; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.239 n.9; (1975b),p.135.The initial iota of the name in 1.2 is recorded only in the de Rossims. Similar spellings of this name occur in IGCVO 7 from AkraeClotvovdpio;), 1259 from Rome ('I

VENOSA102 (C/7 i 603): Venosa: late 4th-5th century. Epitaph.Lost: from gallery 0.Inscribed.Text follows CIJ.[ - - 1VCWK[ - - ]G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.46 n.l (from copy by de Angelis & Smith); C/L ix (1883), p.665no.6241 (frx)m copy by de Angelis & Smith); M. Ruggiero (1888), between pp.504-5,no.46 (de Angelis & Smith's facsimile); CIJ i (1936), p.435 no.603 (from copy by deAngelis & Smith smd ms. of de Rossi).The letters appear to give the end of a woman's name, but it is noteven clear whether they are Latin (-ucaia) or Greek (-usaia), andthere is no obvious restoration.In 1973, Colafemmina ((1974), p.95 and tav.IVb) found amenorah inscribed in the rock at the beginning of gallery P Goadingfrom L parallel to 0), on the right side. It measured 19 x 33 cm., andits base was destroyed when a small loculus was made in the wall.103 (Plate XV): Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Latin and Hebrew.In situ (?): arcosohum Ql, grave 3.Painted in red; plaster found inside tomb. Largest measurements ofplaster fragment 42 x 27 cm.; letters 5-5.3 cm. Letter form: AX.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1978), p.374.{hie r]equiescit | Marcell[u]s, fl\[liu]s losetUs] | [ 1illegible HebrewHere rests Marcellus, son of Joses ....C. Colafenunina (1978), pp.373-4 no.l, tav.HIa (photograph; from the original).H. Solin (1983), p.735.Gallery Q, parallel to P, O and D, was found by Colafemmina in aninvestigation whose results were first made known in 1974 (seeno. 114). It had suffered considerable damage, both natural andhuman. Arcosolium Ql contained 7 graves.The Latin text uses a standard formula and a name andpatronymic which are both attested elsewhere at Venosa. There are135

VENOSAno grounds for establishing any family connections with the people inthis epitaph. Colafemmina noted the remains of Hebrew lettersbeneath the Latin, from a formula which he was unable totranscribe.The surviving epitaphs of Ql between them use Latin, Greek andHebrew. This suggests that they are roughly contemporary with D4and the later part of D2, the only other places where all thelanguages are used in acijacent or almost adjacent epitaphs.104: Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ: arcosolium Ql, grave 4.Painted in red on plaster by head of tomb. Letters 4-2.5 cm. Letterforms: 6 CO.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1978), p.374.S5i Kn[xai] I Ae6[vx — ] | ex[©v ]Here lies Leont... aged ..There are the remains of a menorah to the right of the lettering of 11.2-3C. Colafenunina (1978), p.374 no.2, tav.IIIb (photograph; from the original).H. Solin (1983), p.735.All that survives of this inscription is a standard opening formulawith unusual spellings, the beginning of the deceased's name(probably Leontius/a) and the beginning of the age formula.Colafemmina's photograph suggests that the letters in 1.1, which hereads as KH, could also be interpreted as KEIT, which would give amore usual spelling of KeTxoa or KETXE. The name Leontia is found in aChristian epitaph of Venosa dated to 503 (Colafemmina, VetChr 13(1976), p.159).105: Venosa: 5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.In situ (?): arcosolium Ql, grave 4.Painted in red; plaster fragment found inside the tomb.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1978), p.374.136

VENOSA[ - - - ] b[D]Peace to ....C. Colafemmma (1978), p.374 no.3.H. Solin (1983), p.735.This Hebrew fragment was found in the grave to which the previousinscription belongs, and probably applied to the same burial. Theformula may have been completed witii 'resting place', 'Israel', or theperson's name. The letter h may be from the name (if it is that of theprevious inscription) rather than from ^D.106: Venosa: 6th century (before 521). Epitaph; Latin.In situ: arcosolium Q2, grave 6.Painted on the plaster at head of tomb. Letters 8-4 cm.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1978), p.376.[ ] I annos [ ]... (lived) .. years ...C. Colafenunina (1978), p.376 no.4.H. Solin (1983), p.735.Colafemmina was only able to read one word of this Latininscription, which had been made illegible by dampness. Annos waspresumably preceded by some form of vixit and followed by anumeral. As the inscription is from the adjacent grave to the epitaphdated to 521, it must be from a similar but slightly earlier date.107 (Plate XVI): Venosa: 521. Epitaph; Latin and Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium Q2, grave 7.Inscribed and painted in red on plaster at head of tomb; edgesdamaged. Letters 3.5-1.5 cm. Letter forms: X/A ^ t/i. M Q..Abbreviation bars (11.3-5); abbreviation S (1.2).Text follows C. Colafemmina (1978), p.376 and photograph.137

VENOSAhie requiescet Augusta | uxor Boni v(iri) Kaudabilis), filiaIsatis piatris) | de Anciasmon, nepus Symona\tis piatris)Lypiensium, annorum XX[ - - ] mesuum trium, siub) diie)^11 Kaliendas) Octobires), 11 indiictione) XV, consiulatu)ValeriAnciasmon (1.3): Colafemmina (1991) Anciasmon(ensibus)uxor a.2): Rugo IXORuxor Boni v(iri) Kaudabilis) (\.2): AE uxor Boniuli (?)de Anciasmon (1.3): AE dearu:tasmonHere rests Augusta the wife of Bonus the vir laudabilis,daughter of Isa the father from Anchiasmon, granddaughterof Symonas the father of the Lypienses, aged 2(K+?) yearsthree months, on 24th September in the 15th year of theindiction-cycle, in the consulship of Valerius.Peace to the resting-place of Augusta. Amen.There is a menorah in the middle of 11.7-8C. Colafemmina (1974), pp.88-9 no.5 (facsimile; from the original); AE (1973), p.218no,218 (follows Colafenmiina (1974)); C. Colafenunina (1978), p.376 no.5, tav.4a(photograph; from the original); P. Rugo (1978), pp.30, 40 no.30, 124 (photograph ofcopy); F. dell'Aquila (1979), pp.10-16 [not seen]; C. Colafemmina (1980a), pp.206-7,211, tav.in (photograph); (1991), p.ll.C. Colafemmina (1981), p.445; (1983a), p.202; H. Solin (1983), p.735; M. Salvatore(1984), p.88; (1991), p.296.This is the only dated inscription from the Venosa catacombs, andtherefore invaluable for the dating of the other inscriptions. Thereare strong parallels with some of the texts from gallery D: use ofLatin followed by a aacQ formula written around a menorah (nos.87,89); listing of husband, father and grandfather in Latin (no.90); useof the numeral

VENOSAis perhaps related to the stated foreign origin of the family, as theVenosan Jews seem to have had no interest in dates. The differences,e.g. the spelling of requiescet and mesuum, are less noticeable. Inletter forms, this inscription matches nos.85, 86 and 90 partially. TheHebrew lettering is very similar to no.86, which also has the formu^fDo. It seems that Q2 must have been in use at much the sametime as D7.The name Augusta is not otherwise attested in Jewishinscriptions at Venosa or elsewhere; Augustus occiurs twice inBrown's prosopography. Perrin, p.215, has three examples of Augustaas the cognomen of someone with no imperial connections, and alsoexamples of Augustilla and Augustula. The husband's name Bonusoccurs in no.85 (probably not the same man as here); his position inthis epitaph suggests that he was the commemorator. Isa also occursin no.76. The grandfather's name seems to have been a form ofSimon or Symeon.Bonus held the rank of vir laudabilis, abbreviated in theconventional way (v l^). An inscription of 522 from Beneventum {CILix 2074) commemorates Mamercius Marcellinus, v l^ curator.Ibid.3685 from Marsi (S. Benedetto), which seems to be considerablyearlier, is the dedication of a statue by the citizens to Leo, virolaudabili [. ] praestantissimo et defensori. The abbreviation v.i. isalso used in ibid. 1563 (dated to 423 or 450, but the reading isdoubted in the CIL index) and x 5349 (408, from Interamna Lirenas):v.i. primario civitatis nostrae. According to Brown (1984), p. 132, thelatest use of vir laudabilis as a title for a municipal official in theRavenna papyri is 572; it also occurs in papyri of 504 and 540 (P.Ital.29 and 31.III).Augusta's father and grandfather both had the title pater.Colafemmina identifies Anchiasmon with 'Oyxe

VENOSAAnchiasmi and Ayxiao^oO; the Synecdemus of Hierocles (c535) givesthe name as 'Ayx\.0LC[i6(;.In his 1980 article Colafemmina regards the titles as referring tosmall immigrant communities at Venosa, but it is surely more likelythat Augusta's ascendants held the titles in the named towns, andeither that her father moved to Venosa later, or more probably thather family remained at Anchiasmon while she married into anothercommunity. The fact that her father came from Anchiasmon and hergrandfather from Lypiae either shows that the family moved in thatgeneration too, or (again more probably) that Symonas was hermaternal grandfather whose daughter married into the Anchiasmoncommunity. It is highly unlikely that Jewish communities like thatat Venosa, especially at their most affluent level, were fullyendogamous, and intermarriage with other communities in or nearsouthern Italy would be quite natural. The fact that Augusta's familyheld titles made their communities worth mentioning; it is quitepossible that her father and even her grandfather were still alive, asshe died young. It is, of course, not certain that ascendants who aremerely designated as pater in other inscriptions all lived at Venosa.108: Venosa: 6th century (after 521). Epitaph; Hebrew.In situ: arcosolium Q2, right extension.Traced in large letters on the plaster of a tomb-covering.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1978), p.378.Peace.C. Colafemmma (1978), p.378 no.6, tav.IVb (photograph; from the original).H. Solin (1983), p.735.This inscription comes from an additional arcosolium with two gravesbuilt into the right wall of Q2, next to the grave with the datedinscription. It therefore dates from after 521. Colafemmina's planshows a corresponding extension with three graves in the left wall.140

VENOSA109 (Plate XVII): Venosa: late 5th century. Tomb decoration.In situ: gallery Q.Painted arcosolium and tomb with remains of inscription at end ofgallery.Follows C. Colafemmina (1978), tav.VI.(amphora) {ethrog) (menorah) (shofar) (lulab)C. Colafemmina (1976), tav.K (photograph); (1978), pp.378-81, tav.V.c-VII(photograph); (1980), pp.205-6, tav.H (photograph); M. Salvatore (1991), p.296, fig.2(photograph); C. Colafemmina (1991), pp.10-11.C. d'Angela (1975), p.253; C. Koranda (1988-9), p.228 n.76.At the end of gallery Q, a tomb in the shape of a sarcophagus wascarved out of the rock. Marble slabs were fixed to the front withmetal hooks, and a hedera was inscribed and then painted in red onone of the surviving fragments; there was clearly an inscription onsome of the lost marble. The tomb is in an arcosolium which wasplastered and painted. It has the only surviving tomb-decoration atVenosa, although traces of frescoes were found in the galleriesexcavated in 1981, which may nm beneath this tomb (E. Meyers(1983), pp.456-7). The decoration is very elaborate and is placed inthe most prominent position in the gallery, presumably to indicatethe importance of the person in the tomb.The front of the arcosolium, facing the gallery above the tomb,was painted red, and the back wall has a semicircular frame in redand blue. Inside this is a collection of Jewish symbols, all painted ingold except the lulab. The largest, placed in the centre, is a menorah,painted with the help of guide-lines. It has a tripod, and the stemand each arm end in a lamp. Arms and stem are shown as strings ofsmall circles. To the left of the menorah there are an amphora(depicted in a stylized form with a rectangular body) and an ethrog;to the right, a shofar and (painted in blue) a lulab. The depiction ofthe menorah as a series of circles is paralleled in a relief found inthe theatre of Corinth (G. Foerster, in Aneient synagogues revealed,ed. L.I. Levine (1982), p. 185) and a 5th centiu*y mosaic from Nirim insouthern Israel (R. Wischnitzer in Jewish art, ed. C. Roth (1971),fig.7).The curved ceiling of the arcosolium is also elaborately decorated.There is a pattern of interwoven garlands in red and blue which141

VENOSAdivide the area up into compartments filled with rosebuds. At theapex of the ceiling is a larger area of rosebuds, and what appears tobe a closed torah-shrine (jaron) is shown hanging from the garland ateach side. Colafemmina interprets the design as symbolisingparadise. He dates the tomb to the end of the 5th century on stylisticgrounds and because of the epitaph of 521 close by. The epitaphsfrom the end of gallery D (arcosolium D6) appear to be considerablyearher than some of those from the lateral arcosoha, and it is likelythat in Q too the end of the gallery was used before part of the side.110: Venosa: 5th-early 6th century. Epitaph; Latin (?).In situ (?): gallery QPlaster fragments with inscribed letters and symbols traced with afinger. Letter forms: K -L.Text follows photograph by C. Colafemmina (1978), tav.V.a.H/[ - - 1 IALL - - ] In--iC. Colafemmina (1978), p.273, tav.V.a-b (photograph).Apart from the inscriptions associated with identified tombs,Colafemmina foimd some fragments of plaster which was brokenwhen tombs were violated and their covers removed. He publishedphotographs of two. The above letters were inscribed on onefragment, and appear to be the left edge of an epitaph which beganwith a hie requiescit formula. The other photograph shows twoadjacent designs traced on the plaster; each appears to consist of thecentral stem and first two branches of a menorah. The plaster isdamaged below so that the other branches are lost.Ill (C/7 i 593): Venosa: late 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek andHebrew.Location unknown; not found by Leon.Painted in red. Letter forms: 6. 6 li C CO.Text follows CIJ (majuscule text and restorations).142

VENOSAKiTouvxe v[Ti7aoi] | d\)yavf\p T O \ ) B [ I ] X O D Zdppa | Kal mdt; xoi)Biv[K]o^i(iXo[v] I OocoaTivo^.Here lie the children Vitus' daughter Sarah andVincomalus' son Faustinus.Peace to his resting-place.N. MiiUer (1886), p.56 (from the original); CIJ i (1936), p.431 no.593 (from MxUler andms. of de Rossi).T. Gomperz (1886), p.231; H.J. Leon (1953-4), pp.274 n.l8, 276 n.26, 278 n.41, 279n.44; P. Testini (1958), pp.539, 542; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.370; V. Colomi (1964), p.20n.90; C. Colafenunina (1973a), p.239 n.9; (1975b), pp.135-6; (1978), p.374; BJ. Brooten(1982), p.44; G. Mayer (1987), p.l07; C. Colafemmina (1991), p.l3.Milller found over 40 fragments of an inscription painted in red onthe plaster covering of a loculus for children, and joined themtogetiier to give this text. Two children were buried together, buttheir relationship is unclear. In both cases (uniquely at Venosa) thepatronymic is given before the name of the deceased. Vitus (cf. no.82)and Faustinus are common Venosan names. Sarra occurs in Latin inno.89. Vincomalus (written with beta for v) does not occur otherwiseamong Jews at Venosa or Rome, but it was the name of the consul of453 (PLRE ii, p. 1169) and also occurs in Greg.M., Ep. vi 35.The Hebrew formula uses the spelling lanawD as in nos.75 and 87.Either it applies to Faustinus alone or it was written by someonewho did not understand the significance of the ending; cf no.89.112 (CIJ i 602): Venosa: late 4th-early 6th century. Epitaph.Lost.Text follows CIJ.[- - ]TEC[- -]CIJ i (1936), p.435 no.602 (from ms. of de Rossi).143

VENOSAThe remains of this inscription are known only from the de Rossims., and there are no details of its location in the catacomb. Freytreated it as Greek, but it could be Latin.113 (Plate XVIII; CIJ 619a): Venosa: 4th-5th century. Epitaph;Latin.Lost: from Lauridia hypogeum, north-west gallery, arcosolium 3.Inscribed on a marble plaque. Letter forms: A Q..Text follows photogaph in C. Colafemmina (1983a), pl.5.Marcus | teuseves | qui vixit | annu qui\ndecim hiereeeptus est in pac.teuseves (1.2): Bognetti heuseuesreeeptus (1.6): Bognetti receptu; Levi receptu{s)pac (\.7): PAC on the stoneMarcus the godfearer, who lived fifteen years, was receivedhere in peace.W. Frenkel (1934), pp.l90-8 [not seen]; G.P. Bognetti (1954), p.l94 n.2 (fromphotograph by R. Briscese); B. Lifshitz (1962), pp.368-9 (follows Frenkel); L. Levi(1965), p.360 (from the original); P. Siegert (1973) (follows Lifshitz); CIJ i^ (1975), p.46no.619a (follows Frenkel); H. SoUn (1983), p.734 (foUows Lifshitz); C. Colafenomina(1983a), p.202, pl.5 (photograph).C. Colafenunina (1973b), p.l4; (1980), p.207 n.28; J.G. Gager (1986), p.96; J. Reynolds& R. Tannenbaum (1987), pp.53, 65-6; L.H. Kant (1987), p.688 n.l04; P.W. van derHorst (1991), p.71; C. Colafenunina (1991), p.l3.On the Lauridia hypogeum and the grounds for thinking it Jewish,see Introduction. Bognetti was shown a photograph of this inscriptionand told that it came from the hypogeum. Frenkel (whose work wasunknown to him) reported that it came from a tomb dug into theground in the north-west gallery. The fact that the inscriptions fromthe Lauridia hypogeum are on marble is notable since only thepainted arcosolium at the end of gallery Q (no. 109) shows the use ofmarble in the main catacomb.Marcus is only recorded in use by Italian Jews as part of tria144

VENOSAnomina (CIJ 284, 287), but was used by Jews elsewhere, e.g. Acts xii12, Col. iv 10. It is found as a single name in Greg.M., Ep. ix 4 andonce in Brown's Prosopography (Grade, c580).The expression vixit annu is also used in no.89, but the formulareeeptus est in pace is unique at Venosa. However, many ItalianJewish inscriptions use requiescit in pace (Index VII e). There arenumerous Christian examples of reeeptus in pace in ILCV: most ofthem are from Spain and all except 2922A (from Africa) are followedby a date.The word teuseves appears to represent Oeoaepiit; (cf. no. 12). CIJ228 from Rome transliterates it as theosebes, but here thelatinization is quite in accordance with the practices of late antiquity:e -> t, eo -> eu, ^ -> V. There is a full discussion of the term byReynolds & Tannenbaum (1987). The preference for a Greek wordsuggests that the inscription is from the time when Latin wassuperseding Greek in Venosan epitaphs; it may have survived as atechnical term, as Siegert suggests. Marcus was probably someone onthe fringes of Judaism, but may have been a full Jew.114 (CIJ no.619b): Venosa: 4th-5th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Lost: from Lauridia hypogeum, arcosolium 8.Inscribed on a marble plaque. Letter forms: A 6 CO.Text follows B. Lifshitz (1962), p.369.S5e mTE MdpKeXAx)^ Ttaxfip mxepcov K O I n& tpcov Tr\

VENOSAP. Testini, EncCatt xii (1954), col.1233; L. Cracco Ruggini (1964), p.936; M. Pavan(1965-6), p.508; C. Colafemmina (1973b), p. 15; S. Simonsohn (1974), p.849; C.Colafenunina (1975b), p.135; (1978), p.374; (1980), pp.208, 210; L.H. Kant (1987),pp.696-7; P.W. van der Horst (1991), p.99; C. Colafemmina (1991), pp.13-14.Levi's 1962 reading was based on the fragments of the plaque whichhe found in the tomb, situated prominently in the main gallery of thehypogeum. In his 1965 article he was able to identify the text with areading given by Frenkel before the stone was broken. Bognetti alsogives Frenkel's reading, but does not say what the source was.Marcellus here could be the same man as the grandfatherMarcellus the pater patrum in no.90. If so, this inscription wouldprobably be from the late 5th century. However, the name was acommon one.On the title of pater patrum, see no.68: it was the publication ofthis and the following inscription which suggested the interpretationof the Latin abbreviation PP at Venosa. This is the only time it iswritten in Greek there. Marcellus' position in the whole communityis also stated. His titles correspond to those attributed to Theodorus,the leading Jew of Minorca, in the Letter of Severus: pater patrumamong the Jews, patronus in the city. They increase the probabilitythat Marcellus was a Jew, but do not make it certain. Pater was alsothe highest of the seven grades of initiates in Mithraism, and therewas a rank of pater patrum {CIMRM i, s.v. in index: 171 is a Greekdedication to Mithras from Venosa, probably early 3rd century). Inview of the supposed Mithraist associations of the hypogeumentrance (see Introduction), there is a slight possibility thatMarcellus was a Mithraist pater patrum rather than a Jewish one.The title of *patron of the city' was originally bestowed onsomeone of influence, often an army commander, provincial governoror member of the imperial family, who was thus co-opted as the city'sprotector, e.g. BE (1944) 1516 from Samothrace (57-5 B.C.) honoursL. Calpumius Piso as ai5TOKp&xopa Koa mxpcova xnq TIOXEOX;. Spanishmunicipal legislation of the 1st centuries B.C. and A.D. includesprovisions about the election of a municipal patron (FIRA i, pp. 188-9,214). IGRR i 512 describes the eques A. Castricius Prudens as 'firstof the Maltans and patron'; in IG add. 1078a, the Sicilians honourVetitius Perpetuus (corrector of Sicily in the early 4th century) as xdvX,a|inp6xaxov Ttdxpcova. The use of the term in the lst-3rd centuries is146

VENOSAdiscussed by R. Duthoy, AC 53 (1984), pp. 145-154, andAncSoc 15-17(1984-6), pp. 121-154. He notes a growing trend towards theappointment of the local bourgeoisie rather than senators and equitestowards the end of his period, and he has examples of patrons fromthis class at Aeclanum and Ausculum (nos.240, 170); tiie one earlyexample of a patron at Venosa (no.458 = CIL ix 1172, from Aeclanumbut to patrono Venusino) is too fragmentary to provide anyinformation. Naples apparently co-opted local residents: Greg.M., Ep.ix 53 (598) deals with a complaint that the vir magnificus Theodorus,patronus civitatis of Naples, had had his authority undermined bythe bishop; the same man is described as maior populi in anotherletter of almost the same date (ix 47). Marcellus was apparentlyhonoured in the same way by Venosa.It is very unlikely that a title of this sort at Venosa wouldnormally have been given in Greek, and it seems that patronuscivitatis was deliberately turned into Greek because that was theappropriate language in which to commemorate Marcellus.115 (C/7 619c): Venosa: 4th-5th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Lost: from Lauridia hypogeum, arcosolium 6.Inscribed on a marble plaque.Text follows B. Lifshitz (1962), p.369.S8e mie AiJ^dveio; naxr\p| Kal ndipcov TTJ; jidXeaq.Here lies Auxanius the father and patron of the city.W. Frenkel (1934), pp.190-8 [not seen]; B. Lifshitz (1962), p.369 (follows Frenkel); L.Levi (1965), p.361 (follows Frenkel); CIJ (1975), p.47 no.619c (follows Frenkel); H.Solin (1983), p.734 (follows Lifshitz).C. Colafemmina (1973b), p.l5; B.J. Brooten (1982), pp.43, 63 n.34, 69, 70; L.H. Kant(1987), pp.696 n.l49, 697 n.l64; P.W. van der Horst (1991), p.99; C. Colafemmina(1991), p. 13.Frenkel's reading is the only source for this text. Levi looked for theinscription and the following one, which comes from the same doubletomb, but could find only small fragments which he did nottranscribe.Auxanius held both a communal (see no.56) and a civic (see147

VENOSAno. 114) title. His name is spelled with epsilonhis wife's epitaph.here, but not below, in116 (CU 619d): Venosa: 4th-5th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Lost: from Lauridia hypogeum, arcosolium 6.Inscribed on a marble plaque.Text follows B. Lifshitz (1962), p.369.S8e Kate I OaDomva | iifixrip, Yu|vf| Ai)^a|vio\) m| |xp6(; K O Indxpovo(; xriq nfiXeox;.A^ajvCm) (U.4-5): Bognetti AYIANIOY, BE AwovtovHere lies Faustina the mother, wife of Auxanius the fatherand patron of the city.W. Frenkel (1934), pp.190-8 [not seen]; G.P. Bognetti (1954), p.l94 n.2; J. & L. Robert,BE (1955) pp.296 no.301 (based on Bognetti); L. Ruggini (1959), p.239 n.l45 (followsBognetti); B. Lifshitz (1962), p.369 (follows Frenkel); L. Levi (1965), p.361 (followsFrenkel); CIJ ? (1975), p.47 no.619d (follows Frenkel); B.J. Brooten (1982), pp.43-4,62-3, 69, 70 (follows CIJ i ); H. SoUn (1983), p.734 (foUows LUshitz).C. Colafenunma (1973b), p.l5; (1980a), pp.208, 210; R.S, Kraemer (1985), p.437 n.23;L.H. Kant (1987), pp.696-8; G. Mayer (1987), pp.90, 119; P.W. van der Horst (1991),pp.99, 107; C. Colafenunina (1991), pp.13-14.Levi could only find small fragments of this inscription, as with theprevious one for Faustina's husband, so the reading is Frenkel's.Bognetti apparently had a slightly different version, but it is unclearif he saw the original.Mater could be an honorific title for the wife of a pater, or a titleawarded to Faustina (perhaps a relative of the various distinguishedFaustini in arcosolia D2, D6 and D7) in her own right; cf. no.63 forthe possible interpretations of pateressa. There are examples fromnear Venosa of people described as mater being honoured by a tradegroup: CIL ix 2687 from Aesernia, matri eollegfii] centonariorfumj;5450 from Falerio matri sodalie. fullon.E. Meyers (1983), p.456, records finding in 1980 a badlymutilated, illegible inscription in Hebrew, inscribed under a carved148

VENOSAlion on an architectural fragment and reused in a modem wall. Hethought that it might come from the entrance of a house or even asynagogue.149

SOUTHERN ITALY117: Potenza (Potentia): 5th-6th century (?). Uncertain nature.Soprintendenza ai Beni Archeologici della Basilicata.Fragment of limestone plaque, 50 x 25 x 15 cm.; letter 6 cm.Follows C. Colafemmina (1983b), p.446.(menorah) I[ - - ]C. Colafemmina (1983b), pp.445-7 no.3, fig.4 (photograph; from the stone); A. Capano(1989), pp.35, 38, fig.35 [not seen].C. Colafemmina (1991), p.l6.This stone was found in the retaining wall of a field on the ViaAppia. The surviving letter seems to be the beginning of a wordwhich was probably written between two symmetrical menorahs. It islikely, but not certain, to be the first letter of the whole inscription.The letters D and E were added, one on each side of the menorah, bya much later hand. There are indications on the back of the stonethat it was originally fixed to a wall. Colafemmina regards theinscription as probably Latin, since that is the language of otherinscriptions from Potenza. However, at Venosa the non-Jewishinscriptions are all in Latin except one, whereas the msgority ofJewish ones are in Greek. It is therefore equally possible that theJews of Potenza would have used Greek even if the rest of the townused Latin. The only evidence for dating is the form of the menorah,similar to what is found most commonly at Venosa, but a standardform in other places too.118 (CIJ i 627): Taranto (Tarentum): 3rd-6th century. Epitaph;Greek.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Sofli limestone stele with lower right comer broken, 47.5 x 26 x 10cm. Inscription in a recessed field 24 x 18 cm., 2.5-1.8 cm. deep.Letters 2.5-1 cm. Letter forms: K A 6 C. Traces of menorah onreverse.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(A) evGa KaTd|icnxe AaD5|dxao xAbc, AC|apia Kal looa va- evepiVTi Konioi; a\)uc,.150

SOUTHERN ITALY(B)[--]nnri; ]!(?)[--]Aau5|dT0\) (11.2-3): Adler, C/J Aau5|dt(n)Here lies Daudatus son of Azaria, and Sosana. In peace hersleep [or the sleep for them].... son of Azaria (?) ... this place (?) The memory of the justman for a blessing. May his spirit have eternal life ! Mayhis soul rest in the bond of life !H.M. Adler (1902), pp. 112-3 (from the stone; (A) only); CIJ i (1936), p.447 no.627(follows Adler); C. Colafemmina (1977), pp. 111-2 no.2, tav.XVII-XVni (photographs;from the stone); SEG 27 (1977), p.l76 no.703 (follows Colafenmiina).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.54; C, Colafemmina (1973a), p.239 n.9;(1975b), p.135; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l33 n.53; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.204; G.Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), no.lOO; G. Mayer (1987), p.llO.The main Jewish burial site in Taranto was in the Montedoro area,where the Palazzo degli Uflfici now stands, and adjacent to aChristian cemetery. Colafemmina (1980a) regards the epigraphicrecord of the Jews at Taranto as being continuous from the 4th-10thcentury, with the inscriptions in Greek being the earliest. Jewishgravestones were probably re-used in the rebuilding of the city afterthe destruction by the Arabs in the 10th century. Apart from theinscriptions, a terracotta lamp decorated with a menorah was found,probably at the end of the 19th century (C. d'Angela, VetChr 8(1971), p.169 no.51).This inscription was found in October 1884 near the OspedaleCivile. Adler dated it to the 3rd century on paleographic grounds,and was followed by CIJ and Goodenough, but Colafemmina (1977)puts it in the 5th or 6th century. The Hebrew text was read only byColafemmina. The use of Greek at Taranto at this period is unusual,since the city was a Roman colony, and V. von Falkenhausen (1968)counted 300 Latin and only 4 Greek inscriptions. However, it151

SOUTHERN ITALYcorresponds to the use of Greek in an otherwise Latin-speakingcommimity by the Jews at Venosa (probably late-4th and 5thcenturies).The opening formula occurs among Italian Jews at Taranto (alsono. 119) and Otranto (134), and in Spain (186). One epitaph fromRome uses ev9d8e Kaxdiaxe after the name {CIJ 382). The samespelling as here is found in a Jewish inscription from Bithynia {CIJ800), and with Kaxdiaxe it occurs in 801 from Pontus. The formulaevGa KaxdKixe or Kaxdmai before the name (as here) also occurs inChristian inscriptions from various places: IGCVO 33, 36, 573 (allfrom Rome), 96 (Spain), 130 (Dalmatia), 1035 (Moesia); D. Feissel,BCH 100 (1976), pp.269-281 (Thessalonica). IGCVO 211-5, epitaphsof Syrians from Concordia, put it after the name.The first name was read by Adler as Laudatus, which he thoughtmight be intended as an equivalent for Hillel. However, Colafemminaread it as Daudatus, probably a form of Adeodatus, which isotherwise known only as a Christian name (e.g. the name ofAugustine's son, Conf. ix 6) but is a natural Latin equivalent forJonathan. ILCV 3523C from Rome uses the feminine form Deudata,and there are examples of Adeudatus. The spelling Dau- rather thanDeu- is odd, however. An alternative, less probable explanation isthat the name could be a graecized or latinized form of David: Davidwas the usual Latin spelling and Aauei8 and Aaui8 were used in theLXX. Azarias in the LXX corresponds to the Hebrew names mr,nnri) and innri). Josephus uses a number of different forms for thesenames. The LXX genitive ends in -o\). The spelling of Z6aava withoutupsilon is unusual, but perhaps corresponds to the pronunciation ofSosaneti (dative) in ILCV 2637 and to the Hebrew nawito.The relationship between the names depends primarily on howa\)uc, is interpreted. Pleket in SEG understands it as aiixoTt;, makingDaudatus (son of Azarias) and Sosana the two deceased, despite theapparently genitive -o\) ending. Frey in CIJ understood ax)Tx\(;, whichis also phonetically possible, and took the names as Sosana andAzarias son of Daudatus. Colafemmina takes abxic, as *his' and thename as Daudatus son of Azarias and Sosana; his tentative readingof the Hebrew also indicates that Azarias is the father. The order offather's name before child's is found in no.Ill at Venosa, so Prey'sinterpretation cannot be excluded. However, there is an example ofgenitive used for nominative in a similar formula in a Christian152

SOUTHERN ITALYepitaph from Rome (IGCVO 100): evGdSe KaxdKix{iT}E AX£^dv6pov,^fiaat; this would support Pleket and Colafemmina. A thirdinterpretation of the names was considered but not supported byColafemmina (1977): Aav(i)8 a(o)xo5 xAoq ACapia K O I Zoadvoc, 'David,his son Azaria, and Sosana'. On linguistic grounds, miic, is muchmore likely to represent a\)vt\(; (as in CIJ 523 from Rome) than avxov.It would also be a natural spelling for ocuxoTt;, but the genitive ratherthan the dative is used almost invariably in this formula. In view ofthe singular verb, it is necessary to assume that the inscription wasoriginally intended for one person, with Sosana and the final formulaadded later.The final formula corresponds (apart from the omission of f)before K O I I I O K ; = K0i|niai(;) to the favourite formula at Rome, which isalso found in some of the early Venosan epitaphs (see no.46). K U I I I O K ;was a common spelling at Rome (eight times in CIJ) but epivn foripr\vr\ was not. The use of the formula in southern Italy suggests thatthe commemoration practices of Rome spread outwards, and mighteven indicate the presence of a Roman Jewish family at Taranto.(B) 1.2 may have begun nr nipoa, *in this place', as suggested byColafemmina, perhaps as part of the formula nr mpon n\b\D. Itcontinues with a common formula (cf. no. 131). 11.3-4 are very similarto no.82 from Venosa (and no. 183, from Spain). The TDond of hfe'formula (which may derive from 1 Sam. xxv 29; cf van der Horst,pp.38-9) is also found in Egypt (JIGRE no. 119); the spelling here isslightly irregular.119 (CIJ i 628): Taranto: 4th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Plaque of cdrparo (Apulian sandy yellow limestone), broken in twoand with lower right comer missing, 30 x 48 x 8 cm. Letters 5-4 cm.Letter forms: A € C.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).evGa Kttxd Krjxe 'HX.ia^ moq 'Iaa[ - - ]•Iaa[ - - ] (1.3): CIJ'loia[K&^153

Here lies Elias son of laa....SOUTHERN ITALYH.M. Adler (1902), p.ll2 (from the stone); CIJ i (1936), p.447 no.628 (foUows Adler); C.Colafemmina (1977), p.lll no.l, tavJCVII (photograph; from the stone).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.54; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.236;(1975b), p.135.This inscription was found in August 1884 near the Chiesa delCarmine in the Montedoro area. It uses the same opening formulaand spelling as the previous one; it may originally have had thesame closing formula too. The lettering is of considerably betterquality, however, and the absence of Hebrew may also suggest anearlier date. The name 'HXaaq was found on a weight from Taranto(IGCVO 429 = IG xiv 2406.23). *H^(E)iaq is the regular transliterationof Elijah ((i)n»'7K) and can also be written with the rough breathing:'RXiac, in Josephus, and Helias in the Vulgate. A 9th-century Hebrewinscription from Venosa uses the form Eliah (Colafemmina, VetChr24 (1987)), and the name also occurs in the Chronicle of Ahimaaz.The Greek form overlapped with 'HXiaq (gen. -a8o(;), a masculine orfeminine name derived from Helios, the Sim (Pape, s.v.; H. Solin(1982), pp.367, 370 for latinized forms). The Hebrew name written inGreek usually had the genitive -ov. However, SEG 26.1675 (Jewish,from Caesarea) uses *H>Xaq after efJKn, where there should be agenitive (it is possibly meant as the genitive of Aelia). Even so, it isfairly certain that the name here should be understood as nominativerather than genitive (the genitive would give 'Elias' son laa..'). Thesecond name may be Jacob, as the second alpha might be intended tocorrespond to the Hebrew Ya'akob (aipD*; cf. no. 122); otherwise itprobably represents a name beginning la-, e.g. Jason.120 (CIJ i 629): Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Latin andHebrew.Unknown (formerly collection of sig. Molco).Stone is parallelepiped in shape, with (A) and (B) on opposite faces.(A) in frame 60 x 15 cm.; menorah on left and right sides of stone (deRossi's notes). Word-dividers in (A). Ligatures: LI NN. Letter form: 8.Text follows F. Lenormant (1883), p.202, with restoration of (B) 1.1.154

SOUTHERN ITALY(A) hie requieseit henememorio Aii\atoli filio lusti qui vixitannos I XXXX. sit pax in requie eius. (menorah)memoria lus torum ad be [nedietionem].CIJ i gives (B) 11.3-5 only on p.596Here hes Anatoli(us), remembered for good, son of Justus,who hved 40 years. May there be peace on his rest.Light is sown for the just man, and joy for the upright ofheart. The just man Anatoh(us) is remembered for ablessing.The memory of the just (with a view) to a blessing.F. Bamabei (1881-2), p.553 (from the stone; Latin only); CIL ix (1883), p.693 no.6400(follows Bamabei; Latin only); F. Lenoraiant (1883), p.202 (from the stone); J. Oehler(1909), p.447 no.l57 (follows C/L); G. Galante (1913), p.243 (follows Bamabei); E.Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.504 no.4984 (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), pp.447-8 no.629, p.596(follows Bamabei, Lenormant and ms. of de Rossi); J. Moreau & H.L Marrou, ILCV iv(1967), p.44 no.4984 (Hebrew only; follows C/J); C. Colafemmina (1977), p.l23 no.l6(follows Bamabei and notes of de Rossi).R. Garmcci (1883), p.713 n.l; N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.807; J. Juster (1914), p. 182n.l6; R. du Mesnil du Buisson (1937), p. 166 n.2; L ZolU (1937), p.304; G. DeUing(1951), col.522 n.2; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.54 n.41; GP. Bognetti(1954), p.193 n.l; V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.99; V. von Falkenhausen (1968), p.l52; C.Colafemmina (1973a), pp.235-9; E. Dinkier (1974), p. 137 n.68; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv(1987), p.24; P.W. van der Horst (1991), pp.35, 38.Bamabei saw the stone in 1882 at the house of sig. Molco, after itsdiscovery in the Montedoro area of Taranto. He regarded thelettering as medieval. He published only the Latin text, butmentioned the Hebrew. According to Lenormant, who also saw thestone at Molco's house and was the first to publish the Hebrew, (B)1.1 and the name in 1.2 were written first, carefully, and the rest of1.2 was added later in larger, rougher characters. The stone was also155

SOUTHERN ITALYseen by de Rossi, whose notes are quoted by Colafemmina (1977).The dating of tliis and the other Latin and Hebrew inscriptionsfrom Taranto is very difficult. The evidence of Venosa shows thatbilingual texts were used there in the 6th century but Hebrew alonewas the norm in the 9th. 9th-century Hebrew epitaphs usually gavea date (by the era of the destruction of the Temple). The Tarantogroup are all likely to have come from roughly the same period aseach other in view of the similarities of style, despite differences inletter forms, and no. 121 (q.v.) cannot be earlier than the late 7thcentury. None gives a date. It seems likely therefore that the groupas a whole belongs to the 7th and 8th centuries.On the form benememorius, cf no.l. Here, it is nominativedespite the ending -o, like filio in 1.2; cf. bonememorio (ILCV 3562,Lyons), bonomemorio (3170A, Comum), benemorio (3568,Moguntiacum, 7th/8th century). By the time of the Tarantoinscriptions -o was common as both a nominative and accusativeending. The transliteration of Anatoli into Hebrew in (B) 1.2 showsthat the Latin represents its pronimciation too, with the final usdropped. Anatolius occurs once in Fraser & Matthews (5th century,from Kalymnos) and 11 times in Pape, mainly from the 3rd centuryor later. It was the name of the jurist who was Praetorian Prefect in346-9. There are 3 occurrences in ILCV, all from Rome. Twoprominent Jews from southern France in the 12th-13th centurieswere called Anatoli {EJ, s.v.). On the father's name, see no.18.The Latin formula sit pax in requie eius does not occur amongChristians in ILCV: the nearest equivalents are quiesee in paee andrequiescat in paee. It is reminiscent of (although not equivalent to) evelpTivn fl K O I H T I O K ; (see no.118).The Hebrew consists of quotations from Ps. xcvii 11 and Prov. x7. (B) 1.1 has been restored accordingly here. The fact that the textsuse the Hebrew word for *just' or ^righteous' may be an allusion tothe name of Anatolius' father Justus (Lenormant), but suchexpressions are common in Hebrew epitaphs. Horsley seesbenememorio as a Latin equivalent of the Hebrew of Prov. x 7, but infact it seems to be the Latin of (B) 11.3-5 which corresponds to this; itrefers to 'the just' in the plural where the Hebrew uses the singular,but van der Horst notes that the LXX also uses the plural.Colafemmina (1973a), pp.240-1, publishes a 9th/10th century Hebrewepitaph from Taranto which uses the same expression with the156

SOUTHERN ITALYplural: nDia*? D»pn:i *iDr. The bibhcal text of Prov. x 7 begins nanrather than iDti, as noted by du Mesnil du Buisson, which would givethe translation 'and the memory of the just man for a blessing*, acloser equivalent of the Latin below, nun for waw may have been amistake by the drafter of the text or the stone-cutter, or an error inLenormant's reading (on which all subsequent work depends), but itstill produces grammatical Hebrew: probably the passive 'isremembered', although possibly the 1st person 'we shall remember'.Both no. 131 below and BS iii 26 use nana*? pnjt idt, and it wascommon enough on medieval tombstones to be abbreviated to Jt r,e.g. Nahon nos. 142-5 (from Nancy). The text was important inrabbinic thought: in Gen.R. xlix 1 on Gen. xvii 17-19, R. Isaac cites itin support of his statement: *Whoever mentions the name of arighteous man and does not say a blessing for him violates areligious duty of commission' (tr. Neusner).121 (CIJ i 630): Taranto: late 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Latin andHebrew.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Soft limestone stele, 53 x 50 x 18 cm. Hebrew on front in recessedfield 28 X 20 cm. (3-2 cm. deep); Latin on upper side, damaged bysplintering; menorah on reverse, shofars on left and right sides.Latin letters 3.2-2.6 cm; letter-form

SOUTHERN ITALYbarbane suum qui vixit annos I [XJXXX7/. sitpiaxi supier) dormitor[ium] | [eorum. amen].(menorah)la'j'O (A 1.2): Lenormant 'I'j'o]QH (A 1.5) omitted by Adlerrequiseiit benem]emori[us] (B 1.1): Bamabei, Lenormant requisc[et cum bonam]emor[ia]; CIL requisc[it boneme]mor[ius]; Diehl requisc[it beneme'^nor[ius];CIJ minuscules requiie)sc[it bene m]emori[us]barbane (B 1.3): Lenormant barbaeXXXXII (B 1.4): CIL, Diehl LXXXII(A) Here rests in good memory Samuel son of Silanu(s),with Ezechiel his father's brother, who lived forty-twoyears. May there be peace on their sleeping-place. Amen.(B) Here rests Samuel, remembered for good, son ofSilanus, with Ezechiel his paternal uncle, who lived 42years. May there be peace on their (?) sleeping-place. Amen(?).G. AscoU (1880), p.84 no.39, pl.VI (facsimile; from tracing by Tarantini; (A) only); F.Bamabei (1881-2), p.554 (from the stone; (B) only); D. Chwolson (1882), cols.166-7,no.85 (facsmule; (A) only; foUows AscoU); CIL ix (1883), p.694 no.6402 (followsBamabei; (B) only); F. Lenormant (1883), p.201 (from the stone); H.M. Adler (1902),p.ll2 (from the stone; (B) and 11.1-2 of (A) only); E. Diehl (1908), p.45 no.244 (foUowsCIL and Ascoli); J. Oehler (1909), p.447 no.l59 (foUows C/L); GA. Galante (1913),p.243 (follows Bamabei and Ascoli); E. Diehl, ILCV U (1927), p.504 no.4985 (foUowsC/L and Ascoli); CIJ i (1936), pp.448-9 no.630 (photograph of (B); cites ms. of deRossi); C. Colafemmina (1977), pp. 122-3 no.15, tavJDDC-XXXI (photographs; from thestone); P. Rugo (1978), p.64 no.7 la, p. 144 (photograph of (B); ft^m the stone).N. Tamassia (1903-4), p.807; TLL v (1909-34), col.2036; J. Juster (1914), p. 182 n.l6;M.B. Ogle (1933), p.89 n.6; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; E. Gk)odenough, Jewishsymbols u (1953), p.54 n.41; P. Testini (1958), p.542; V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.99; J.Moreau & H.L Marrou, ILCV iv (1967), p.44 no.4993; C. Colafemmina (1973a), pp.234-5, 238-9; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l37 n.69; G. Mayer (1987), p.lOO; P.W. van der Horst(1991), p.65.158

SOUTHERN ITALYThe reports of Bamabei and Viola (ap. Colafemmina) show that thisinscription was found when the Orfanotrofio of Taranto (later Palazzodegli Uffici) was built in 1872, and was given by P. Ludovico deVincentiis to the municipal antiquities collection. According toLenormant, a two-body sarcophagus was found at the same time; heregarded the lettering as no earlier than 11th or 12th century. Othersuggested dates have been 6th century (Colafemmina), after 7thcentury (Colomi), 8th century (Rugo), 9th-10th century (Chwolson),medieval (Barnabei). The date in fact cannot be earlier than the late7th century (see below), and is probably not after the 8th century(see no. 120).The opening Latin formula is the same as in no. 120, apart fromthe slightly different spelling of the verb. It therefore seems likelythat the epithet would have had the same form, and it has beenrestored accordingly, except that since filius has its normal ending,benememorius too would probably have ended -us. The names Samuel(cf no.69) and Ezechiel (which is given an unusual form here anddoes not fully correspond to (A) 1.3, where it has the usual Hebrewspelling) were not latinized. Silanus was the name of a 9th-centuryJewish poet from Venosa {EJ xiv 1532; Chronicle of Ahimaaz 4b).Barbane in (B) 1.3 is a regular 3rd-declension ablative from thenominative barbas. This was the word used by the Lombards forpatruus, father's brother, first recorded in the Edictus Rothari of 643,e.g. §164 *barbas, quod est patmus'. References from the 8th centuryand later are collected by F. Arnaldi, Lexieon imperfeetum i, J.F.Niemeyer, Mediae latinitatis lexieon minus, and 0. Prinz,Mittellateinisehes Worterbuch i. The 2nd-declension form barbanusseems to have been preferred from about the 10th century, whichprovides a little additional support for dating this inscription no laterthan the 8th century. The Lombards captured Taranto in about 680,so the inscription (or at least the part concerning Ezechiel) is almostcertainly no earlier than that.The use of suum instead of suo in (B) 1.3 is the only grammaticalmistake in the Latin. Since suo was often written for suum by thisdate, writing -um for -o is probably an example of hypercorrection.The qui vixit formula appears to refer to Ezechiel, but could apply toSamuel instead; the Hebrew equivalent in (A) 11.3-4 is alsoambiguous. Dormitorium in 1.4 must mean 'resting-place' (for thedead) although this is the only example of its use in that sense given159

SOUTHERN ITALYby TLL; otherwise it means a resting-place for the living. Its usehere may have been suggested by the connotations of its Hebrewequivalent (see below). Janssens, p.263, cites some Christianinscriptions from Rome which perhaps have the same idea, ICUR vii19433 'dormit eterno tore' and 19255.3-4 *heu triste cubile'. The fairlycommon Greek term for tomb KOi|iTiTf|piov has similar connotationsand can refer to the living as well as the dead (LSJ, s.v.).pnar (]nDna in (A) 1.1) is discussed by Jastrow, s.v., as meaningboth 'memory* and 'memorial'. Since it is used here to correspond tothe Latin benememorius, it must have the sense of 'memory*. Theopening Hebrew 'here rests' formula is also used in nos. 123, 125-6.Colafemmina cites other examples from 9th-century Bari and 10thcenturyTaranto. It is not found in the Venosa catacombs, althoughvarious forms of hie requieseit occur there.In (A) 1.2, the Hebrew version of Silanus' name ends with waw,which is more likely to indicate the dropping of the final s inpronunciation (see no. 120) than an attempt to reproduce the Latingenitive ending. 11.3-4 correspond exactly to the Latin.The Hebrew formula in (A) 11.5 is discussed by Zunz, ZurGesehiehte und Literatur, p.347 ("inniaDn n^b\D »n*): he regarded it asderiving from y Ket. 104a. nniao (cf. onnijo in 1.5) usually means 'rest',but is apparently used here in the sense of 'sleeping-place', likedormitorium in the Latin. Frey notes Jerome's use of sepulchrum totranslate nmaa in Is. xi 10.122 (Plate XIX; CIJ i 623): Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Latinand Hebrew.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Irregularly shaped soft limestone fragment, 16 x 32 x 20 cm. (A) and(B) are on opposite sides and (C) on the upper face. Guide-lines aboveHebrew and above and below Latin. Letter forms: H *1. Ligatures: MENN. Some letters have serifs.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(A) [ - - p'>mb[ - - ] nip:;^160

(B) [nDnn*P] pniii -iDrSOUTHERN ITALY(C) [ben]ememori[o lacob, qui] | [vixit] anniXXI - - ] [sit pax] [in re]quie ei[us].-Dii (A 1.1): CIJ nR"?(C 11.1-2): Colafenunina (1973a) [hie requiescit ben]ememori[us /aco6] | [filius- - qui vixit](A) For the righteous man .... Jacob ....(B) The memory of the just man for a blessing.(C) For Jacob (?), remembered for good, who lived 20(+)years. May there be peace on his rest.CIJ i (1936), p.445 no .623 ((A) only; photograph by de Laurentiis); C. Colafemmina(1973a), pp.236-8; (1977), pp.115-6 no.6, tav.XIX-XX (photographs; from the stone); P.Rugo (1978), p.63 no.70, p. 143 (photographs; follows Colafemmina).R. Garrucci (1883), p.713 n.l; V. Colomi (1964), p.22 n.l03; H. SoUn (1983), p.735; G.Mayer (1987), p.l04.This stone comes from the Montedoro area. It is dated to the 6th-7thcentury by Colafemmina, but is likely to be from the same period asthe other bilingual inscriptions from Taranto.Frey published (A) from a photograph, but was unaware of theother writing on the stone, which was brought to light byColafemmina. The first word of (A), which Frey understood as thename Leah, is written on a cornice above the field for the epitaphitself, in slightly smaller characters. Colafemmina (1973a) explains itas part of pnjib from a formula like that used in no. 120(B) from Ps.xcvii 11, Tor the righteous man'. Below this, in the field, is the nameJacob. Something has clearly been lost to the left of both lines, andprobably further lines below too.Colafemmina (1973a) refers to traces of a menorah in (B), butthese are not mentioned in 1977, and he apparently reinterpretedthem as traces of letters completing the formula from Prov. x 7 (cf.no. 120(B)). Since there is damage to the right edge, it is unclear ifthe first word was "iDT only, "iDH as in no. 120(B) or "iDn as in thebiblical text.161

SOUTHERN ITALY(C) was also published only by Colafemmina. It is in the samestyle as nos. 120-1, and he restored it accordingly, with the namefrom (A); the 1977 restorations are slightly different from those of1973. The formulae are discussed above (nos.l, 120). Anni waswritten instead of annos (which is found in nos. 120 and 121),presumably for annis. It is unclear whether this inscription wouldhave used the -o nominative ending of no. 120, the -us form of no. 121,or a dative as understood above.123 (CIJ i 624): Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew andLatin.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Fragment of soft limestone stele, 14 x 28 x 5 cm, now cemented intoa tufa block. (A) on front, (B) on upper side. Letter form: *1. Someletters have serifs.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(A) [ •" ] nir n[Q] |• " • ] :)2m n[ - - [(B) [hie r]equiese[it - - ](A) Here lies and seven ....(B) Here lies ....CIJ i (1936), p.445 no.624 ((A) only; photograph by de Laurentiis); C. Colafemmina(1973a), pp.233-6; (1977), pp.116-7, tav.XXI (photographs; from the stone); P. Rugo(1978), p.65 no.71b, p.l44 (photograph; follows Colafenunina).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.54; V. Colomi (1964), p.22 n.l03; H. Solin(1983), p.735.This inscription also comes from the Montedoro area: it was found inOctober 1884 near the Chiesa del Carmine. The surviving fragmentsshow that it was in the style of no. 121. The front of the stone has theremains of the Hebrew *here lies' formula which presumably beganthe epitaph, and 1.2 gives an age: the first word, of which only thefinal mem survives, could represent anything from 20 to 90, althoughColafemmina (1977) excludes 40 (D^i)m«) on the grounds ofinsufficient space.162

SOUTHERN ITALY(B) has what was presumably a Latin translation of the Hebrew.Rugo's publication mistakenly attributes this to no. 126.124 {CIJ i 631): Taranto: 7th-8th centin-y. Epitaph; Latin.Unknown (formerly collection of sig. Molco).Letter forms: A *1.Text follows F. Bamabei (1881-2), p.553.\H]ic requiecsit [..]BA[.]iV[..M.]A | TETATERSENTAanorium) p{lus) m{inus) [ - - ] (menorah)TETATERSENTA (1.2): CIJ minuscules [a]eta[tis7] ; ILCV e[.]a\tetati ergentaHere rests .... aged more or less .. years ....F. Bamabei (1881-2), p.553 (from the stone); CIL ix (1883), p.694 no.6401 (followsBamabei); J. Oehler (1909), p.447 no.l58 (foUows C/L); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.493no.4883 adn. (follows C/L); CIJ i (1936), p.449 no.631 (follows Bamabei); C.Colafemmina (1977), p. 124 no. 17 (foUows CIJ).J. Juster (1914), p.l82 n.l6; E. GJoodenough, Jewish symbols U (1953), p.54; C.Colafemmina (1973a), p.235.Bamabei saw this stone in 1882 at the house of sig. Molco, after itsdiscovery in the Montedoro area along with no. 120. All subsequenteditions are based on his copy. Only Latin is recorded, but there mayoriginally have been Hebrew on the stone too.The epitaph opens with a version of the usual hie requieseitformula. The spelling with cs is also found in ILCV 455 fromSalonae, dated 437, and there are a number of examples with x. Theother Taranto inscriptions follow this with some form ofbenememorius, but that would not fit the surviving traces of lettersin the rest of the line, and the name probably came immediatelyafter the verb. If B could be read as P, there would be room for inpace first. The letters ANOR towards the end of 1.2 seem to representannorum, and they are followed by PM for plus minus. Althoughannorum is usually followed by a numeral, no.63 from Venosa alsouses the formula anoro plus mfinus], presumably followed by a lost163

SOUTHERN ITALYnumeral. It is more likely that in this case the deceased's age hasbeen lost at the end of the line than that it is represented as a wordby the previous letters. Mommsen suggested that the beginning ofthe line should be imderstood as aetate triginta, but the phraseaetate triginta annorum plus minus would be very odd and seems tohave no direct parallel, although various forms of aetatis suae annos... occur. Another way of interpreting the first part of 1.2 would be etater Sent[i]a, taking the first T of the line as an error andassuming that 1.1 contained the full name of the first deceasedperson. Sentia occurs as a gentilieium in ICUR 22650, and Sentius asa single name in ibid. 16257. If Senta could be explained as a man'sname, the previous letters could be interpreted as pater or frater.125 (CIJ i 621): Taranto: 7th-8th century (?). Epitaph; Hebrew.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.No details of stone or letter-forms published.Text follows H.M. Adler (1902), p.lll.(six-pointed star) ]2]n I'M IHere rests the wife of Leon son of David, from Melos (?)H.M. Adler (1902), p.lll (from the stone); CIJ i (1936), p.444 no.621 (foUows Adler); C.ColafenMnina (1977), p. 114 no.4 (follows Adler).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols u (1953), p.54; vU p.l98; G.P. Bognetti (1954), p. 193n.3; V. Colomi (1964), p.22 n.l03; C. Colafemmma (1973a), p.234; (1980a), p.201;(1980b), p.344 n.27.It is likely that this is the unpublished Hebrew inscription mentionedby L. Viola, NS April 1883, RAL (1882-3), p.291, as being found atMontedoro near the Roman baths along with the Hebrew/Latininscriptions published by Barnabei in 1882.There are no adequate grounds for dating the inscription. Theopening formula also occurs in no. 121, but there is no Latin recordedhere. The star to the left of 1.2 is not an exclusively Jewish symbol164

SOUTHERN ITALYand does not help with dating (see EJ xi, s.v. 'Magen David'; it wasused by Christians at the S. Michele sanctuary on Monte Gargano inthe 7th-8th centuries). A connection with the name David is possible,even though Adler shows the star next to 1.2 rather than 1.3 as inCIJ. Colafemmina (1977) suggests that the inscription is 6th-8thcentury, and Colomi 7th-8th century.In 1.1, nir is written instead of man, which would be expectedwith a feminine subject, as Adler noted. The formula was common atTaranto; cf no. 121. No.137 also has an example of a Hebrew wordleft in the masculine form where a feminine would be expected. Atthe end of 1.1 the deceased woman's name is omitted, and she isdesignated only as 'wife of. Her husband's name Leon may alreadyhave been regarded as the equivalent of Judah, as it certainly waslater. In 1.4, mm is apparently followed by the name of the placefrom which either Leon (or his wife) or David came (like deAnehiasmon in no. 107 from Venosa), although it is possible that itintroduces a family name (as ]m seems to do in CIJ 1389 from nearJerusalem). Later European Jews used Hebrew min to correspond tode or del in sumames. If the final word is a place, it is probablyMelos, with the final s dropped in the transliteration as in no. 120. Ifit was the wife who came from Melos, it would be another example ofexogamy like no. 107.126 (CIJ i 622): Taranto: 7th-8th centmry. Epitaph; Hebrew andLatin.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Soft limestone stele, broken in upper left and lower right corners.Hebrew on front and right side (where it is almost illegible), Latin onupper side (letters 2.5-2 cm.), symbols on reverse.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(A)165

SOUTHERN ITALY(B) [hie requiesci]tSabatai[ - - qu]i vixit an{nis) XVI.Here rests Shabbetai son of Leon, aged sixteen years. Maythere be peace on his sleeping-place.Here rests Sabatai ... , who lived 16 years.H.M. Adler (1902), pp.111-2 (from the stone; (A) only); CIJ i (1936), pp.444-5 no.622(photograph; (A) only); C. Colafemmina (1977), pp.114-5 no.5, tav.XVni-XIX(photographs; from the stone); P. Rugo (1978), p.64 no.71, p.144 (photograph; followsCIJ).V. Colomi (1964), p.22 n.l03; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.234, p.239 n.9.The stone was found in the via Umberto in May 1890. Adler readonly the Hebrew text, which has been eroded since he saw it. TheLatin was first published by Colafemmina (1977). Rugo confused thisinscription with no. 123 and assigned to it the Latin text whichColafemmina published as part of no. 123.The opening formula is the same as nos. 121 and 125, and theclosing formula is also that of no. 121. This inscription is thereforelikely to come from approximately the same date. The deceased's ageis also given as in no. 121. He had a name derived from 'Sabbath' (cfdiscussion in JIGRE no.58). The name Leon also occurs in no. 125,but it is too common to be taken as evidence that the same person isinvolved.127: Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Latin.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Upper part of stele of tufo cozzigno (yellowish soft Apulianlimestone), 27 x 38 x 15 cm. Hebrew on front (in a recessed field 3-2cm. deep and 23.5 cm. wide), Latin on upper side, menorah onreverse. Latin letters 3-2 cm.; letter forms A (for D), *1, f* (for R), 2.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).166

SOUTHERN ITALY(A)niQ[ - - ] Jin^n^ .am m \nnni3D bi) n^b^(B) [hie re]quiescit Erpidia [quae vixita]nm VI. sit [pax in requie eius.]Here rests Erpidia daughter of ... , aged six years. Maythere be peace on her sleeping-place.Here rests Erpidia, who lived 6 years. May there be peaceon her rest (?).C. Colafemmina (1977), p.ll8 no.lO, tav.XXIV-XXV (photographs; from the stone).This inscription, published only by Colafemmina, uses formulaevirtually identical to those of the previous one. The name is Greek:Fraser & Matthews have one example of 'EpmSioq (Cyprus, 3rd-4thcentury ?).128: Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Latin.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Fragment of soft limestone stele, 14 x 24 x 12 cm., cemented into atufa support. Hebrew and Latin on opposite faces. Latin letters 3-2cm.; letter form: A for D.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(A)(B) [hie requiescit Dom]nolo filio D[omnoli][qui vixit annji XIIII. s[it pax] [in requieeius.]Domnolo son of Domnolo ....sleeping-place (?).May there be peace on his167

SOUTHERN ITALYHere rests Domnolo son of Domnolus, who lived 14 years.May there be peace on his rest (?).C. Colafemmina (1977), pp.118-9 no.ll, tav.XXV-XXVI (photographs; from the stone).The surviving part of (B) 1.3 consists only of a pattern of diamondswith dots in the centre. The restorations of both the names and theformulae are based on very few surviving letters and are not certain,but Domnolo (with -o for -us ending) is the only known name whichwould fit the surviving letters of the son's name (other than the veryunlikely Lugudunolus), and Domno is the only known alternative toDomnoloZ-us for the father.129: Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Latin.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Lower part of soft limestone stele, 83 x 72 x 15 cm. Traces of Hebrewletters on front in recessed field 3 cm. deep; symbols and Latin onreverse. Latin letters 5.3-5 cm.; letter form H.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(shofar) IN (menorah) VI[ - - ]C. Colafemmina (1977), p.ll9 no.l2, tav.XXVI-XXVn (photographs; from the stone).This stele, published only by Colafemmina, was sunk 40 cm. into theground. The Latin letters are written around what appears to be thebase of a menorah with an M-shaped tripod, and preceded by astylised shofar. The break in the stone comes immediately after thesecond /, and further letters have probably been lost although theywould disrupt the symmetrical arrangement. Presumably at least oneearlier line is also lost. Colafemmina suggests the formula memoriaiusti in vitam.129a: Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Latin.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Lower right part of soft limestone block, 53 x 36 x 9 cm. Hebrew onfront in recessed field (3 cm. deep), symbols on reverse, Latin onupper side. Guide-lines above Hebrew and Latin. Latin letters2.5-1.5 cm; letter form 6.168

SOUTHERN ITALYText follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(A)" ] mrm m^: ''^(vacat) (vacat)(B) /lie relquiescit ]filius [ ]II. sit pa[x in requie eius.].... rests .... his name C... aged forty(+) .... because the Lordstruck him and .... May his soul rest in the bond of life andhis spirit be for eternal life. Amen.Here rests .... son .... May there be peace on his rest.C. Colafemmina (1977), pp.119-121 no.l3, tav-XXYH-XXVIII (photographs; from thestone).The stone was made from a block which had previously been used fora portal or a window arch. It was later used as a game-board. Thesurviving symbols on the reverse are a shofar and the upper half of acircle which appears to be the stand for a menorah.The age given in (A) 1.4 must be forty-plus, and as the letters IIat the beginning of (B) 1.3 are also presumably part of the age, itseems that it must have been between 42 and 44 or 47 and 49. Theformula in (A) 1.5 has no parallels in this collection, but cf. Index VIIf for parallels to 11.6-7.169

SOUTHERN ITALY130: Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Latin.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Limestone fragment, 18 x 16 x 9 cm., with Hebrew on front andreverse and Latin on upper side. Latin letters 3.8-3 cm., superscriptletters 1.2 cm. Ligature: ME.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(A) (?)(B) [ - • ] ]nnK [ - -(C) [hie requieseit b]ene'^^m[orius - - 1 | [filius - - et] Asterq[ui vixit] [annis - - sit] pax in [requie eius.]... lies (?) ...... last...Here rests (?) ... , remembered for good, son (?) of ... andAster who lived .. years. May there be peace on his/her rest(?).G. Uggeri (1974), p.37; C. Colafemmina (1977), pp.119-121 no.l3, tavX5CVII-XXVIII(photographs; from the stone).It is unclear whether only one person was commemorated.Colafemmina's restoration of the Latin assumes that Aster was themother of the deceased. It is also possible that (A) and (B) were twoseparate epitaphs, summarized in (C). (B) might be rendered 'Aaron',on the assumption that n should have been n; n is written for n in(A).131 (C/7 i 625): Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Soft limestone stele with Hebrew on front (in field 30 x 25 cm.) andupper side; symbol on reverse.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).170

SOUTHERN ITALY(menorah)nar: CIJ nprThe memory of the just man for a blessing,CIJ i (1936), p.446 no.625 (photograph by de Latirentiis); L. Yarden (1971), p.27,pl.l33 (follows CIJ); C. Colafemmina (1977), p.ll7 no.8, tav.XXII (photographs).G. Delling (1951), col.522 n.2; E. (]k)odenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.54; V.Colomi (1964), p.22 n.l03; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.236 n.8; P.W. van der Horst(1991), p.38.This stele was found in October 1884 in strada S. Lucia. Thesurviving inscription was written on the upper side the stone. Thereare traces of Hebrew letters on the front, but part of the field wasunused. There is a menorah on the reverse. The text is from Prov. x7, as in no. 120 (q.v.).132 (CIJ i 626): Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Fragment of soft yellow limestone stele, 45 x 27.5 x 14.5. Inscriptionin recessed field 4.5-4 cm. deep. Symbols on reverse.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).- - ]n|[n^b^]n^b^May there be peace on his resting-place (?) Peace. Peace(?)CIJ i (1936), p.446 no.626 (photograph by de Laurentiis); C. Colafenunina (1977),p.117 no.9, tav.XXin (photographs; from the stone).V. Colorai (1964), p.22 n.l03; C. Colafemmina (1973a), p.239 n.9.The surviving inscription consists of the beginnings of four lines ofHebrew, but it is likely that there were earlier lines too. There are171

SOUTHERN ITALYtraces of the second letter of 1.1, and Colafemmina suggests sadekh,but this is far from sure. The restorations of 11.2-4 given above aredoubtful, although made with Is. Ivii 2 in mind. instDD (restored in 1.3)is used otherwise at Taranto only in no. 134, whereas iJiniaa iscommon, and mem could in any case be the beginning of thedeceased person's name. In 1.4 Q^bfD could instead be followed by bi)and 'Israel' or a name. The space between 1.4 and the foot of the fieldconfirms that it is the final line. Despite the lack of Latin, the styleof the Hebrew and the use of symbols suggest that both this and thenext inscription are from the same period as the bilingualinscriptions. There is a menorah and a shofar on the reverse.133: Taranto: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Stele of cdrparo, 55 x 45 x 15 cm. Menorah on reverse, Hebrew onupper side.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1977).(menorah) HD-in'^ •''pniii (menorah)The memory of the just for a blessing.C. Colafemmina (1977), pp.124-5 no.18, tav.XXXII (photographs; from the stone).This stone was found in October 1884 near the Ospedale Civile (cfno.118). There is a large menorah on the reverse and a small one ateach end of the Hebrew text. The front of the stone was deeply cut,either to remove an inscription or to hold another slab with aninscription, and no text survives from there.134 (C/7 i 632): Otranto (Hydruntum): 3rd-4th century. Epitaph;Greek and Hebrew.Otranto, Coile della Minerva, built into a wall.Limestone stele, 50 x 37 x 20 cm., letters 2-3.2 cm. Letter forms: A ECO).Text follows C. Colafemmina (1975b), p. 134.172

SOUTHERN ITALY(menorah) evGa Kax|diaiTe rA,|vKa, eoydtep | Xaptvoo) Kal[..]wi\

SOUTHERN ITALYa man's name). Glyka's father's name, Sabinus, occurs frequentlyamong Jews at Rome, Frey read the mother's name as the genitive ofNome, a name for which Solin (p. 1246) has 11 examples. It might inthis case be a Greek form of Naomi ('DJJ3, LXX Noo^i^£i(v)), ratherthan the use of the word for 'law' as a name. However, Colafemminawas unable to read the first two letters and thought that the thirdwas alpha, which would mean a nominative ending -ae. This mightbe from Danae, which was a common name at Rome (Solin, pp.535-6has 27 examples) although not recorded among Jews.The epithet 7ipoava;iauoomaiv(ov after the parents' names is aperfectly regular formation (apart from the use of oa for e) from theverb 7cpo(xvoc7ca\)a), which is not in LSJ, but in its middle form wouldmean *to die before'. Parts of the verb were used by Eusebius (HE vii24) and in the Liturgy of St Basil (PG xxxi 1641). There are no otherexamples of its use in Jewish inscriptions, but it is found in variousChristian epigraphic uses, mainly in Asia Minor. SEG 37.1075, aChristian epitaph from Bithynia, describes the deceased as ep.oi) xx\c,KpoavoucauoaiievTii; and also uses the formula evOdSe KaxdKixai. /.Apameia und Pylai 133 (Christian) asks God dvanawov xdq i^wvTipoavouiavaa^ievcov ndvxcov (KOI) xfiv y^T\v xo5 evGdSe Kaxaiaiievou. BE(1980) 303, from lUyria, a mosaic with a Christian donor inscription,includes a reference to xou Tcpoavajiauoo^evo^) AX£^dv5p(oD). Feisselsuggests that its use at Otranto may be due to Christian influence.The final Hebrew formula is different from those used at Taranto(cf no. 120). The spelling of DV with yod is very imusual. Frey'sreading translates as *In peace with the just'. Dinkier compared theuse of mbca in Gen. xv 15 and 2 Kings xxii 20, but these are notclose parallels. Colafemmina reads 'their rest', instead, andregards the expression as equivalent to |J€xd xSv Simicov fi K O I ^ I T I O K ;amm, found at Rome in CIJ 78, 110 and 118 (with variouspronouns), 'dormitio tua inter dicaeis' (210) and 'dormitio eius cumiustis' (no.l74, below, from Sicily). CIJ 981 (from Chorazin), aninscription from the lintel of a synagogue honouring a benefactor,reads in Aramaic D'-pnii Di) pb^n n*? '•n*, 'May he have a place with thejust'. At Venosa nsWD was used for 'burial place' (see no.82). The just'may refer to the biblical patriarchs.174

SOUTHERN ITALY135: Bari (Barium): 6th-7th century. Tomb.Lost.{menorah)U. Cassuto (1933), pp.169-171; (1934-5), pp.316-8; C. Colafemmina (1988b), pp.513-8,fig.725.In 1923, a small hypogeum was found at contrada S. Lorenzo on thevia di Carbonara. A menorah inscribed inside a tomb indicated itsJewishness. The layout was said to be similar to the catacombs ofVenosa (although the description does not suggest any very closesimilarity), and it was dated to the 6th-7th century, A rectangularbarrel-vaulted room 5-6 m. wide had three arcosolia in the back andleft walls; probably three in the right wall too. The remains ofskeletons were found in them. There were also loculi in the walls,which were not excavated. Three rows of graves were dug into thefloor. There were two tombs on the floor made of limestone slabs; itwas inside one of these that the menorah was found, inscribed andpainted in red. The hypogeum was covered over, but Cassutoacquired some photographs from M. Gervasio of the Bari Museinn,which Colafemmina saw in the Cassuto family archive. Five Hebrewepitaphs were found, but they were on stelae made for open-airgraves, and were attributed to the nearby open-air necropolis whichwas discovered in 1922 (described by Colafemmina, pp.516-8). ALatin pagan inscription found in one of the graves there must havebeen reused. Bari was a flourishing centre of Judaism from the 9thcentury, the period to which the inscriptions were attributed.136: Carbonara, near Bari: 7th-8th century. Epitaph; Latin.Bari, Soprintendenza Archeologica (?)Part of slab covering tomb; letters 5.0-4.5, 2.2 cm.Text follows G. Lavermicocca & C. Colafemmina (1988), pp.99-100.Ast{ - - - ][i]c reqiuieseit in paee ?]filii - - - ]175

SOUTHERN ITALY(menorah)Ast.... Here rests in peace (?)son/daughterG. Lavermicocca & C. Colafemmina (1988), pp.99-100, tav.XVI (from the stone;photograph of menorah).Excavations at the via U. Foscolo in Carbonara, just south of Bari,discovered 27 tombs dug into the ground, with an average size of 1.8X 0.4 m., orientated east-west. Tomb 19 had a slab partially coveringit with this inscription. There were no other inscriptions.Lavermicocca and Colafemmina take the name in 1.1 to be Aster(= Esther, cf. no.26), but it could also be Asterius, which was used byJews at Rome. The 'here rests' formula occurs at Taranto (nos. 121,124) and Oria (no. 195, with the form ic for hie). This inscriptiondiffers in apparently having the name first. For 1.3, the editorssuggested filius I a fecit /posuit, but it could also be part of apatronymic. They suggest 7th-8th century dating on palaeographicgrounds and the analogy with the Taranto inscriptions.137 (CIJ i 635): Oria: 5th-7th century. Epitaph; Latin and Hebrew.Unknown.No details published of stone or letter-forms.Text follows CIJ.[ - - - ] I bene [meren]\ti filie | defunctie an]\norum V.... (to) ... well-deserving daughter, deceased aged 5.The memory of the just one for a blessing.CIJ i (1936), pp.453-4 no.635 (from copy by de Laurentiis).G. Delling (1951), col.522 n.2; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), pp.52-3; C.Colafemmina (1973a), p.237 n.8; (1980a), p.216; Schurer revised iii.i (1986), p.83 n.ll9;G. Mayer (1987), pp.94, 98.Frey stated that this inscription was from a plaque foimd 'recently'near the Nuova Chiesa of Oria. He was informed about it by deLaurentiis and did not see it himself He regarded it as 5th-6th176

SOUTHERN ITALYcentury, whereas Colafemmina puts it in the 7th century, probablyon the analogy of the Taranto Hebrew/Latin inscriptions.The Latin text must have begun with the name of the deceased,as there is a word-divider in Frey's majuscules at the beginning ofthe first surviving line. The deceased seems to have been describedas bene merenti (cf. no.ll; this is an xmusually late occurrence)rather than benememoriae (as in the bilingual inscriptions fromTaranto). Defuncta occurs among the Jews of Rome only in CIJ 482,where it is followed by a date. Its use in Christian inscriptions ismainly with a date, but it occurs occasionally with an age, e.g. ILCV3867 from Potenza, dated to 528, has defune. est ann. pi. m. XXX,and 2797B from Rome has defuntus annoru II. It is possible thathere there was a date in 1.4 after defunete, which would meancorresponding lacunae in 11.2-3.The Hebrew formula is the one used in nos. 131 and (with a slightvariation) 120, q.v. It comes from Prov. x 7. The adjective was notmade feminine even if it was meant to refer to the deceased girl, aswith the formula for the wife of Leon in no. 125.138 {CIJ no.635a): Vibo Valentia (Hipponion): 3rd century or later(?). Epitaph of Samaritan; Greek.Vibo Valentia, Capialbi collection.Inscribed on a tile 29 x 25 cm. Letter forms: A AA C; guide-lines.Text follows M. Buonocore (1987-8), photograph.BiiicnAvnoxoi) la M.apiTavo(i)).1.1: Solano HKH (misprint?)1.2: first omicron added to rest of text; smaller than other lettersIa|napiTocvo(\)): Za|^ocpuocvov on the stoneGrave of Antiochus the Samaritan.V. Capialbi (1845), p.45 [not seen]; CIG iii (1853), p.l253, add.no.5771b (fromCapialbi); IG xiv (1890), p.l56 no.633 (from copy by CM. Prester^); P. Orsi (1921),p.485 (facsimile; from the original); SEG 1 (1923), p.lll no.421 (follows Orsi); L.Robert, Hellenica iii (1946), p.97 (follows Orsi); CIJ i (1975), p.49 no.635a (followsOrsi); A. Solano (1976), p. 198 no.II; M. Buonocore (1987-8), pp.274 no.26, 281177

SOUTHERN ITALY(photograph; from the stone); K. Wessel, IGCVO (1989), p.21 no.75 (follows IG).H. Solin (1983), p.735; ICI v (1987), p.xix n.40 no.lO.This inscription was found near the harboiur of Vibo Valentia in1835. Orsi, in his reporii on excavations at Vibo in 1916-17, recordshaving seen it in the collection being made by Marchese E. Gagliardi,and says it was foimd near the Telegrafo. Like no. 161 from Sicily(q.v. for further discussion), it commemorates a 'Samaritan' whocould equally well be a Greek inhabitant of Samaria or someone ofthe Samaritan religion. Writing -ov for -ot) has a parallel in IGCVO91, P0D9TV05 ... yevei AvpeiKov.QT\Kr\ is a common word for 'grave', but the formula %f\K(\ + gen. tointroduce an epitaph is fairly unusual. It does occur in a number ofJewish inscriptions from Palestine: CIJ 915, 933 (Jaffa); B. Lifshitz,RB 71 (1964), no.l (Caesarea); id., ZPE 7 (1971), no.21 (Caesarea,5th century ?); SEG 26.1675 (Caesarea); 28.1368 (Caesarea,Jewishness uncertain). It is not found at Beth She'arim. It alsooccurs in Jewish inscriptions from Syria and Cilicia: CIJ 790, 870,881. In Christian inscriptions it is found in Palestine (SEG 30.1696,5th-6th century from Jerusalem; 37.1492, 6th century from Jericho;B. Lifshitz, RB 68 (1961), nos.8-11 (Caesarea)) as well as Asia Minor(SEG 30.1554, 37.1309.98; BE (1940) 171) and Athens (SEG 26.373).These parallels suggest that Antiochus originated from the East, andthat the inscription is a fairly late one, but they do not prove hisreligious or ethnic affiliation. Antiochus was an extremely commonname at Rome (Solin (1982) has 299 examples) and everywhere else,and is not in itself any evidence of origin.139 (CIJ 1^ 635b): Reggio di Calabria (Rhegium): 4th century (?).Building inscription; Greek.Reggio di Calabria, Museo nazionale; inv.no.2091c.Rectangular marble plaque, 14.5 x 16.7 x 5.2 cm., broken on upperside. Lettering 2.5-5.1 cm.; letter forms: A CO.Text follows A. Ferrua (1950), p.227.[awayo) YH (?) 't]wv*lo\)8ai ©v.178

SOUTHERN ITALY[t]fflv a.2): CIJ[T]5V[The synagogue ?] of the Jews.N. Putorti (1919-20), p.176 no.m, tav.I fig.Vn [not seen]; (1938), pp.23, 31 (from thestone); J. & L. Robert, BE (1939), p.538 no.583 (follows Putorti); A. Ferrua (1950),p.227 (from the stone); CIJ x" (1975), p.49 no.635b (follows Ferrua (1950)); H. Solin(1983), p.735 (follows Ferrua, cited incorrectly); M. Buonocore (1989), pp.74-5 no.35(photograph; from the stone).J. & L. Robert, BE (1955), p.296 no.303; L. Ruggini (1959), p.231 n.l 12; A. Milano(1963), p.28; AF. Parisi (1969), p.261; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.206; ICI v (1987),P.XVI n.l5.Apart from this inscription, there are some other indications of aJewish community at Reggio. The imperial decree against Jewsowning Christian slaves, C.Theo. iii 1.5 (384) = Linder no. 17, wasreceived there. There is an African-type lamp with a menorah in theMuseo Nazionale: C. d'Angela, Annali, Univ. di Lecce, Fac. di Letteree Filosofia 8-10 (1977-80) i, p.280 no. 16, tav.VIII, 19. It was found atLazzaro, podere Crisana. The menorah has a crossbar; the areawhere the tripod would have been is damaged.The inscription was cut carefully on a marble block which isbroken on the upper side. It was found in Reggio after 1908; theexact date and place are not recorded. The restoration of avvoYcoTTiseems to have been universally accepted since it was made by Ferruain 1950 (when he thought the inscription was unpublished), but is infact not certain. The length of the word would fit the available spacewell, but so would, e.g., npoaeuxTi. At Stobi in Macedonia (CIJ 694,probably 3rd century) lo^c, oiKovq dyiq) X6TCC[) is the term used forthe building, while owayooyn is used only for the community (thesense it also has in many inscriptions from Rome). In inscriptionsfrom the Bosporan kingdom, Tcpoaeuxfj is always the building and(yuvaywyn the community using it: the terms occur together in CIRB70-73. There is no indication of what the buildings at Bova Marinaand Ostia were called. Even if Ferrua's restoration is accepted,therefore, it could equally well be understood as meaning 'Thecommunity of the Jews' or 'The synagogue'.The inscription can be dated only by the letter-forms, and was179

SOUTHERN ITALYassigned to the first half of the 4th century by both Ferrua andBuonocore.140: Bova Marina: 4th-5th century. Synagogue remains; mosaic floor.In situ.(.menorah) (Solomon's knot)E. Lattanzi (1985a), pp.419-21, tavJCLVII & XLVJII; (1985b), pp.135-6, fig.l; (1986),pp.6, 17 (photograph); A. Catanea (1986), p.7; E. Lattanzi (1987), pp.l09-110; C. CinziaGeneroso (1987), p.6; ICI v (1987), p.XVI n.l5; M. Buonocore (1989), p.75.Work on the Ionian coastal motorway between Reggio and Catanzaroin 1985 led to the discovery of new remains near a site alreadyidentified as a Roman villa, close to Bova Marina (47 km. fromReggio). The settlement at Bova Marina was in existence from the2nd-5th centuries. It seems to have been abandoned in the early 5thcentury, the date of a coin hoard from the site. It probablycorresponds to the statio on the Ionian coast road whose name ispreserved only as Scyl.... in the Tabula Peutingeriana, althoughaccording to local tradition the ancient name was Delia.The building identified as a synagogue appears to have been inuse in the 4th-5th centuries. The whole complex is on a northeast^south-westorientation. A rectangular central hall has a nichewith a bench, and a mosaic floor whose designs include a menorahand a Solomon's knot; hence the assumption that it is a synagogue.The knot is not a particularly Jewish symbol (it occurs in Christianmosaic floors at Aquileia and Grade, for example), although it isfound in the Ostia synagogue (see no. 13), at Aegina (E.L. Sukenik,Aneient synagogues (1934), pl.XI) and in a number of synagogues inPalestine (Goodenough, Jewish symbols, iii, s.v. 'Knot of Hercules'). Adolium found near the bench contained fragments of glass vesselsand seven lead wick-holders. There are a number of adjacent roomsand paved areas, of uncertain function; to the south of the hall withthe mosaic was an entrance to a rectangular area which was pavedwith bricks in the final phase of the building and formed a courtyard.A small necropolis found to the north-east of the synagogue hadseven tombs, including one large one containing at least four adults,and a coin of Arcadius was found in this. The remains of a set of180

SOUTHERN ITALYbaths have also been foimd nearby, but the relationship between thevarious buildings is completely unclear.181

ITALY (UNCERTAIN PROVENANCE)141 {CIJ i 648): Unknown provenance: Uncertain date. Bronzeplaque; Latin and Greek (?).Unknown.Outside: (lulab) A/ec(lulab)sad (?)Centre: OlEC(lulab) (menorah) (ethrog?)CIJ i Oies Cela[dus\, Schwabe sa(lom) doles selaAlexas (?) ....R. Garrucci (1880), p.l65, tav.491 n.6 (facsimile); CIJ i (1936), p.464 no.648 (facsimile;follows Garrucci); i^ (1975), p.51 (follows Schwabe).M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.84 n.l21.This round bronze plaque was published by Garrucci with no detailsof provenance. At the centre is a menorah with a flame at the end ofeach arm, a lulab on one side of its stand and probably an ethrog onthe other. OIEC is written immediately above the symbols, allcontained in a double circle. There is another circle aroimd this, withthe letters SAD (with reversed D) at the top, a long lulab at eitherside, and CELA at the bottom. Garrucci, followed by Frey, took theletters around the outside as the name Celadus, and offered noexplanation for the inner letters, which he apparently understood asGreek. Schwabe, followed by CIJ i^, interpreted the inscription assa(lom) doies sela, 'May you grant peace forever', taking the secondword as a transliteration of 8oiTiq, This seems extremely improbable:shalom is transliterated so rarely that it is not likely to beabbreviated, and the d of doies is separated from the rest of theword. If the letters around the outside are read clockwise, they canbe understood as Alecsad, which might be a form of Alexas or anabbreviation for Alexander. The letters in the centre, which alsooccur in no. 142 below, remain unintelligible, and it is not even clearwhether they are Latin or Greek.182

ITALY (UNCERTAIN PROVENANCE)142 {CIJ i 647): Unknown provenance: Uncertain date. Engravedstone; Greek (?).Unknown.OIEC(written right to left)(lulab) (menorah) (ethrog?)R. Garrucci (1880), p.l65, tav.491 no.7 (facsimile); CIJ i (1936), p.464 no.647(facsimile; follows Garrucci).M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; Schvurer revised iii.i (1986), p.84 n.l21.This oval inscribed stone was published by Garrucci with no. 141,again with no details of provenance. The symbols and letters (writtenhere in reverse) are the same as in the centre of no. 141, andSchwabe again suggested interpreting the word as hdvixc,.183

SICILY AND MALTA143 (C/J 649a): Taormina (Tauromenion): 4th-5th century. Graffition tile; Greek.Taormina, Antiquario del teatro greco; inv.no.36.Clay tile, 21 x 34 x 5 cm., lower right part broken. Letters 2 cm,;guide-lines. Letter forms: A € C,Text follows G. Manganaro (1961), p.l97.fjne^" aap(a)x (menorah) dyae-n.CTap(a)T 0.1): Bonadonna, Ferraa od|3(Pa)x(o\)); IGCVO oaP(Pd)T(oi(;)dyaef^ (1.2): Ferraa 'layden(The) day of the Sabbath (is) good (?)G. Bonadonna (1880), p.224 (facsimile); G. Manganaro (1961), p. 197, fig.22(photograph; from the original); J. & L. Robert, BE (1962), p.223 no.387 (followsManganaro); CIJ (1975), p.51 no.649a (follows Manganaro); IGCVO (1989), p.246no.l055 (based on Bonadonna's facsimile); A Ferrua (1989), p.l25 no.474.S.L. Agnello (1962), p.291; A Neppi Modona (1963), p. 158; L. Cracco Ruggini (1980b),p.503; A Messina (1981), p.201; H. Solin (1983), p.746; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.209;L.H. Kant (1987), p.701 n.l89; R.JA. Wilson (1990), p.414 n.l24.The inscription is scratched on a large, broken clay tile which wasfound during excavations of a building very close to the theatre atTaormina. The building was disused by the time of the alterations tothe theatre in the 2nd century, and there is a later tomb on the site,lined with tiles from the ruins. The exact details of where this tilewas found are not known, but it may have come from the excavatedtomb or another one. The publication by Bonadonna was not knownto Manganaro, who nevertheless came to almost the same conclusionabout how to understand the inscription.There are two reasons for identifying the inscription as Jewish,neither of which is at all conclusive, (i) The interpretation of thesymbol over which the inscription is written as a menorah. Itconsists of a cross whose central and left arms each end in the form

SICILY AND MALTAthe name Elya at the sanctuary of S, Michele sul Gargano, but withthe top arm ending only with diagonal branches, making an eightbrancheddesign; the lower arm has no branches (C. Colafemmina(1980b), fig.3). There are no parallels to this design given byGoodenough, and its similarity to any known form of menorah isslight. Ferrua took it as a cross, but it is unlike any known formother than the one mentioned above (from a site where Jewishinfluence has sometimes been suggested).(ii) Manganaro's restoration of the letters CABT as oapdi (whichgives the same spelling as the Latin inscription from Rome, ILCV3904d). He thought that the form of beta, with rather straight lines,might indicate that it represented a ligature with alpha. Although aChristian inscription might refer to the Sabbath, he thought what heregarded as the 'sense polemico' excluded a Christian origin in thiscase.L. Robert, Hellenica iii (1948), pp.77-8, collects other references tofifiipa dyaOii: it is used in the dative at Palmyra and at Dougga inTunisia (JLTun 1401), both probably with Semitic influence; also byDio li 19.6 (for the day of Octavian's capture of Alexandria), and in a1st century inscription from Ephesus which Robert discusses: fi|i£paqdyaOd^. There are seven occurrences of the phrase in the LXX, ofwhich the only ones which suggest a technical sense are the passagesin Esther dealing with the establishment of the feast of Purim: Adar14 and 15 are established as xac, fiH£pa(;...dYa9d(; (Est. ix 19, 21), andthe whole month is changed from distress into dyaOfiv f||iEpav'. aio Drwas standard biblical (in Esther and elsewhere) and post-biblicalHebrew for a festival or holy day, and is the title of a Toseftatreatise discussing what can be done on a festival, although it isusually distinguished from the sabbath. Its use is discussed by F.Rosenthal, HUCA 18 (1943/4), pp. 157-176. The Greek equivalent maywell have occurred in the liturgy of the Sicilian Jews. The use of theformula here may have been intended as a blessing for the deceased(if it is from a tomb) or the Jewish community (cf. dyaefi eipiiVTi maivat the end of an epitaph from Catania, IG xiv 525). Alternatively, itmight have been scratched by a zealous sabbath-observer either withthe defensive intention implied by Manganaro or simply as acelebration.AnIGCVO,alternative explanation of the inscription is suggested inunderstanding Agathe as a name, so that the meaning would185

SICILY AND MALTApresumably be 'Agathe (died) on the sabbath day*. Agathe was acommon name, but a reference to the day of the week in an epitaphwithout any other indication of the date would be strange. It mightalso be possible to see in the name a reference to St Agatha ofCatania, the 3rd-century martyr whose tomb was the centre of anecropolis at Catania; 6th February was her feast-day (cf no. 144).There is no other evidence of Jews at Taormina before the 15thcentury, although they are known to have been present at a numberof other sites on the east coast of Sicily. The Hebrew inscriptionrecorded at Randazzo (15 miles inland) in 1723 and subsequently lostis likely to have been medieval (M. Mandalari, Ricordi di Sicilia.Randazzo (2nd ed., Citta di Castello, 1902), pp.41-5).144 (C/7 T? 650e): Acireale: uncertain date. Bronze rectangular seal;Greek.Acireale, Pinacoteca dell'Accademia Zelantea.Letter forms: € C. Ligature: YP.Text follows photograph published by A.M. Fallico, kindly suppliedby the Biblioteca Zelantea.^\ip\(ethrog) (menorah) (shofar)\eai.(Seal) of Heuresis.P. Orsi (1903), pp.442-3 (from the original; facsimile); A. Ferrua (1941), p.44; A.M.FalUco (1967), p.417 (photograph; from the original); CIJ (1975), p.53 no.650e(follows Ferrua); H. SoUn (1983), p.746.A. Ferrua (1938), p.71 n.2; B. Pace (1949), p.l38 n.3, p.l96; S. Calderone (1955), p.489n.8; A. Messina (1981), p.202; C. Colafenunina (1983a), p.208; R.J.A. Wilson (1990),p.414 n.l24.The two lines of lettering are written vertically at either side of theseal's face, with a menorah and smaller symbols between them.Orsi's facsimile is marked 'sospetto', but no further details weregiven. Pace refers to the seal's discovery at Acireale (where someChristian seals were also found) and says that 'it does not seem ofgreat antiquity'.The name, which does not occur otherwise in Jewish inscriptions,seems to be in the genitive as would be expected on a seal; CIJ186

SICILY AND MALTAindexes it as EvpeOK;. Alternative accentuation is E{)pe

SICILY AND MALTAXXIH (1.7): CIJ i following Libertini's minuscule text XXII, but a third / isclear in photographvictorias...per (U.8-9) omitted by Libertini (corrected in 1981 reprint) and CIJPeace upon Israel. Amen, amen, peace. Samuel.I, Aurelius Samuel, bought the memorial for myself and mywife Lassia Irene, who completed her allotted span on 21stOctober, a Friday, in the eighth month, when Merobaudesfor the second time and Satuminus were consuls. She hved23 years, with peace. I adjure you by the victories (of those?) who rule, and I adjure you by the honours of thepatriarchs, and I adjure you by the law which the Lordgave the Jews: let no-one open the memorial and putsomeone else's body on top of our bones. But if anyoneshould open it, let him/her give ten pounds of silver to thetreasury.G. Libertini (1929), pp.185-95 (photograph; from the oririnal) = (1981), pp.69-78; CIJ i(1936), pp.466-7 no.650 (photograph; follows Libertini); i (1975), p.51 (follows Ferrua);A. Ferrua (1938), p.71 n.l; AE (1984), pp.112-3 no.439 (follows Libertini 1981); R.J.A.Wilson (1990), pp.310-1, fig.264c (photograph).H.J. Leon (1937-8), p.359; A. Vaccari (1938), p.342; A. Ferrua (1941), p.44; B. Pace(1949), p. 138 n.2; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.56; S. Calderone (1955),pp.489 n.7, 490, 498; G. Manganaro (1959), p.347; L. Levi (1962), pp.152-3; A. Milano(1963), p.28; V. Colomi (1964), p.l8 n.82, p.l9; C. Gebbia (1979), pp.258-9; C.Colafemmina (1980a), p.226 n.lOO; L. Cracco Ruggini (1980b), p.501; A. Messina(1981), p.203; S.J.D. Cohen (1981-2), p.l6 n.30; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.207; A.Ferrua (1984), p.384; A.M. Rabello (1985), p.670; G. Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.223no.ll4; L.H. Kant (1987), p.696 n.l50; G. Mayer (1987), pp.95, 125; C. Vismara (1987),p.121; F. Millar (1992), pp.97-9.The plaque was found in May 1928 near the Church of S. Teresa,close to the ancient west walls of Catania (cf. NS (1897) p.239f onlate imperial burials from the area). Jews at Catania are alsomentioned in Acts of St Agatha {AASS Feb. i, p.618: Jews andgentiles as well as Christians venerated St Agatha's burial placethere). The Jewish epitaph found at Rome of Justus, son of Amachiusof Catania, aged 22, was published by U.M. Fasola, *Le duecatacombe ebraiche di Villa Torlonia', RivAC 52 (1976) p.25. Greg.M.,188

SICILY AND MALTAEp. vi 30 (April 596), refers to Samaritans living at Catania whobought pagan slaves and circumcised them.According to the 8th-century life of St. Leo, Bishop of Catania(who lived in the mid-Sth century), his enemy Heliodorus hadrecourse to a Jewish magician (AASS Feb. iii, p.224). Ferrua (1938),p.73 also suggests Jewish influence on the Christian inscription NS(1893) p.389 = Agnello (1953) no.57, which refers to an oiKoq alwvioQev Xpiax^ for a napeevo^ ocyvoTdTn VDV(|)ev[0£T

SICILY AND MALTASamuel's wife. The most plausible explanation is Ferrua's, that Fwas written mistakenly for E (the bottom horizontal bar of the Ebeing confused with the guide-line when the text was inscribed), andthe name is a dative form of Lassia Irena with one S omitted (thename Lasia is not otherwise securely attested, but cf. no. 186). Thecognomen is a popular Jewish one (cf. no.28) and the gentiliciumwith the spelling Lass- is attested although rare (CIL x 756 fromSurrentum, 1074b from Pompeii).4-7. The date is 21st October 383, which according to E.J.Bickerman's table in Chronology of the ancient world (revised ed.,London, 1980), p.60 fig.8, was a Saturday not a Friday (cf ILCV4214 for an inscription from 382 where a day is given correctly asFriday). Presumably a Jew would have known when the Sabbathwas, and it seems that either the writer or stone-cutter made amistake with writing the numeral, or there was an error inexpressing the date in an 'official' system which was not in everydayuse. This is the only Italian Jewish epitaph which undoubtedlynames the day of the week, but it was a reasonably common practicein Christian inscriptions, and the index of Diehl (ILCV iii, p.311)shows that Friday (28 examples) is mentioned more often than anyother day (24 mention Sunday and 18 Saturday). Sicilian Christianepitaphs in Greek mention Sunday and Friday (Agnello (1953), 63,69, 106). The 'eighth month' evidently refers to the Jewish calendar,and in 383 Heshwan would have begun on 14th October (E. Mahler,Handhuch der jiidischen Chronologic (Leipzig, 1916)).8-13. CIJ 719 from Argos, written in Greek, offers a number ofparallels to these elaborate protection clauses. There, Aurelius Josesinvokes the great and holy powers of God, the powers of the law, thehonour of the patriarchs and ethnarchs and the wise, the honour ofthe reverence which is paid each day to God. No.26, above, alsoinvokes legem (written licim) against tomb violation. Gebbia (p.259)argues that there must have been a substantial Jewish community towhom the adiuratio is directed, but the specification quem Dominusdedit ludeis might be taken as indicating that non-Jews wereexpected to read it.7-8. cum pace is a fairly unusual phrase (although in pace isextremely common) which can refer to the deceased's life (no. 183,below; ILCV 2009.12: 'fide servata cursum cum pace peregit') or, ashere, death (3330B.22: 'vere quievit cum pace') or to the act of190

SICILY AND MALTAcommemoration (2727A: 'maritus fecit cum pace').8. There are Christian examples from Italy of less elaborateadiuro expressions: ILCV 3861 (Surrentum) 'adiuro bos omnes postme benturos'; 3863 (Comum) 'adiuro vos omnes, Christiani, et te,custude beati luliani, pro deo et pro tremenda die iudicii'; 3870(Salonae, dated to 426 or 430) 'adiuro per deum et per legescresteanor.'; C. Carletti, Iscrizioni cristiane di Roma no. 119 'adiurovos per Cristum'. CIJ 719 uses eve

SICILY AND MALTA3), where the sums range from 2 ounces to 8 pounds of gold £ind 3 to10 (as here, cf ILCV 501, 818B) or even 20 pounds of silver. Otherexamples are all from northern Italy (Luna and Ancona are thefurthest south) or Dalmatia, and most explicitly concern soldiers orveterans and their families. The fiscus must be the imperial treasury,not a local fimd. A military connection for Samuel is possible, andwould also explain why the inscription is in Latin and uses a Romandate, but a soldier would usually have the nomen Flavins at thisdate. The formula 'per victorias qui inperant' might be interpreted asreferring to Roman military commanders or emperors ('through thevictories of those who rule') rather than (as suggested by Libertini) todivine power ('through the victories = powers which rule'). The'victories' could refer to recent military successes against the Goths,but are more likely to be a general description suitable for anyemperor.Of the variations from standard spelling in this inscription, theloss of n before a consonant or semi-vowel, the dissimilation of m ton and the use of h for v are all well attested in Christian inscriptions{SICVMV ii, pp. 12-18) and at Venosa, where the spelling oxsor is alsofound.146 (C/7 650a): Catania: 4th-5th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Catania, Museo del Castello Ursino (sala VII, east wall, no.541).Triangular marble plaque, 30.5 x 19 cm.; letters 1.5 cm. Letter forms:^ii.6C0.Text follows A. Ferrua (1938), p.72.ev|0d5e | laxe Ae|ovTia exw(v) | y'- || evGdSe Ki|xe KaXXi|67tTiex©(v) I {menorah) v(\ . {menorah) {ethrog?)Here lies Leontia, aged 3. Here lies Calliope, aged 18.G.L. CasteUo (1769), noXIV.LXXin (U.1-4 only); F. Perrara (1829), p.351 no.2(facsimile; from the stone); CIG iii (1853), p.665 no.5713 (11.1-4 only, follows Castello);IG xiv (1890), p.l32 no.543 (follows Ferrara and (11.1-4) Castello); A. Ferrua (1938),2pp.71-2, tav.m no.2 (photograph; from the stone); CIJ i (1975), p.51 no.650a (followsFerrua); IGCVO (1989), p.289 no.l342 (follows IG); R.J.A. Wilson (1990), p.310 &n.l24, fig.264b (photograph).192

SICILY AND MALTAB. Pace (1949), p.l38 n.2; G. Manganaro (1959), p.347; C. Gebbia (1979), p.258; A.Messina (1981), p.203; H. Solin (1983), p.746; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.207; G.Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), p.226 no.ll4; G. Mayer (1987), pp.94, 115, 120.This inscription came from the Biscari collection at Catania, butthere are no details of how it entered the collection. Ferrua thoughtthat it might come from the Monteverde catacomb at Rome,presumably because of the formula used, but a local origin seemslikely as there was clearly a substantial Jewish community atCatania - ev0d5e KeiTai was widely used in Sicily as well as at Rome.The founder of the collection, Ignazio Patemo Castello, principe diBiscari, acquired some inscriptions at Rome in the mid-18th centuryand others on the antiquities market, but was also responsible forexcavations at Catania from 1770 (G. Libertini (1930), pp.XI-XVI);Libertini regarded the Greek inscriptions in the collection as beingalmost all from Catania. There is no evidence except letter-forms andvocabulary on which to date this inscription, but it seems likely tocome from the same period as the others from Catania.On EV0d5e mxai (here idie), see nos.12 and 46. In Sicily it isusually indicative of a Christian inscription (Ferrua, RivAC 18,p.218), but the menorahs (in each lower corner of the plaque; bothhave tripods and no crossbar) leave no doubt about Jewishness inthis case. The name Calliope is found in Jewish use at Beth She'arim(BS ii 136, 137, 200), and for a Christian at Syracuse with the samespelling as here (IGCVO 948, 1321). It also occurs in a pagan Latininscription from Catania (C/L x 7055). Leontia (which might beregarded as the Greek equivalent of Judith) occurs in CIJ 369 fromRome, and as a Christian name at Venosa; cf. no. 104, above. To theright of the right-hand menorah there is a mark which may be anethrog or amphora, although IG interpreted it as part of an upsilon,and Ferrara thought it was a shofar.147 (CIJ i^ 650b): Catania: 4th-5th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Catania, Museo del Castello Ursino (sala VI, south wall, no.310).Marble tablet with both sides broken, 19.5 x 13 cm., letters 3.3 cm.Letter forms: A hk. C CO.Text follows A. Ferrua (1938), p.72.193

SICILY AND MALTA[ - - ]iq Ka[ - - ]|[ - - ]T1(; ^[ - - ]|[ - - ]ilSe K[ - - ]|[ - - ] exc5(v)(menorah) [ - - ]2A. Ferrua (1938), p.72, tav.in no.3 (photograph; from the stone); CIJ i (1975), pp.51-2no.650b (foUows Ferrua); H. SoUn (1983), p.746.C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.207.This inscription, like the preceding one, came to the Castello UrsinoMuseum from the Biscari collection, leaving similar doubts aboutprovenance and date. Ferrua's photograph shows a frame around theletters, but this was apparently not an original feature. It isimpossible to reconstruct the text or to estimate how much has beenlost. It appears to have nothing in common with no. 146, since boththe lettering and the form of the menorah (here with only two feetand less rounded branches) are different. The lettering of 1.3 couldalso be interpreted as [ - - ]TI 8eK[a - - ]. 1.4 must have given an age,but more than one person may have been commemorated.148 (CIJ 650c): Catania: 4th-5th century. Acquisition of tomb;Greek.Catania, Museo G. Libertini, Istituto di Archeologia (University ofCatania).Marble plaque, 14 x 14 x 3 cm. Letter forms: K 6 H TT C V.Text follows G. Manganaro (1959), p.347.Eipfjveq 7cpE|ap

SICILY AND MALTApp.203-4 no.855 (based on Orsi's reading).G. Libertini (1929), p. 194; A. Ferrua (1938), p.73; S.L. Agnello (1953), p.84; J. & L.Robert, BE (1960), p.212 no.459; (1961), p.268 no.862; S.L. Agnello (1962), p.291; A.Neppi Modona (1963), p.l58; C. Gebbia (1979), p.258; L. Cracco Ruggini (1980b), p.502;A. Messina (1981), pp.203-4; B.J. Brooten (1982), p.52 n.48; C. Colafenunina (1983a),p.207.This plaque was found in 1896 at Catania on the wall of a tomb inthe Via A. di San Giuliano. Inscriptions recording the purchase of aburial place are very common for pagans, Christians and Jews (cf.no. 145, above) in Sicily, but the final formula of this text ledManganaro and others to see it as Jewish. Ferrua has opposed thisview vigorously, arguing that Jewishness is only a possibility (as inno. 149, below).The name is a variant spelling of EipTjvaToq; cf CIJ 107 and 360(both restored), 69 and 266 (Latin forms). Other forms are foimd, e.g.EipTivaq in Cyrenaica (CJZC app.2). For non-Jews, EipTivn^ occurs inPhrygia (SEG 29.1381), Eipiiveoi; in Syria (SEG 36.1296), EipiivaTq inEgypt (K. Dieterich (1898), p.48). It seems unnecessary to followIGCVO in taking the sigma as a mark of abbreviation. For the muchcommoner feminine form of the name, cf. no.28, above. 'Presbyter'was a title used by Jews at Venosa and elsewhere; see no.75.The usage of ivxoXfy is discussed in detail by G. Schrenk, TDNTii, pp.546-556. It signified a command, usually imperial (e.g. mandatato a proconsul, BE (1977) 331 and 510), royal or divine, and inparticular the precepts of Mosaic law. It was used by Christianwriters both for the commandments of O.T. law which they adoptedand occasionally for Jesus' precepts or for the Christian rehgion as awhole (W. Bauer, A Greek-English Lexieon of the New Testament,S.V.). In epitaphs, it is found in almost exclusively Jewish usage (cf.DACL vii, col.679), e.g. CIJ 915 from Jaffa [e^ evToXi[q](?) and theJews at Rome described as (piAivxoXot; (CIJ 132, 203, 482, 509); also(^ikevToXwc, in Malta (no. 163, below). One exception is the undoubtedlyChristian epitaph of Zoneene from Alexandria (SB i 1540, dated to409). As evToX-fi is only used at Catania in this inscription and no. 149,it seems unlikely that it refers to any general regulations in thetown, and its occurrence in conjunction with a name and a title bothmuch used by (although not exclusive to) Jews makes it probable,although not certain, that the inscription is Jewish.195

SICILY AND MALTA^XanxGi means to harm something or someone, as in Lk. iv 35IITISEV pA^dyov avxov. It occurs on a Phrygian tombstone dated to 250/1in the formula ei xiq pXdv)H OTf|XlT|V, and the forms epA,a\|/ev andepXa\)/av are both found in a fragmentary 2nd-century epitaph fromTaranto whose sense is unclear (SEG 31.878).If the interpretation of the inscription as Jewish is correct, thereference is presumably to some aspect of Jewish burial law. Themost likely provision is the prohibition of burial within 50 cubits of atown (b B.B. 25a, quoting the Mishnah). This of course coincidedwith Roman law from the XII Tables. The reference could also be tothe burying of a wicked person next to a righteous one (b Sanh. 47a)or the Mishnaic provisions for the exact layout of a family tomb (bB.B. lOOb-lOla).Despite the similarities with no. 149, the two inscriptions do notappear to have been made by the same stone-cutter (Ferrua, acceptedby Manganaro (1959-60)).149 (CIJ 650d): Catania: 4th-5th century. Acquisition of tomb;Greek.Catania, Museo del Castello Ursino (sala VI).Marble plaque, 14 x 18 cm. Letter forms: A € C CO. Some lettershave serifs.Text follows G. Manganaro (1959), p.348.*Idacov Kpeop

SICILY AND MALTAno.650d (follows Manganaro); H. Solin (1983), p.747.A. Ferrua (1938), p.73; S.L. Agnello (1962), p.291; L. Cracco Ruggini (1980b), p.502; A.Varvaro (1981), p.55; A. Messina (1981), pp.203-4; B.J. Brooten (1982), p.52 n.48; C.Colafenunina (1983a), p.207; R.J.A. Wilson (1990), p.310 & n.l24.This inscription, first pubhshed by Libertini (without details of howit came into the Biscari collection at Catania), is very similar tono. 148, above. The elder's name, Jason, was much used by Jews; cf.no. 155, below; CIJ 32 and 289 from Rome; CIJ 749 from lasos; sevenreferences in CJZC\ lEJ 17, pp.101-111 from Jerusalem). ThedifTerences here from the previous inscription are the use of ^11^16(0instead of pXaTTC©, the provision for the purchaser's children, and thedescription of the tomb as Koom. This word, which transliterates theLatin cupa (e.g. CIL vi 12202), also occurs in IGUR 300 (xfiv KOVTCOCVoov 1^ TixXcp Kal ToTq Tiepl avxnv dvaA,6|iaaiv) and at Catania in IGCVO870 dYopaaiQt lepfjpa; Ko^m and 840 Ko(^)7ia5 Xof f|Yop[aa]aTO.^imioo) means to pimish, usually by causing loss to ordisadvantaging someone, in a commercial or moral sense (A.Strumpff, TDNT ii, pp.888-9), e.g. Plato, Leg. 846a STqiTcep ov ... unSevHTl8eva ^TinioT ....150 (C/7 i 654): Catania: 4th-5th century. Acquisition of tomb;Greek.Palermo, Museo archeologico regionale; inv.no.8743.Marble tablet, 14 x 18 x 2 cm.; letters 1.5-2.5 cm. Ligature: MI;letter forms A 6 li C CO.Text follows M.T. Manni Piraino (1973), p.32.Zoxjiniavoo dYOpaaeia evpdaecoq. (menorah)dyopctaeia: Lifshitz ayopoccrei^cZosimianus' acquisition of a tomb.A. Mavilla (1865), p.52 no.6 [not seen]; J-B. Frey (1931), pp.122-5 no.51 (photographprovided by Silvagni); CIJ i (1936), p.470 no.654 (photograph); i^ (1975), p.54; M.Schwabe (1941), pp.113-5 [not seen]; B. Lifshitz (1963), pp.258-9 (translates Schwabe);J. & L. Robert, BE (1964), p.258 no.631 (follows Lifshitz); M.T. Manni Piraino (1973),197

SICILY AND MALTApp.32-4 no.10, tav.VI (photograph; from the stone).A. Ferrua (1941), p.45; C. MercurelU (1945), p.6 n.2; (1948), p.l2 n.54; B. Pace (1949),p.l38 n.l; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.56; S. Calderone (1955), p.489n.5; D. Adamesteanu (1955), p.570 n.ll; A. Ferrua (1958), p.l72; O. Garana (1960),p.l47; V. Colomi (1964), p.l8 n.84; A. Ferrua (1975), p.361; C. Gebbia (1979), p.260; L.Cracco Ruggini (1980b), p.501; A Messina (1981), p.211; C. Colafemmina (1983a),p.208; L.H. Kant (1987), p.677 n.28; R.J.A. Wilson (1990), p.414 n.l24.Although there is no doubt about the reading of this inscription,there has been much debate about both provenance andinterpretation. Mercurelli (with doubts) and Frey both thought itcame from Agrigento, but Ferrua (1958) cited Mavilla's earlierpublication to show that it was found at Catania. The reference byMessina is totally erroneous.The first two words indicate that the tomb was purchased byZosimianus (see nos. 148-9 for comparable formulae, very common inSicily; dcyopaoia occurs in e.g. IG xiv 79, 116 and 141, all fromSyracuse). The closest parallel is perhaps in IGCVO 875, fromSyracuse: dYOpaoeia xoi) XOTCOO fjiiandpa, *the acquisition of the place isours'.Frey understood lupaoii; (the usual spelling of the word in 1.3) asa name - 'acquisition of Zosimianus from Embasis'. Lifshitz(translating Schwabe) took it in its legal sense, deriving from theverb enpaivo) and meaning the taking over of a debtor's goods by rightof hypothec - he cites a text from Ephesus (Dittenberger, Sylloge i^364, 11.76-8, ?3rd century B.C.) where the noim used is e^ipaxeio. Thiswould give the translation (treating the second word as dative, andtaking the genitive of the third word as Latin usage): '(property of)Zosimianus by acquisition by right of hypothec'.However, evpaoii; is clearly a tomb in the Christian Catanianinscription, Ferrua (1989), no.425 - probably in 413 and 437, too.There is another parallel in IGBulg. iii 997 (Philippopolis, ?2ndcentury), where provisions about eight thehai bought by Mucianusinclude one concerning xhc, ev 5e4ioTq evpaxdi; 5\3o. IGCVO 1035, fi'omMoesia and dated to the 5th century, is the epitaph of two relativeswho (TOveaxpTjaov ev xfj eypdai &pgt }iiQc. The word was also used forembarking on a ship, and for a bath or bath-tub, in which sense itwas used in Hebrew (Jastrow, s.v. "'D3DH, 'onH). The origin of theusage as 'tomb' is perhaps the idea of the tomb as a place from which198

SICILY AND MALTAto 'embark' for the next world, or more probably an analogy betweenthe shape of tomb and bath.151 (C/7 i 651): Syracuse: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.Syracuse, Museo archeologico regionale Paolo Orsi.Limestone tablet, 30 x 23 cm; letters painted in red. Letter forms: Aeco).Text follows D. Feissel (1981), p.486 (based on Orsi's reading).Eipfiva N

SICILY AND MALTAnear S. Giovanni. He sees the confusion of Christian and Jewishremains as showing the origin of the Christian community of the cityamong the Jews there. There appears to have been a Jewish lampproducingworkshop in Syracuse in the 7th century, as a clay lamp ofSyracuse type now in the British Museum (provenance vmknown) hasa menorah on the base as well as the maker's mark of a cross withina circle (Wilson (1990), p.262, fig.222; Bailey (1988), no.Q1869).G. Manganaro (ANRW H.ll.l (1988), p.60) argues that aninscription from a seat in the amphitheatre at Syracuse (no. 17 in hislist, from G. Vinicio Gentih, Palladia 23 (1973), fig.67.16, p.70 no. 16)should be restored as [loc(i) lud] I aeorum and dated to the 4thcentury. His arguments are rejected by Wilson (p.415, n.l26), whopoints out that the letter forms and comparable inscriptions suggestthe late 2nd century. The restoration seems extremely speculative,and the seats are more likely to have belonged to people from avillage or a part of the city.Two inscriptions from the Christian S. Giovanni catacombs inSyracuse have been cited by IGCVO (nos.225-6) as showing whatappear to be seven-branched candelabra. In fact the originalpublication by Orsi (RQ 10 (1896)) shows that both symbols are moreprobably palms: no.225 (his no.50) has a tripod but many more thanseven branches, and no.226 (his no.22) has only seven branches butis drawn in a very similar way to a palm with more branches on theother side of the stone. Both inscriptions have a chi-rho symbol.Wilson, pp.310-1, fig.264a, publishes a photograph of a clay tabletfrom Syracuse (now in the Museo archeologico regionale there) in theform of an aedicula containing a representation of Artemis based onArtemis of Ephesus. Surrounding the goddess is a 14-line inscriptionin Greek letters which is incomprehensible apart from dami (blood inHebrew) followed by lakoppi (presumably Jacob). This is insufficientevidence of Jewishness in itself, but no. 156 below shows thepossibility of Jewish magical texts with transliterated Hebrew.There is some dubious literary evidence of Jews at Syracuse.According to AASS Jun.ii, p.789 (composed in the 7th or 8thcentury). Bishop Marcian of Syracuse (3rd century) found a place tolive, where he was later buried, in caves in the high part of the city(Acradina), with the Jewish synagogue to the south. The life of the7th-century Bishop Zosimus (AASS Mar.iii, p.842) mentions thedestruction of the synagogue of Syracuse by the Vandals; cf the200

SICILY AND MALTAreference by Barrecca, pp.73-4, to an 8th-century Greek manuscript(Codex Vat. no.866) referring to a synagogue in the Acradina region.A letter of Greg.M. (Ep. ii 22/3, 598, addressed to the Bishop ofSyracuse) mentions a Samaritan slave-owner.In this inscription, the first name is a variant of Irene (cf no.28).Nofiqni is probably a second name. It occurs in Greek as a name in/GCVO 1351 (Syracuse), IGUR 1320, and SEG 19.369k from Boeotia,and was very common in Italy in its Latin form Nymphe (43examples in CIL vi, 9 in CIL ix, 5 in CIL x, including variantspellings). A variant spelling also occurs as a name in no. 152, below.Double names are not common among Italian Jews, but there areother examples (see Index II b). Alternatively, vonqrn could have thesense of *bride', as in the metrical inscriptions IGUR 1234.7 and1344.2, and in the otherwise Latin 974: Tertiae Aug.lib. vu|i(pnSpaKttivai, coniugi sine exemplo; or (since there is no mention of ahusband) it could mean *girl of marriageable age*. Orsi saw it asindicating 'celestial bride' in a mystic sense, but a more mundaneinterpretation would be preferable; cf. vvfitpio^ in JIGRE 57 fromLeontopolis. In inscriptions from Asia Minor, vv^qni indicates adaughter-in-law (cf SEG 33.1609), or even sister-in-law (Lifshitz(1967), no.28), but the implication here would more probably be thatIrene was recently married or about to marry.Although ^DOTiipiov can have the sense of'tomb', as in CIJ 871 (=SEG 31.1388) from Byblos, it seems here to be part of an invocationintroduced by Katd (used in invocations of God in IG xiv 187 fromSyracuse and of gods in ibid. 772 from Naples) and to indicate 'themystery of death, of which the tomb is designated the tangible sign'(Feissel). The invocation is to prevent the opening of the tomb for reuseor violation. |jfj xic, performs the same function as \LJ\Si(; in no. 152,and emendation is unnecessary even if they were meant to be thesame; the verb is spelled differently in 152 too. The form w/\)br(/-E fordvoi^n also occurs in IG xiv 2330 and 2332 from Concordia, ii 13216from Athens (cited by Robert, 'Maledictions funeraires grecques',CRAI (1978), p.243), and at Termessus in Pisidia (BCH (1899), p.280no.61, cited by Orsi; the verb should perhaps be imderstood as aninfinitive): exEp© 5e oi>5evi e^eaxe ... dvv^e t\ em0d\|(e xivd exepov Tcxwiio.201

SICILY AND MALTA152 {CIJ i 652): Syracuse: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.Syracuse, Museo archeologico regionale Paolo Orsi.Limestone tablet, 27.5 x 23.5 cm; letters painted in red. Letter forms:A € AA C CO.Text follows D. Feissel (1981), p.486 (based on Orsi's reading).Kaxoc xoi) |ieX|XiixeiKov ^Ti|5t(; dvoi^T] S8e, | 5XEI N6(pao(; | K EN-OCpTj K E I X E . I(lulab) euXx)Yi a xoTq 6oi oic, S5E. (menorah) (shofar)dvoC^T) (1.2): Orsi (minuscule text) dvo^nffiSe, I 5x£i Nocpeio^ (U.3—4): Orsi, Robert &5e | 6 Tavo(peiO(;N

SICILY AND MALTATOOJTO, Exa Tipoq Tr|v [ - - xfiv |Li£]X,A.owav, and IG xiv 625 from Rhegion:El tig ETcdvG) eEX,fjai TEGiivai, Xoyov dnoSwaEi Elq to H£>.Ax)V. The idea offuture judgment is exphcit in Acts xxiv 25 xov Kpijiaxo; xo^ HEX-XOVXC^.Robert quoted a letter from Festugiere suggesting that HEXX.TiXEiKoi)translates the post-biblical Knn nbMin (the world to come) or Ha*? T'rrn(the future to come), but it is unnecessary to look for a Hebrewsource in view of the Greek parallels. Orsi (1918/9) quoted asuggestion by Comparetti that ^IEXXTIXEIKOI) is a compound of ^lEXlavand xeixoq, meaning sepulchral um, but this would not explain Kaxd.The first name has generally been understood as 6 Tavocpaoq, butFeissel suggests that both names here are related to Nymphe inno. 151. Comparetti, quoted by Orsi and supported by Ferrua (1936),also read Nocpaog as a separate name, but proposed deriving it fromNoph, the Hebrew name for Memphis. On Nymphe as a name, seeno. 151, above; the Latin form occurs as Nyphe (C/L vi 33409) andNuphe (C/L X 8349). Nymphius (or Nymphios) occurs quitefrequently as a Latin male cognomen in Italy (20 examples in CIL vi,including 25285d L. Quintilius L.l. Nyphius; 4 in CIL ix and 2 in CILx), and it is probable that an attempt has been made in thisinscription to put the same name back into the Greek alphabet.The final 'blessing' formula was possibly added by a differenthand although there are no discrepancies in the letter forms. EiiAx)'yianaaiv was a well-used expression, e.g. CIJ 173 from a Rome epitaph,723 from a mosaic in the Aegina synagogue. 50iOQ was a commonepithet at Rome (and was much used by Christians too), but in theconsolation formula from Beth She'arim (BS ii 193) QapcnxE TiaxEpE^6

SICILY AND MALTA153: Syracuse: uncertain date. Column; Samaritan.Syracuse, Museo archeologico regionale Paolo Orsi.Round marble column, 53 x 24.5 cm.Text is a new interpretation based on P. Orsi's photographs (1918/9),figs.207-8, and I. Guidi's comments.(a) nnhp](b) i:ianRise, YHWH, may your enemies be scattered.P. Orsi (1918/9) cols.611-3, figs.207-8 (photographs; from the stone).B. Pace (1949), p.l37; S. Calderone (1955), p.489 n.2, p.490 n.4; C. Gebbia (1979),p.247 n.26; A. Messina (1981), p.206; S. Sciaccia (1982-3), p.94 n.l8; R.J.A. Wilson(1990), p.414 n.l25.This column was found in August 1913 in the upper strata ofexcavations at the Vecchio Seminario, near the temple of Athene inSyracuse. There is lettering within a circle on either side of thecolumn; the upper part of each circle is lost. The original height ofthe column is uncertain, as this was not necessarily the only writingon it, and its function is totally unclear.The text was studied for Orsi by I. Guidi, who showed that thescript was Samaritan. The letter-forms are unusually square, buthave parallels in Samaritan texts of a wide range of dates from the4th century onwards: see e.g. tables VI and VII in J.D. Purvis, TheSamaritan pentateuch and the origin of the Samaritan seet(Cambridge, Mass., 1968); they could be many centuries later,however. The only exception is the form of he, where there are noclose parallels. The westernmost example of an ancient Samaritaninscription other than this one is the synagogue dedication fromThessalonika pubhshed by B. Lifshitz & J. Schiby (1968), pp.368-78,which is mainly Greek but with two lines of Samaritan. That istentatively dated to the 4th century, but apart from beth the letterformshave little in common with those from Syracuse. In view of theotherwise total lack of epigraphic Samaritan from western Europe, itis possible that the column was imported to Syracuse from much204

SICILY AND MALTAfurther east.In 1.1 of side (a) the first two letters are lost, but there is nodoubt about the reading of the others, or of those in 1.2. In 1.1 of side(b), only the lower part of each letter is preserved. The first letter isalmost certainly i, the second and fourth or the third 3 3 or B andthe fifth 1 or 3i (Guidi was not aware of all these possibilities). Thereading of 1.2 is clear, and this makes it apparent that the whole textis taken from Num. x 35: 'Moses would say, "Rise, YHWH, may yourenemies be scattered and those who hate you flee at your approach" '.This was a popular text in Samaritan inscriptions (R. Pummer,'Inscriptions', in A.D. Crown (ed.) The Samaritans, p. 192) and occursfor example in a text from Nablus (A. Alt, ZDPV 48 (1925), p.400).154: Note Vecchio (Netum): 5th century or later (?). Tomb decoration.In situ.{menorahs)P. Orsi, NS (1897a), pp.89-90, fig.20 (facsimile); (1900a), p.205, fig.14 (facsimile); L.V.Rutgers (1992-3), pp.107, 112-3, fig.6-7 (photographs).J. Juster (1914), p.l83 n.8; E. Cohn-Wiener (1929), p.l05, Abb.64; B. Pace (1949),pp.137 n.9, 160; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.56; iii (1954), fig.853; S.Calderone (1955), p.489 n.3; O. Garana (1960), p.96; L. Yarden (1971), pl.l25; A.Messina (1981), p.208; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.209; R.JA Wilson (1988), p.l85;(1990), p.311.Orsi excavated a number of small hypogea to the east of the casaFiaccavento at Note Vecchio which he dated to the 'Christian-Byzantine' period, and found a menorah engraved on either side of asingle-body arcosolium in one of them. The menorahs were 40 and 50cm. high respectively. Cohn-Wiener has a photograph of a lampdecorated with a menorah, ethrog and shofar, which may have comefrom here. The surrounding hypogea appear to have been Christian.A Christian phylactery from Note, dated to the 5th/6th century,invoked Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael and 'Iad)a, a title whichderives ultimately from Hebrew but which was in widespread use inmagical texts (G. Manganaro, RAL (1963), pp.57-74; the last name isusually written *Ia©). At Cittadella Maccari (8 miles south of Noto),205

SICILY AND MALTAOrsi found a lamp decorated with two five- branched candelabra in atomb containing a skeleton (RQ (1900), p.205 & fig. 11; now in theSyracuse Museum according to 0. Garana (1960), p. 100, p. 137 fig.23).155 (C/7 653a): Chiaramonte Gulfi (Acrilla): 4th century or later(?). Epitaph; Greek.Private collection near Camarina.Limestone slab, 30 x 22 cm., irregular edges, letters 5 cm. (but lA aresmaller). Letter forms: A C CO.Text follows P.E. Arias (1937), p.472.'Idocov T5 vf|7a ov. (menorah)di Vita: 'Ia[(T](av; also reads omega to left of menorah and 1.1Jason the child.P.E. Arias (1937), p.472 fig.l3 (photograph; from the stone); J. & L. Robert, BE (1939),p.538 no.588 (follows Arias); (1952), p.202 no.200 (follows di Yita); A. Ferrua (1941),2p.45 (follows Arias); A di Vita (1950), p.lOl (photograph; from the stone); CIJ i(1975), p.54 no.653a (follows de Vita); H. Solin (1983), p.747 (foUows Arias).C. MercurelU (1945), p.85; B. Pace (1949), p.l37 n.8, p.l71; S.L. AgneUo (1954), p.216;S. Calderone (1955), p.489 n.6; O. Garana (1961), p.92; L. Cracco Ruggini (1980b),p.501; A. Messina (1981), p.209; C. Colafemmina (1983a), pp.207-8; R.J.A. Wilson(1990), p.414 n.l24.This tombstone was found in the 1930s at the cemetery of S. Nicolodi Giglia near Chiaramonte Gulfi (north-east of Comiso, known inancient and Arab times as Acrilla or Akrillai); a Christian inscriptionwas discovered at the same time, and others are known from thesite. Arias dated it only as 'late'. Solin gives the date as 4th-centuryand Pace as late 5th-century, both without explanation.The name Jason was widely used by Jews (no. 149, above). Theuse of the neuter form of the word for child, although rarer than theform in -og, is well attested at Rome (CIJ 90, 126, 358, 396) and wasperhaps suggested by the analogous TEKVOV. It is usually employedinstead of an age, but vf|moi who are given ages at Rome are said tobe 2 (CIJ 152), 3 (90, 418, no.53 above), 4 (CIJ 358), 5 (331, 359), 6206

SICILY AND MALTA(146), 7 (161), 8 (88, restored), and presumably Jason died at asimilar age.156: Comiso: 3rd-5th century (?). Amulet; Hebrew.Syracuse, Museo archeologico regionale Paolo Orsi; inv.no. 15280.Gold sheet, 5x8 cm., with one corner broken.Text follows S. Calderone (1955).2Db n-'D^ n*?nnip mpom ynin^ IIT2?n |nn^r|CD 7\DV^ n•^1*72? om ynin \ \ loWith this .... Ammia (?) .... YAH, wait, wait, and he shallsave by the name that is in the height, and he shall sparethe lowly; High One, Highest .... deliver us .... children (?).... the face of the Twins (?) .... he shall save by the namethat is in the height, and he shall spare the lowly ....deliver us .... children (?) .... EL, YAH, YAH.B. Lagumina (1876), p.l38 [not seen]; S. Calderone (1955), pp.490-502 (photographsand facsimile); U. SchmoU (1964), pp.512-4, Tafl-HI (from enlarged photograph).M.I. Finley (1979), p.l68; R.JA. Wilson (1990), p.311.207

SICILY AND MALTAThis gold sheet from Comiso was found in or before 1876. It hadbeen rolled up and kept in a small container. It was interpreted asan archaic Greek, magical or even Sicanian text (full bibliographygiven by Calderone, pp.491-2). Because of the thinness of the sheet,the lettering is visible on both sides, and this caused considerableconfusion. Lagumina's early suggestion that the text was Hebrewwas taken up again by Calderone. He took the script as 3rd-early5th century (preferring the 3rd century), and the language asHebrew with Aramaic influence. He emphasizes, however, that thetranscription is often imcertain. Despite his attempts to construe thewhole text, no continuous translation can be offered, and the Englishabove is only a tentative attempt to translate the morecomprehensible passages: some divine titles and a few other phrases.Fifteen broadly comparable Aramaic and Hebrew amulets fromPalestine, Syria, Asia Minor and Egypt are published by J. Naveh &S. Shaked, Amulets and magie bowls (Jerusalem & Leiden, 1985),pp.40-122: most are written on metal sheets and dated between the4th and 7th centuries. The text of this amulet is much lessintelligible than most in Naveh & Shaked, which underlinesCalderone's suggestion that the copyist did not understand it andcopied it purely for magical purposes. There is no evidence from theepitaphs of Sicilian Jews knowing more than minimal Hebrew.2. The name Ammia is well attested in Sicily (Calderone, p.499),and probably indicates the name of the person for whom the amuletwas made. Alternatively, the word might be construed as Aramaic'with him'.3-4. In the rendering above, has been understood asequivalent to i>*wvi, and nowa (as in 1.9) has been read for non.5-6. Here and in 1.11, iri»2i n*70 ('Forgive; we have erred') shouldperhaps be read; cf. 'he shall spare' in 1.4, the Sixth of the EighteenBenedictions (beginning n*?©), and forms of confession of sin includingiri)2i (Is. liii 6), e.g. in the Day of Atonement service. Simon (1986),pp.348-9, 352 notes echoes of Jewish prayer in Greek magical texts.6. "13D'7D (deliver us) should probably be read (cf. 1.12). However,Malthe and Melto occur in Greek in the Testament of Solomon xviii36 & 40 as names bringing deliverance.7. 'Children' would be a natural rendering of «]D here and in 1.13,but the immediate context is obscure.8. The characters identified by Calderone as the noun Twins'208

SICILY AND MALTA(probably referring to the Dioscuri, whose cult was well establishedin Sicily; cf Artemis in no. 159) might also be divided to form l\(perhaps for n, representing a divine name) and Aramaic j^DK, 'Amen'.Schmoll refers to a copper sheet from Palazzolo Acreide (hisTaf.IV), now in the Syracuse museum, which may originally havecontained a text on similar lines, but is now too corroded to read.There is a rolled copper sheet from the same site with a magical textin Greek, published by A. Vogliano & K. Preisendanz, Acme 1 (1948),pp. 73-85, improving IG xiv 2413.17. The names 'M© ZapacbO ASovoTeare used along with magical names. The amulet is described as((yoXaKTiipiov Moaecix;, and there are many references to Moses. Jewishauthorship is possible, but there is nothing distinctively Jewish andit could instead be the work of a pagan or Christian who had somebiblical knowledge but thought of Moses as a magician. Among thenumerous magical inscriptions from Comiso is one which invokesChrist and has a number of symbols including one which could beinterpreted as a nine-branched menorah, but is more probably amagical sign (M. Burzachechi, RAL (1959), pp.403-410 no.l).157 (Plate XXI; CIJ 653b): Sofiana (Philosophiana): 5th century(?). Epitaph; Greek.Gela, Museo archeologico.Irregular, roughly triangular sandstone slab broken into three pieces;irregularity (apart from lower side, where a piece is missing) existedbefore lettering was inscribed. Letter forms: A 6 C.Text follows photographs of B. Neutsch (1954) and D. Adamesteanu(1955).(menorah) ATTIV K ; ppe(a)p vxepoM(y)P|wTepo|(;: BPCBYT6P0C on the stone; SEG {n)p{e)a^\xtpo\(;; 1.jtpeaP'fiiepo^ (see comments below)Attinis, elder.B. Neutsch (1954), cols.688-94, Abb.126 (photograph; from the stone); D. Adamesteanu(1955), pp.569-70 no.3, fig.6 (photograph; from the stone); J. & L. Robert, BE (1958),p.363 no.563 (follows Adamesteanu); SEG 15 (1958), p.l53 no.599 (follows Neutsch and209

SICILY AND MALTAAdamesteanu); D. Adamesteanu (1963), p.273; L. Bonomi (1964), pp.193-200, 206-72 '218-9, fig.35b (photograph and facsimile; from the stone); CIJ i (1975), p.54 no.653b(follows Neutsch); H. Solin (1983), p.747 no.9 (follows Neutsch, Adamesteanu andBonomi).O. Garana (1960), p.l21; S.L. Agnello (1962), p.291; A. Ferrua (1975), p.361; A. Ragona(1975), p.l7; C. Gebbia (1979), pp.254-6; L. Cracco Ruggini (1980), p.502; A. Messina(1981), p.210; B.J. Brooten (1982), p.52 n.48; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.208; RJ.A.Wilson (1990), p.224 & n.l24.This stone was found by Adamesteanu in 1954 during excavations ofthe eastern necropohs at Sofiana (12 km. east of Mazzarino), where ithad been removed from its original position for use as a boundarymarker.The site has been identified as Philosophiana, an unfortifiedstatio on the Catania to Agrigento road mentioned in the AntonineItinerary. Adamesteanu dated this inscription to the first half of the5th century from finds in adjacent burials, but as it is uncertain howfar it had been moved the dating cannot be regarded as certain. Theevidence of Christians in the town dates from the late 4th century(see no. 158, below). The tombs in the necropolis were dug into theground, lined and sealed with slabs. Bonomi (p.200) mentions thefinding of another inscription from the same part in 1948 which wassubsequently lost. Ragona tries to connect the presence of Jews atSofiana with the evidence for glass-making there, but there isnothing to substantiate this.The name of the deceased man is otherwise unknown. BE andSolin understand it as Atinius, a nomen attested in southern Italy (6examples in CIL x) and Rome {ILCV 3796, IG xiv 1437). The namesAttinas {IGUR 1562, where the last letters are restored - it is thepatronymic of a sculptor from Aphrodisias; 3 examples in Fraser &Matthews, s.v.) and Attinus {ILCV 2377 note) are also known, - K ; for-(i)us as the ending of a Latin name occurs in several SicilianChristian inscriptions (Agnello (1952), nos. 53, 61(?), 63); cf. no.l3,above.The third letter of the second word has usually been read assigma, but as it is lunate while the other sigmas are square, it seemsmore likely that it is epsilon with the middle horizontal bar omitted;the other epsilon of the word is lunate. In any case there is anomission of one letter. The title of presbyter ('elder') is the only oneattested in the Jewish communities of Sicily; cf. no.75. Neutsch's210

SICILY AND MALTAattribution of the misspelhng to Hebrew pronunciation has nofoundation, since a Christian epitaph from Syracuse also begins theword with beta: IGCVO 309 [...Jiot; ppeop[oxepoQ]. Another Syracuseinscription, IGCVO 308, reads jipeopfuxepoq (sic) Adpcrn. Numerousexamples of pp for Tcp in words hke xcpo and Axx^Ttpoxaxoq are noted byGignac (1976), pp.83-4.158: Sofiana: 4th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Gela, Museo archeologico.Incomplete sandstone slab broken into four pieces, 7-8.5 cm. thick.Letter forms: K 0 C.Text follows L. Bonomi (1964), p. 177.f l]oa)5aqSapaxi11.2-3: Bonomi suggests IaPav|ot(; as an alternative readingJudas Sabatias.L. Bonomi (1964), pp.177-9, 207, 218-9, fig.9 (photograph; from the stone); H. SoUn(1983), p.747 no.lO.A Messina (1981), p.210.This slab was found during excavations of the bath complex atSofiana, reused in room IV as covering for the praefurnium. Itsoriginal use was probably to cover an individual tomb. The buildingis dated to the early 4th century, but the ealdarium was turned intoa small church at the end of the century, and the rest of the bathsseem to have been put to other uses. The tombstone is likely to havebeen used for repairs while the baths were still functioning andtherefore to date from the 4th century or earlier, although its use aspart of later alterations cannot be excluded. The lettering of theinscription has nothing in common with no. 157 above. Bonomi wasunsure whether to understand the end of 1.2 as N or TI. Therestoration of 1.1 as Judas seems secure (although the rounded formof the delta is unusual), and this is the reason for identifying theinscription as Jewish (see no.ll). It is not certain that 1.2 iscomplete, as the final vertical hasta is at the edge. 'Sabbath' names,211

SICILY AND MALTAof which this is hkely to be one, are given a variety of spellings ininscriptions (cf. no.85), e.g. Zapdrnq (C/J 391), laJ^anc, (394), la^axMc,(395), as well as the forms with -pp- and -|ip-; cf. JIGRE no.58. NoSicilian Jewish inscriptions use patronymics, and Sabatias (if that isthe correct reading) is likely to be Judas' by-name (cf. no. 151). Thealternative reading Sabanas would give a name unknown in Greek orHebrew. Double names used by Jews in Egypt and elsewhere arediscussed in JIGRE, no.6.159: Sofiana (?): 3rd-5th century. Amulet; Greek and transliteratedHebrew.Syracuse, Museo archeologico regionale Paolo Orsi; inv.no.82071.Bronze sheet, 9.5 x 3 cm.; letters 0.2 cm.Text follows S. Sciacca (1982-3), with new restoration in 1.11.AEXKO) la AiKcov la EaKa[ - - ]la 'lr\KlOL 'PcKpaflX., la OvpiiiX,aeapa la MixafjX la FaPpifiXGM ElXiTiX, la Tebxi^KOoviTiX, la EiGipaf\k, la ovi| |(pvaiiX, la la 60 la T[i]pa(jb[91OiSpi^X, la TeSxiTi^ la Iei[Xa^]|(pifiA„ la TeSxiilX, la KpoD[ - -] I OifjA., la yiPitipa, la Xpo\)e[ - - ] | la lepowpln p.oa)peto|x la | loAp(peU,l^, la Ma6v, la Pa[Kia - - ] | ZpouA^ la Apcpe^.i'nn, laleiv I "ApxenTiq (pevye 6.n6 xoi) | 'Ioo8a Kal nou; 7covepe[ - - ] | evT6V 56^a Tou dyiox) 0[eoi) 11 .]\|A)I0; O H H N Q C- | "lepoq \|rn^(000 vav I VKODTcepa lapaot)0 Mixa[T\X] | PaPpifiX aepaxa 7ce[ -- ] I [.]apa5i ccoav appaaa^ [(|n)]|2o|Xa^ov Ovpeq Tdv (|)opoo[vxa]I 'Io65a i6 &Y10V v6nov oov P; i5aa ZH6I appaa^ Blapad)0 ocppoyeTq ejcii[....linUTQ CHBIoexi[...]TvacatvaXA8a)vea[.](; aapap,MixaTi(X) I - A iiilalaxiPi(o0 30 aeppi0 mDelko, lA Dikon, lA Eska seara lA Michael, lA Gabriel,lA lel, lA Raphael, lA Uriel, you Eiliel, lA Tedchiel, lAUniel, lA Istrael, lA Phoniphnael, lA lA 0th, lA Tibaoth,lA Uriel, lA Tedchiel, lA Selamphiel, lA Tedchiel, lA Kerou212

SICILY AND MALTA...thiel, lA Gibitiba, lA Chrouth... , LA Seraphimmesharethim (?), lA Arphellim, lA Maon, lA Ra(kia?) Zebul,lA Arphelliem, lA Setn (?) Artemis, flee from Juda andfrom every evil ... in the glory of the holy God .... Sabaoth,Michael, Gabriel, aebacha pen... abadi auan abrasax, guardThybes who is bearing, Juda, your holy law .... abrsaxSabaoth, seals upon Adonai (?), aabam, Ailoai .... Michael.... Tibioth, Serbit, Seti (?) ....S. Sciacca (1980-1), pp,459-63, tavJCSVII (photograph; from the original); SEG 31(1981), pp.210-11 no.844 (follows Sciacca 1980-1); S. Sciacca (1982-3), pp.87-104, tav.X(photograph; from the original); SEG 33 (1983), p.219 no.754 (follows Sciacca 1983).R.J.A. Wilson (1990), pp.310-1.This amulet was acquired by the Syracuse museum in 1978 andprobably found in the Sofiana area; it is in the form of a text writtenon a bronze sheet, to be rolled up and kept in a container,presumably himg round the neck. Several amulets from Sicily useHebrew-based divine names like lao and Adonai with those of pagandeities, and indicate no direct Jewish influence (cf. no. 156, above).Here, however, as Sciacca shows, many definitely Hebrew names ofangels and heavenly powers are foimd in combination with otherwords which are probably transliterated Hebrew, and references toJuda and the law. Probably, therefore, this is a Greek amulet ofJewish authorship. Cf no. 156 on comparable Hebrew and Aramaicamulets. Many of Sciacca's interpretations are accepted below, butsometimes other evidence is noted and new suggestions are made.P.S. Alexander (revised Schurer iii.i, pp.357-61) surveys Greekamulets which he regards as probably Jewish. Nos.227-8, below, andthe Phylactery of Moses from Palazzolo Acreide use some of thedivine names found here but no angelic names. CIJ 1448 has angehcbut not divine names; ibid.802 has divine names and Moses' name.Angelic and divine names are combined, as here, in ibid.717, 724,849. The inspiration of all these is ultimately Jewish, but nos.227-8,below, and CIJ 1448 are not necessarily of direct Jewish authorship;cf JIGRE 136. In this text, angelic, heavenly and divine powers areinvoked to put evil influences (notably that of Artemis) to flight, apractice illustrated by the Testament of Solomon.1. AiKCJV could be from Hebrew to destroy, or li^m.213

SICILY AND MALTAoppression, but these suggestions by Sciacca are doubtful. There isperhaps a possibility, which he does not note, that it is a form of theGreek Alien, 'right', la, derived from Hebrew divine name rr*, was oftenused in magical formulae.2-6. The four regular archangelic names Michael, Gabriel,Raphael and Uriel (cf. CIJ 717, 724, 1448; I Enoch ix 1, etc.) areinterrupted by 'lel' (perhaps also in 717 1.27, as Sciacca notes). Thiswas perhaps created originally by isolation of the ending of manyangelic names, but occurs in the LXX as the equivalent of Jehiel.Eihel probably corresponds to Hebrew b\k (my God, God); cf. 7171.23. Tedchiel may be a form of Zadkiel; cf. Thelchiel in 717 1.27.Uniel may originate in a corruption of Uriel. Istrael occurs in theAkhmim Greek text of I Enoch x 1 (cf PGM xxxvi 311). Phoniphnaelis probably a form of Phanuel, who replaces Uriel in e.g. I Enoch xl9, influenced by Ophanniel, found in Hebrew mystical texts (IIIEnoch xiv 4, etc.). 0th may be another isolated word ending, butHebrew 'oth can signify both 'letter of the alphabet' and 'miracle'.Tibaoth/Tibioth (cf. 1.30) is probably an alternative form of Sabaoth,an established Greek form.9. yi^iu^a might be a transliteration of naji nnna, 'sublime ark', asSciacca tentatively suggests. It is equally possible, however, that thelast two syllables are from the name Tibaoth. Chrouth is perhapsCharouth, one of a list of nine angelic names in the Gospel(Questions) of Bartholomew, iv 47.10. nawpGcon probably corresponds to D^inoD, 'ministering (angels)',as Sciacca suggests; perhaps a separate class alongside cherubim,seraphim, etc., as in III Enoch vii (Hebrew).11-12. Maon and Zebul clearly correspond to two of the Hebrewnames of the seven heavens (cf. b Hagigah 12b), so the name ofanother heaven 'PaKia is a likely restoration at the end of 1.11.Arphellim/Arpheliem probably derives from Hebrew Araphel ('cloud','lower sky'), Grod's dwelling place in e.g. Ex. xx 18, I Kings viii 12.The angelic name Araphiel (Araaph in JIGRE 136) was probablyrelated. The plural, which the ending -im here seems to reflect,occurs in the Amidah of the Additional Service for New Year, in aclause from the introduction to the Shopharoth, 'thou wast revealedunto them in clouds of purity' (nno '"^ani;, cf. Exod. xxiv 10). Theletters ZeT may be connected with the Egyptian god Set; cf. 1.31.13. Sciacca suggests that Artemis is the last of the powers214

SICILY AND MALTAinvoked, but the ensuing command is more straightforward if she istaken as the evil spirit addressed: 'Artemis, flee14. louda Zizahou is a formula to drive away a demon inTest.Sol. xviii 21, and magical use of the name Juda may have beenencouraged by Judah's rod or sceptre (Gen. xxxviii 18, xlix 10) whichwas later identified with Aaron's rod and the Israelite royal sceptre(Num.R. xviii 23). The partially lost word should perhaps beunderstood as 7covepe[i)(;] for 7covnp6;. There is fairly intelligible Greekin 11.12-14, 21-22, 25, but much confusion of cases.16. The triple IT may have been influenced by the tetragram inthe form niHI; cf HI in 1.31, and JIGRE 136.17-20. IGpoq may be the name of Moses' father-in-law Jethro, asSciacca thinks, but here the context is obscure and the suggestionseems no more than possible. ^CDOG, vKovnepa, oepogccx, apaSi, avocv,aapOM, (1.26) seem to be magical names and combinations of letters,not necessarily corresponding to the Hebrew words suggested bySciacca (1982-3, pp.99-100): m\, msD (verb in Pu'al), "jinn, nii), pi),Dan». The name Thybes does not seem to be otherwise attested, asSciacca notes.31. oeppi6 seems to correspond to D*aniD, sceptre, found in Esther(iv 11, etc.) and post-biblical Hebrew for oaiD, the word used forJudah's sceptre at Gen. xlix 10. The rod of Moses becomes a heavenlysign reminding God to be merciful in Pseudo-Philo's BibhcalAntiquities (xix 12), and the likeness of a staff CjpQ) appears inheaven as the sign of God's mercy to restrain the destroying angelsin III Enoch (xxxi 2). Here some such sense is probably in mind;contrast the otherwise comparable use of pdpSot;, 'Sceptre', as thename of an evil spirit in Test. Sol. x 4.160 (Plate XXII; CIJ 654a): Agrigento (Agrigentum), Grotta diFragapane catacomb: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.Agrigento, Museo regionale archeologico.Three marble fragments totalling 36 x 31 x 4.8 cm, broken on bothsides; letters 4.2 cm. Letter forms: 6 C; letters have serifs. Someword-dividers.Text follows P. Griffo (1987); not all his restorations are adopted.215

SICILY AND MALTA[ ][ - - ] KOd d7C[ - - ][ - - ]a nvn[ - - ][ - - ] emKaAx)\)n[ - - ][ - - ]T|

SICILY AND MALTAof the site dated from the second half of the 4th or first half of the5th century. Another large burial area was subsequently discoveredwhich appeared to have been in use from the end of the 3rd century.The whole site is discussed, with a plan, by R.M. Bonacasa Carra inKokalos 32 (1986), pp.305-21.Griffo thought the lettering of the inscription was datable 'notbeyond the 4th century'. In 1950, he found two more fragments inthe same area which on Ferrua's suggestion proved to be part of thesame stone, producing a text of seven lines rather than the three ofMercurelli's version; a photograph of the new fragments waspublished in his 1952 article, before he had made the connection withMercurelli's stone. The inscription was on marble and executed inlettering of high quality, and it was clearly commissioned by someonemore affluent than any of the Sicilian Jews known from inscriptionsexcept no. 145.2. Griffo reads the second letter as alpha, but it appears from hisphotograph that it could also be lambda. There is no word-dividerafter the iota.3. As Griffo notes, this could come from an expression like either^iTlvaGfi or ^vf|^T|q x^Pw; in his 1987 edition he suggests restoringHvn[pni(;]. He thinks that a word like \i\T\[ia should come at thebeginning of the text, but this is not necessarily so in view of theinscription's unclear sense.4. The word clearly comes from the verb eTaKoXeco, but could bethe first person middle/passive emKoXoofiai (to call as ahelper/ally/witness, to be called) or a participle. Griffo compares CIJ725 from Delos e7tiKaXo\)^iott KOI 6i^m xbv 8e5v T6V i)\}riOT0V, and suggeststhat there might be a similar invocation of God here. It is morelikely, however, that some form of emKoXoviievoq was used to give analternative name for the deceased or someone else mentioned in theinscription: phrases like emKoXoonEVCp were fairly common in theEast, e.g. SEG 32.1425-6, 35.1503, 37.1281.5. Griffo thought in 1963 that t[LT\c, was not a separate wordbecause there is no dividing mark before the next letter. The divisionof words is not certain, however, as dividers could be usedsporadically. He did not suggest a reading for the letter before thefirst sigma, but his photograph shows that it is probably an eta {iota,mu and nu are also possible), which would suggest the ending of aword agreeing with e^fjt;. In his 1987 edition he restores [ - - i\x\c,217

SICILY AND MALTA6. There seems to be a reference to the 'poor', probably anexpression meaning 'kind to the poor'. The epithet (piAx)7ievTi(; is usedin CIJ 203, but here there is a word-divider only after the iota.7. Ferrua suggested to Mercurelli that 1.7 should be understoodas the end of a consul's name with 8' 'for the 3rd time'. Mercurelh,however, thought the restoration 'Ioi)6[aioql more likely, and Griffoagrees, while noting that the form could be feminine. Solin'salternative of 'lovSaq is also possible, although it is perhaps lesslikely that there would be a name in this position. The word wasdeliberately placed in the middle of the line for emphasis, and itsposition shows that at least 9 letters are lost from the right-handside of each previous line.161: Termini Imerese (Thermae Himeraeae): 1st century (?). Epitaphof Samaritan; Greek.Termini Imerese, Museo civico; inv.no.518.Grey stone plaque, damaged on left, 17 x 48.8 x 9.8 cm. Inscribedpart 31.5 cm. wide, letters 3-3.8 cm. Letter forms: A [= TT 5!.Text follows A. Brugnone (1974), p.232.faiE Zfjie I nxoXenoie | la^iapeo | xdxpe.Gains Seius Ptolemy, Samaritan, farewell.IG xiv (1890), p.59 no.336 (G. Kaibel, from the stone); IGRR i (1911), p. 166 no.506(follows IG); J. & L. Robert, BE (1969), p.478 no.369; A Brugnone (1974), pp.232-3no.6, tav.XXXIV fig.6 (photograph; from the stone).A. Messina (1981), p.202; A.D. Crown (1989), pp.202-3.This inscription, which is complete although the stone is broken onthe left, was written in ornate lettering inside a tabula ansata. Nodetails of its finding are recorded.The deceased man was a Roman citizen from Samaria. It isdoubtful whether 'Samaritan' shows his religious affiliation orindicates that he was a Greek colonist in the area. B. Lifshitz & J.Schiby (1968) discuss religious Samaritans in the Aegean area and atRome, and J. & L. Robert collect examples of the use of laixapevq andZa|iCtpiXT|g in inscriptions from Delos, Athens and western Iran; the218

SICILY AND MALTADelos Samaritan was a contributor to an Egyptian cult there, but thesignificance of the word in the other cases is unclear, as in no. 138,above, Antiochus the Samaritan at Vibo Valentia. The members ofthe Samaritan religious community on Delos in the last two centuriesB.C. (SEG 32.809-10) referred to themselves as Israehtes'. There isclear evidence of religious Samaritans on Sicily in no. 153 above(uncertain date) and in Greg.M., Ep. ii 22/3, vi 30, viii 21.Ptolemy, a name otherwise unrecorded in Sicily, was verycommon in the areas of Ptolemaic rule. CIL x 7352 records thehonouring of the priestess Antia M.f. Cleopatra by the decurions ofTermini, and provides additional evidence for the use of 'Ptolemaic'names in the town.Ptolemy, like Antia Cleopatra, had a Latin nomen. A proconsul ofSicily named L. Seius is known from coins, and mav be identicalwith the suffect consul of A.D.18 L. Seius Tubero (PIBT S240, S248);the only other Sicilian Seius known from inscriptions is L. Seius L.fAem. Fir... (C/L x 7259); there is also a Christian epitaph fromSyracuse for a Seianus (M. Griesheimer, RivAC 65 (1988), no. 10),and a woman called Seia Ursa in Sardinia (C/L x 7657). Ptolemy (orhis father or other ascendant) is likely to have obtained citizenshipfrom a C. Seius. The only C. Seius listed in RE or PIR^ (S241) is C.Seius M.f Calpumius Quadratus Sittianus, known from aninscription to have been praetor peregrinus and proconsul of GalliaNarbonensis, but without any apparent Sicilian connection. It isperhaps likely, therefore, that Ptolemy (or an earlier member of hisfamily) acquired citizenship as a freedman rather than throughmilitary service or enfranchisement by a provincial governor. Some ofthe Roman citizens of Sicily mentioned in Cicero's Verrine speechesgot their status from prominent Roman politicians (e.g. Pompey, Q.Caecilius Metellus, Q. Lutatius Catulus), but a wide variety ofnomina are unexplained. At Verr. ii 4.3, Cicero mentions a mancalled C. Heius as the leading inhabitant of Messina.The final formula xmpe was much used in the East but is rare inSicily except at Termini: there are 10 other examples of xaipe aloneor x^xyaxt x^ipE at Termini in IG xiv and Bmgnone's article, and only9 from the rest of Sicily, where xPTIOTE Kai a|i£|i7iTe xd^pe was usuallypreferred. Two of the Termini inscriptions commemorate otherRoman citizens: A. Papius Agatharchus {IG xiv 331) and ServiliaOnasicha (ibid. 335). Bmgnone suggested dating Ptolemy's epitaph to219

SICILY AND MALTAthe 2nd century B.C., but gave no reasons for this. None of the otherTermini inscriptions is dated before the 1st century A.D,, and theAgatharchus inscription (1st century) uses similar letter forms apartfrom the epsilon which occurs, however, in Brugnone no,9 (lst/2ndcentury). It therefore seems probable that Ptolemy belonged to acommimity of people of Eastern origin at Thermae in the 1st century.162: Lipari, Aeohan Islands: 4th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.In situ.Inscribed on plaster covering of a tomb.Text follows photograph of L. Bemabo-Brea (1988).[ - - - ]C[ - - ][ - - ]5co[..lepo[ - - ] I[ ]L. Bemab6-Brea (1980-1), pp.750-l; L. Beraab6-Brea & M. Cavalier (1982), p.l40, fig.2(photograph); L. Bemab6-Brea (1988), pp.97-9, figs.56-9 (photograph; from theoriginal).L. Bemab6-Brea & M. CavaUer (1976-7), p.583; R.J.A. Wilson (1990), pp.140, 311.During excavations at the 4th-6th century necropolis on theproprieta Zagami at Lipari, a rectangular Roman cistern was foundwhich had been re-used for burials. It was divided into four tombs,and there were two other burials in the gaps between; a smalldoorway was made in the side. A menorah and a lulab wereinscribed on the lime-plaster sealing the tiles which covered theburials. The cistern was inside an area surrounded by a well-builtwall which contained 19 other tombs. Bemabo-Brea believes that thisarea was in use before the surrounding Christian necropolisdeveloped, and that all the tombs in it may have belonged to theJewish commimity. He found the remains of some letters inscribedon the plaster on one of the tombs. 5 letters survive from one line,and his photograph also shows the remains of a letter (probably alunate sigma) above the end of the line and the vertical bar ofanother letter below. It is completely unclear how much text hasbeen lost, and no restoration seems possible.220

SICILY AND MALTA163: Rabat, Malta: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ.Graffiti, 113 cm. long, on side of arcosolium; letters coloured red, 3-4cm. Letter forms: A € C T.Text follows A. Ferrua (1949), p.513.[ ] I yepoixnopxTii; (piXevT6Xi[o(;] | Kal EvXoYia 7cpeapi)Tnpagerusiarch, lover of the law, and Eulogia the elder, hiswife.A. Femia (1949), pp.513-4 (from copies by Zammit and Baldacchino); H. Solin (1983),p.747 no.l2 (follows Ferrua); R.S. Kraemer (1985), pp.431-8 (follows Ferrua); SEG 35(1985), pp.268-9 no.995 (follows Kraemer); M. Buhagiar (1986), p.l21, p.394 no.l4,p.403 fig.ll9a (from the original and Zammit's copy).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), pp.57.8; H. Solin (1979), p. 194 no.20; C.Colafemmina (1983a), p.209; R.S. Kraemer (1988), p.220; G. Horsley, NDIEC v (1989),p. 149 no. 122.There is no indication in Acts that there were any Jews on Maltawhen St Paul made his visit there, but the existence of an ancientcommunity on the island has been known since the early 20thcentury through the menorahs foimd on catacomb walls near Rabatand Mdina, the site of the chief town Melita which shared the nameof the island (administered as part of the Roman province of Sicily).However, the possibly repubhcan dating suggested in CIJ i p.471(after Becker (1913), p.94) is clearly wrong, since the Jewish hypogeaare scattered among Christian ones and use the same layouts andtypes of tomb. H. Lewis (1977), p. 118, argues that parts of theJewish hypogea are 1st or 2nd-century, but he gives no evidence insupport of this.This inscription comes from the front of an arcosolium for twobodies in hypogeum 13 of the SS. Paul & Agatha catacombs. Theletters were scratched on the stucco and filled with red ochre. Atleast one line was lost, probably when the lid of the tomb wasopened. There is a menorah with tripod in relief above one of thedoorways at the foot of the entrance-steps of the h3T)ogeum, andanother between two headrests in an arcosolium opposite the onewith the inscription (Becker, pp.24-6, taf.VII.l, taf XXV.3; Buhagiar,221

SICILY AND MALTAp. 119 fig.35, p.413 nos.33-4). There are rough graffiti of severalmenorahs on the facade of a baldacchino-tomb in the same hypogeum(Buhagiar, no.35).The lost text probably began with a formula like evOdfe KEiTai(suggested by Ferrua) as well as the deceased man's name (andperhaps other titles too, although that would require more than oneline). It is possible that he was called Philentolios, but it is not aknown name, and it would be surprising if the title came first; theword therefore seems to be an epitiiet, like the form (piAivxoXoc; usedat Rome - in CIJ 482 the feminine of this is latinized as filentolia.Eulogia appears to have held a title in her own right; cf no.59.Her husband's title occurs with the equivalent Latin spelling inno.23. Her name occurs in both Latin and Greek among the Jews ofRome (C/J 230, 328, 518).164: Rabat, Malta: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ (most now lost).Graffiti on side of arcosolium.Text follows M. Buhagiar (1986), p.394.evedSe [ - - ] i2[ - - - ] [ ]NH[ - - ]HereE. Becker (1913), pp.26-8 (from the original); M. Buhagiar (1986), p.394 no.l5 (fromcopy by Zammit).E. Cohn-Wiener (1929), pp.l03-4.The inscription was scratched on the greyish-brown stucco of anarcosolium in hypogeum 14 of the SS. Paul & Agatha catacombs. Itwas seen by Becker, who noted the omega, two epsilons and aligature of nu and eta, and by Zammit, who copied a fuller text. Onlythe final two letters are now extant. The arcosolium had space forfour bodies, so it is likely that the inscription recorded more than oneperson.The hypogeum is clearly a Jewish one. There is a menorah inrelief above the double-arched doorway facing the entrance-hall(Buhagiar, p.414) which appears to have been coloured charcoal-greywhile the rest of the wall was painted red; there may also have been222

SICILY AND MALTAa menorah on one of the arches. No. 165 below, which has a menorah,comes from the same hypogemn.The inscription presumably began with the usual Ev9d8e miai (orKeTvxai) formula, followed by names and perhaps other details, butthe recorded letters leave no basis for reconstruction.165: Rabat, Malta: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek (?).In situ.Graffiti on plaster of tomb wall, filled with red ochre, (A) 24.5 cm.long, (B) 22 cm.; letters 6.5-2.8 cm.Text follows M. Buhagiar (1986), fig.38.(A) (menorah) EYHYAIbl (boat)(B) EYHYSIJIH. Lewis (1977), p.l27 fig.31, p.l32 fig.35 (facsimile); M. Buhagiar (1986), p.122-5 &fig.38, p.395 no.l6 (facsimile; from the original); RJ.A. Wilson (1990), p.l42, fig.127(drawing of tomb and symbols).The inscription is written twice (with slight variations) on abaldacchino-tomb in hypogeum 14, from where no. 164 comes too.This type of tomb, particularly common in Malta although it alsooccurs in Sicily, consists of a sarcophagus carved directly out of therock with a pilaster at each comer connected to the ceiling of thehypogeum, forming a sort of canopy. The pilasters were sometimesconnected by arches, and screens were sometimes inserted betweenthem to protect the bodies. This tomb is on a podium in a large hall,and is made for two bodies. The podium contains six small troughs12 cm. deep which were covered by seahng slabs placed at an angle;these are too small for even babies' bodies, and their purpose isuncertain, but they may have been used as ossuaries. One version ofthe inscription is incised deeply on the right pilaster of the frontfacade of the tomb, beneath a menorah painted in red ochre (14.6 x7.6 cm.) and above a graffito of a boat (7.5 x 32 cm.) (Buhagiar, p.414nos.37-8, p. 124 fig.38). The other version is inscribed on the sameside of the tomb just beneath the 'canopy'. The inscriptions andgraffito were filled with red ochre to contrast with the un-plasteredwhite stone of the tomb walls.223

SICILY AND MALTAThe inscriptions were noted by Zammit in 1948 and Ferrua in1949, but not pubhshed. Buhagiar referred the texts to R. Barnett,who suggested that they were a semi-hterate attempt to write e\iT\XaTpe. However, this would be a surprising formula imparalleled inMalta or Sicily. The fourth letter is written in the same way in bothtexts and lacks the lower left diagonal stroke of chi, and the seventhletter is upside-down if it represents rho. In fact, it is not even clearthat the letters are Greek, and they may make more sense as Latin.The first four letters might represent euhe (for euhoe) used as afarewell expression, followed by the name of the deceased in thevocative, e.g. Albi. The fifth letter differs considerably between thetwo texts, and the seventh letter faces right in (A) and left in (B).The significance of the ship, which is quite carefully drawn, is alsounclear: Ferrua suggested either that it represented Noah's Ark or(which appears much more likely) that it showed the deceasedworked with boats. Boats are depicted in other Jewish tombs:Goodenough, Jewish symbols iii, fig.836 (Villa Torlonia catacomb inRome); CHJ ii, p.23, (two warships and a fishing boat on the tomb ofJason at Jerusalem); BS i (English ed.), p. 117 fig. 12 (graffito of aboat with a sail from Beth She'arim). There is some literary evidencefor Jewish involvement in Mediterranean shipping: Synesius, Ep. v,records a voyage from Alexandria to Cyrene in 404 on a ship with aJewish captain and at least six Jewish crew members.Hypogeum 12 in the same complex also has a large menorahdepicted on the back wall of the forecourt at the foot of the entrancestepsand a smaller one above the doorway to a cubieulum (Lewis,p. 127 fig.30; Buhagiar, p.413 nos.29-30); there is also an unidentifiedhalf-oval motif next to a child's loculus and in a corridor (ibid.,nos.31-2). Hypogeum 10 has what appears to be a menorah of lessconventional design: six branches represented by three semi-circlessuccessively intersecting a vertical line; all seven branches with twoprongedendings (Buhagiar, p.413 no.28). It is inscribed above thelintel of a low doorway with the stone pivot-door still in place,leading to a room containing three arcosolia. The menorahs inhypogea 10 and 13 are also described in a letter from Zammit quotedby Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii, p.57 n.68.224

SICILY AND MALTA166: Rabat, Malta: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.Jn situ.Graffiti on plaster of tomb wall. Letter forms: A E TT C.Text follows A. Ferrua (1949), p.514.xonoq AiovooiaQ | fi KE Eip-nvag. I(menorah)Place of Dionysia, also called Irene.A. Ferrua (1949), p.514 (from the original); V. Camilleri (1978), p.48 [not seen]; H.Solin (1983), p.747 no.13 (follows Ferrua); M. Bvihagiar (1986), p.92, pp.393-4 no.lO,p.403 fig.ll9e, p.412 no.17 (from the original and Ferrua's copy).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.57; H. Lewis (1977), pp.128, 157; C.Colafenunina (1983a), p.209.The inscription was incised above the opening of a window-tomb inhypogeum 17 of the St. Agatha catacombs near Rabat. This type oftomb, which seems to be imique to Malta, consists of a windowshapedopening 40-50 cm. above the floor of the hypogeum (often atthe back of a niche, and originally sealed with a slab) opening intoan oval or square chamber carved into the hypogeum wall, whichheld the bodies.There are two menorahs carved near the door at the foot of theentrance-steps which leads to the main part of the hypogeum(Buhagiar, p.411 no. 16, pl.6b). The hypogeum had its own entranceand was never connected to the rest of the catacombs. Tomb 4, withthe inscription, has a burial-chamber measuring 1.93 x 2.3 m. withfour head-rests, so was presumably intended for other members ofDionysia Irene's family. Irene (in various spellings; cf. no.28) was oneof the commonest names for Jewish women. Dionysias is the name ofthe patrona of a proselyte in CIJ 256; the masculine is found inno.18, above. Lewis (pp.128, 157) refers to a 'palm-leaf symbol on awall of the open area in front of the tomb, but does not illustrate it.Lamps and monograms from adjacent Christian burials led Ferrua todate this hypogeum to the 4th century, but the relative chronology ofthe hypogea is uncertain, and a slightly later date cannot be ruledout.225

SICILY AND MALTA167: Rabat, Malta: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ.Graffiti on plaster of tomb wall.Text follows M. Buhagiar (1986), p.92.B(&n0o[(; - - - ]Boethos ....V. Camilleri (1978), pp.48-9 [not seen]; M. Buhagiar (1986), p.92, p.394 no.ll (from theoriginal and copy by Camilleri).Ferrua (in an impublished letter) and Camilleri recorded a Greekinscription of two lines above the opening of another window-tomb(no.7) in the same hypogeum as no. 166. Only the beginning of thefirst line was legible; Buhagiar's reference to the text on p.92 givesan omicron after the four letters of Camilleri's copy which he printson p.394, and this additional letter presumably derives from his ownreading of the inscription. The name BdriOo^ was common in theGreek-speaking world (35 examples in Fraser & Matthews), and usedby Jews (e.g. Josephus, Ant. xv 320; cf. CIJ 1246); this inscriptionapparently gives a variant form of it.Buhagiar (no. 12) refers to another inscription from the samehypogeum which was seen by Ferrua in 1948 and mentioned by himin a letter to Baldacchino: it was painted in red ochre and consistedonly of fragments of apparently C^reek letters. This is probably theinscription mentioned in CIJ i (1936), p.471 no.655, citing Zammitand Becker: the legible letters were C C (not together) and lowerdown M A, perhaps N.168: Rabat, Malta: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Greek.In situ.Graffiti on plaster of tomb wall.Text follows M. Buhagiar (1986), p.394.icupie [ - - - ]Master [or Lord] ....M. Buhagiar (1986), p.92, p.394 no.l3 (from the original and copy by Ferrua).226

SICILY AND MALTAThis inscription, from the same hypogeum as nos. 166-7, was seen byFerrua and mentioned in his letter to Baldacchino. He thought it hadbeen defaced recently, and could only read what he took to be theopening word. The hypogeum contains 12 tombs in all. KOpie might bethe beginning of an invocation of God, but could also be a respectfulway of addressing the deceased; cf the feminine form in no. 183.The adjacent hypogeum 18 also has depictions of the menorah,one by a child's loculus and one above the doorway to the innergallery (Buhagiar, p.412 nos.18-19).227

SARDINIA169 (C/7 i 657): Capoterra: 4th-5th century (?). Ring; Latin.Cagliari, Museo archeologico nazionale; inv.no.34925.Text follows CIJ.(lulab) (menorah) (shofar) Iluda.Juda.G. Spano (1861), pp.160-3, fig.9 (facsimile; from copy by L. Gouin); (1864), pp.39-40; R,Garrucci (1880), p.l64, tav.491 no.2 (facsimile; follows Spano(?)); A. Taramelli (1922),p.337; CIJ i (1936), p.472 no.657 (facsimile; follows Garrucci); L. Yarden (1971), p.30,pl.204 (facsimile; follows Garrucci).E. le Blant (1892), p.306; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.56; L. Ruggini(1959), p.223 n.88; R.J. Rowland (1981), p.llO; L. Falanga (1982-3), p.51 n.72; L.H.Kant (1987), p.680 n.58; R.J. Rowland (1988), p.801.The deportation of 4,000 male Jews to Tharros on the west coast ofSardinia in A.D.19 is known from literary sources, but there is noinformation about their subsequent fate. Christians were exiled tothe island in the 2nd and 3rd centuries, but the only other literaryevidence for Jews there before the 7th century is a letter of Greg.M.(Ep. ii 182/3) referring to a Jewish convert to Christianity atCagliari. That was the capital of the Roman province, but there is noepigraphic evidence of Jews there.This bronze ring with a name in Latin and Jewish symbols wasfoimd in a tomb at Capoterra south-west of Cagliari, and formed partof the Gouin collection before going to the Cagliari Museum. CIJ(following Spano, whose copy was provided by Gouin, and Garrucci)incorrectly attributed it to Sant' Antioco (see no. 170), and thisattribution has been followed by later writers. The use of Latin andof the most popular ancient symbols suggests that the ring may becontemporary with the finds from Sant' Antioco. On the name, seeno.ll.228

SARDINIA170 (Plate XXIH; CIJ i 658): Sant' Antioco (Sulcis): 4th-5th century.Epitaph; Latin.Sant' Antioco, Antiquario.Painted in red on plaster.Text follows A. Taramelli (1908), p. 151.(menorah) Beronice | in pace, iuvenis moritur (?) | in pace.Berenice, in peace. She died yovmg, in peace.I, Sanfilippo (1894), p.6 [not seen]; A Taramelli (1908), p. 151, fig.5 (photograph; fromthe stone); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.54 no.2790a (follows TaramelU); CIJ i (1936),p.473 no.658 (follows Taramelli [cited as Orsi]); E. Groodenough, Jewish symbols ii(1953), p.56; iii (1954), fig.1013; G. Sotgiu (1961), pp.28-9 no.30 (facsimile); L. Falanga(1982-3), pp.50-1 (photograph of copy); G. Lilliu (1984), pp.288-9 (photograph; from theoriginal).L. Ruggini (1959), p.223 n.88; L. Yarden (1971), p.27, pl.l26; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l37n.70; D. Mazzoleni (1976), p.99 n.l8; R.J. Rowland (1981), p.lll; C. Colafemmina(1983a), p.210; G. Mayer (1987), p.ll2; G. Sotgiu (1988), p.556; P. Bartoloni (1989),p.87.Sant' Antioco, on the south-western tip of Sardinia, is the site ofRoman Sulcis, one of the main towns of the island. The Jewishhypogeum near the parish church was discovered in 1894, althoughChristian hypogea were already known in the area. Tombs were dugin the floor and walls, and there were a number of paintedinscriptions which had already deteriorated when Taramelh sawthem. The dating of the hypogeum to the 4th-5th centuries is basedon the writing and the finds from nearby tombs.Bronze rings (cf. no. 169) and bracelets were found at Sant*Antioco (NS (1921), p.l73; Rowland (1988)), as well as inscriptionsand three 4th-5th century lamps decorated with menorahs (and twowith stylized palms as well), mentioned by CIJ i, p.473, andpubhshed by L. Pani Ermini & M. Marinone (1981), nos.268-70. Oneof the lamps is also from the Gouin collection.This inscription was painted at the rear of an arcosolium for twobodies. The name was in much larger letters than the other words,and iuvenis moritur is Taramelli's interpretation of the cursivewriting beneath it. In pace is a common formula in SardinianChristian inscriptions (often associated with a verb like requievit),229

SARDINIAbut iuvenis moritur (with iuvenis presumably having a femininesense, as in ILCV 615) is unusual. The name occurs in Greek atVenosa in nos.42 and 59, q.v.171 (CIJ i 659): Sant' Antioco: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew andLatin.Sant' Antioco, Antiquario.Painted in red on plaster.Text follows V. Colomi (1964), p. 18, and P. Bartoloni's photograph(1989).(menorah) vivus Bonus, in paee. Bonus.(menorah)vivus: Taramelli, Sotgiu, Lilliu virusPeace. Bonus, while living (?). In peace. Bonus. Peace.I. Sanfilippo (1894), p.7 [not seen]; A. Taramelli (1908), p.l51 (fix)m the original); E.Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.54 no.2790b (follows Taramelli); CIJ i (1936), p.473 no.659(follows Taramelli [cited as Orsi]); G. Sotgiu (1961), p.29 no.31 (partial facsimile); V.Colomi (1964), p.l8 n.85, p.l9 (from the original); G. Lilliu (1984), p.288; P. Bartoloni(1989), p.87, fig.44 (photograph).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.56; L. Ruggini (1959), p.223 n.88; E.Dinkier (1974), p.l37 n.70; D. Mazzoleni (1976), p.99 n.l9; RJ. Rowland (1981), p.lll;L. Falanga (1982-3), pp.50-1; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.210; G. Sotgiu (1988), p.556.This inscription was painted on the arch of the same arcosolium asno. 170, and presinnably refers to the person buried alongsideBeronice. Neither Taramelli nor Sotgiu gave a full facsimile, butBartoloni's photograph shows m"?© at either end of the Latin. Thefirst word of the Latin is in cursive script and difficult to decipher.The two menorahs have different forms: the one on the left has rightangledbranches, and the one on the right is rounded but with asquare base instead of a tripod, according to Sotgiu's facsimile.The interpretation of the Latin is uncertain. Virus, as read byTaramelli and Sotgiu, would probably be a mistake for vir, which inthe context is likely to indicate Berenice's husband, but this would be230

SARDINIAa rare misspelling, and Colorni's more recent reading vivus seemspreferable. Bonus is an unusual epithet (optimus was preferred) butwell attested as a name (including nos.85, q.v., and 107, above). Itprobably represents the name of the builder of the arcosolium,presumably Berenice's husband or father. Another Sardinianinscription, CIL x 7783 = Pani Ermini & Marinone no.34, reads b.m.bonus homo, and there too it is imclear if bonus is a name or epithet.Vivus indicates that he had the tomb made during his lifetime. Thiswould be unusual in a tomb of this sort (although the Greekequivalent ^©v occurs at Beth She'arim, BS ii 192, and in a Christianinscription from Rome, IGCVO 197), and there is a possibility thatthe word should be understood as vivas, 'may you hve'.172 (CIJ i 660): Sant' Antioco: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew andLatin.Sant' Antioco, Antiquario.Painted on plaster.(A) follows V. Colorni (1964), p. 18; (B) follows G. Sotgiu (1961), no.31.(A) [ • • ] n^b\D (menorah)(B) (undeciphered Hebrew) Bonus in pace [ - - ] Bonus [ - - ]Colomi p. 18 ba Di'70, p. 19 oa a\boTaramelli: [ - - ] bonus [ - - ]in pace [ - - ]Peace to .... Amen..... Bonus in peace .... Bonus ....I. Sanfilippo (1894), p.7 [not seen]; A. Taramelli (1908), p.l51 (fivm the original); CIJ i(1936), p.473 no.660 (follows TaramelU [cited as Orsi]); G. Sotgiu (1961), p.29 no.32; V.Colomi (1964), p.l8 n.85, p.l9 no.4 (from the original); P. Bartoloni (1989), fig.44.L. Ruggini (1959), p.223 n.88; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l37 n.70; L. Falanga (1982-3),pp.50-1; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.210.The single-body arcosolium opposite that of nos. 170-1 is said byTaramelli to have had a long Hebrew inscription at the rear and acursive Latin inscription after some Hebrew letters under the arch.231

SARDINIAOnly Colomi (1964) was able to decipher any of the Hebrew, whichhe described as consisting of six or seven words. He gave slightlydifferent texts on two adjacent pages, without any sort of facsimile,so the exact reading of the word after Di'^o is uncertain; if it was bo,as seems most likely, it was presumably followed either by bit-HD* orthe name of the deceased. Bartoloni's fig.44 appears to include aphotograph of this inscription, with a menorah to the right of theHebrew, which cannot be read from the photograph. In the Latin,Sotgiu (relying on Sanfilippo ?) read bonus twice. Bonus is likely tobe a name here, as in no. 171.173: Sant' Antioco: 4th-5th century. Epitaph; Hebrew (left-to-right)and Latin.In situ (now faded).Painted in red on plaster.Hebrew text follows A. Taramelh (1922), p.337. Latin text follows G.Sotgiu (1961), p.30.(lulab) ^Di]]I ViD]India ....]onti[.]\ta anoro plus m\enus anoro LX.to. (Latin L2) could also be read as tu (Taramelli & Sotgiu); [vixi]t (Solin)Amen. Amen.Juda (?), aged more or less 60.Peace upon Israel.A. Taramelli (1922), pp.335-8, figs.2-3 (photograph and facsimile; from the original); G.Sotgiu (1961), p.30 no.33; H. Solin (1983), p.747 no. 14 (based on Taramelli and Sotgiu).V. Colomi (1964), p.l9; H. Solin (1979), p.l94 no.21; R.J. Rowland (1981), p. 112; L.Falanga (1982-3), p.51; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.210; G. LiUiu (1984), p.288; G.Sotgiu (1988), p.556.Another Jewish hypogeum was found in 1920 near that of Beronice,beneath the courtyard of a house (casa Pintus-Trullu). It was slightly232

SARDINIAlarger, with spaces for 12 burials, but only one tomb was still intact:the front part of a two-body arcosolium, which was covered withsealed tiles and plastered, and still contained the body. Theinscription was painted on the wall above the opening, and fadedquickly when the hypogeum was opened. Taramelli copied andphotographed it, and showed the text to Professors Guidi andChabot. He thought the form of the arcosolium suggested a late 3rdor 4th-century date, but this inscription is likely to be contemporarywith the others from Sant' Antioco.The cursive Latin text was written in a painted frame of tabulaansata shape, with Hebrew to the left and right (written left>-to-rightin both cases) and a symbol further to the left which Taramellithought might be a stylized menorah but seems more likely from hiscopy to be a lulab.The Latin apparently begins with the deceased's name luda(although it could be something like ludaeus) and ends with aversion of plus minus annorum LX. The word before plus is unlikelyto be anoro again, imless it was repeated by mistake. There is noroom for Solin's restoration of vixit at the beginning of 1.2. Anoro forannorum occurs in many Christian inscriptions as well as no.89 fromVenosa (see Index VII b for other variants). The Hebrew formulaeare virtually the same as those used in no. 145 at Catania, also amainly Latin text.174 (CIJ 526): Sant' Antioco: uncertain date. Epitaph; Latin.Unknown.No details of material or form published.Text follows L.A. Muratori (1742), p. 1923 no.2.Peon Geta senex I heie obdormivit in paee. I dormitio eiuseum iustis. dormitio eius est memoria eius. I et si quisipsum vexaverit 11 ultor erit Deus Israel in saeculum.The old man Peon Geta fell asleep here, in peace. His sleep(is) with the just. His sleep is his memorial. And if anyonedisturbs him, the God of Israel will be the avenger forever.233

SARDINIALA. Muratori (1742), p. 1923 no.2 (from copy sent by J. Dani); J.A Martigny (1865),p.303 (follows Muratori, with misprints); P. Monceaux (1902), p.221 (follows Martigny);H. Leclerq (1928), col.217 (follows Muratori); CIJ i (1936), p.385 no.526 (followsMartigny).A. Ferrua (1936), pp.135-6; (1941), p.41; L. Falanga (1982-3), p.51; C. Colafemmina(1983a), p.210.This inscription was included in the Rome section of CIJ, but Ferruaquotes Muratori to show that its original provenance was Sant'Antioco. Although Ferrua regarded it as probably spurious, itsgenuineness has recently been defended by Colafemmina. The onlyedition of any authority is Muratori's, whose copy was sent to him byJoseph Dani of Turin, who had it from 'illustrissimo praesideRaiberti'. The omission of est and change of memoria to memoriaewhich were introduced (presumably accidentally) by Martigny foundtheir way into later texts, including CIJ. Mommsen (C/L x.ii, p. 780)describes Dani's copies as being made in good faith although not verywell. Thus, while the reading of 1.1 is doubtful since the name Peonis otherwise unknown, and the line-divisions are probably wrong, itseems likely that the text is from a genuine inscription in which anumber of Jewish phrases were translated into Latin for Sardinianuse.Obdormivit in paee (1.2) is a slight variation on (re)quievit inpaee, much used in Sardinia (cf no. 176). Dormitio eum iustis (1.3)corresponds to jnexot T©V SiKaicov fj KoijiTiai^ (e.g. CIJ 118) and the onlypartly latinized version in 210 dormitio tua inter dieaeis; cf. IndexVII e-f The odd expression in 1.4 perhaps echoes the Latin/Hebrewinscription from Taranto (no. 121) sit pax super dormitorium eorum inusing a word derived from 'sleep' to mean 'tomb'. CIJ 343 ends evtpfivn f| KOIIITIOK; amoo ^via (a)uxoi), which is usually divided into twosentences after at)XOU, but would be the exact equivalent of this Latinline if the division was made after tpfjvn. On memoria as tomb, seeno. 145. The vengeance formula in 11.5-6 is more direct than in anyother surviving Jewish inscription from Europe, but divine power isalso invoked to guard the tomb in CIJ 719 from Argos. It does notseem to have any direct biblical source, but may be derived fromDeut. xxxii 35 and related passages such as 'Deus ... ulciscere me'and 'Deus ultionum' (Vulgate Ps.H. liii 3, xciii 1).234

SARDINIA175 (Plate XXIV; CIJ 660a): Porto Torres (Turris Libisonis): 4thcentury (?). Epitaph; Latin and Hebrew.Sassari, Museo nazionale G.A. Sanna,Irregular marble tablet, 17 x 18 x 4 cm., letters 1.3 cm.Latin text follows G. Maetzke (1971), p.323 and photograph. Hebrewfollows G. Sotgiu (1961), p.596, and Maetzke's photograph.\h\ic iacet Gaudi\osa infantula, I qui bissit annoru m plusminu(s) tre s. requiebit in pacem. (menorah)annoru\m (11.3-4): CIJ, Sotgiu, AE annor\[u]m; Soffredi & Sussini annori - -]|m1.6: Sotgiu and Soffredi & Sussini indicate missing text after pacem.Maetzke's (1964) commentary indicatesbefore m'poHere lies the infant girl Gaudiosa, who lived more or lessthree years. She rested in peace. Peace.G. Maetzke (1964), p.328 no.5^, fig.7 (photograph; from the stone); A. Soffredi & G.Sussini (1966), p.l90 no.30 (foUows Maetzke); AE (1966), p.46 no.l74 (followsMaetzke); G. Maetzke (1971), pp.323-4 no.l3a, fig.ll (photograph; from the stone); CIJ? (1975), p.55 no.660a (foUows Maetzke, 1964); AE (1982), p.ll2 no.436 (followsMaetzke, 1971); E. Contu (1982), tavJDCXV (photograph); H. SoUn (1983), p.747 no.l5(follows Maetzke, 1964); G. Sotgiu (1988), p.596 no.B73, p.645.V. Colomi (1964), p.l8 n.85; A. Mastino (1985), p.67; G. Mayer (1987), pp.94, 119.Turris Libisonis (modem Porto Torres, on the coast north-west ofSassari) was the first Roman colony to be founded in Sardinia (Pliny,H.N. iii 85), and later the seat of a bishop. This inscription wasfound in 1963 in the remains of the Roman baths at the 'Palazzo delRe Barbaro'. Maetzke (1971) also refers to lamps with Jewishsymbols found in the area. The dating is uncertain. 4th or 5thcentury has been suggested by all commentators except Colorni, whothought it was earlier, and 5th-6th century lamps were foimd innearby Christian burials. The stone had been reused in the bathswhen their original purpose was abandoned and they were filled in;this was in the 5th-6th century (F. Villedieu, Turris Libisonis (BARInt. Series 224 (1984), p.5).The formula hie iacet ... requievit in pace, usually followed by a235

SARDINIAThis stone, hke no. 176, was foimd in the remains of the baths. It wasreused in the filhng of an adjacent room, and is hkely to be of asimilar date.The name of the deceased and of his grandfather is probably thecommon Annianus {CIJ 88, 310), although Colomi noted that itmight be related to Ananias. At Beth She'arim there are epitaphs forrabbis called ANIANOY in Greek and or niK*3« in Hebrew {BSiii, nos. 10 and 17). The father's name appears to be Jacob with aLatin diminutive ending. Maetzke thought that the initial i of 1.2might be the end of filii, making the name Acotulus (cf. Acutulus inILCV 3266), but this would mean that there was a gap left at theend of 1.1 (which is broken away). Anianus the grandfather held thetitle of pater which is also recorded at Venosa and elsewhere (IndexVb).The inscription's great difficulty is the letters DEINGEN in 1.4.Maetzke's interpretation mortus dein genitus has generally beenaccepted, but the confidence in resurrection which this would implyis parallelled among Italian Jews only in the epitaph of Regina {CIJ476), and it would be very odd to abbreviate such an unusualexpression. The suggestion of AE, mortus de inguine, giving thecause of death, assumes that two letters were omitted and two othersreversed; again, the expression would be extremely unusual.Mortu(u)s in Christian and Jewish epitaphs is usually followed eitherby the age of the deceased or the date of death. The age here is givenlater, but the letters can be interpreted as a date. DEI representsdie, which was sometimes abbreviated to de {ILCV 406, 1285, 3009A)and occasionally written with e before i (ibid.3391 8Eie, 1220 pridei).N is the standard abbreviation for Nonarum (as in CIL x 7757, 7759= Pani Ermini & Marinone nos. 13, 16). GEN is an abbreviation forthe alternative spelling of January {Genarus, Genarius, Genuarius)which is found in inscriptions from Italy and Gaul {ILCV 2803Ba,2891A, 3536A, 4035, 4451A, 4731); there is a Greek example fromSicily, IGCVO 1335: tfi 7ip5 8eKa KaX(xv8cov revapio)V. The lettersshould therefore be understood as 'on the day of the Nones ofJanuary'.In 1.5, X was inscribed on top of a V which had apparently beencut in error.237

SPAIN177 (Plate XXVI): Santa Maria del Cami, Majorca: 4th-5th century(?). Epitaph on lead sheets; Aramaic with Hebrew names.Private collection.Three lead sheets (details given below).Text follows J.M. Millas Vallicrosa (1958).Samuel son of Haggai.J.M. Millds Vallicrosa (1958), pp.3-9, ldm.I-II (photographs; from the originals); C.Veny (1972), pp. 15-17 no.l2 (text misprinted; follows Millds).F. Cantera Burgos (1971), p.32; WP. Bowers (1975), p.397; L. Garcia Iglesias (1978),p.57.Three inscribed lead sheets were found in about 1935 when a gravewas uncovered during agricultural work on the property of DiegoZaforteza Musoles 3 km, west of Santa Maria del Cami (18 km. fromPalma). A number of other graves were later foimd about 300 m.away, with the heads of the bodies aligned towards the east. In 1833,a Christian basilica was found about 2 km. to the north-east of thesite; it is described by H. Leclerq, DACL ii.i cols. 161-4, s.v. 'Baleares(lies)', who suggests a 7th-century date. There was a lead-mine inthe same area.The lead sheets remained undeciphered until November 1957,when G. Rossello saw that each contained one line of identicalHebrew characters. The faces with the inscriptions were smoothed,but the other sides were left rough. The sheets are 2-3 cm. thick inthe centre, 1 cm. or less at the edges. The inscribed faces were foundfacing the body.Sheet 1: 22 x 35 cm., irregular trapezoidal shape. A hole in thelower left comer 2 cm. across was used to tie the sheet to the shroud.Hebrew letters 2 cm.; inscription 20 cm. long.Sheet 2: 23 X 32 cm., almost rectangular. There is a square holeat the end of the inscription, and an indentation on the rightprobably results from an attempt to make another hole. Letters 2cm.; inscription 22 cm. long.Sheet 3: irregular shape, 28 x 38 cm. It has a clasp for attachingit to the shroud. There is a hole measuring 2 cm. and anothersmaller one. Letters 2 cm.; inscription 16 cm. long.238

SPAINThe characters are made up entirely of straight lines, and Millasregards them as Very archaic'. In view of the lettering, the nearbyfinds and the disappearance of the name Haggai in the Middle Ages,he dates the lead sheets to the 4th-5th century. However, aconsiderably later date (to which the use of na rather than ]n maypoint) cannot be excluded, since writing on lead might well havedifferent characteristics from other forms of inscription.178: Ibiza: 1st century (?). Amphora; Hebrew (?).Ibiza, Museo arqueologico; inv.no.38..Text follows J.M. Sola Sole (1960).nJ.M. Soli Sol^ (1960), pp.291-4, figs.16-17 (photographs; from the original).JM. Soli Sol^ (1959), p.250; J.M. Bldlzquez (1969), p.70; L. Garcfa Iglesias (1973),p.345; W.P. Bowers (1975), p.396; L. Garcfa Iglesias (1978), pp.50-1.This amphora was found at San Agustin on Ibiza in 1907. It is 87cm. tall, and is thought by Sola Sole to be from the 1st century,although it does not fit any of the Dressel types. Two apparentlyHebrew letters are stamped in relief in a rectangle measuring 1x2cm., just below one of the handles. It is unclear what they signify.Sola Sole suggests that they could be an abbreviation for a form ofthe name David, but they might instead refer to the contents of theamphora. Bowers notes that the letters could be Samaritan ratherthan Hebrew, but in fact the same letters were found on four Hebrewstorehouse labels at Masada. Their significance there is alsounknown (Y. Yadin & J. Naveh, "The Aramaic and Hebrew ostracaand jar inscriptions', in Masada I. The Yigael Yadin excavations1963-5. Final Reports (Jerusalem, 1989), p. 13). There is no otherevidence of Jews in Spain at such an early date, but this amphorastrongly suggests trade from Judaea coming to Ibiza.239

SPAIN179 (CIJ 665): Adra (Abdera): 3rd century (?). Epitaph; Latin.Unknown.Marble tablet. Word dividers (hederae). Letter form: A; letters haveserifs.Text follows CIJ.[An'!]nia Salo\[mo]nula anino) I | mens{ihus) IIII die Iludaea.Annia (?) Salomonula, aged 1 year 4 months 1 day, Jewess.I. Jordan & D. Miguel (1771), p. 143 [not seen]; D. Morico et al. (1783), p.359 (facsimileof copy by Perez Bay^r); S. Cassel (1846), p.227 (follows Jordan & Miguel); CIL ii(1869), pp.XXni, 268 no.l982 (from Bayer's copy and ms. of Lupi); F. Fita (1878),p.352 [not seen]; M. Schwab (1907), p.234 no.l (fh)m Bayer's copy); J. Oehler (1909),p.450 no.220 (follows CIL); E. Albertini (1912), p.302 no.33 (foUows CIL); F. Fita(1917), pp.142-4 no.4 (facsimile; from Bayer's copy); G. Corradi (1924), p.l57 (followsCIL); E. Diehl, ILCV ii (1927), p.497 no.4920 (foUows CIL and Fita 1917); H. Leclerq(1928), col.220 (foUows CIL); CIJ i (1936), p.477 no.665 (from Morico and ms. ofMigliore); i^ (1975), p.57; A. Femia (1942), p.l44 no.429 (follows CIJ); F. CanteraBurgos & J.M. MUlds VaUicrosa (1956), pp.405-6 no.283 (facsimile; from earlier eds.and ms. of Migliore); J. Amador de los Rios (1960), pp.44-5 (foUows Jordan & Miguel);L. Garcia Iglesias (1973), pp.342, 365 no.V (follows Fita 1917); M. Femdndez-MirandaFernandez & L. CabaUero Zoreda (1975), p.l90 no.l7 (foUows CIL); AM. RabeUo(1983), p.118 no.27; (1985), pp.662-3 no.8 (foUows CIJ).F. Fita (1905), p.l38; E. Albertini (1907), p.l24; J. Juster (1914), p.l83 n.l7; S. Katz(1937), pp.5, 141; A. Garcia y BelUdo (1959), p.l42; H. Beinart (1962), p.29; J.M.Blfizquez (1969), p.70; F. Cantera Burgos (1971), p.31; W.P. Bowers (1975), p.397; M.Koch (1977), p.251 n.60; L. Garcia Iglesias (1978), p.53; Schtirer revised iii.i (1986),p.84 n.l24c; A.M. RabeUo (1987), p.65; J. Arce (1988), p.l24 n.lO.The inscription was foimd at Adra in the 18th century by JosefValverde, who sent it to Aurelio Benito, Canon of Toledo. There is nofurther information about its whereabouts: although Diehl states thatit is at Adra 'in conventu Gaditano', more recent editors have notlocated it. The 3rd-century dating proposed by Bayer on the basis ofthe lettering has been widely accepted, but can only be regarded astentative.The nomen is restored as Annia because other Annii are knownat Adra: C. Annius and C. Annius Hispanus (Fernandez & Caballero,240

SPAINnos.4, 14); there is also an Anniola in no.8. The nomen here couldalso be restored as (e.g.) lunia or Licinia. The eognomen as restoredwould be a feminine form of Solomon, but it could also beSaloninula, a diminutive of a known name. Despite the comments ofsome editors, the nomen has no connection with Anna. That nameoccurs in a number of other Spanish inscriptions, but without anyJewish implications; J.M. Iglesias Gil, Onomdstiea prerromana en laepigrafia cdntahra (Santander, 1974), p. 159, shows that it is a localname.180 (C/7 662): Elche (Ihci): 4th century (?). Mosaic floor; Greek.In situ.Letter forms: A 6.Text follows facsimile of E. Albertini (1907).Kp[oa]e'DXTi Xao [v] (hedera)Ramos Folques npooc'oxf|v XaovPlace of prayer (?) of the people ....P. Ibarra Ruiz (1905), pp.912-7 [not seen]; (1906), p.l25 (photograph and facsimile;from the original); E. Albertini (1905), p.619; (1907), pp.122-3 (facsimile; from theoriginal); AJ. Reinach (1907), p.96 (from Ibarra and Albertini); H. Leclerq (1922),col.432 (from Ibarra and Albertini); V. Lamp^rez y Romea (1930), pp.158, 198-9(facsimile; follows Ibarra); CIJ i (1936), p.476 no.662 (facsimile); f (1975), p.57; S.Katz (1937), pp.62, 73, 78, 147-8 (from Albertini); A. Ferrua (1942), p. 145 no.431; J.Lafuente Vidal (1948), p.394 (facsimile; from Ibarra's photographs); H. Schlimk (1949),pp.339, 361-3 n.43 (facsimiles; from Ibarra and Albertini); F. Cantera Burgos (1955b),p.214 (facsimile; from Ibarra and Albertini); F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. MilldsVallicrosa (1956), pp.405-9 no.284 (facsimile; from Ibarra and Albertini); L. GarcfaIglesias (1973), pp.346-7, 366 no.VHI; A. Ramos Folques (1974), pp.85, 91, 95, 101, 112(photograph and facsimile; from the original); R. Ramos Femdndez (1975), pp.241-4,ldm.CL.l (from photographs); AM. Rabello (1983), pp.116-8 no.24; (1985), pp.659-660no.5 (follows CIJ).J. Puig y Cadafalch et aL (1909), p.293; J. Juster (1914), pp.183 n.l5, 446 n.l; S.Krauss (1922), pp.260, 341; E. Tormo (1923), p.CXVE [not seen]; P. Ibarra Ruiz (1926),241

SPAINp.217 [not seen]; K. Liesenberg (1928), p.l81 [not seen]; E. Cohn-Wiener (1929), p.118;E.L. Sxikenik (1932), p.53 n.3; R. Men^ndez Pidal (1935), pp.721-2; J. Ramdn M6Uda(1942), p.327 [not seen]; P. Batlle Huguet (1947), p. 187; E. (Soodenough, Jewishsymbols vu (1958), p.l77; R. Wischnitzer (1964), p.l2; P. de Palol (1967), pp.64-7; D.E.Halperin (1969), p.27; H. Beinart (1971), col.574; F. Cantera Burgos (1971), p.31; J.Fontaine (1973), pp.46, 393-4; S. Applebaum (1974), p.490; WP. Bowers (1975), p.397;M. Koch (1977), p.231 n.20; L. Garcia Iglesias (1978), pp.55-6; Schiirer revised iii.i(1986), p.84 n.l24g.Excavations were carried out in July-August 1905 at the Alcudia, anarea 3 km. from Elche towards the sea which had been identified asthe Roman Ilici or Illici. In the south-eastern part (sector 10a), arectangular hall measuring 10.9 x 7.55 m. was found, with anentrance at the west end and an apse 3 m. wide and 2.1 m. deep atthe east end. The building had a mosaic floor. Albertini and IbarraRuiz identified it at first as a Christian chapel. Various architecturalfragments were found, including some fallen Corinthian capitals andthe remains of a Visigothic screen, and a wall of the Arab period hadbeen built on top of the mosaic. A circular basin of 36 cm. diameterwas set in the mosaic near the west wall (Ramos Folques, p. 104). Analternative explanation of the building as a commercial basilica latertaken over by Christians was proposed by Lafuente.The identification of the building as a synagogue was suggestedby Reinach and Seymour de Ricci because of the inscriptions; seebelow. The very prominent Solomon's knot motif also occurs in themosaic floors at Ostia and Bova Marina. The rectangular central areaof the mosaic, which has a border in the form of a plait, containseight motifs in octagonal frames, of which three are the conventionalrounded form of the knot and two more are knots with squaredcomers. The knot motif is also used between some of the octagons,and in a number of borders elsewhere in the floor, where italternates with a swastika design.Elche was probably in the area under Byzantine control between554 and 624. Ibarra and Albertini hnked this with the use of Greekin the mosaic inscriptions. However, if the building is really Jewish,it is unlikely to belong to this period, since Byzantine law prohibitedthe building of new synagogues. The Jews were not persecuted by theVisigoths until the rule of Reccared at the end of the 6th century, soa date before the Byzantine occupation seems more likely. Greek242

SPAINseems to have been used in Jewish epitaphs elsewhere in Spain untilthe 6th or 6th century, so it would not be surprising for theinscriptions in a communal building to be Greek too. Schlunk, RamosFolques and Ramos Fernandez all regard the mosaic as belongingartistically to the late-4th century, and note similarities to a mosaicin a Roman villa at Elche. There seem to be no other firm groundsfor dating. A coin of Magnentius (360-3) was found during theexcavations, but the findspot is not recorded. The floor was repairedwith plain stone slabs, which suggests that the building was used fora considerable period by people who could not manage mosaicrepairs. The apse seems to have been added later, since the mosaicdoes not extend into it, and the foundations are not of the samedepth. Remains which have been identified as the base of an altarprobably show that the building was eventually converted toChristian use (although they could correspond to the marble table inthe Sardis synagogue; cf. Trebilco (1991), p.42). Ramos Fernandeznotes that the apse could instead belong to an earlier building,demolished before the synagogue was built.The whole area of the building was reburied after its originalexcavation. It was uncovered again by Ramos Folques in 1948, whennew photographs were taken, and then buried again.This inscription is the central one. It runs across the width of thebuilding, 3.36 m. from the eastern edge of the floor, facing someoneentering from the west. The inscription is inside a tabula ansatainside a rectangle. It consisted of two lines, but the second is lostapart from an unidentifiable symbol at the end. There is a hedera inthe right-hand ansa. The tabula ansata is 1.03 m. long (excludingansae). The letters are black on a white background, with theinteriors of the closed and some open letters in yellow. The hederahas a black outline and white interior.The use of the word proseuehe is the main reason for the Jewishinterpretation. If it refers to the building ('place of prayer'), thenJewishness and a date no later than the 4th century are both veryprobable (cf JIGRE 9). It would have been followed by thedesignation of the community which owned the building, m)Chouse of the people') was a term for the synagogue not approved bysome rabbinic opinion (b Shabbath 32a). However, proseuehefrequently means 'prayer' in Christian literature (but not ininscriptions). An inscription reading 'prayer of the people' would be243

SPAINdifficult to explain, but cannot be ruled out since the end of the textis lost181 (CIJ 663): Elche: 4th century (?). Mosaic floor; Greek.Insitu.Letters 12-13 cm. Letter forms: 6 ^ C CO.Text follows B. Lifshitz (1967), except initial restoration.i^yxA (?)

SPAINa single line of lettering in a rectangle defined by a double line. Thesurviving part of the rectangle measures 0.18 x 2.94 m., but bothends are lost. The letters are black on a white backgroimd, withoutcoloured interiors. If Ibarra's identification of the symbol at the righthandend as a hedera is correct, it probably marked the end of thecomplete inscription.The end of the inscription apparently reads 'and of thepresbyters', although the Greek was badly copied, with one letteromitted and one wrongly made. The interpretation of the previousletters as Apx6vT0JV was first suggested by Albertini, and has beengenerally accepted. The letters to the left of that have been taken ascoming from either exrxT\c, or (following Reinach) jcpooeuxn. Thisassumes a number of mistakes in the Greek: 0 instead of C, and APomitted altogether. It is perhaps more likely that 0 is a mistake forAP and the previous word ended XH, since ei5xil in the nominative iscommoner in such formulae. Ramos Folques read more letters at thebeginning of the inscription, which he understood implausibly asincluding the Homeric word fJXTl (sound). His close-up photographshows that the letters XH are certain, but the preceding letter cannotbe either Y as in the usual restoration or H as he proposed himself;the surviving traces are compatible only with H, M, PI or FI. None ofthese letters indicate a better interpretation of the first word, and itseems there must have been more mistakes with the lettering.The presence of archons (cf. no.20, above) and elders (no.75)together is strong supporting evidence for the Jewishness of thebuilding, although neither term is neeessarily Jewish. The sense ofthe inscription was probably that some of the mosaic was paid for asa vow by the leading members of the commimity. Wischnitzersuggests that there was a bench for them to sit on behind theinscription.182 (CIJ 664): Elche: 4th century (?). Mosaic floor; Greek.In situ.Letters 9 cm. Letter forms A 6 C.Text is a new interpretation from facsimiles of P. Ibarra Ruiz (1906)and E. Albertini (1907).245

SPAINe\)7iXx)id cro Z\)y[... e\)x]\)xqL.CIJ i efinXolou; \)m)....«xa; Albertini EYTlAOIACYCY'n ]YXA ; Reinachtinkdou; iyf[idot4?)]; CIJ i eCjtXo(a(v)

SPAINthan metaphorical sense in a coastal community. As restored in CIJi^, it translates as 'Agree a good voyage by my prayer'.A number of euploia inscriptions, although not this one, arecollected by N. Sandberg, EYIIAOIA Etudes ^pigraphiques(Gothenburg, 1954). Most come from Greek islands, mainly Prote,Syros and Thasos, and appear to be from the Roman or earlyChristian period. They seem usually to have been made to ask forblessing on a forthcoming sea voyage. The commonest formula isevTiXoia followed by the traveller's name in the dative. In some casesaoi is added before the name and e^TOXTJ before or after it. In view ofthe poor standard of Greek in the three Elche inscriptions, it wouldbe no surprise if 00 was written for aoi and euTOxgt for eCTOxfi, leavingroom for a name of about six letters; the text has been restoredaccordingly above. The traveller was presumably also a benefactor tothe building.183 (Plate XXVII; CIJ 661): Tortosa (Dertosa): 5th-6th century (?).Epitaph; Hebrew, Latin and Greek.Tortosa, Cathedral cloister; cast in Museo Municipale, Tortosa.White marble plaque, 67 x 41 x 6 cm.; a hole of 7 cm. diameterinterrupts 11.16-20. Inscription surrounded by ropework frame. Letterforms: Latin A, A for D, E, G; Greek 6^, €, C, T, CO.Text follows F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. Millas Valhcrosa (1956).(star) I1 mi v^mV7'>n nrn nnpn |[m]an .D*7II; ^^n*7 NNQ«o''D .n^nn*?.D^nn N N ^ I N nc^a^ ||in nomine Domini, (pentagram) (menorah)est mfejmoria ubi relquiescit benememoriaMeliosa filia ludanti et |io| Cura Maries,vixit an [nos vigi]nti et quattuor I cumhie247

SPAINpace.amen.[ev t]^ [6v]G)[na]TRI KCDpio)!)- | ©6e eaxnv|J£| ||av[i]ov (v) fi)7K)\) dvd|7c[AUET]an7rdnnvii|axo(; M[£Xi(J)a]a [(PT|]X.T|a *I'68avx|[oq KODK(\)P)iaq] Mdpeq, l^f\G[aaa| EXTJ eiKoai] xeaepa fjv120 [EIPFJVTI- d^ITIV.]HD»'?'?'D (1.2): le Slant & Renan hovVpd; Schwab rvovhha; Graetz HOvV^a; SmitT ma (1.2): other eds. iiain'p*?! (1.3): Graetz HnpjiONUN (1.3): Schwab ONN; other eds. ONOppn5{ Inar] (1.3): le Slant & Renan, Smit 'nn nanarnJiDO'j (1.4; agrees with Chwolson): Smit noDOJ; other eds. nnoojIni]3Ji 0*31* (1.4): le Slant & Renan, Smit, Ferrua nan rhvtn; Schwab 'nu 0*31*;Derenbourg unn Dh^BnoBJ (1.5) omitted by Cantera (1971)D'nn (1.5): other eds. D"nn]3 ]DH (1.5): Smit yam; other eds. ]0MCum Martgs 0.11): le Slant & Renan [QVIR?]AMARIES; CIJ Quira Maries;Hvibner CYRAMARIES; Graetz [vocat]a Maries; Ferrua cyr[i]o Maries; deRicci Cuiramaries; Smit Cuira Maries[bt t]$ [6v]6[fUx]TTj (1.14): other eds. [b/] d)v

SPAINand Lady Maria. She hved twenty-four years, with peace.Amen.In the name of the Lord. Here is the memorial in which isat rest the all-remembered Meliosa, daughter of Juda andLady Maria. She lived twenty-four years, in peace. Amen.E. le Blant & E. Renan (1860), pp.345-9 (from a cast); D. Chwolson (1865), pp.83-4(Heb. only; follows le Blant & Renan); J. Derenbourg (1867), pp.354-8 (Greek only;from le Blant & Renan); E. Hiibner (1871), pp.60-1 no.l86 (facsimile; from cast andms. of Cortes; Heb. follows le Blant & Renan); (1900), p.82 no.l86; F, Fita (1875),p.559-566 (facsimile; from the stone) [not seen]; H. Graetz (1880), pp.443-8 (from leBlant & Renan); F. Fita (1882-3), pp.200-7 (photograph of cast; fix)m the stone); D.Chwolson (1882), cols. 167-174 nos.32-32a (facsimiles; ftxjm le Blant & Renan andHiibner); E. Morera y Llauradd (1897), pp.90-2 [not seen]; S. de Ricci (1905), p.475(follows Hiibner; text misprinted); M. Schwab (1907), pp.235-8 no.2, fig.l (photographof stone; facsimile and text of Heb. only, fiDm le Blant & Renan); J. Oehler (1909),p.450 no.221 (follows le Blant & Renan); E.L. Smit (1916), pp.45-6 (from the stone); ABallesteros y Beretta (1918), figs.329, 331 (photographs); F. Pastor y Lluis (1921) [notseen]; H. Leclerq (1922), cols.495-7 (from le Blant & Renan and Hiibner); EUIE xxi(1923), p.1215 col.l (photograph) [not seen]; A Rovira y Virgili (1923), pp.249-250, 313(photograph) [not seen]; J. Foguet y Maisal (1924), pp.33-4 {from ms. of Cortes) [notseen]; E. Morera y Llauradd (1924), p.712 (photograph) [not seen]; H. Leclerq (1928),col.221 (Heb. only; follows Schwab); L. Pericot (1935), pp.49, 116 (photograph) [notseen]; CIJ i (1936), pp.474-5 no.661 (facsimile of Hebrew; follows le Blant & Renan); i(1975), p.57 (Greek follows Ferrua); S. Katz (1937), pp.62, 141-4, pLHI (photograph;text follows le Blant & Renan); R. Men^ndez Pidal (1940), p. 182 fig.74 (photographfrom Fita 1875); A. Ferrua (1942), p.l44 no.428; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii(1953), p.58; iii fig.858 (photograph fh)m Schwab); E. Bayerri y Bertomeu (1954),pp.90-105 (follows Fita and Ferrua); F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. Millds Vallicrosa(1956), pp.267-273 no.198, pLXIII (photograph and facsimile; from the stone, earliereds. and ms. of F.X. de Santiago Palomares); H. Beinart (1962), pp.24-8 (followsCantera & Millis; photograph on cover); (1967), p.301, pl.ao; (1971), cols.1268-70(photograph); L. Yarden (1971), p.27, pl.l37 (photograph from Schwab); F. CanteraBurgos (1971), pp.32-3 (from the stone); LA. Garcfa Moreno (1972), p.133 (followsFerrua); AM. Rabello (1983), pp.113-6 no.23; (1985), pp.656-9 no.4 (follows Femia).R. Garrucci (1862a), p.27; (1862b), p.95; E. Renan (1865), pp.569-570; F. Lenormant(1872), p.274; A. Harkavy (1877), pp.141-3; G.L Ascoli (1880), pp.12-13; J. Derenbourg(1881), p.132 n.l; Th. Reinach (1889b), p.77; F. Fita (1905), p.l38; E. Albertini (1907),249

SPAINp.l24; J. Juster (1914), p.l84 n.8; A. Balil Diana (1954), p.266; P. Testini (1958), p.535;J.M. de Navascu^s (1959), pp.87, 90; V. Colomi (1964), p.21; L. Garcia Iglesias (1973),p.343; W.P. Bowers (1975), p.397; G. Alfdldy (1975), i p.465; L. Garcia Iglesias (1978),p.61; Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.84 n.l24b.According to Hiibner, the inscription was first recorded in the houseof Francisco Gonzalez in the Calle de Santa Ana in Tortosa. It wasbrought to the attention of scholars by Julio Carvalho, an engineerworking at Tortosa, and it was his cast on which le Blant & Renanrelied for their 1860 edition. Hiibner (1871) wrote that the stone hadbeen moved to the house of Antonio Cortes, who mentioned it in hisunpublished history of Tortosa written in 1747 {contra Schwab, whosays it was discovered in 1771). According to Hiibner's addendum of1900, it was actually still in the Calle de Santa Ana, as stated byFita (1882-3). The rest of the inscription's history is given by Cantera& Millas: in 1936, when the house was plundered during the CivilWar, it was taken to the Museo Mimicipal of Tortosa, and in 1944 itwas built into a wall in the cloister of Tortosa cathedral. At somepoint before the first publication it was used to support the pivot of adoor-hinge: a hole was made in the Greek text, and some of thelettering was worn away by friction. A chi-rho and an alpha andomega were inscribed on the back of the stone, presumably when itwas first re-used by a Christian.The inscription starts with six lines of Hebrew, followedimmediately by seven lines of Latin and then eight lines of Greek.The Latin and Greek texts seem to be almost identical, but theHebrew shows some differences. The Latin was written in deeply cut,good quality lettering which is fairly well preserved. The Greeklettering was slightly smaller, and is poorly preserved. The Hebrewseems to have been written much less carefully, but it is unlikely tohave been added later, as there is a well-cut frame around the wholeinscription. Of the early editors, only Chwolson printed a Hebrewtext which showed clearly how much was read and how much wasrestored. Le Blant & Renan failed to distinguish between preservedtext and restorations, but some of the editors who relied on theircopy seem to have been unaware of this. Cantera & Millas havegiven the most recent and most careful re-reading, and have beenfollowed here.The Hebrew starts with a standard formula which was250

SPAINapparently regarded as equivalent to the introductions of the Latinand Greek, although its meaning is completely different. The wordnap for 'memorial' in 1.2 is also found at Jaffa and Jerusalem {CIJ900, 1394), and in medieval inscriptions (nos. 193, 198-9 below);Jastrow hsts it as a common Talmudic term for 'grave'. The form ofthe deceased woman's name does not correspond exactly to the LatinMeliosa, but was evidently intended to be the same: in Latin, similarnames can begin with either Mel- or Mell-. 'Daughter' is written asjna rather than the usual Jia; this also occurs in CIJ 291, from Rome,and seems to be the Aramaic berath; cf. the use of bar (no. 177) andAramaic in nos.31 and 33 from Naples. The word is followed by theletter n, which Cantera & Millas take as an abbreviation for 'Rabbi',although there is nothing parallel in the Latin or Greek (cf no.22).The equivalent abbreviation is used in Greek at Beth She'arim {BS ii18, 20, 31). This letter is not legible in the published photographs. Ifit could be understood as *? instead, it would be the preposition 'to', toshow possession, and would make the phrase referring to the fathercorrespond exactly to that referring to the mother, as well as to theLatin and Greek.In 1.3, the mother's name is preceded by b^ for 'and to' (i.e. 'of)and a transliteration of icupa, 'lady. Schwab was doubtful about thisreading, and suggested that p could be read as o or B, perhaps givingthe Spanish name Valupian. However, even if the use of h hereseems awkward (its awkwardness would disappear if could also beread at the end of 1.2, as noted above), there can be no doubt thatthe Hebrew word corresponds to the Latin eura for kyriae. Kyrios inthe form on*p occurs regularly in the Aramaic of the Targums(Jastrow, S.V.); omp and mip are used as male and female titles inCIJ 856-8 (Aramaic from El-Hammeh near Gadara, probably early5th-century). Kvpd occurs often at Beth She'arim, and also in CIJ721 from Arcadia.The ending of the name with corresponds to the -es genitiveending in the Latin and Greek, and perhaps suggests that theHebrew was composed after the other texts. The formulae in 11.4-5correspond exactly (apart from minor differences in orthography) tothose used in no.118, q.v. There is no reason to doubt that they allapply to Meliosa, although Derenbourg and Ascoli wanted to referthe first one to her mother, because they thought that the epitaphwas hers as well as Meliosa's. For the end of 1.5. Cantera & Millas251

SPAINsuggest ».T ]3, Hnn ]3 or ]d.The Latin presents little difficulty in reading or restoration, andshows many similarities to nos. 186-7. See no. 11 on the name Juda,no.l on the epithet in 1.9 and no. 183 on memoria as 'tomb' In 1.11,Cura could also be read as Cuira.Editors have restored the Greek on the assumption that it is theexact equivalent of the Latin, and there seems no reason to doubtthis. In 1.18, Cantera & Millas read what seems to be atransliteration of the Latin filia. In 1.19 there is not room for icopiaq,so they follow le Blant & Kenan's icopa in the facsimile but suggestKaq as an abbreviation in the notes.At least one other trilingual inscription has been found in Spain(no. 185; other damaged inscriptions may have been trilingual too).Various reasons have been suggested for their occurrence.Derenbourg and Schwab thought that the family here came from anarea where Greek was spoken. In fact the transliteration of filia intoGreek suggests that the Latin may have been the primary text.There are 6th-century Christian inscriptions in Greek from Spain,and it seems that the Jewish commimities on the east coast includedGreek as well as Latin speakers, so important members would wanttheir epitaphs to be accessible to both groups. The use of Hebrewgoes much further than in any of the comparable Spanishinscriptions, and again may emphasize the family's importance andlearning. Rabello (1983, p. 116) notes that the Hebrew gives thefamily a mark of distinctiveness among Christian neighbours. TheCouncil of Elvira (c.300) sought to withdraw Christians from theinfluence of their Jewish neighbours, and hostility betweenChristians and Jews is attested in 6th and 7th-century Spain(although there is also evidence of judaizing Christians;Blumenkranz (1960), pp.61-2, 164-5).Most editors have regarded the inscription as belonging to the6th century (or perhaps late-5th or early-7th). The opinion ofGarrucci and Harkavy that it comes from the 10th century or latercan be rejected because of the use of Greek and the parallels withother late Roman inscriptions. Beinart thought that the title kyrawould not have been used afl^er legislation of 438 (Nov.Theo. iii 2,5-6) debarring Jews from high rank in the East, but there is noreason to suppose that the title was limited to such people, even ifthe legislation was effective in the West. He also regarded the252

SPAINlettering as 3rd or 4th-century, but this is not the opinion of otherauthorities. A date in the 4th century or earlier is very unlikely,because of the significant knowledge of Hebrew (much beyond no. 145,dated 383).Tortosa became a centre of Jewish learning in the 10th and 11thcenturies, when it was the home of the poet, grammarian andlexicographer Menahem b. Jacob ibn Saruq and the physician andgeographer Ibrahim b. Yaqub (Beinart (1971)).184: Vinebre, near Tortosa: Uncertain date. Uncertain nature;Hebrew and Latin.Unknown.Text follows E. Hubner (1871).(moon)(Three lines of imdeciphered Hebrew)[--]IAR[ ][ ][ ][ ]llAUUi ][....iM.imn..][ ]ARIA[ ][ ]E. Hiibner (1871), p.61 no. 187 (from ms. of A, Cortes); S. Katz (1937), pp.146-7 (followsHiibner); F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. Millds Vallicrosa (1956), pp.417-8 no.291 (followsHiibner).G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.l3; E.L. Smit (1916), p.45; L.A. Garcfa Moreno (1972), p.l33.According to Hubner, this inscription was found by a farmer in thevillage of Vinebre in Tarragona province, north of Tortosa and westof Tarragona. It was copied by the priest of La Torre del Espanol,253

SPAINand mentioned in the impublished history of Tortosa by AntonioCortes. The Hebrew text was not copied, and Hiibner had noinformation concerning the stone's whereabouts. The inscription mayhave been trilingual like the Tortosa inscription: there were certainlysome lines of Latin below the Hebrew, and traces of letters furtherdown the stone may be Greek or Latin.185 (Plate XXVIII; CIJ i? 660c): Tarragona (Tarraco): 5th-6thcentury (?). Basin (?); Hebrew, Latin and Greek.Toledo, Museo de la Sinagoga del Transito.White marble trough; inscribed face 14 x 57 cm. Hebrew letters 1cm.; Latin letters 2 cm.; Greek letters less than 1 cm. Letter form: A.Text follows photographs of F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. MillasVaUicrosa (1956).Left:"Pi; D1*?CJ]m Iran bii^ ir'^i;'!Right: pax, fides.nAH[ - - ](peacock) (shofar) (menorah) (tree of Ufe?) (peacock)Peace upon Israel, and upon ourselves, and upon our sons.Amen.Peace, faith. (?) (?)J. Sanchez Real (1955), pp.l39-40, ldm.n (photographs; from the original); F. CanteraBurgos (1955a), pp.151-6; (1959), pp.33-6 (photographs; from the original); F. CanteraBurgos & J.M. Millds Vallicrosa (1956), pp.350-3 no.243 (photographs; from theoriginal); H. Beinart (1962), pp.19-23 (facsimile; follows Cantera & Millds); V. Colomi(1964), p.22 n.l02 (foUows Cantera); H. Beinart (1967), pp.299-301, pl.M (photograph);F. Cantera Burgos (1971), p.32 (from the original); CIJ ? (1975), pp.55-6 no.660c(follows Cantera & Maids); G. Alfdldy (1975), i pp.466-7 no.l076, ii taf.CLXIX.3(photograph; from the original); J. Naveh (1978), p. 148 no.Ill (photograph fromBeinart); A.M. Rabello (1983), pp.109-110; (1985), pp.651-3 no.l (follows Cantera1955a).H. Beinart (1971), col.822; WP. Bowers (1975), p.396; L. Garcia Iglesias (1978), p.57;H. Solin (1983), p.750 no.3; Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.84 n.l24a.254

SPAINThe inscription was published in 1955 from photographs sent toCantera by the then owner, Juan Molas Sabate. Cantera saw theoriginal himself in September 1955. The writing is on one face of awhite marble trough. The trough measures 57 x 44 cm. and is 14 cm.high with sides 4 cm. thick; the inscription is on one of the longerfaces. It was found during the demolition in early 1955 of somehouses in Calle del Enladrillado at Tarragona, where it had beenused as a sink. The area, on the site of the Roman circus, wasprobably part of the Jewish quarter before the expulsion in 1492.There is a menorah in the centre of the face with theinscriptions, flanked by other symbols. To the right, a peacock seemsto be pecking at a tree with fruit at the end of its branches. This hasusually been interpreted as a tree of hfe', but it is possible that it isan elaborate lulab. The shofar between the menorah and the peacockon the left is stylised roughly in the shape of a reversed L. Thefunction of the trough itself is uncertain. Most writers have assumedthat it is a basin for ritual washing in the synagogue, but it couldalso be an ossuary or (as suggested by Beinart) a sarcophagus for ababy.The Hebrew inscription is written above the peacock on the left.The first line contains a standard formula. 1.2 is not otherwise knownfrom inscriptions, but occurs in prayer, e.g. the benediction GeuUahrepeated after the Shema, in which God's words are forever 'upon ourfathers and upon us, upon our children and upon our generations' (S.Singer, The authorized daily prayer hook (2nd ed., London (1962),p.44). The Latin inscription is written in larger letters above thepeacock on the right. It rims almost to the end of the inscribed face,and is presumably complete, but does not occur elsewhere. Below theLatin are some letters which appear to be Greek. Cantera suggestsHAH, NAH, KIAH, TIAH, MAH as possible readings; Alfoldy thinksthe first letter is most probably H. There were probably other lettersafter the surviving text. The meaning is totally unclear.The apparent use of three languages suggests that the inscriptionis from approximately the same date as no. 183. The unusual natureof the object and the shortness of the inscriptions provide no helpwith dating. There do not seem to be sufticient similarities withsarcophagi from Palestine to support Beinart's suggestion of 1st or2nd century, and evidence is lacking for the use of Hebrew in theWest at such £in early date.255

SPAINApart from the epigraphic evidence for Jews in Tarragona, coinsfrom the Visigothic period with Hebrew legends have been foundthere (Beinart 1971), and it was known as 'city of the Jews' underArab rule.186 (Plate XXIX): Tarragona: 5th-6th century (?). Epitaph; Latinand Greek.Tarragona, Museo arqueologico; inv.no.25397.Left part of light grey limestone plaque, 48 x 20 x 9 cm. Inscriptionwithin a frame; word-dividers (points) in 11.4-6. Letters 1.2-2 cm.Letter forms: Latin G 2; Greek K 6 -G- V CJO.Text follows G. Alfoldy (1975), with some different restorations.in nomine Diomini - - ]VI requiescilt - - ]TAINQVISIGOl - - ]LASIES socelr - - ]didascali, IA[ - - ]cit cum pac[e - - ]evOcc KaTaK[eTxai](5ap AaxoDaT[ - - ]PA xoi) |IAK[(xpio-](?)xo\) KMi..]E[ - - ] 11 10dpxTiaw[ccyayYOi)/-o; - - ]KVCTIKO[VO^OD(?) - - ] IAHKEa[ - - ]rHANH[ - - ]NEYAn[ - - ] j I 15KYPHET[ - - ] IXEEVEK[E - - ](menorah)256

SPAIN11.1-2: MUlds d[omihi; Alfoldy d[ei perpet]ui (?)11.2-3: Millds requiesci[t in is]ta inquisio[ne rah]; Alfoldy requiesci[t • - ]ta inq.Visigg[t - - ]; Sanchez TA INQVISICILASIES soce[r - - ] (1.4): Alfoldy Lasies soce[r]; Millds Lasies S nelpos?]ia[ • - ]cit (11.5-6): Sanchez ic; Millds Tiequies]cit; Alfoldy iacit11.8-10: Millds Aaxo\)t[c, i«x]p& xoC \uxK[apia]iw; Alfoldy (1.9): (>axo\nuxK[ - - ]1.11: Alfoldy dpxn

SPAINapproximate indication of how much text is lost elsewhere in theinscription, but is very speculative and seems to have no parallels.No. 183 begins in nomine Domini, and that seems a preferablerestoration of 1.1 here. Requieseit should be preceded by somethinglike uhi or hie, neither of which fits the beginning of 1.2. It is possiblethat VI is the end of qui, which was preceded by a name.3. -ta may be the end of the deceased person's name, if it was notgiven in 1.1. Alfoldy suggests understanding the rest of the line asinq(uilinus) Visigotis, while ista inquisione in Millas' version is takenas an otherwise unknown term for the tomb. Neither of theseinterpretations is at all convincing, and the line remainsunexplained.4. Lasies may be a complete name, corresponding to Lasie Erinein no. 145; it could, however, be the ending of another name, e.g.Gelasies. The -es ending is presumably genitive, and may relate tothe following word, which Alfoldy understands as soeer but Millasreads very differently. There is a point for a word-divider betweenLasies and the following S, and a space between that S and thefollowing O.5-6. Didaseali may be a name or (more probably) a title; seeno.48. Alfoldy's reconstruction seems to make the genitive depend onsoeer, but there may be a lost word at the end of 1.4. If the deceasedis really referred to as Tather-in-law', he may also have beendescribed as someone's father'. Alfoldy takes iaeit as one word, butthis would imply that only one or two letters are lost at the end ofeach previous line. It is perhaps more likely that ia is the beginningof another name and eit is the end of a different verb which is linkedto eum paee. No. 183 uses vixit ... eum paee, and the spellings viseitand vixcit are known (ILCV iii, p.609). The deceased's age could havecompleted 1.6.7-8. The Greek text begins with the formula which is found in anumber of inscriptions from Southern Italy (see no.118); the spellingused here may also have been KAXDICNXE. Two Spanish Christianinscriptions (Ferrua (1942) nos.419, 420) begin with ev8a KocxdiaxE,and no.419 is dated to 575. The formula is followed by what seems tobe an abbreviation for 'rabbi', and an otherwise unknown namebeginning Latous - this might correspond to the name Latusrecorded once at Rome (Solin & Salomies p.349). If so, this is theonly inscription in this collection which writes rabbi with a; cf. no.22.258

SPAIN9-10. The letters TOY in 1.9 are probably part of a patronymic orpapponymic, and the following letters apparently begin some form of^aKopioq, used either as a name or an epithet. Millas (followed above)links this with the beginning of 1.10 to give the epithet in thesuperlative, and this restoration is consistent with the number ofletters apparently lost in 1.7.11-12. A form of archisynagogos is used in 1.11, with the samespelling as occurs in no. 70 from Venosa. It is uncertain whether thetitle applies to the deceased, to one of his ancestors, or even to theperson who put up the inscription. It seems to be followed by anethnic derived from Cyzicus on the southern shore of the Propontis:the standard form is Kv^ucnvoq. A Cyzicene origin would explain theuse of Greek in the inscription. However, Vives (1942) no. 196, theepitaph of a man from Tarsus living at Seville, is in Latin.13-16. Any attempt to reconstruct these Hues must be veryspeculative. Millas understands SiKoaoq in 1.13, a form of Gehena in1.14, and oiveo "k&l^o, (corresponding to sine querela) in 11.15-16.Alfoldy offers no interpretation.17. The verb 'died' was probably followed by the deceased's age.Various dates have been suggested for the inscription: late 3rdcentury (Beinart), 4th century (Millas, Garcia y Bellido), 5th century(Garcia Moreno). Alfoldy's reading of *Visigoth' meant that for him itcould be no earlier than 5th century, and perhaps 6th or 7th. Theanalogies with southern Italy would suggest 3rd-5th century, but theparallels with no. 183 point to a later date.187 (Plate XXX; CIJ i? 660d): Pallaresos, near Tarragona: 4th-6thcentury (?). Epitaph; Latin.Tarragona, Museo arqueologico diocesano.Light grey marble plaque, 27 x 31 x 9 cm. Letters 3.6 cm. (1.1), 1.6cm. (other lines); menorah 4.6 cm. tall. Letters have serifs. Letterform: 1!^.Text follows G. Alfoldy (1975).(lulab) (menorah) ^i(lulab)c est (menorah) (lulab) I memoriahone re\cordationis Isid\ora filia beneme\morii lonati etAx iaes. pauset ani ma eius in pace cu m omne Israel,259

SPAIN[a]men, amen, amen.lonati et Axiaes. pauset (11.4-5): del Arco lonati et Axia. espauset; Ferrualonatie Taxiaes. pausetHere is the memorial of Isidora of good remembrance,daughter of Jona, remembered for good, and of Axia. Mayher soul be at an end in peace with all Israel. Amen, amen,amen.A. del Arco (1918), pp.495-500 (photograph; from the stone); A. Ferrua (1941), p.45;(1942), p. 145 no.430 (from the stone); J.M. MUlis Vallicrosa (1945), pp.290-1 no.4,lim.r/ fig.7 (photograph; fix)m the stone); Enciclopedia Judaica Castellana iv (1949),p.202 (photograph) [not seen]; F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. Millds Vallicrosa (1956),pp.415-7 no.290 (photograph; from the stone); H. Beinart (1962), p24 n.61 (followsCantera & Millis); (1967), p.301 n.27 (text misprinted); CIJ (1975), p.56 no.660d(follows Cantera & MUlds); G. Alfoldy (1975), 1 p.465 no.l074, ii taf.CLXIX.2(photograph; from the stone); H. SoUn (1983), pp.749-750 no.l (follows Cantera &MUlds); A.M. RabeUo (1983), pp.112-3; (1985), pp.655-6 no.3 (follows Cantera &MiUds).E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.59; A. BaUl lUana (1954), p.266; JJ^.MUlds ValUcrosa (1957), pp.4, 10; J.M. de Navascu6s (1959), p.90; V. Colomi (1964),p.22 n.l02; F. Cantera Bvu-gos (1971), pp.31-2; L.A. Garcfa Moreno (1972), p.l33; L.Garcfa Iglesias (1973), p.343; WP. Bowers (1975), p.397; Schtirer revised ui.i (1986),p.84 n.l24e.This inscription was first published by del Arco, who reported that itwas found in an olive grove outside Pallaresos, along with Romantiles and fragments of funerary urns. The date of the find was notknown. The stone was given by the owner, Sebastian MarimonCuUare, to the Museo diocesano.A Christian inscription from Bordeaux dated probably to 643begins hie requiecet bone recordaeiones ... (sic; ILCV 1463), andprovides a close parallel to the opening formula here; cf. no. 183,above. Memoria in the sense of'tomb' (see no. 145, above) also occursin several 4th-5th century Spanish Christian inscriptions (Vivosnos.l, 2, 14, 17, 22). Ibid. 128, dated to 527, has ffelieisre]eordat[ionis] restored. On benememorius, see no.l.Isidora is not attested elsewhere as a name used by Jews,260

SPAINalthough the masculine occurs as a possibly Jewish name in CPJ 410(Oxyrhynchus, 6/5 B.C.); cf. M. Cassuto Salzman, 'Greek names inIsrael', Eretz Israel 3 (1957), pp.l86ff. The father's name in 1.4 couldbe a form of Jonathan {CIJ i ) or the genitive of lona (Cantera &Millas). ILCV 2930 adn., from Italy, uses Zonae as nominative andZonati as genitive, and thus supports the interpretation lona (thename also occurs in no. 191, below). The mother's name is Axia, withthe -es genitive ending which also occurs in no. 183. Axia occurs as acognomen at Ostia {ILCV 3213C); Axius is also recorded as a nomen(Solin & Salomies p.30).The verb pausat occurs at Venosa (see no.68); the ending -et is apresent subjunctive. The formula pausat in pace occurs in manyChristian inscriptions from Gaul and Germany {ILCV iii, p.377).ILCV 1544 from Narbonne uses in signo pausanti with a chi-rho.However, the use of anima as the subject of the verb, as well as thespecifically Jewish reference to Israel, seem to be exceptionalvariations in this inscription.Alfoldy regards the lettering as probably 4th-century. Theparallels with no. 183 and with Italian Jewish inscriptions mean thata substantially later date is also possible, however.188: Villamesias: lst>-3rd century (?). Epitaph; Latin.Villamesias, private house.Text follows Hispania Antigua Epigraphica 4-5 (1953-4).Alucius I Roscius C{ai) Kibertus) | h{ic) s{itus) e{st)ludeus. I ACOLI C SAlucius (?) Roscius, freedman of Gains, is buried here, aJew ....Hispania Antigua Epigraphica 4-5 (1953-4), p.23 no.752 (from ms. of A. RodriguezMofiino); H. Solin (1983), p.750 no.4 (follows HAE).L. Garcfa Iglesias (1973), pp.342, 365 no.IV (follows HAE); M. Koch (1977), p.254; L.Garcfa Iglesias (1978), pp.52-3; H. SoUn & 0. Salomies (1988), p.5.The only publication of this inscription is an inadequate one in HAE,with no details of stone (except that it is irregularly shaped with arounded top), letter forms or circumstances of discovery. It is261

SPAINreported as being in the house of Bartolome Tardido at Villamesiasin Caceres province, north of Merida.It seems that the inscription is the epitaph of a Jewish freedman.If the text is complete, his name is either Alucius Rosdus or A.Lucius Roscius. Alucius is not otherwise known as a nomen, althoughElucius occurs in an African inscription (CIL viii 14336); Lucius is aknown nomen (Solin & Salomies p. 107). This leaves his statusdesignation in an unusual position, and it is possible that 1.2 shouldread [C] Roscius C.l. followed by a eognomen, with 1.1 referring tosomeone else. However, the libertus designation after the eognomendoes occur in a few republican inscriptions (e.g. ILLRP 868, 878).Another possibility (giving an even more unusual order) is that theeognomen is given in 1.1 and the nomen in 1.2. Alucius as eognomenmight have a similarity with Alypius, found in Jewish use in JIGRE13. The relationship of 1.5 to the rest of the inscription is completelyunclear. Solin & Salomies cite this inscription as the only example ofthe nomen Acolius.The name, status indication and abbreviated formula suggestthat the inscription is relatively early, but in the absence of furtherdetails this can only be speculative.262

GAUL189 (Plate XXXI; CIJ 670): Narbonne (Narbo): 688/9. Epitaph; Latinand Hebrew.Narbonne, Musee archeologique; inv.no. 196. Cast at Saint-Germainen-Laye,Musee des antiquites nationales; inv.no.9599.Marble block, 38.5 x 54 x 11.5-15 cm. Letters 3-1.5 cm. Letter-forms:11.1-9 ABCATTimUf; 11.10-11 *i 9 • V.Text follows M. Chalon (1974).(menorah) ic requieseunt I in pace benememori tres filiD(omi)ni Paragori I de filio condam D(omi)ni Salpaudi, ides Iusus, Malltrona et Dulciorella, qui I vixseruntlustus annos XXX, Matrona ann(o)s XX, Dulci\orela annosVilli. b\^1\D

GAUL(photograph; from the stone); Juifs etjudaXsmeen Languedoc (1977), pl.2 (photograph);A.M. Rabello (1983), pp.121-3; (1985), pp.666-670 no.l2 (follows CIJ).D. Chwolson (1865), p.83; F. Lenormant (1872), p.274; F. Fita (1882-3), p.203; C.JulUan (1890), p.l08; H. Gross (1897), pp.403-4; M. Schwab (1904), pp.169-173 no.l; J.Juster (1914), p. 184 n.l3; D.S. Blondheim (1925), p.CXXXI; E. Goodenough, Jewishsymbols ii (1953), p.59 n.73; V. Colomi (1964), p.21; E.A. Thompson (1969), p.248; P.D.King (1972), pp.170 n.l, 198; B. Blumenkranz (1974), pp.230-1; J. Gil (1977), p.l6; E.James (1980), p.224.There is Hterary evidence of a significant Jewish community atNarbonne in the 5th-6th centuries. A Jew named Gozolas, who wasa cHent of Magnus FeHx of Narbonne, was the bearer of two lettersfrom Sidonius Apollinaris (Ep. iii 4, iv 5). The coimcil of Narbonne of589 (CCSL CXLVIIIa, pp.254-5) required all 'Goths, Romans,Syrians, Greeks and Jews' to refrain from work on Sundays, andforbade Jews from singing psalms at funerals. Greg.M., Ep. vii 21(597), refers to four Christians who had been redeemed fromcaptivity by some Jews who now held them in slavery at Narbonne.The city participated in a revolt against King Wamba in 673. TheJews were expelled when it was recaptured, but were later allowedto return (Bachrach (1973), pp.16, 26). Archbishop Julian of Toledo(late 7th-century) condenmed Narbonne for being too welcoming toJews (Chalon, p.39). Egica introduced drastic anti-Jewish legislationin 693 (MGH, Leg.Vis. i, pp.481-3), but in 694 (ibid., p.484), hespecifically allowed Jews to continue living in the Gallic provinces,which had been devastated by invasion and plaga inguinalis.Narbonne was held by the Saracens from 719-759, and thenconquered by the Franks, who gave privileges to the Jews whichenabled the community to flourish - there were 300 Jews there whenBenjamin of Tudela visited in the 12th century.Egica became king on 24th Nov. 687, so this inscription is datedto between Nov. 688 and Nov. 699. There is no information aboutwhere the stone was found. Part of the city (now the area around thestation) was known as Mons Judaicus by 914, but there is noevidence (although it has generally been thought likely) that theinscription came from there. It was given to the museum by F.Figeac, who previously had it in his courtyard.1-2. The formula hie requiescit in pace bone memorie occurs in anumber of Christian epitaphs of similar date from Narbonne264

GAUL(Tournal (1864), nos. 197, 199, 201-2, 204), but benememori(us) wasthe preferred form for Jews (see no.l).3. The letter G in Paragori has an imusual form which Chalondescribes as semi-uncial. Paregorius (sic, corresponding to Menahem)was the name of an 11th-century rabbi active in France and Spain.The title of Dominus given to Paragorius and his father in thisinscription is the same as that given to the king in 1.10. It wasstandard for Visigothic kings (cf ILCV iii, p.280) and for Christiandignitaries (ibid., p.344); it could also be used with terms ofrelationship, and occasionally (as here) to dignify people whose exactstatus is unclear (ibid., p.517).4-5. The expression de filio eondam (for quondam) is a way ofsaying 'grandson of. According to Chalon, it came into use to avoidconfusion with nepos for 'nephew*. An inscription from Narbonnedated to 445 (ILCV 1806) using de sorore nepus suggests how thephrase would have originated (as de filio filius). The use of quondamfor 'late' after filius also occurs in, e.g., ILCV 3549 (Capua, alsospelled eondam), 1808 (Aries, eonda), 1205 (Capua). The nameSapaudus occurs only in Gaul, and is known in the Vienne regionfrom the 5th century.5-9. There is a difference of 21 years between the ages of theoldest and youngest children. The deaths of three members of onefamily in the same year encouraged some writers to speculate that itwas due to persecution, but if a specific explanation is needed, it ismuch more likely to be the invasions and plague mentioned above.The unusual name Dulciorel(l)a, not listed among derivatives ofduleis by Kajanto (1965), p.282 (although Dulciola and Dulciosa arerecorded), has different spellings for its endings in 11.6 and 9. Itseems to be formed from the comparative with a diminutive ending.It may have been regarded as an equivalent of Naomi (Blumenkranz(1960), p.7).9. The final letter of D'hvi has a form closer to a than to D. Theletter » was omitted from 'Israel'. This may be merely a copyingerror, but Fita suggests that it could indicate pronunciation, since /was omitted fi-om Israhel in a 7th-century biblical ms. from Leon,and Spania without the preceding Hi- occurs in a number ofinscriptions.10-11. These lines were added in another hand, using a numberof different letter forms. It was apparently the same stone-cutter who265

GAULcorrected requiescant to requiescunt in 1.1, since the V written overerased A has the same form as in 11.10-11.This inscription shows considerable similarities to CIL xii 2033from Sainte-Colombe: 'Ego pater Vitalinus et mater Martinascripsimus non grandem gloriam sed dolum filiorum. tres filios indiebus XXVII hie posuimus. Sapaudum filium qui vixit annos VII etdies XXVI. Rusticam filiam qui vixit annos IIII et dies XX. EtRusticula filia qui vixit annos III et dies XXXIII.' Some writers (e.g.Katz, pp. 151-2) have raised the possibility that this could be Jewishtoo, but in fact there is no Jewish content at all.190 (CIJ 667): Avignon (?): 4th century or later. Bronze seal; Latin.Avignon, Musee Calvet; inv.no.J371.Rectangular face, 2.5 x 3.5 cm. Letter form: A. Letters have serifs.Text follows CIJ.lanuiarius)Januarius.There is a menorah flanked by two ethrogs in the middle of the face.R. Garrucci (1880), p.l66, tav.491 no.l6 (facsimile; from the original); CIJ i (1936),pp.478-9 no.667 (facsimile; follows Garrucci); B. Blumenkranz (1965-6), p.3 no.2.1.2,fig.4; (1969), pp.165-7, 174, fig.3; (1971b), pp.63-4, fig.2 (photograph; from the original).H. Chalon (1974), p.43; B. Blumenkranz (1974), p.231; H. Solin (1983), p.753.This seal was in the collection formed by Dr Calvet at Avignon in the19th century, but there is no information about its provenance, andobjects in the collection came from as far afield as ^les and Vienne(H. Marrou ap. Blumenkranz (1969), p. 174).The letters are in the four corners of the seal, and would makethe impression lANV if read from top left, line by line, to bottomright, with Jewish symbols between the letters. This was taken byFrey as an abbreviation for the name lanuarius. Blumenkranzproposed instead to read from top right, column by column, to bottomleft, giving the reading AVIN for Avinionensis, showing that the sealbelonged to the Jewish community of Avignon (cf. id. (1965-6)nos.2.1.1 and 2.1.3, communal seals for the Jews of Angouleme and266

GAULOrgon). It seems rather perverse to read the Latin in this way,however, and Blumenkranz' objection that Januarius is not a nameknown to have been in Jewish use is incorrect (no. 101, above).Marrou's suggestion that the vowels were inverted and that theletters should be read as IVNA for Jona seems even moresuperfluous.There is no evidence for dating except the lettering. RobertMarichal, quoted by Blimienkranz (1969), regards it as no later than4th-century. The use of Latin rather than Hebrew on a private sealprovides some support for a relatively early date.There is other evidence of Jews in the Avignon area during theRoman period. A lamp of late 4th/early 5th-century type was foundin 1963 in the remains of a potter's workshop at Bagnols-sur-Ceze,north-west of Avignon (Blumenkranz (1969), pp. 164-5): the menorahhas square branches and a tripod. Another lamp which may be lateIst-century was found at Orgon, south-east of Avignon (ibid., pp. 170-2); it seems to have a decoration of two menorahs opposite eachother. An inscription found near Pertuis on the River Durance (eastof Avignon) was thought by some writers to show a 3rd-centuryJewish presence through a reference to someone a sicariis et ludaeis... confossus, but it was shown by the editors of CIL xi (no. 146*) to bea forgery.191 (Plate XXXII; CIJ 671): Auch (Elimberris): 7th-8th century (?).Donation and blessing; Latin and Hebrew.Saint-Germain-en-Laye, Musee des antiquites nationales;inv.no.20320.Guide-lines beneath 11.1-5. Letter forms: A A f 6 *1. Sentence-divider(vertical line) in 1.3.Text follows photograph of S. Katz (1937).in Dei nomine s{an)c{t)o. I peleger qui ic hennid, I D(eu)sesto c[u]m ipso, ocoli | invidiosi crepen. de D{e)i | donumlona fecet. (shofar) (menorah) (lulab)267

GAULs(an)c(t)o (1.1): Schwabe sia)c(r)o; Katz s(an)ctipeleger (1.2): de Saulcy Peleser; Canute, Kaufmann, CIJ pelesterqui ic (1.2): Schwab quii(s)c(at)ocoli (1.3): CIJ oculi; de Saulcy locoli; Can^to o coelicrepen (1.4): CREPEN on the stonede D{e)i (1.4): de Saulcy, Reinach (1889), Leclerq dedit; Lsirocquededi{catum)In the holy name of God. The foreigner (?) who comes (?)here, may God be with him. May envious eyes burst. Fromthe gifts of God, Jona made (this). Peace.Abb6 Can^to (1870), pp.146-7 (facsimile; from the stone); (1875a) [not seen]; (1875b)[not seen]; P. Dulac (1875), pp.410-3 [not seen]; E. le Blant (1889), pp.432-7 (facsimile);Th. Reinach (1889b), pp.219-223 (photograph); (1890), pp.30-33; F. Fita (1890a), p.320(follows Reinach 1889b); D. Kaufmann (1890), pp.29-30; E. le Blant (1892), pp.319-324no.292 (facsimile); M. Schwab (1892), pp. 159-60; (1904), pp. 174-184 (from Reinach); H.Leclerq (1928), cols.224-7, fig.6385bis (facsimile; follows Schwab); CIJ i (1936), pp.482-3 no.671 (facsunile); i^ (1975), p.58; S. Katz (1937), pp.62, 152-4, pl.V (photograph); L.Robert (1937), pp.80-1; E. Salin (1949), pp.282-4, fig.73 (facsimile; follows Leclerq); L.Robert (1964), p.49 n.3 (follows CIJ); L. Yarden (1971), p.27, pi. 139 (facsimile; followsCIJ).F. de Saulcy (1869), p.l72; C. JulUan (1890), p.l08; E. CSoodenough, Jewish symbols ii(1953), p.59; B. Blumenkranz (1974), pp.230.1.This inscription was found in 1869 at the former priory of Saint-Orens at Auch in the Gers departement, by Abbe Caneto. Theinterpretation of individual words and of the inscription as a wholecreated much debate during the following 20 years.The main issue was whether it should be regarded as an epitaphor (as Kaufmann first proposed) a donor inscription. The principalpoint in favour of its being an epitaph was that Di"?© and the symbolsin 1.6 are only foimd in epitaphs. However, in view of the extremescarcity of Jewish donor inscriptions from Western Europe, this is avery weak argument. Kaufmann suggested that the inscription camefrom the middle of a mosaic floor made for Bennid by Jona; he ratherimplausibly took pelester (as he understood the word in 1.2) as anantecedent of platre, 'floor'. The most natural interpretation of theinscription is that a man called Jona gave something for the benefitof pilgrims or foreigners who came to Auch, and asked for a blessingon them. He may have built or restored a synagogue, but it is268

GAULperhaps more Hkely in view of the wording that he providedaccommodation for visitors (cf. CIJ 1404 from Jerusalem). A possiblereason for such provision is the proximity of Auch, under Frankishcontrol, to the Visigothic Kingdom, from which there may have beena flow of refugees after anti-Jewish legislation began in 589. Theearliest other evidence for Jews in the town is from 1296-7 (Reinach1889b). Auch was a place of some importance with its own bishopfrom the 6th century, and was established as the capital of theArmagnac region by the 8th century.1. The abbreviated word at the end of the line could be sancto(earlier eds.) or sacro (Schwabe, followed by CIJ i ). Since the formeris very commonly abbreviated and the later very rarely (ILCV iii,pp.399, 403), Schwabe's expansion should be rejected.2. The fifth letter has been understood by most editors as aligature of ST. Reinach took pelester as a form of feliciter. However,the letter is almost identical to the G of no. 189 1.3, and should beread accordingly (with le Blant). Forms of the noun and nameperegrinus were sometimes spelled pel-, e.g. cives Gallus pelegrinus(ILCV 1474C, Pisaurum), and ILCV 4813A from Aquileia is theepitaph of Restutus peleger, who 'came from Africa to see the city* inthe 4th or 5th century. In Christian usage the meaning 'pilgrim* wasadded to the original 'foreigner'. Bennid could be a form of venit. bfor V is of course very common and d for final t is well attested,although nn for n in this verb is more surprising. Qui ic seems torequire a verb imless it is a variation of qui et introducing analternative name. Bennid could be understood as a name, perhaps anabbreviated form of something like Benedictus. A German nameBennit is known from a 9th-century charter (Katz, p. 153). There aretherefore a number of ways in which the line could be interpreted:'Peleger who (is called) here Bennid', 'the foreigner who comes here'(which seems most likely), and other combinations of the variouselements.3-4. The next sentence is clear, and ipso refers to whoever wasmeant in 1.2. A vertical line after ipso (in which S was originallyomitted and was written below the other letters) marks the end ofthe sentence, and another begins with ocoli for oculi, and ends withthe letters CREPEN. This looks like a form of the verb crepo, -are/-ere. This was used by medieval Latin writers with the sense of 'tocrack, burst, rupture' (Diet, of Medieval Latin from British sources269

GAULand TLL, s.v.), and Greg.T., Hist.Fr. ix 34 and Mart, ii 41, uses itwith oculus - in the second example, a man's eye is said to haveburst after a beating. The original text may have read crepend de,leading the stone-cutter to omit a d by haplography. Reinach derivesthe expression from Job xi 20, 'The eyes of the wicked shall fail', butthe Latin is actually more violent. Le Blant thought there was anallusion to the evil eye, but it is unnecessary to give the sentenceany such connotations.4-5. The interpretation de Dei donum was first proposed by leBlant. Robert compares the formula EK T©V 8(opeav toi) 0eoO used atSardis. The building inscription from the Aegina synagogue (CIJ 722)mentions a sum of money from the gifts of God'. Various forms of dedonis Dei are used in Christian donor inscriptions (ILCV 1935-41);121 (Aquileia, donation of mosaic floor) uses the form de donum Dei.1935A (Rome, coemeterium Pontiani) has de donis Dei Gaudiosusfeeit; 1915 (Mauretania, 408) de (donis) d(e)i et Chr(ist)i UmbriusFelix mag. feeit. Verbs meaning 'to make' are often found in donorinscriptions in the sense of 'to pay for' or 'to provide', e.g. JIGRE 13.It seems therefore that Jona should be imderstood as the donor ofwhatever the inscription refers to, not the craftsman as Kaufmannthought.Most editors have put this inscription in the 7th or 8th centuryon paleographic grounds. Fita (1890) published a Christianinscription from Auch dated to 579 which he regarded aspaleographically similar. In fact, there are considerable similaritiesto the writing of no. 189, and a date in the 7th or early-8th centuryseems most likely, particularly in view of the explanation for thebuilding suggested above.192 (CIJ 672): Bordeaux (Burdigala): Oth century (?). Ring; Latin.Unknown (formerly collection of A. de Chasteigner).Letter form: A.Text follows C. Julhan (1890).(menorah)Aster.C. Jullian (1890), pp.l03-9 no.939, pl.IV (photograph and facsimile; from the originaland information from de Chasteigner); M. Deloche (1890), pp.365-8no.CXXVI270

GAUL(facsimile; follows Jullian); E. le Blant (1892), pp.305-6 no.284a (facsimile; followsJulUan); CIL xui.u (1901), p.638 no. 10024.174 (follows JuUian); E. Diehl, ILCV u(1927), p.501 no.4947 (follows CIL); H. Leclenj (1928), col.211 (follows CIL); CIJ i(1936), pp.483-4 no.672 (from de Chasteigner and JulUan); S. Katz (1937), pp.155-6,pl.VI (facsimile; follows JuUian); E. Salin (1949), p.282, fig.71 (facsimile; followsDeloche); B. Blumenkranz (1965-6), p.4 no.2.24.3 (foUows CIJ); (1969), pp.168-9, fig.5(photograph; follows JulUan); (1971b), pp.64-5, fig.3 (photograph).A. de Chasteigner (1858), p.55; E. le Blant (1865), p.50; M. Schwab (1892), pp. 158-9; J.Juster (1914), p. 185 n.3; R. du Mesnil du Buisson (1937), p. 165 n.l; B. Blumenkranz(1974), p.230.De Chasteigner gave a report about this ring in 1858, when heregarded it as Christian and understood the name as Asterius. It wasfound in 1854 in a workmen's trench in the rue des Trois-Conils inBordeaux. According to Blumenkranz (1969), the adjoining rueCheverus was known as rue Judaique in the Middle Ages. Somecoins of Diocletian were found at the same time, but there seem to beno grounds for using them to date the ring (contra Blumenkranz).The ring is slightly irregular with a maximum diameter of 2.3cm., and weighs 26 gr. The bezel is 1.1 cm. in diameter and 0.6 cm.thick. The name Aster is written as a monogram on the face of thebezel and in individual letters in relief, each one contained in anarch, around the outside; this follows the practice mentioned byAvitus, Ep.lxxviii. There is a five-branched menorah between the Aand R on the side of the bezel, and two seven-branched menorahs onthe band of the ring, one on each side of the bezel. The monogram iswritten to be legible on the ring rather than for use as a signet.A gold ring from Sassari with the name Aster (CIL x 8061.6)shows no sign of Jewishness. Here, however, since the name is thatof a Jew, it is probably the latinized form of Esther (cf. no.26). Thereis no reason to treat it as an abbreviation of Asterius.Dating is only on stylistic grounds. A similar ring described byM. Fleury, 'L'anneau sigillaire d'Aregonde', Bulletin de la Societe desAntiquaires de France (1963), pp.34-42, probably dates from 565-570.There is a reference to a Jew of Bordeaux in 613 (Greg T., MGH,Scr.Merov. i, p.644), and Jews were blamed for betraying the city tothe Normans in 848. Other evidence of Jews in the area is providedby a lamp of 3rd-century type with a menorah, lulab and shofar fromSalignac-de-Pons, Charente-Maritime (Blumenkrguiz 1969, pp. 169-271

GAUL171). The menorah has round branches and a tripod; there are'flames' at the end of the branches, and a pattern of circles on thecentral stem.272

APPENDIX 1INSCRIPTIONS FROM CIJCONSIDERED MEDIEVAL193 {CIJ i 620): Taranto: Oth century or later (?). Epitaph; Aramaic.Taranto, Museo archeologico nazionale.Text follows H.M. Adler (1902).impLl: CIJ, Colafemmina napTomb of Joseph son of Joseph.H.M. Adler (1902), p.lll (from the stone); CIJ i (1936), p.444 no.620 (from Adler); C.Colafenmiina (1977), p.ll3 no.3 (from Adler).Adler referred to resemblances between the Hebrew inscriptions ofTaranto which he published and those of Venosa. Frey noted thatAdler attributed this one and nos. 125-6 to the same period asVenosa. In fact, this epitaph shows substantial differences in form:the use of ia instead of p (cf. nos. 198, 200), and the word used for*tomb* (although Hebrew nnp occurs in no. 183). The spelling herewith a;aM; is surprising, and it seems likely that the letter is actuallyyod, which would mean that the word could be understood as theconstruct state of Aramaic Although Colafemmina includesthis among 6th-8th century inscriptions, and the use of Aramaic innos.31 and 33 seems to be 5th-6th century, the fact that there is noLatin or Greek here (as well as the points noted above) suggests alater date.194 (C/7 i 633): Bari: 9th century or later. Epitaph (?); Hebrew.Bari, Museo archeologico.Rectangular plaque, broken in two and badly preserved, with framedecorated with concentric circles.Text follows CIJ.273

APPENDIX 1»b2I- lasU. Cassuto (1933), p.l71 [not seen]; CIJ i (1936), pp.451-2 no.633 (follows Cassuto).C. Colafenunina (1983a), p.204; Schurer revised iii.i (1986), p.83 n.ll9.Although five Hebrew epitaphs were discovered in the 6th-7thcentury Jewish hypogeum at Bari (see no. 135), they were regarded as9th-century or later and belonging to the nearby open-air cemetery.This inscription is not mentioned by Colafemmina (1988b), where hegives details of the five, but it apparently belongs with them despiteFrey*s attempt to claim it for 'probably the same period as theepitaphs of Venosa'.195 (CIJ i 634): Oria: 8th century. Epitaph; Hebrew and Latin.Oria, Biblioteca comunale 'De Pace-Lombardi'; inv.no.2040.Limestone cippus 46 cm. high, including cylindrical base 19 cm. highand stele with simk field 24 x 11-9.5 cm. Hebrew in the field; Latinon top of stele (14 x 14 cm., letters 2.0-1.3 cm.). Guide-lines aboveeach line of lettering; word-dividers (sometimes also used withinwords). Letter forms: A C 9 H *1.Text follows C. Colafemmina (1988a), photograph on p.644.(A) I naii3nmnan274

APPENDIX 1(B) (shofar)(C) (menorah)(D) (shofar)(E) ic requi\escit D{omi)na |[ES] Anna fili\a Kebhitis) Guliuet ate LVI anini. {LV7}noH (A 1.2): CIJ rmn (but n is clear in photograph)njDK (A 1.4): Ascoli, CIJ [n3]iQHn (A 1.8) omitted by Ascoli, CIJ; Colafemmina 'rriebbitis) Guliu (E 1.4): CIJ R C VUVani\ni LVI (E 11.5-6) omitted by AscoH and CIJ(A) Here hes a prudent woman, ready in all the precepts offaith. May she find mercy before God, at the awakening ofthe coimtless. She who has died is Hannah, aged 56.(E) Here rests Lady Anna daughter of Rabbi Julius, aged56.S. Castromediano (1875), p.54 ((E) only) [not seen]; G.I. Ascoli (1880), pp.82-4 no.38,pi.VI (facsimile; (A) from copies by Tarantini and Fontana; (E) from Castromediano);D. Chwolson (1882), cols. 165-6, no.84 (facsimile; (A) only; follows Ascoli); CIL ix (1883),p.655 no.6151 ((A) fix)m Ascoli, (E) f5rom Castromediano); CIJ i (1936), pp.452-3 no.634(from Ascoli and photograph by de Laurentis; photograph of (A)); C. Colafenunina(1983a), p.205, pl.11-12; (1988a), pp.641-651 (photographs; from the stone).J. Derenbourg (1881), p.l33; H.P. Chajes (1910), pp.239-240; I. ZoUi (1937), p.634; M.Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols u (1953), pp.52, 141; G.P.Bognetti (1954), p.l93 n.l; V. Colomi (1964), p.20 n.lOO; A. MUano (1966), p.415; C.Colafemmina (1973a), p.235 n.7; S. Simonsohn (1974), p.850; C. Colafemmina (1980),pp.200, 216; Schurer revised ui.i (1986), p.83 n.ll9; G. Mayer (1987), pp.96, 99, 103.This elaborate cippus was found by Archdeacon Lombardi in the1860s or early 1870s near the chapel of the Madonna delle Grazie,not far from what later proved to be the site of the early medievalJewish cemetery of Oria. It has Hebrew on one face, Jewish symbols275

APPENDIX 1in relief inside frames on the other three, and Latin on the top. Itmust have been intended for an open-air grave. It is dated byColafemmina (1988a) and Colomi to the second half of the 8thcentury. Prey's suggestion that it is no later than the 7th centuryand Goodenough's attempt to make it even earlier are not convincing(see below). The Latin text was first published by Castromediano andthe Hebrew by Ascoli. A forged version of the same text was made ona bronze sheet soon after the discovery (illustrated by Colafemmina(1988a), p.647).The Hebrew text consists of six lines of rhyming verse (ending na,and occupying ten lines on the stone), of which the first letters of thefirst four form an acrostic for the name bmow (omitting the aleph\perhaps the name of the son of the deceased woman (H)anna(h). Theuse of an original composition in Hebrew, rather than biblicalquotations and stock phrases, as well as the form of the cippus,shows that the stone belongs to a different genre from theHebrew/Latin epitaphs of Taranto, and confirms that it should beassigned to a later date despite the use of Latin. Hebrew poetryflourished in this part of southern Italy from the 8th century.The last letter of (A) 1.4 on the stone had to be written above theguide-line because of lack of space, and a word was added in smallerletters in 1.8. mnejatt) was written by mistake for moBato, but otherwisethe Hebrew is carefully done. In (E) 1.1, a reversed C can be seenbeneath the letter V, where the stone-cutter began writing from rightto left. The quality of the lettering also shows that the stone-cutterwas happier with Hebrew; the letter N is written as if from right toleft throughout.The epithets in (A) 11.2-4 are regarded by Meyer as equivalents ofthe Greek ajcovSaia (piXevxo^Q, found together in CIJ 132 from Rome.11.5-6 are perhaps inspired by what Anna says to Eli in 1 Sam. i 18,*May your servant find favour in your sight' (^^a^i^n ]n "jJinDO »:!inr).There also seems to be a pun in 1.6 on the name Hannah, with theword for mercy. In 11.7-8, the phrase nao *D comes from Num. xxiii 10,'Who can count the dust (i.e. descendants) of Jacob ?', and was usedin poetry to mean Israel. Ascoli thought that some or all of theletters neae? in 1.8 should be interpreted as a date, and he suggestedyear 830, 700 or 1035 of the era of the destruction of the Temple, butColafemmina shows that the lines above the letters are onlyaccidental marks. The age of the deceased (1.10) is expressed in the276

APPENDIX 1biblical way with 'daughter' or 'son' followed by the number of years(e.g. Gen. v 32); cf no. 126.The shofars on faces (B) and (D) were interpreted by Ascoh andFrey as the letter yod.The Latin text does not translate the Hebrew, but gives somedetails in a fairly conventional form. The abbreviation R for rebbi isunusual (but see no. 183). ES at the beginning of (E) 1.3 appears to bean erroneous repetition of the beginning of 1.2. The father's namemust be lulius: g- for i- and -u as a genitive ending are bothparallelled elsewhere. An 8th century Jew of Pavia named Julius ismentioned by Alcuin (PL c 314). The word written as anini in 11.5-6was presumably intended as some part of annus, repeating Anna'sage.196 (CIJ i 656): Macomer: Uncertain medieval date. Gold ring;Hebrew.Unknown.Text follows CIJ."DOnoc? D^''nLife ! Rejoice ! Good sign !G. Spano (1861), p.l62 (from the original); CIJ i (1936), p.472 no.656 (follows Spano).L. Ruggini (1959), p.223 n.88; C. Colafemmina (1980a), p.226 n.lOO; R.J. Rowland(1981), p.59; L. Falanga (1982-3), p.51 n.72; H. Solin (1983), p.746; C. Colafemmina(1983a), p.210; Schtirer revised iii.i (1986), p.83 n.ll9; RJ. Rowland (1988), p.799.The inscription is from the inside of a gold ring found at Macomer, inthe moimtainous part of western central Sardinia. Other evidence ofJews in ancient Sardinia is confined to the coast (Porto Torres, Sant'Antioco, Tharros and Cagliari). The use of Hebrew for more than aDi"?© formula is striking in Sardinia. Spano interpreted the last twoletters as an abbreviation for aio ]D*O, and this would confirm the latedate suggested by the language and site.277

APPENDIX 1197 {CIJ 665a): Merida (Emerita): 8th-9th century. Epitaph;Latin.Merida, Museo arqueologico nacional; Barcelona, Museo de arte.Plaque broken in two. Letters 2.5-3.5 cm. (11.1-10), 1.5-2 cm. (1.11), 1cm. or less (1.12). Letters have serifs; apices in 1.12. Abbreviationmark (1.11). Word-divider (triangle) in 1.7; sentence-dividers (colons)in 11.3, 8, 10. Letter forms: A G AA H T U.Text follows J.M. de Navascues (1957).sit nomen [D(omi)ni ben]edectum qui bi\vivi{i}cat etmor[tivi]cat. beniat pax et pauset in sepulcro tuo. ego JacobfiUius de rebbi Seniori pauso animo I suporans in sorteiustorum abliga\\tus in ligatorium vite. angeli pa\cis,aperiti portals], diciti illi: I ingrede cum pace, vixi annosLXIII repletus sapientiam I preducens artem artivicum.[e]go Simeon filius de rebbi Ia[co]b edivicabi doimum). I [...1mi[s]sam (?) paxsuporans (1.4): Cantera & Millds supier) oransMay the name of the Lord be blessed, who makes life andmakes death. May peace come and stay in your tomb. I,Jacob, son of Rabbi Senior, am at an end in my soul,sleeping in the lot of the just, bound in the bond of life.Angels of peace, open the gates, say to him: 'enter withpeace'. I lived 63 years, full of wisdom, foremost in the craftof craftsmen. I, Simon son of Rabbi Jacob, built the house.... sent (?) peace.E. Hiibner (1871), p.ll no.34 (from the stone and ms. of Fernandez); (1900), p.l9no.34; G.I. Ascoli (1880), p.l3 (follows Hvibner); F. Fita (1890b), p.447 (followsHiibner); S. de Ricci (1905), p.475 (from ms. of Renan); M. Schwab (1907), pp.240-1(from Hiibner and ms. of Fernandez); E.L. Smit (1916), p.46 (from the stone); H.Leclerq (1928), col.221 (follows Hiibner); S. Katz (1937), pp.81, 146-8 (from de Ricciand Smit); J.M. Millds Vallicrosa (1945), pp.300-2, llm.K fig.15 (photograph; from thestone); C. Roth (1948), pp.391-6 (from Millis); F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. MilMsVallicrosa (1956), pp.412-5 no.289, pLXXXV (from the stone); A. Marcos Pous (1956),278

APPENDIX 1pp.249-252 (photograph; from the stones; unites left and right parts); J.M. deNavascues (1957), pp.29-44, tav.XE-XII (photographs; fit)m the stones; tmites left andright parts); (1959), pp.78-91; A. Ferrua (1959), p.254 (follows de Navascues); CIJ i^(1975), pp.57-8 no.665a (follows Cantera & Millds); A.M. RabeUo (1985), pp.665-6 no.ll(follows CIJ).F. Fita (1905), p.l38; J. Juster (1914), p.l84 n.5; A. Neppi Modona (1950), p.96; V.Colomi (1964), p.22 n.l02; F. Cantera Burgos (1971), p.33; W.P. Bowers (1975), p.397;S.J.D. Cohen (1981-2), p.2 nos.2-3; H. SoUn (1983), p.750; Schurer revised iu.i (1986),p.84 n.l24f.Only the left side of this inscription was known until 1956, whenMarcos reunited it with the previously unpublished right side, whichhad been found separately. The left part was seen by Hubner atMerida in the house of Juan Fernandez, but the circumstances of itsoriginal discovery are not known. The right-hand part was re-used ina medieval burial at Cerro de San Albin. De Navascues studied thecomplete inscription in detail, and his text is followed here. CIJ i^includes it (although Frey had apparently regarded it as being of toolate a date for inclusion), but does not give the text of the completestone.The inscription was originally written on the flat upper surface ofa moulded marble capital (47 cm. wide, 10 cm. high) decorated witha rosette pattern which Marcos regarded as Visigothic. He assumedthat such an architectural fragment would have been reused from abuilding destroyed during the Arab invasion (Merida was sacked in713).1-2. A mark at the beginning of 1.1 was interpreted by Hubnerand Smit as IH for lehovah. The S of sit is further to the right thanthe first letters of the other lines, but it is possible that the first linewas written more centrally for emphasis, and that the mark to theleft is an accidental one. The text of 11.1-2 probably echoes 1 Sam. ii6: The Lord kills and makes alive; he brings down to the grave andbrings up.', and Deut. xxxii 39: *I kill and I make alive; I wound andI heal', vivificante Deo is found in ILCV 990.2, from Rome. Theletters B and V are interchangeable in the inscription, and IV isalways written for IF.3. The verb pauso usually has the deceased as its subject, as in1.5. In no. 187 (which also uses pauset) it is the deceased's soul. Herethe verb pauset apparently has the sense of 'stay' rather than the279

APPENDIX 1usual *be at an end', with pax as its subject. The expression iscommon in Hebrew epitaphs (cf. Index VII f).4. The filiation here (and in 1.11) is indicated by de + ablative,not by the genitive. The name Senior is also found in Jewish use ona 14th-century seal (Cantera & Millas (1956) no.251); Kajanto (1965)p.294 has six examples of the name in CIL.5-6. Suporans is to be understood as soporans, whether it goeswith ego or animo', cf. viro soporanti in ILCV 114 adn. from Ravenna(later than 6th century). The expressions derive from Dan. xii 2 &13. Ahligatus and ligatorium are regarded by de Navascues asmedieval Latin forms. They were clearly used as Latin equivalentsfor the Hebrew "in:*. The phrase comes from 1 Sam xxv 29: The soulof my lord shall be bound in the bundle of life with the Lord thyGod'; the Vulgate uses 'custodita quasi in fasciculo viventium'. SeeIndex VII f for Hebrew equivalents.10. De Navascues suggests that artem artivicum (for artificum)refers to medicine, but there is nothing to support this. Fitacompares Ex. xxxv 31, where the Vulgate uses 'implevitque eumspiritu Dei sapientiae ...', which refers to workmanship in preciousmetals, wood and stone.11. The commemorator is likely to be the son of the deceased,although Jacob is called rabbi here but not in 1.3. Domum is clearly aeuphemism for *tomb' (cf. ILCV iii, p.518).12. De Navascues was unable to read missam, as earlier editorshad done, and the reading is unlikely: missa would be more probable,perhaps preceded by sit. Ferrua suggests ei promissam agreeing withdomum, followed by pax as a separate one-word sentence.Roth, who knew only the left side, regarded the inscription asdating from the Visigothic period because he thought the formulaebelonged to a Palestinian tradition which must have preceded theArab invasion. All other editors have attributed it to the 8th or 9thcentury. According to de Navascues, the lettering is imlikely to beearlier than the mid-7th century, and the language must be 8thcenturyor later. There are a number of similarities to a Hebrewinscription from Brindisi dated to 832 (Ascoli no.24), which uses theexpressions 'May peace come and rest on her tomb' and 'Guardians ofthe treasures of the Garden of Eden, open for her the gates of theGarden of Eden'. Other 9th-century Hebrew inscriptions fromsouthern Italy (Ascoli nos.22, 29, 32) use forms of 'May peace come280

APPENDIX 1and rest on the tomb'. There are also similarities to Spanish Hebrewepitaphs from the 10th century and later. The lack of Hebrew issurprising, but the epitaph was composed by someone who knewHebrew formulae, although it is in fluent Latin. It is, however, Latinof very different content from that found in pre-invasion Spanishinscriptions, and does not give any support to placing the inscriptionbefore 700.198 (C/7 i 668): Aries (Arelate): 8th-9th century (?). Epitaph; Hebrewand Aramaic.Aries, Musee d'art chretien.Rectangular limestone slab with two straight and two irregularedges.Text follows photograph in CIJ i.ni?3n min*' n i p nrub^^u«Dnnap 0.1): CIJ i mapThis is the tomb of Juda the young man, son of Mordechai.May his spirit rest, for he never sinned.D. Chwolson (1882), cols. 180-1 no.94 (facsimile; from photograph by H. Derenbourg);M. Schwab (1904), pp.185-6 (follows Chwolson); H. Leclerq (1928), col.228 (followsChwolson); CIJ i (1936), pp.479-80 no.668 (photograph by F. Benott); ? (1975), p.58.Th. Reinach (1889a), p.76; M. Schwab (1900), p.75; V. Colorni (1964), p.22; B.Blvunenkranz (1974), p.231.Aries contained a significant Jewish community at least from the 5thcentury. Anti-Jewish measures were taken by the Council of Aries in425 (Schwab). According to late and perhaps unreliable sources, Jewswere prominent at the funeral of Bishop Hilary of Aries in 449{MGH, Scr.Rer.Merov. iii, p.350; PL 1 1243). In 508, a Jew wasblamed for trying to betray Aries to the besieging Franks andBurgundians, and in 543 Jews are said to have taken part in the281

APPENDIX 1funeral of Bishop Caesarius of Aries (ibid., pp.467-9, 501).This inscription was found in 1766 on a farm in the area ofMouleires, near the Aliscamps Roman cemetery just outside Aries.Suggested dating has included 7th century (Reinach), 8th (Schwab),9th (Chwolson, because he thinks the writer knew Talmudicliterature). It is mainly Hebrew, but includes Aramaic "in and nonNTIN in 1.2. The formulae are notably different from Hebrew epitaphsof before 700, nn is used in the patronymic, and there is no trace ofLatin or Greek. These considerations all support the dating ofSchwab and Chwolson.Schwab (1900), p.75, has the texts of two other Hebrew epitaphsfrom Aries which were not given separate entries in CIJ althoughthey seem to have much in common with this inscription: bvt mnp nrJiiD, 'This is the tomb of mistress Imola' (found in 1766 near thechurch of Saint-Roch); » 3 T i o n n p nr 'This is the tomb of RabbiMordechai' (found near the gate of the Jardin des Minimes).199 (C/7 669): Aries: 8th-9th century (?). Epitaph; Hebrew.Aries, Musee d'art chretien.Limestone slab broken into two pieces.Text follows photograph and restoration in CIJ i.nap nr: C/J i nap nr; Schwab napnThis is the tomb of our master Meir.D. Chwolson (1882), col. 180 no.55 (facsimile; from photograph by H. Lenormant); M.Schwab (1904), p.l84 (follows Chwolson); CIJ i (1936), p.480-1 no.669 (photograph byF. Benolt); x" (1975), p.58; S. Katz (1937), pp.154-5 (foUows Schwab).F. Lenormant (1872), p.273; M. Schwab (1900), p.75 n.l; H. Leclerq (1928), col.228; V.Colomi (1964), p.22; B. Blumenkranz (1974), p.231.This inscription was found near Aliscamps, according to Schwab. Hethought that it could refer to one of the known Rabbi Meirs wholived in the 13th-15th century. Lenormant, on the other hand,regarded the lettering as 4th-century. In fact, the text and lettering282

APPENDIX 1are sufficiently close to the previous inscription to indicate a similardate.200 (C/7 666): Vienne (Vienna): 10th century (?). Epitaph; Hebrew.Vienne, Musee d'art chretien.Text follows D. Chwolson (1882).Samuel son of Justus.D. Chwolson (1882), cols. 179-180 no.51 (facsimile; from photograph by H. Derenbourg);M. Schwab (1904), p.l87 (follows Chwolson); H. Leclerq (1928), col.228 (followsChwolson); CIJ i (1936), p.478 no.666 (follows Chwolson and Schwab); S. Katz (1937),p. 155 (follows Schwab).F. Lenormant (1872), p.274; T. Reinach (1889a), pp.76, 81; T.D. Barnes (1971), p.282;B. Blumenkranz (1974), p.231.Archelaus, the son of Herod, was exiled to Vienne in A.D.6, but thereis no other evidence of Jews there in the Roman period. Chwolsonthought this inscription was no later than the 6th century, andLenormant suggested 6th-7th. However, the absence of any Latin orGreek and the use of in rather than ]a are against this, andBlumenkranz' opinion that the inscription is probably 10th-centuryseems preferable.283

APPENDIX 2INSCRIPTIONS FROM CIJ AND ELSEWHERENOT CONSIDERED JEWISH201 (C/7 i 645): Milan: 5th-7th century. Epitaph; Latin.Milan, atrium of St Ambrose Basilica.Marble plaque, 26 x 32 cm., lower part lost. Letter forms: A 9 ^.Text follows CIJ (photograph).haic requis cet in pace Nonlna Sarcogna pa\teri Celeriani[..] I [ - - - ]Here rests in peace Nonna Sarcogna [or Nonna thedaughter or the nun Sarcogna] of father Celerianus ....V. ForceUa & E. Seletti (1907), pp.73-4 no.78 (facsimile; from the stone); E. Diehl,ILCV u (1927), p.494 no.4895a (follows CIL); CIJ i (1936), p.462 no.645 (photograph;from the stone).CIL v.ii (1877), p.688 no.6251 (from the stone and ms. of MazzuchelU); S. de Ricci(1905), p.472; J. Juster (1914), p.l81 n.9; S. Krauss (1922), p.259; H. Leclenj (1928),col.69; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; HJ. Leon (1937-8), p.359; L. Ruggini (1959), p.215,p.218 n.80; H.J. Leon (1960), p.l31 n.2; C.B. Pascal (1963), p.54; V. Colomi (1964),p.l8 n.75; E. Dinkier (1974), p.l36 n.70; Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.84 n.l21; G.Mayer (1987), p. 126.Despite the similarities with nos. 1-2, there are (as Leon noted) noadequate groimds for thinking that this inscription is Jewish. Theformula hie requiescit in pace was much used by Christians innorthern Italy (see no.2), and although this stone is recorded ashaving been found in 1813 at the same time as no.l, many Christianinscriptions were found then too. The lettering is much poorer thanin the two Jewish inscriptions. Pater could be a Jewish title but neednot be.The interpretation of Nonna Sarcogna is doubtful. Diehlsuggested that the second word represented sarcogena (for filia).Schwabe proposed Sara cognata. In fact, Nonna is not necessarily aname here, although it is listed as such by Perrin, along with CIL iii5955. Janssens (1981), pp. 182-3, notes that it can be a synonym fornutrix, as apparently in SICVMV 166, Fl. Eutychiafe] nonnaedulcifssimae], and ICUR 20339. ILCV 1137 (Rome, 521), refers to atransaction sub presentia nonnes Cutties aneille dei, apparently a284

APPENDIX 2nun, and Jerome, Ep. xxii 16, indicates that it could be an honorifictitle for Christian widows: castae vocantur et nonnae. Therelationship of 'the father Celerianus' to the preceding part of theinscription is also unclear. Pateri probably represents the genitive,and the name would have been followed by something like filia.Frey's photograph shows traces of further letters at the end of 1.4 andbeginning of 1.5 (where the first letter may be H).202 (CIJ i 641): Pula: 3rd-5th century. Epitaph; Latin.Lost.Text follows CIJ.D(is) M(anihus) I Aurieliae) Rufinae I alumnaepientissdmae) et ineomparabili, quae vixit ann(os) XXVIIm(enses) X d(ies) II, I fide eognita I memor obsequii eius;Aurelia Soteria piet(ate) plena p(osuit).obsequii 0-8): CIL opsequisCIL gives different line-divisions and adds b.m. at the endTo the Di Manes of Aurelia Rufina, a most devoted andincomparable foster-child, who lived 27 years 10 months 2days. Her faithfulness was known and she was mindful ofher duty. Aurelia Soteria, full of devotion, placed (themonument).J. Gruter (1707), p.657 no.5 (from copy by Martyr); H. Cannegieter (1758), p.29(follows Gruter); CIL v.i (1872), p.22 no.l31 (from mss.); CIJ i (1936), pp.458-9 no.641(from ms. of de Rossi); B. Forlati Tamaro, // x.i (1947), pp.111-2 no.222 (from mss.).H.J. Leon (1937-8), p.359; M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.510; A Ferrua (1941), p.44; L.Ruggini (1959), p.215, p.226 n.99; V. Colomi (1964), p.l8 n.73; H. SoUn (1983), p.738;Schurer revised iu.i (1986), p.84 n.l21; G. Mayer (1987), pp.95, 97, 99, 124.This inscription, known only from manuscripts (listed in full byForlati Tamaro), was presumably included in CIJ on the assumptionthat the commemorator Aurelia Soteria was the same woman as thedeceased in no.9. This is unjustified, since the name was not285

APPENDIX 2uncommon, and could in any case have been held by differentmembers of the same family. Soteria in no.9 may have been agodfearer rather than a full Jew, and here the commemoration isvery probably a pagan one, beginning with the formula D.M.203 (CIJ i 637): Ferrara (?): uncertain date. Epitaph; Latin in Greekcharacters.Unknown (formerly Ducal Library at Ferrara).Text follows CIJ (majuscule text).IciXJdvTi 9iXni I IXAXTIP PTIVT||I,T|PT|VTE I (PTIKI(X). PIK(IX) otv(veiq) [..]HTlCTlPo; XVIII.For Susanna, a well-deserving daughter, her mother made(the inscription). She lived .. years 18 months.IG xiv (1890), p.551 no.2318 (from ms. of S. Macci); IGRR 1 (1901), no.480 (follows 7G);J. Oehler (1909), p.449 no.207 (follows IG); CIJ i (1936), p.456 no.637; (1975), p.49;L. Ruggini (1959), pp.224 n.93, 230 n.l08 (from CIJ).A. Ferrua (1936), p.473 n.l; H.J. Leon (1937-8), p.359; A. Vaccari (1938), p.341; A.Ferrua (1941), p.44; A. Milano (1963), p.28; V. Colomi (1964), p.l8 n.70; H. SoUn(1983), p.738; Schiirer revised iu.i (1986), p.84 n.l21; G. Mayer (1987), pp.97-8, 110; G.Horsley, NDIEC iv (1987), no. 100; v (1989), p.l5.The text should be read as Sosanae filiae mater henemerenti feci(t).vixdt) an(nis) [..] me(n)sibus XVIII. It is known only from a copy bySebastiano Macci, who saw it in the Ducal Library at Ferrara. He isdescribed by both IG and Ruggini as an unreliable authority, and theage given at the end is unlikely to be correct in view of the numberof months. The only indication of Jewishness is the name Susannawhich, as noted by many reviewers of CIJ and most recently byHorsley, is much more likely to be Christian than Jewish, althoughfound in no. 118.286

APPENDIX 2204: Capena: 2nd-3rd century (?). Epitaph; Latin.Unknown.Text follows CIL.D(is) M{anihus) I L(ucio) Valerio Maximo I AureliaMariame m\ater infelieissima et Fl\avia Mareellina eoi\\uxpientissima culm quo vixit an(nis) XX I miensibus) VIIIddebus) VII biene) mierenti) fe\c(it), trium cibitatiumominibusl) onoribus fuctum.ominibus) (1,10) covild also be expanded o(mnibus)miuneribus)To the Di Manes. For Lucius Valerius Maximus. AureliaMariame his most unhappy mother and Flavia Mareellinahis most devoted wife, with whom he lived for 20 years 8months 7 days, made (the monument) to the well-deservingman. He held all the honours in three communities.CIL xi.i (1888), p.581 no.3939 (from the stone and mss. of G.B. de Rossi).H. Solin (1983), p.743.Mariame is usually thought of as a Jewish name, as Solin notes.However, this Mariame cooperated in erecting a typically paganepitaph, and the name alone (which could have been well-knownamong non-Jews after its use in Herod's family) does not seem tojustify her inclusion among Jewish inscriptions.205 (C/7 i 534): Ostia: 2nd-4th century. Amulet; Latin.Ostia, Museo archeologico; inv.no.4168.Text follows G. Calza (1917).Solomon.G. Calza (1917), pp.326.8; (1918), pp.85-98 (photograph; from the original); CIL xivSuppl. (1930), p.760 no.5319 (from the original); CIJ i (1936), pp.394-5 no.534(photograph).287

APPENDIX 2J.B. Frey (1931a), p.89 n.l; A. Ferrua (1936), p.473 n.2; H. SoUn (1983), p.725.This amulet was foimd among the rubble during excavations of2nd-4th century private buildings at Ostia; the exact findspot wasnot recorded. It consists of a thin bronze sheet with a hole forhanging it; another hole has been worn in the centre. One face has amale figure in profile, with a spear in his left arm and in his right astick in a vase, whose contents he appears to be stirring. There arevarious magical symbols around him and the name Solomon above,written around the rim. On the other side is a figure of Hecate withthree heads and bodies and six arms: two hold spears, two torchesand two whips; there are two snakes under her feet. She is alsosurrounded by magical signs, one of which has the form of a fivebranchedmenorah.Calza suggests that the frequent invocation of Solomon in magicformulae derives from a misunderstanding of Ecclesiastes, whichmade people think that he had the seal of God (cf. Josephus, Ant. vii2.5). On this amulet he is shown as a magician in the act of mixing amagic potion, whereas Byzantine amulets tend to show him as aHorus-type figure. A number of amulets with the name and/or effigyof Solomon were pubUshed by G. Schlumberger, 'Amulettes byzantinsanciens destines a combattre les malefices et maladies', REG 5(1892), pp.73-93, and some of these make the connection with theseal, e.g. p.84: lOAOMflN on one side and ZOPATIS 0EOY on theother. There is further discussion in Schurer revised iii.i, pp.375-9.There is, however, no reason to connect any of these representationsof Solomon with Jewish owners or makers; Solomon as magician waswell known to pagans and Christians.206 (CIJ i 539): Porto: 2nd century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Vatican Museum, Lapidario ebraico ex lateranense; inv.no.30883.Marble fragment, 23 x 24 x 2.8 cm., with inscription in field beneathupper part of raised frame. Letters 2.5-3 cm. Letter forms A 6 C Q);letters have serifs.Text follows G. Sacco (1984).MapKiccve rtpodpxcov [edjpoei, ot>[8El(; d0d vaxoq].288

APPENDIX 2MopKiavJ G.l): de Rossi Mapidav Ei[ - - ]; Picker MapxCa Ne[ - - ]; CIJMapKiav(fi)(?); Leon Mapxta ve[jcia](?)O*[5EI(; a.3): Leon OT or OZMarcianus, proarchon (?); take courage, no-one is immortal(?)J.B. Frey (1931a), p.SS (from the stone); CIJ i (1936), pp.399-400 no.539 (photograph;from the stone); i (1975), p.40; H.J. Leon (1952) pp.166-8, 171-2; G. Sacco (1984),pp.109-110 no.90 (photograph; from the stone and notes of de Rossi).G.B. de Rossi (1866), p.40; G. DelUng (1951), col.521 n.l; J. & L. Robert, BE (1953),p.121 no.l3; H.J. Leon (1960), pp.193 n.2, 343; H. SoUn (1983), p.658; G. Mayer (1987),p. 120.This inscription was found in 1866 in the excavations by PrinceAlessandro Torlonia on his property at Porto. The 2nd-century datingwas suggested by de Rossi. The only evidence of Jewishness is thetitle of 'proarchon'. This was accepted as a Jewish term by Frey andSacco, but rejected by Leon and the Roberts, since there is no otherevidence for it in Jewish use. Leon also notes that the letters mightnot be a title at all, but np6 followed by a name like ApxcoviSnq (sincethere may be more of the text missing than Frey's interpretationindicates). He also points out that 1.1 might actually consist ofMarcia followed by another word beginning ne-, and casts doubt onthe restoration of the formula in 11.3-4.207 iCIJ i 541): Porto or Rome: lst>-2nd century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Ostia, Lapidario (Piccolo Mercato); inv.no.8858-9.Two marble fragments, together 43 x 78 x 2.8-4 cm. Letters 5-6 cm.;letter forms A 6 GO.Text follows G. Sacco (1984).'Po-ocpeivai | nov(iv8pov | xfj (ptAx)xe|KV{DV.To Rufina, married only once, who loved her children.J-B. Frey (1931a), pp.91-4 no.26 (from the stone); CIJ i (1936), pp.400-l no.541(photograph; from the stone); G. Sacco (1984), pp.94-5 no.77 (photograph; from thestone).289

APPENDIX 2H.J. Leon (1952), p.l71; (1960), p.343; H. SoUn (1983), p.658; G. Mayer (1987), pp.98,121.This inscription was included by Frey in his Porto section because hesaw it in the Bishop's Palace, but there is nothing to indicate a localprovenance, and it may have come from Rome (see Introduction). Theinscription has no Jewish content at all: the name and epithets couldbe pagan or Christian. The lettering is of good quality, but the Greekis distinctly odd (Frey and Sacco take all the words as dative) andthere may be further text missing.208 (C/y i 546): Porto or Rome: uncertain date. Epitaph; Greek.Lost (formerly Porto, Bishop's Palace).Marble fragment 20 x 21 cm.; letters 2.2-4.2 cm.Texts of CIJ 546 and G. Sacco (1984) given.CIJ:evea5[e mxai - - ZeXe\)](?)|K0\)(; I8e[i(p leicvcp (or epenm)ejroi'n]|''"^oe.Sacco: eved5[e KEiiai] | Ko\x5i5e[i09 eCn]|

APPENDIX 2209 (C/7 i 549): Porto or Rome: uncertain date. Epitaph; Greek.Lost (formerly Porto, Bishop's Palace).Marble fragment. Letter forms: A CJO.Text follows G. Sacco (1984).[ XelKV© I [ - - Y^'^K]"l)TdT(p.... to the sweetest child ....J.B. Frey (1931a), p.97 no.33 (from the original); CIJ i (1936), pp.404-5 no.549; G.Sacco (1984), pp.78-80 no.59 (photograph of Stevenson's facsimile; from copies byStevenson and de Rossi).H.J. Leon (1952), p.l68; H. SoUn (1983), p.658.Frey apparently saw this fragmentary inscription himself, but Saccocould not find it. There is no reason to regard it as Jewish or evenChristian.210 (C/7 i 550): Porto or Rome: uncertain date. Epitaph (?); Greek.Lost (formerly Porto, Bishop's Palace).Marble fragment, 31 x 9 cm.; letters 3-4 cm. Letters have serifs.Text follows CIJ.[ - - - ] I [ - - ]00[ - - ] I [ - - ]K (hedera) [ - - ] | [ - - ]AP[ - -] I [---J.B, Frey (1931a), p.97 no.32 (from the stone); CIJ i (1936), p.405 no.550 (photograph;from the stone); G. Sacco (1984), p.ll7 no.lOl (photograph of Stephenson's copy).H.J. Leon (1952), p.l68; H. SoUn (1983), p.658.Too little survives of this inscription to attempt any restoration, andthere are no indications of Jewishness.211 (C/7 i 551a): Porto or Rome: uncertain date. Epitaph; Greek.Ostia, Lapidario (Piccolo Mercato); inv.no.8846.Marble fragment, 9.8 x 11 x 2 cm. Letters 3 cm.; letter form C.Text follows G. Sacco (1984).291

APPENDIX 2[ev0]a[8e Kenai •I]oi)ax[ - - ] | [ - - ] eCTio[e - - ] | [ - - - ]Here lies Just... S/he lived ....CIJ i (1936), pp.405-6 no.551a (photograph; from the stone); G. Sacco (1984), pp.89-90no.71 (photograph).H.J. Leon (1952), p.l68; H. Sohn (1983), p.658.Even if the restoration of 1.1 is accepted, there is nothing to makethe inscription Jewish. Justus and related names, although commonamong Jews, were also much used by pagans and Christians.212 (CIJ i 551c): Porto or Rome: uncertain date. Epitaph; Greek.Ostia, Lapidario (Piccolo Mercato); inv.no.8855.Marble fragment, 16.2 x 18.5 x 2.5 cm., with raised frame on lowerside. Letters 1.8-2.5 cm. Letter forms: 6 ii; letters have serifs.Text follows G. Sacco (1984).[ - - - ] [ - - J^il^n [ - - - [ - - ] ovSd^ [dedvaxoc;]11.1-2: CIJ [dvedSe mxoa OiXoMXt].... no-one is immortal.CIJ i (1936), p.406 no.551c (photograph; from the stone); G. Sacco (1984), pp.78-9no.58 (photograph; from the stone and copy by de Rossi).M. Schwabe (1937-8), p.509; G. DelUng (1951), col.521 n.l; H.J. Leon (1952), pp.168n.l7, 172 n.34.; H. Solin (1983), p.658; G. Mayer (1987), p.ll7.The inscription contains the remains of a name (which Frey withoutany justification restored as Philomele) and of the formula 'no-one isimmortal'. Again there is nothing Jewish.292

[ - - ]A[ - -1.... made ....APPENDIX 2213 {CIJ i 551d): Porto or Rome: micertain date. Epitaph (?); Greek.Ostia, Lapidario (Piccolo Mercato); inv.no.8836.Irregular marble fragment, 21 x 16.3 x 5.5 cm. Letters 3-4 cm., withserifs.Text follows G. Sacco (1984).[ - - e]7WTi[ae - - ] [ - - ] 0N[ - - - ]CIJ 1 (1936), p.407 no.551d (photograph; from the stone); G. Sacco (1984), pp.81-2no.62 (photograph; from the stone).H.J. Leon (1952), p.l68; H. SoUn (1983), p.658.Sacco thinks that 1.3 contains the beginning of a name, possiblyOnesimus, since there are traces of a third letter which could be eta.There is nothing Jewish.214 (C/7 i 55le): Porto or Rome: uncertain date. Epitaph (?); Greek.Ostia, Lapidario (Piccolo Mercato); inv.no.8853.Upper left comer of marble plaque, 11.5 x 7 x 1.5 cm. Letters1.5-1.7. Letters have serifs.Text follows G. Sacco (1984).A0[--] AOP[--] AP[--1 AA[--1CIJ only read A in 1.4CIJ i (1936), p.407 no.551e (photograph; from the stone); G. Sacco (1984), pp.81-2no.63 (photograph; from the stone).H.J. Leon (1952), p.l68; H. SoUn (1983), p.658.The beginnings of four lines are preserved. Sacco's suggestion that itmight stand for L. Afranius Ar... of Alexandria is extremelyspeculative. There are no signs of Jewishness.Sacco suggests that her no.92, from the Isola Sacra necropolis,may be Jewish. The text reads: NaK0HT|5i!cf| Xp-ooai MapKiavfiOliXovTieXox) ^Ti aaaa etrj Ticom I ptex' dvSpo^ zxx\ I e^, m^ie mz5e Pa(iaexa[i x] 6v xd(pov KE EOirN lOMAITAZHMElA 6oi)xd(; ovve xo

APPENDIX 2dvu^avxa Tip I oaxd\iOM 8'nvd

APPENDIX 2bibliography.216 (C/7 i 564): Pompeii: 1st century (before 79). Graffito; Latin.In situ.Text follows CIJ.Maria pii stamiin.Maria (works at?) the warp of the wool-work (?)R. Garrucci (1856), p.83, pl.XX.ll (from the original); CIL iv (1871), p.96 no.l507,p.208; J-B. Prey (1933a), pp.367-8 no.2; CIJ i (1936), pp.415-6 no.564; iA. Baldi (1964), p.13.(1975), p.44;J. Overbeck & A. Mau (1884), p.486; A. Mau (1902), p.l8; A. Sogliano (1911), p.ll [notseen]; M. della Corte (1919), p.ll5; J.B. Frey (1933b), p.340; A. Ferrua (1937), p.l33n.2; (1941), p.43; E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.55; M. della Corte (1965),p.121 no.l86; I. Kahn & C. Giordano (1974), p.l68; C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979),p.51; H. SoUn (1983), p.725; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.201; G. Mayer (1987), p. 105.This graffito was found on the wall of a house where weaving wasdone (Reg.VI ins.XIII no.5, the house of M. Terentius Eudoxus). It is1.6 of a list of names, many with PII after them. Frey and otherstake pii as pe(nsi) and stamiin as stamen. This interpretation is opento doubt; e.g. CIL suggests p(esa) II. According to the C/L addenda,this line should in fact be read PIII, which makes it even more likelythat there is a numeral after an abbreviation. In any case, the onlyindication that the text refers to a Jew is the name Maria, which isof course the feminine of the nomen Marius, and thus no evidence ofJewishness. A number of writers have commented that the nomenwould not be used for someone apparently doing a slave's work, butanother graffito records a gladiator called Marius (Garrucci (1856),p.65).295

APPENDIX 2217 (C/7 i 565): Pompeii: 1st century (before 79). Graffito; Latin.Lost.Written in red. Letters 19 cm. (1.1), 15 cm. (1.2); inscription 1.32 m.wide.Text follows CIL.Cniaeum) Helvium Sabinum | aeddlem) diignum) r{e)piublica) o(ro) v(os) fificiatis). Maria rogat.I ask you to make Cn. Helvius Sabinus aedile. (He is)worthy of the community. Maria makes the request.M. della Corte (1911), p.45 no.l; (1923), p.279 no.425.8f (from the original); E. Diehl(1930), p.68 no.922 (follows della Corte); J-B. Frey (1933a), p.368 no.3; CIJ i (1936),p.416 no.565; i^ (1975), p.44; CIL iv Suppl.iii (1952), p.837 no.7866.J.B. Frey (1933b), p.340; A. Ferrua (1937), p.l33 n.2; (1941), p.43; E. Goodenough,Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.55; A. Baldi (1964), pp. 13-14; M. della Corte (1965), p.308no.637; I. Kahn & C. Giordano (1974), p.l68; H. Solin (1983), p.725; C. Colafemmina(1983a), p.201.This electoral notice was found on the wall of a thermopolium(Reg.IX, ins.XI, no.2). As with the previous inscription, the presenceof the name Maria is no evidence of Jewishness.218 (CIJ i 566): Pompeii: 1st century (before 79). Graffito; Latin.In situ.Letter forms: A/A/A. Word-dividers (points) in 1.2.Text follows CIL.Marthae hoc trichUinium est. nam in trichilinio cacat.CIJ triclinium, irichilinoThis is Martha's dining-room. For she shits in the diningroom.A. Soghano (1879), p.52 (from the original); A. Mau (1881), p.234 (from the original);CIL iv Suppl.ii (1909), p.585 no.5244 (from the original); A. SogUano (1911), p.ll [notseen]; J-B. Frey (1933a), pp.368-9 no.4; CIJ i (1936), pp.416-7 no.566; i" (1975), p.44;296

APPENDIX 2A. Baldi (1964), p. 14 n.2.A. Mau (1902), p.l8; J.B. Frey (1933b), p.340; A. Ferrua (1937), p.l33 n.2; (1941), p.43;E. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.55; M. della Corte (1965), pp.133-4 no.217;I. Kahn & C. Giordano (1974), p.l67; C. Giordano & I. Kahn (1979), p.37; H. SoUn(1983), p.725; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.201; A. Parma (1983-4), pp.306-7; G. Mayer(1987), p.108.This graffito comes from the latrine of the house of A, Rustius Verus,Reg.IX ins.VIII no.7. MARHIE, presumably for Martha, was foundpainted elsewhere in the house. Martha was probably a slave ofeastern origin, but the name was not confined to Jews, as Freyadmits.219 (C/7 619e): Venosa: 1st century. Epitaph; Latin.Lost (?)Text follows H. Solin (1983).Quarta Tulliani sita. Princeps conserivus) posuit.Princeps | conseiivus) (11.4-5): Lifshitz princeps conser(vorum)Quarta (the slave) of Tullianus is buried (here). Princepsher fellow-slave placed (the monument).W. Frenkel (1934), pp.191-7 [not seen]; E. Munkdcsi (1939), pl.45 (photograph); B.Lifshitz (1962), p.370 (follows Frenkel); CIJ i^ (1975), p.48 no.619e (follows Frenkel);H. Solin (1983), p.734 (from Lifshitz).L. Cracco Ruggini (1964), p.933 n.23; M.R. TorelU (1975), p.626 no.33a; P.W. van derHorst (1991), pp.45 n.l8, 99.This cippus was found near the entrance of the Lauridia hypogeum(see Introduction), and Lifshitz understood it as Jewish, but thewording, lettering and nature of the stone have nothing in commonwith the inscriptions from the hypogeum or the main catacombs.Torelli published an inscription from the Roman amphitheatrereading Quarta Tulliani hie sita, which apparently refers to the sameperson.297

APPENDIX 2220 (C/7 i 653): Syracuse: 6th century or later. Dedication; Greek;metrical.Syracuse, Museo archeologico regionale Paolo Orsi.Marble pilastrino, 132 x 22 x 15 cm.; letters 4 cm.Text follows B. Lifshitz (1967).cbq av T6 pii^a aewTov [ii], Zaxotpiaq IKEKXCIKE xomo |iap|idpoi(; euaDvGeTOK;.So that the platform should be protected, Zachariassurrounded it with well-worked marble.G.L. CasteUo (1769), pp.66 no.8, 72 no.9; CIG iv (1877), p.585 no.9895 (facsimile; fromcopy by O. Miiller); S. Krauss (1932), col.l303 (from CIG); CIJ i (1936), p.469 no.653(from CasteUo and mss. of MigUore and Marini); i (1975), p.53; B. Lifshitz (1967),pp.83-4 no.l02 (from CIJ).G.L AscoU (1880), p.22; S. de Ricci (1905), p.472; H. Leclerq (1928), col.71; A. Ferrua(1938), pp.71-2 n.2; (1941), p.44; B. Pace (1949), p. 137 n.3; C. Gebbia (1979), p.247n.27; A. Messina (1981), p.206; H. SoUn (1983), p.746; C. Colafemmina (1983a), p.207;Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.83 n.ll9.This inscription, written in iambic trimeter, has been cited as thededication of part of a synagogue, but its supposed Jewishnessdepends on the name Zacharias (much more likely to be used byChristians in the Byzantine period to which the inscription is dated)and the word piiiia (not particularly Jewish, since it occurs in bothpagan and Christian inscriptions, e.g. SEG 35.1157, 37.1552). It wasfound close to an inscription honouring St. Anastasius. Ferrua andSolin have shown that it should not be regarded as Jewish.221 (C/7 i 653a): Palazzolo Acreide (Acrae): 6th-7th century.Fragmentary screen.Syracuse, Museo archeologico regionale Paolo Orsi; Palazzolo Acreide,Raccolta Judica, Palazzo Capellani.Decoration including birds, fish, discs, palm and anamphora298

APPENDIX 2P. Orsi (1900a), pp.206-8, fig.15 (photograph; from the original); J. Piihrer & V.Schultze (1907), pp.134-5; FJ. Dolger (1910), pp.441-2, fig.79 (photograph; from theoriginal); CIJ i (1936), p.469 no.653a (photograph; follows Orsi); S.L. Agnello (1951),pp.214-6, fig.7 (photograph); E.R. Goodenough, Jewish symbols ii (1953), p.56; iii,fig.856; V p.5; vii p.91; H. Solin (1983), p.746.J.B. Frey (1931b), p.309; S. Krauss (1932), col.1303 (from CIG); A. Ferrua (1941), p.45;B. Pace (1949), p.l56; O. Garana (1960), p.84; A. Ferrua (1975), p.361; A. Messina(1981), p.208; L.H. Kant (1987), p.706.A large fragment of limestone transenna measuring 57 x 49 x 11 cm.was foimd in the Christian catacombs at the site of Acrae. It wasoriginally fixed to a pillar on its right side. The designs roughlyengraved on it include a large palm with dates hanging down, anamphora, a goose and a smaller bird, a fish, and a number of circularobjects. Orsi rejected earlier theories that it was a Punic dedicationto Astarte (later revived by Dolger), and suggested that the symbolswere Jewish: the palm is of typically Jewish form, the fish is toosmall to be a Christian symbol, the smaller bird is a turtle-dove, thecircles represent unleavened bread. The Jewish identification wassupported by Frey, with the suggestion that there might have been amenorah in the missing part, and by Pace. Ferrua pointed out thatthere was another fragment of the same object in the Raccolta Judicaat Palazzolo, but did not come to a decision on its Jewishness.Agnello studied the fragments in the Syracuse (inv.no.6476) andPalazzolo collections together, along with two smaller fragmentswhich could be matched with them (inv.nos.6477 and 49691 atSyracuse) and which showed that the original design included across. He suggested that the object belonged to the late 6th or early7th century, and thought that the symbols might have no more thana decorative function, although Fiihrer & Schultze suggested thatthey were associated with holy communion.222: Merida: 2nd century (?). Epitaph; Latin.Unknown.Text follows C/L.299

APPENDIX 2lustinus Menandri fUlius) Ter(etina) | Flavins Neopolitanusanno XLVI h{ic) s{itus) eist). s(it) tiibi) tierra) Kevis).Sabina maritio) | optima et merentissimo et | Menanderfilius cum seroribus [sic] 11 suis Rece{pt]a et Salvina | patripiissimo [ - - ] | piosuerunt).Justinus Flavius, son of Menander, of the Teretine tribe,from Neapolis, in his 46th year is buried here. May theearth be light for you. Sabina to her best and mostdeserving husband, and Menander his son with his sistersRecepta and Salvina to their most dutiful father ... placed(the monument).CIL ii (1869), p.64 no.515; A.M. Rabello (1985), pp.663-4 no.9.L. Garcfa Iglesias (1978), pp.51-2; H. Solin (1983), p.750; J. Arce (1988), pp.203-4.The deceased man came from Sichem (Nablus), the centre ofSamaria, refounded as Neapolis by Vespasian. His tribal affiliationshows that he was a Roman citizen, so Flavius is probably his nomenrather than part of his ethnic ('from Flavia Neapolis'). The referenceto the city by its Greek name, the Flavian nomenclature and thetypical pagan formulae make it almost certain that he was from acolonist family rather than ethnically or religiously a Samaritan.223: Merida: 4th century or later. Epitaph; Latin.Merida, Museo arqueologico nacional.Three pieces of marble plaque, 23 x 23 x 2 cm.Text follows F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. Millas Vallicrosa (1956).[...]ia, famulus | [D]ei, filius domulsd)] \ [...]c[.]i et re[...]vixit an[nos ...]\XXI et pausa[vit] I in req{ui)e et [...] bona[...]...ia, servant of God, son of the house (?) .... lived 21(+?)years and came to an end in rest and ... good ...F. Cantera Burgos & J.M. Millis Vallicrosa (1956), pp.411-2 no.288 (photograph); A.M.Rabello (1985), p.664 no. 10.300

APPENDIX 2This inscription was claimed by Cantera & Millas as Jewish oncompletely inadequate grounds: the expressions in 11.5-6 could all beChristian, and the description famulus Dei is exclusively Christian.The apparent termination of a man's name with ia may indicate abiblical name such as Isaiah, but this is perfectly normal in aChristian inscription.224: Tarragona: 4th century (?). Epitaph; Greek.Tarragona, Museo paleocristiano; inv.no. 103.Text follows L. Garcia Iglesias (1973), majuscule text.evedSe KaT[dl|iaxai NeKxa|pi(; TAAIIIHZ | x©pi(p nixep||i(ov.Here lies Nectaris ... from the village of PitermonL. Garcfa Iglesias (1973), pp.344, 366 ncVH; (1978), pp.56-7.J.M. Millds VaUicrosa (1957), p.9.The introductory formula was apparently the reason for Millas andGarcia to think that this inscription was Jewish, but since it wasused by Christians too, there is no reason to think that Nectaris wasa Jew.CIL ii 4402 from Tarragona reads: RVBENAl..]A\SVRACarter[ia(V] \ hine sita st. The letters in 1.1 are difficult tointerpret and are not necessarily connected with the name Reuben;nor need the beginning of 1.2 be imderstood as 'Syrian woman*. Theinscription is not included by Sohn (1983) in his list of Syrians.225: Antibes (Antipolis): 2nd-3rd century. Epitaph; Greek.Lost; cast at Antibes, Musee Picasso.Marble tablet, 14.9 x 17.0 x 2.4 cm.; upper left corner broken.Text follows B. Blumenkranz (1975).riojwyxoi; ZeiXo\) e^iiae execi oj3'.Justus son of Silus, aged 72.B. Blumenkranz (1975), pp.234-5 (photograph); H. SoUn (1983), p.753.301

APPENDIX 2This inscription, found at Antibes in 1884, was considered to beprobably Jewish by Blumenkranz, followed by Solin, on the strengthof the names. Justus is common among both Jews and pagans. Silasis a biblical name, but various Latin names with a similar root areknown: Silus, and the commoner Silo and Sila (Kajanto (1965),p.237). The juxtaposition of the two names certainly makesJewishness a distinct possibility, but the deceased man can beunderstood as having a perfectly regular Latin name.226 (C/7 672a): Trier (Augusta Treverorum): 2nd-3rd century.Uncertain nature; Greek.Trier, Rheinische Landsmuseum; inv.no. 19275.Fragment of white marble plaque, 33.5 x 32 x 3 cm. Letters 2.5-3cm. Letter forms K JUL TT C CJO; letters have serifs..Text follows E. Gose (1958).[ ] I [ - - ] Ao|Ji[iTiotv6q (?) CTOi] I [iia&l^niv x5 [jiVTi^iaov] (?)[T6 KJdxG) YTiv]a{y)GrfT[C, if they had not been reluctant tocorrect the stone-cutter. A correction is clearly unnecessary, but on302

APPENDIX 2the strength of this statement Lifshitz included the inscription in therevised CIJ. There were Jews at Trier, since a lamp with a menorahwas found there (Avneri 1962), and Solin (1983), p.753, suggests thatC.Theo. vii 8.2 may refer to a synagogue in the city. However, thereis nothing Jewish about this inscription.227 (C/7 673): Regensburg (Castra Regina): 3rd century (?). Amulet;Greek.Private collection.Text follows A. Bauer (1877).Eleven illegible lines.[ - - - IXMOY O(xp|0iao) 'la^ox Ma|i[..]|\)E(oe *!«(& Iapa6*A8(Dveai COOM[ - - - ]A. Bauer (1877), pp,68-9 (from the original); A. Ebner (1892), pp. 162-5 (facsimile; fromthe original); M. Siebourg (1898), pp.126-7, 135; CIJ i (1936), p.485 no.673.Schiirer revised iii.i (1986), p.360.This amulet was found in 1869 during excavations of the Romancemetery at Regensburg. A silver cylindrical case measuring 3 x 0.7cm. was found on the thorax of a female skeleton. Inside was anoxidised copper roll, which contained rolled sheets of silver and gold.These measured 3.5 x 2 and 4.5 x 2 cm. respectively when unrolled.Some of the writing was damaged in the unrolling. What remainedwas of good quality. The text above comes from 11.12-15 of the goldsheet. On one line of the silver Bauer read X[piaTOU lliiaou, butSiebourg took the chi as a magical symbol. He also recognisedmagical symbols on the gold sheet, and read Aaenova in 1.6,interpreting the whole inscription as a protection against demons.Frey must have included the amulet because of the occurrence of thenames lao, Sabao(th) and Adonai, but in a magical text they are noevidence of a direct link with Judaism; cf. no. 159.303

APPENDIX 2228 {CIJ 674): Badenweiler: uncertain date. Amulet; Greek andtransliterated Latin.Karlsruhe Museum.Text follows ClJy with additions from facsimile (1.1) and Froehner(1.8).[ - - ]OAEAEAr[..]AEOZA[ - - ]N la la la la i Zapa6e |[A5o)vott Ap]A.ocva9avaXpa AKpa[^laxonapi IJenemXan XTi

APPENDIX 2what led to the inscription's inclusion in C/J, but this was a commonmagical invocation and need imply no knowledge of Judaism at all.Wiedemann and C/L describe the amulet as Gnostic. There aremagical or astrological signs to the left of 11.9-10. Full bibliographiesare given in C/L and CIJ. P. Alexander, in Schurer revised, gives nogrounds for his acceptance of this and the preceding amulet as'probably Jewish', and he is much more sceptical about texts withsubstantially more Jewish influence.305

INDEXES(Inscriptions 1-192)I. Details of inscriptionsa. Provenance 308b. Nature of inscription 309c. Language 310II. Personal namesa. Names 311b. Notable features of the names 320III. Personal detailsa. Vocabulary of family relationships 321b. Age at death 323c. Length of marriage 324d. Commemorator 324e. Epithets 325f. Professions and status 326IV. Place-names and ethnics 326V. Rehgiona. Terms indicating 'Jew* 327b. Jewish titles and communal terminology 328c. Religious vocabulary 329d. Prayers and blessings 330e. Symbols 330f. Biblical quotations in inscriptions 332VI. Rulers and dates 332VII. Formulaea. Addressed to the reader 333b. Life and death of the deceased 333c. Provision of the tomb 335d. Terms for 'tomb' 335e. The deceased in the tomb 336f. Wishes for the deceased 337g. Peace 338306

INDEXESh. Amen 339VIII. Linguistica. Abbreviations 339b. Numerals 342c. Irregular and unusual Latin words 342d. Irregular and unusual Greek words 347307

I. DETAILS OF INSCRIPTIONSa. PROVENANCEINDEXESAcireale 144Adra 179Agrigento 160Aquileia 7Auch 191Avignon 190(?)Bari 135Bordeaux 192Bova Marina 140Brescia 4; 5Brusciano 22Capoterra 169Capua 20Carbonara, near Bari 136Castel Porziano 18Catania 145-150Chiaramonte Gulfi 155Civitavecchia 11C6miso 156Concordia 6Elche 180-182Fondi 19Frattapiccola 24Grade 8Herculaneum 41Ibiza 178La Bottaccia 12Lipari 162Marano 23Milan 1; 2; 3(?)Naples 25; 26(?); 27-35; 36(?); 37Narbonne 189Nola 21Noto Vecchio 154308

INDEXESOriaOstiaOtrantoPallaresos, near TarragonaPompeiiPortoPorto TorresPotenzaPulaRabat, MaltaRavennaReggio di CalabriaSant' AntiocoSanta Maria del Camf, MajorcaSofianaS)n-acuseTarantoTarragonaTauromenionTermini ImereseTortosaVenosaVibo ValentiaVillamesfasVinebre, near TortosaUnknown provenance13713-1513418738-4016; 17175; 1761179163-16810139170-174177157; 158; 159(?)151-153118-133185; 18614316118342-116138188184141; 142I b. NATURE OF INSCRIPTIONAcquisition of tombAmphoraAmuletBasin (?)Bronze plaqueBuilding inscriptionColumnDecree of communityDedication or donation (?)148; 149; 15010; 40; 178156; 1591851411391531817309

INDEXESDonation and blessingDonation to synagogueEngraved stoneEpitaphEpitaph of ex-JewEpitaph of SamaritanMetrical epitaphGraffitiHonorificLampMosaicRingSealSynagogue remainsTombTomb decorationUncertain191131421; 2; 3(?); 4(?); 5(?); 6; 7(?); 9; 11; 14; 1619; 20; 22; 23(?); 26-37; 42-108; 110-116118-134; 136; 137; 145-147; 151; 155152; 157; 158; 160; 162-168; 170-177179; 183; 186-1898138; 1611238; 39; 41; 14315218; 140; 180-18224; 169; 19225; 144; 19014018; 135109; 154117; 184I c. LANGUAGEAramaic with Hebrew namesGreekGreek and HebrewGreek and transliterated HebrewGreek and transliterated LatinHebrewHebrew (left-to-right)Hebrew and GreekHebrew and transliterated1774; 12; 16; 17; 30; 40; 42-44; 46; 50; 51(?)52; 53; 62; 65; 66; 69; 78; 79; 83; 91(?):92(?); 93(?); 94-99; 101; 104; 114-116118; 119; 138; 139; 142(?); 143; 144146-152; 155; 157; 158; 160-164; 165(?)166-168; 180-1823; 47; 61; 64; 70; 71; 76; 77; 111; 13472; 15959; 60(?)10; 21; 25; 55; 57; 58; 74; 81; 82; 82a; 105;108; 125; 131-133; 156; 178(?)4922; 45; 48; 54Greek 75310

INDEXESHebrew and Latin 2; 37; 80; 84; 123; 126-130; 145; 171; 172;183; 184Hebrew (left-to-right) and Latin 173Hebrew, Latin and Greek 185Latin 1; 5-9; 11; 14; 15; 18; 20; 23; 24; 26; 2829; 38; 41; 56; 67; 68; 88; 90; 106; 110(?)113; 124; 136; 169; 170; 174; 176; 179187; 188; 190; 192Latin and Aramaic 31; 33Latin and Greek 13; 141(?); 186Latin and transliterated Greek 100Latin (some Greek characters) 73Latin and Hebrew 19; 27; 32; 34-36; 63; 85; 87; 89; 103; 107;120-122; 137; 175; 189; 191Latin (some Greek characters) and Hebrew 86Latin (transliterated Hebrew) 39Samaritan 153Uncertain (Latin or Greek) 102; 112; 117II. PERSONAL NAMESa. NAMES (IN LATIN ALPHABETICAL ORDER)Abba'Am 22AbundantiusAbundanti 36Aelianus'HXiavov 77Agnella 90Aiacius 7Alecsad (?) 141AlexanderVUi^avSpow20 (notes)AlexandriaAlexsanria 63Alfia 20Alfius 20311

INDEXESAlucius (?) 188Ammia (n'oa) 156Ampliatus 14AnastasiusAvootdoTic; 52Avaaxaoioq (?) 65AnatoliusAnatoli ('"^IWH) 120Andronicus 85AnianusAniani 176AnicetusAvfiKnTO(; 50AvTjKnxoD 50AnnaAnnes 90*Ava 72Annia (?) 179AntiochusAvTioxoo) 138AntoniusAntonio 18Asella 89AaaA.a 77AsellusAeelli 86Ast... 136Aster 26; 130; 192Aaefip 47AttinisAxTiviq 157Augusta (nnoijn) 107AureliaAureliae 9Aurehus 9; 145Aurelio 15AuxaniusA^^dveio^ 115A^avtoD 116312

INDEXESAxiaAxiaes 187AzariaA^opla (rrnti)) 118Barbarus 27Basilia 14BeniaminBevianlv 30Benricianus (i3H»pn'3!i) 80Benricianu (?) 80Beronice 170Bepov{Knvii{; 42BepooviK^vK; 59BoethosBdorieo; 167BoninusBonini 88Bonus 171; 172Boni 85; 107CalliopeKoUiOTcn 146CallistusCastaKaXXtoTOD 53KdoTtt 46Catella 68Catelles 89Claudia 26Claudius 23; 26CoeliaCoeliae 5Criscentia 35CumanusCumani 27Dama 7DaudatusAavfidTo-o 118David (Tn) 41; 125313

INDEXESDionysiaAiovDoiaq 166DionysiusDionysio 18DomnolusDomnolo (i'?"i3Dn) 128Dulciorela 189Dulciorella 189Eliasmta^ 119Ep[..]o(; 50Erpidia (H'TBIH) 127Eulogia163Ezihiel CPHprm) 121Faustina (nrooiiB) 86Oa-oaxeTva 116Oaoaxlve^ 71OacPuvTiq 65Faustinus 56; 86; 87Faustinus (niooiiB) 82Faustinus (njoovB) 82a^aoativoq 62$ai)OTivo

INDEXESGaudiosa 175Gaudiosus 31Gesua 90Gesues 90Geta 174Glyka134Haggai (»an) 177Heuresis144Hillel17HintiusHintiu 89*Iaa... 119lacob (aipfl*) 122•IttKCOp 48lacotuli 176lanuarius 190'levoDoplo'D 101lason'Idaoov 149;lona 191lonati 187loseph79*Ioafj

INDEXESErine 145Elpfiva 151E{pr\vac, 166Hereni 28Isa'laaq 76Isatis 107Isidora 187luda 11; 20; 169; 173luda (nnw') 183*Io«8a 159*Io^6a(; 158ludae 15ludanti 183'I^avToq 183lulialulie 11lulius 11lulio 18lusta'lofiaxa 69lustus 18; 189lusti 120lusto 18LasiaLasie 145Lasies (?) 186AaxcrooT... 186Leon (pHb) 125; 126LeontiaAeovtla 146Ae6vx... 104LiviusLivio 18LonginusAOVYIVI 62AovyivoD 44Lucius 7316

INDEXESMannine62Marcellus 67; 103M&pKeAAoc; 114Marcelli 90Marcus 113Marco 15Maria 88Mapia20 (notes)Mariae 11Maries 90MdipEQ 183Maries (onKo) 183MarisMapiq 22Matrona 189Meliosa (H»H'3'?>D) 183MeXidbaa 183MindiusMtv5i^ 13NopheiusNocpeioq 152Numerius 33Ncoufpelov 95Nymphe152151OfiUa 14OlympiusOlympii 8OpilloOpillonis 89OptataPapario68ParagoriusParagoriPascasusPascasi1893435317

INDEXESPater 1PatemaPatemae 5Peon 174Petrus 8Philippus 23Plotius 14Plotio 14Pretiosa (novDisj) 84Ilpeticooa 66Proculus (?) 26PtolemaeusnxoXeiaaTe 161Publius 20(?)Publii 7PyladesPyladi 15RomulusPdoncoXoq 97Rosa 85Roscius 188Rufinus'Poixpeivoq 12Sabbatai (»>3iatt)) 126Sebbetei 68Sebbetii 85Zapaxiaq 158SabinusZapivoD 134Salomonula 179Samuel CSHIDIO) 121; 177Samohil ("jHinio) 145EoqioofiX, 69SaniaSanies 24SapaudusSapaudi 189Sarmata 88(?)Sarmatanis 90318

Sarra 89INDEXESXdppa 111Secunda 14Secundinus 142eKoa)v5ivoq ('jri3ip.no) 75SeiusXfiie 161SeveraZePiipa 48SilanusSilani (l3'?'0) 121Soter 9SoteriaSoteriae 9Soteris 20Speratus'HoTcepaxoD 99Stephanus 9SusannaZococva 118Zvy... 182SjrmonasSymonatis 107SyrianusZvpiavoi) 47TelesinusThelesini 28TheodoruseEo6a)pov 17(?)ThybesGvpe; 159Tiberius 23; 26TruUesTp-oUzq (?) 40VenusBenus 36VincomalusBivKO|LidXoa) 111319

INDEXESVitus (no^a)82; 82aBiti 86Biti (itQ'a) 84Viti 85; 87BlTOD 111ZosimianusZcomiiiavov 150[.Joplo'O 79AZHAONOYA 64II b. NOTABLE FEATURES OF THE NAMESTrw, nomina 18; 20; 23; 161with filiation and tribe 15with freedman designation 7; 26Duo nomina (men) 9; 11; 13; 14; 18; 145Duo nomina (women) 5; 6; 9; 11; 14; 20; 26; 145; 179Double non-Roman name 22; 151(?); 158; 174with qui 8with f| Kg 166Relatives' names of differing originFather GalUc, son Latin 189Father Greek, son Hebrew 126Father Greek, daughter Latin 65Husband Greek, wife Latin 116Father Hebrew, daughter Greek 59; 187Father Hebrew, son Greek 15; 125Husband Hebrew, wife Greek 20; 145Father Hebrew, daughter Latin 35; 48; 68; 69; 90; 107; 183Father Hebrew, son Latin 76; 85(?); 103; 118Mother Hebrew, daughter Latin 90; 183Mother Hebrew, son Latin 118Husband Hebrew, wife Latin 90; 187Father Latin, daughter Greek 28; 62(?); 134Father Latin, son Greek 120Mother Latin, daughter Greek 187Husband Latin, wife Greek 14Father Latin, daughter Hebrew 47; 89; 90(?); Ill320

INDEXESFather Latin, son Hebrew 85(?); 88; 90; 121Mother Latin, daughter Hebrew 89Husband Latin, wife Hebrew 89(?); 90Relatives' names of same originFather and son Greek 8; 50(?)Mother and son Greek 9Father and son Hebrew 70; 119(?); 177Mother and son Hebrew 90Husband and wife Hebrew 11; 88; 90; 118; 183Father and daughter Latin 14; 36; 66; 77; 84; 85; 86; 89; 189Father and son Latin 14; 27; 62(?); 82; 82a; 85; 86; 87; 111; 189Mother and daughter Latin 89Husband and wife Latin 77; 89; 107Patronymic 8; 27; 28; 35; 36; 47; 48; 50; 59; 62; 6566; 68-70; 76; 77; 79; 82; 82a; 84-87; 8990; 103; 107; 111; 118-121; 122(?); 125126; 134; 176; 177; 183; 187; 189TOO in patronymic 66; 76; 77; 111Matronymic 89; 90; 118; 134; 183; 187Papponymic 50; 62; 85; 86; 87; 90; 107; 176toi) before name 77; 159Homonymous parent and child 70; 86; 90; 128(?)Homonymous grandparent and grandchild 50; 80; 86; 87III. PERSONAL DETAILSa. VOCABULARY OF FAMILY RELATIONSHIPSSpouseconiux 89coiugi 11; 14; 20uxor 107oxor 88; 90oxore 88; 90oxsoris 145Ywfj 20 (notes); 77; 116v

INDEXESChildwife 125filius8; 27; 87; 88; 90; 103; 121; 129afih 189fih.. 136fili (nom. pi.) 85filii 9; 176fiho 15fiho (nom.) 120; 128fiha 28; 35; 36; 68; 84; 86; 90; 107; 183; 187fihae 89fihe 137

INDEXESmatri 9parentebus 86parentibus 67parentiuiim 86soeer 186Brotherd5eX(po( 16Unclebarbane 121father's brother (van »nH) 121Familygente 8I5i£v 13III b. AGE AT DEATH5 months 7811 months 50; 851 year 4 months 1 day 17919 months 852 years 473 years 146about 3 years 1753 years 3 months 535 years 65; 1376 years 127about 8 years 289 years 68; 18914 years 46; 12814 years 5 months 8615 years 11316 years 12617 years 1 month 15 days 176about 17 years 3618 years 146about 18 years 27; 3520 years 18920(+) years 122323

INDEXES20(+?) years 3 months21 years 8 days23 years24 years25 years26 years30 years33 years (?)about 34 yearsabout 36 years38 years40 years42 years42(+) yearsabout 44 years50 yearsabout 55 years60 yearsabout 60 years70 years 7 months 10 daysabout 70 years80 yearsabout 80 yearsAge lost10712145183263377; 18942898862120121129a9064K?); 348890; 173208975312; 44; 63; 76; 88; 104; 130III c. LENGTH OF MARRIAGE25 years48 years1120III d. COMMEMORATORselfparentshusbandwifewife and childrentwo sons7; 18; 145; 171(?)67; 86; 137; 183(?)11; 18; 107(?); 125(7); 14520149324

INDEXESpatron 26(?)Ill e. EPITHETSLATINbene 34bene merenti 11; 14; 20; 137benememorius 121; 130benememori 189benememorii 187benememorio 120; 122benememoria 183benememoriae 1; 2bone recordationis 187inconparabili 20infantula 175iuvenis 170pientissimae 9plenam peritiam 15quondamcondam 189senex 174senior 31uniea 86virgo 35; 89vivus 171GREEKduvficov 12evxino^ 22e^Toxgt (?) 182IxttKapiOTOD 186vr\n\oq 78vfiJtioi 111vfjmov 155\fiidr\c, 65vlTno; 50; 94; 97325

INDEXESVITCIOD 53jidmivriaTO(; 183TcapBevoq 46Kpoavam'uadixaivoov 134ao^ir\q (Tovioxcop 12(piXevtoA-ioq 163III f. PROFESSIONS AND STATUSdpxtaxpo; 76captiva 26decurioni 15domini 189cura (HTp) 183ic6pie 168libertus 7; 188Augusti libertus 26ordo Augustalium 15libertis libertabusque 18maiures cibitatis 86militis 6pantomimo 15jcdtpovoq xfjq TtoXeooq 116Tcdtptov TTJ^ noXzac, 114; 115portor 7senior 31viri laudabilis 107IV. PLACE-NAMES AND ETHNICSAlexandinus 2Anciasmon 107Ascalonitanorum 15de Benafri 27Brixianorum 5Damascenorum 15Emesenoru 6326

INDEXESGomora 38Hierosolymitana 26ludaea 15drto Kano'(n\q20 (notes)KeoapeTiq 30KD^TIKOVO'D (?) 186Lypiensium 107M{Xlcn)^lT^^7 (notes)Mauritaniae 31from Melos (I'?'Q p) 125Romei 28161lo^apuavov 138Scythopoli 15Sodoma 38Teretina (tribe) 15V. RELIGIONa. TERMS INDICATING 'JEWebreus 33; 37ebrea 35ludaeus 7ludeus 188ludaei 8ludaea 179ludeicae 9'looSoiKoq 40*IoD5ai.. 160*IoD5ai(ov 139ludeis 145ludeoru 6ludeorum 18327

INDEXESV b. JEWISH TITLES AND COMMUNAL TERMINOLOGYapostolosapostuli 86archisynagogosarcosynagogos 20archisynagogo 14^PXnoDvocy^ax; 70dpxno'DvayoYO^ 70ApxriCT'Ovaycoyov 186dpxKTUvdyoyyo'D (?) 4dpxoanvcoyo^yov 64dpxoooivayooYoS 53archonarcon 20dpxovTcov 1815id Plov 44(?); 72dia viu 23diabiu 18didascalusdidaseali 186SriSooKdAxyo 48gerusiarches 18; 23gerusiarche 18yepovoidpxn*; 163Yepovoidpxov 76ierusiarcontis 87gerusia 18theosebeseeoaepflq 12teuseves 113Xoxm 180matermatri synagogae 5nfiiTip 116pater 1(?); 56; 87patre 18patris 86; 87; 107pateris 176328

INDEXESrcaxnp 115naxpoc, 11661; 62patris patrum 68; 85; 90jcaxfjp Tcaxepwv 114pateressa 63patriarcarum 145phrontistes(ppovTioxSv 17presbyteritpeo^'Cxepoq 148; 149Ppeap^xepoq 157181jcpeopix^pec; (fern.) 59; 62; 71rcpeaP'uxnpa (fem.) 163tcpEoP'DxepoD (no'aiDiB) 75proselytosjcpoofjXixi (?) 52Tcpoae-oxfi 180Kpoax&Ti\(; 30rabbi 36rebbites 86rebbitis 36186pePPl 221 (rabbi) 183ODvayoyyTi (?) 139V c. RELIGIOUS VOCABULARYDeus Israel 174de Dei donum 191in Dei nomine sancto 191wfioM 9eoS 159Dominus 145in nomine Domini 183; 186i v xS dvwHttxn Kvplo-o 183la 159129a; 156329

INDEXES156156Angelic names 159Israel 187religioni ludeicae metuenti 9lexlicim 26dcylcov voncov 12v6^«p ay{(p 13x6 &Y10V v6\iov 159Tf\v ^vxoXfiv 148; 149KeiPcox6v 13159Non-Jewish divine powers159Xpiaxov 8V d. PRAYERS AND BLESSINGSDeus esto cum ipso 191181e-fiXoTia 152182Kttta xon peXXtitEiKoi) 152Kara Tov ^ivoxTipio'O zoi>zo\> 151ocoli invidiosi crepent 191pro salute Augusti 13trrinus 86V e. SYMBOLSamphorabirdboatethroghederalulab1(?); 1092171651(?); 33; 75(?); 109; 141(?); 142(?); 144;146(?); 19086; 180; 181(?)1; 6(?); 22; 31; 32; 34; 37; 75-77; 109; 141;142; 152; 162 (notes); 166(?) (notes); 169;330

magical signsmenorahwith crossbarcrossbar, 9 straight armsINDEXES173(?); 187; 191; 192 (notes)1597 (notes); 16 (notes); 27 (notes); 35; 48(?);79; 97 (notes); 102 (notes); 104; 110(?)(notes); 118; 122; 124; 126; 129a(?); 132;135; 140; 154; 162 (notes); 163 (notes);168 (notes); 176155; 165; 166 (notes)12768; 85; 98; 107; 175crossbar and standcrossbar and stand, 5 arms 189crossbar and tripod 1; 19; 27; 31; 32; 34; 37; 47; 49; 51; 56;75; 76; 84; 86; 87; 117; 131; 165 (notes);191; 192crossbar and tripod, 5 straight arms 183crossbar and tripod, 9 arms 57; 100crossbar and tripod, straight arms 133; 136; 170; 186; 187crossbar and tripod, right-angled arms 33crossbar and tripod, raystripodtripod, 5 armstripod, right-angled armstripod, straight armstripod, curled armstripod in boxtripod, decorationtripod, flamestripod, in relieftripod, lampsstandstand, flamesM-shaped stand5-footed stand5 armsin reliefthree semi-circlescruciform (?)902; 35; 120; 121; 145; 146; 150; 152; 157;169; 171; 18519013 (notes); 22; 171; 190 (notes)134247713 (notes)192 (notes)163 (notes)10928; 144; 147; 172141; 142121; 129166192164 (notes)165 (notes)143331

INDEXESmoonpeacockpentagramshofarSolomon's knotstar (5-polnted)star of Davidtorah-shrine (?)tree of life18418539; 1831; 22; 31-34; 37; 76; 77; 109; 121; 129;129a; 132; 152; 169; 185; 191; 192 (notes)13 (notes); 140; 180 (notes)39125109185V f. BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS IN INSCRIPTIONS (cf. VII f)Gen. xviii-xixNum. X 35I Sam. XXV 29Ps. xcvii 11Ps. cxxii 7Prov. vi 23Prov. X 7Is. Ivii 2 (?)Dan. xii 2 (?)38153118; 1831202521118; 120; 122; 131; 133; 137; 18313282VI. RULERS AND DATESAugusti 13; 26imperatoribus Valeriano et Gallieno 15consulatu Valeri 107Merobaudes iterum et Satornino consulibus 145anno secundo domini Egicani regis 189indictione quarta 8indictione VI 27indictione XV 107luna octaba 145die Non(arum) Gen(uariarum) 176II Idus lunias 36sub die pridie Idus lulias 8332

INDEXESIdus lulias 27V Kalendas Octobres 32sub die VIII Kalendas Octobres 107XX Kalendas Novebres 145diae Veneris 145fmepa aocpotT (?) 143wpgi vDKcS^ i' 12VII. FORMULAEa. ADDRESSED TO THE READERadiuro vos 145curam agatis 26rogo vos facite 26dit fisco 145enferet fisci viribus 6\ir\ xlc, co6e dv^tl 151liTjSlq dvoi^n eo5e 152ne quis ... 26ni quis ... 145si quis ... 6; 145; 174VII b. LIFE AND DEATH OF THE DECEASEDvbat annos 183vixit 176vixit annis 26; 176quae vixit anni 127quae vixit annos 145que vixit annu plus minus 89qui bicset annos 33qui bissit annorum plus minus 175qui bixet anos plus minus 32qui bixsit plus minus annos 31; 34qui vixet annos plus menos 1qui vixet annos plus menus 2qui vixit anni 122; 128333

INDEXESqui vixit annisqui vixit annis plus minusqui vixit annosqui vixit annuqui vixit annus plus minusqui vixit anoro plus minusqui vixserunt annosC,r\caoa hn\ 183defunete annorum 137fatum eonplebit 145mortua est annorummortua est annorum plus minusmortuos est annorum plus minusmortuos est plus minusmoriturmorta estmortusobdormivit in paceobueruntteSveKeannorumanoruanniannisannonmi plus minusanoro plus menusanorum plus minusmensium^TlvSv^T5Vixm(]1DH)cum qua vixit anniscun qua bixit annis20; 126; 13036120; 12111327; 35631898890908817032176174189186129a68; 86; 107891221762817312442(?); 44; 46; 47; 53; 62; 64; 76; 77; 104;146; 14765751261218550782011334

INDEXESfecet dolore grandesatis grandem dolurem fecet6786VII c. PROVISION OF THE TOMBcuram egit 26fecerunt 14fecit 11; 20fecit sibi et coniugi suae 18vivus sibi fecit 7posuerunt 9in agro pedes 18in fronte pedes 18VII d. TERMS FOR TOMB'absidaarea (acc.)aulamdormitorium&f[Kr\KovroxvHenviovmemoriamemoriammunimentumxdqxix;Td(p(0(; (oiDo)TOTCOV5668121138149183174; 176; 183; 1871451842; 44; 53; 59; 61; 71; 72; 79; 94-97; 99;100(?); 10145; 54; 62; 64; 65; 69; 70751661488682a; 8413481; 8210789335

INDEXESbji •1'7ID 85nsBD (?) 70nnawD Dibw 87; 111iinawD *7ii Qi'310 75113»D Di"?w wn' 132(?)•]iini3D Di'?» 27rrmiiD mbw 127DWTI3D "jiJ D'J'JB 121iJimio Di'jB »pi» 126; 128nm -lapn 183rrr Dip 118VII e. THE DECEASED IN THE TOMBdeposita 36depositus 27digne sepultus est 8Iv9a KaxaKEixoi 186IvQa Kaxdicnxe 118; 119; 134tvQa Kixe 22; 30dvGdSe dpfivti Keixe 12IvedSe Kixe 146KeTxe 152S6e Keixai 151w6e KeTxe 48; 50; 114; 115; 116SSe Kixai 52w8e me 46; 47; 66; 76; 77; 78w5e KixovvxE 111m6i KHxai 104(?)hie iaeet 175iaeet in pace 176hie pausat 68hie pausant 89hie pausad 87hie posita est 84hie positus est 37hie reeeptus est in paee 113hie requieseit8; 34; 103; 120; 123; 126; 127; 129ahie requescet 63; 88hie requesse (?) 73336

INDEXEShie requiecsit 124hie requiescet 107hie requiisquet 33hie requis cent 85hie requiscet 90hie requiscit 121hie requiescet in pace 1;2hie requiescit in pace 27; 28; 36hie requiscit in pace 35hie ciscued 86hie cisquit 80ice requiescit 67ic requiescit 32; 136ic requiescunt in pace 189requiescit 183; 186cesquit 56requiebit in pacem 175dvana'600dvdjia'oexaTi 183heic obdormivit in pace 174nir PtB 123; 125; 126; 127aio inana ma* na 121129a; 130VII f. WISHES FOR THE DECEASED (cf. VII d)dormitio eius eum iustis 174cuius anima in reque 33^KOx^iTieTi i v elpfivti (KVT |H 't3»n»p) 75i v elpnvti fj KOIJITIOK; aino'o 50i v ipivw ic6|iioi(; a'fixiq 118Ipnvti f| KOI^TIOK; airn\c, 46i v Ipfivt) Koi\ir\a\.c, a i n o ^ 101i v elpevti f| K6\n\aic, a b r z o ^ 53i v elpfjvt) fl 1d^^^alq a'i>vi\c, 48i v elpfivxi f| Kol|i.T|ai(; a-fttSv 16sit pax in requie eius 120;sit pax super dormitorium eorum 121337

INDEXESpauset anima eius in pace cum omne Israel 187propter memoriam15e-fiXo-yla xoTq bdioiq S8e152XoTpe161iBBa »nn D»»nn -imaD»nn in^a nwua niin129a1831180fi3 nil82; 861838182; 1183129anana'? pn^ "lanna-ia'? npijc narrraia'? pn^ narnana"? D'pn^ isr120183118; 122; 131; 137133122memoria iustorum ad benedictionem120VII g. PEACE (cf. VII e-OEtpnvtiia»iain pacecum pacepax, fidesbf dpfivtJirbai '?RIB* bo DIVB4895722; 10; 19; 22; 25; 32; 34; 35; 37; 45; 54;57(?); 58; 63; 71; 74(?); 77; 84; 86; 108;145; 171; 175; 183; 19147; 49(?); 55; 6418561; 145; 173; 183; 18980; 105; 172313376; 132170; 171145; 183; 186185338

INDEXESVII h. AMENamen 183amen, amen, amen 187]DH 35; 61; 107; 121; 129a; 172; 185yam 33]DH |0M 145; 173p pM 183VIII. LINGUISTICa. ABBREVIATIONSan(nis) 20; 126ann(is) 20an(no) 179anCnomm) 28ann(orum) 68; 88; 90anoKum) 124ap(erire) 6arc(a) 6archisyn(agogo) 14Aug(usti) 13Aur(eliae) 9Am

INDEXESd(ie) 8dieb(us) 20d(omi)ni 189d(o)m(in)i 189Emes(enoru) (?) 6en(feret) (?) 6fac(ite) 26fec(erunt) 14f(ecit) 7fiKius) 8f(ilii) 9miio) 15fi(sci) 6gen(uariarum) 176h(ic) s(itus) e(st) 188Id(us) 8; 36imp(eratoribus) 15inconparabil(i) 20inddctione) 8; 27; 107lul(ias) 8lun(ias) 36KaKendas) 32; 107; 145lib(ertis) 18lib(ertabusque) 18Kibertus) 7lib(ra) 6L(ucius) 7M(arco) 15mens(ibus) 179mesib(us) 20me(u) 6mili(tis) 6m(inus) 27; 28; 35; 36; 88; 89; 90minu(s) 175non(arum) 176num(ero) 6Octob(res) 107PTN 14340

INDEXESpat(er) 87p(atris) 107pat(ri)s 87pat(ris) 86p(atris) p(atrum) 68; 85; 90p(edes) 18p(lus) 35; 89pl(us) 27; 28; 36; 88; 90p(osuerunt) 9pKi)d(ie) 8P(ublius) 20P(ublii) 7q(ui) 20q(ua) 20regi(oru) (?) 6s(an)c(t)am 8s(an)c(t)o 191s(ibi) 7s(ub) d(ie) 107Ter(etina) 15Ti(berius) 23v(iri) l(audabilis) 107vir(ibus) (?) 6v(ivus) 7v(ixit) 20vi(xit) 20volu(erit) 6ixw(v) 146; 147fm(ep©v) 12K(Dplo)D 183VT)(KT6(;) 12wp(gc) 12Abbreviations marked by a bar 32; 68; 86; 88; 90; 146; 183; 189; 191Abbreviation marked by S 87Abbreviation P 121341

INDEXESVIII b. NUMERALSNumeral as word 32; 46; 47; 50; 64; 75; 86; 107; 113; 175;176; 183; 189Numeral marked by bar: 32VIII c. IRREGULAR AND UNUSUAL LATIN WORDSNOT INDEXED ELSEWHEREalienum 145anima 33; 187aperioaperiat 145aperire 6aperiverit 145argentumargendi 145aurumauri 6autem 145benedictionem 120cherem 39civiscibis 31civibus 15civitascibitati 86cibitatis 86civitatium 15commororcommorantium 18comparocomparaverimt 18conparabi 145consentioconsentiente 18corpus 145crepocrepent 191342

INDEXESdigne 8dicodixerunt 86dodit (for det) 145dedit 145dolordolore (acc.) 67dolurem 86donum (for abl.) 191dormitio 174ducoduxit 23ego 145mi (dat.) 145mihi 26maee 145meu 6faciofecet 67; 86; 191fecit 7fatum 145fides 185fiscusfisci 6fisco 145grandisgrande (acc.) 67grandem 86gratiam 8hie 1; 2; 8; 27; 28; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 63; 6873; 80; 84; 85; 86; 87; 88; 89; 90; 103107; 113; 120 121; 123; 124; 126; 127129a; 175; 183hanc 8heic 174huic 15ic 32; 136; 189; 191ice 67343

INDEXEShonores 145in (+ acc. for abl.) 8; 175inferoenferet 6invidiosi 191ipseipso 191ipsorum 18ipsum 174iseius 15; 88; 120; 122; 174; 187eorum 18; 121id 189item 145iterum 145iustusiustis 174iustorum 120lacrimalagremas 86libra (acc.) 6maceriam 23mereomeruit 8metuenti 9mittomittat 145morsmortem 15munimentum 18ne 26ni (for ne) 145non 15nostra 145numero 6ocoh 191omnisomne 187omnibus 15344

INDEXESossa 145obitusovitu 6pariter 15peleger 191peritiam 15pervenire 8plenam 15poinium 39pondo 145postpos 6postulopostulantibus 15praeter 26primo 15pro 13proboprobato 15propter 15provincia 15quarta 8qui 1; 2; 8; 18; 20; 27; 31; 32; 33; 34; 35; 36;80; 86; 113; 120; 121; 126; 130; 191qui (for quae) 63; 175que 86; 89; 145qua 11; 20quae 145quem 145cuius 33quei 86quis 6; 26; 145; 174regiusregiorureligioreligioni 9saeculum 174sal ussalute 13345

INDEXESsanctussanctam 8sancto 191satis 86sesibi 7; 18sua 8; 88; 90suae 18sui 15suum (abl.) 121secundus 15sed 15si 6; 145; 174solus 8solum 15struostruendum 18sumerit 174est 174; 183; 189esto 191fuerunt 86fuet 86; 90fuit 88sit 120; 121; 122; 127; 128; 129a; 130super 121supra 145temporis 15titulum 26trrjnus 86ubi 56; 183ultor 174una (acc.) 6veniobennid 191vexovexaverit 174visviribus 6346

INDEXESvivus 7volovoluerit 6vos 145VIII d. IRREGULAR AND UNUSUAL GREEK WORDSNOT INDEXED ELSEWHEREdYaen 143dyopd^coi^yopoaev 148; 149dyopaoela 150dvaxOrmidveGiiKev 13tt'ixtiq 46a^Ti; 118ainoro 13; 163a*xov 50; 101ainm 16imim 149iam^ 149pXdVoc; 148b6\ia6o|idT\i... 160^Tinio©(,r\\ii&accc, 149eaxnv 183Ka( written Ke 13; 152; 166; 181^leXXTixeiKOv 152347

INDEXES^iTi 151pil6ev 148; 149\ir\8i

INDEXES151(popeoo(pewyeI59(popowxa 159qniXa^ovI59wpgc 12349

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ABBREVIATIONSAAAdAASSACAEAEMO(U)AFLPerAIVAJAAncSocANRWAqNArchAnzArchClArchStorProvNapArchStorSirASCLASDASSOBATBCARBCHBdABEBICABJBRAHBSBSBasBSCBullArchNapByzZCampSacCCSLCHJAntichit^ AltoadriaticheActa SanctorumL'Antiquite ClassiqueAnn6e fipigraphiqueArchaologisch-epigraphische Mittheilungen ausOesterreich(-Ungarn)AnnaU della Facoltli di Lettere e Filosofia, Universitydegli Studi di PerugiaAtti deiristituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti,Classe di Scienze Morali e LettereAmerican Journal of ArchaeologyAncient SocietyAufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen WeltAquileia NostraArchaologischer AnzeigerArcheologia ClassicaArchivio Storico per le Provincie NapoletaneArchivio Storico SiracusanoArchivio Storico per la Calabria e la LucaniaAnnali di Storia del DirittoArchivio Storico per la Sicilia OrientaleBoletln Arqueol6gico (Tarragona)Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale diRomaBulletin de Correspondance Hell6niqueBollettino d'ArteBulletin fipigraphique (J. & L. Robert)Bullettino dell'Instituto di Corrispondenza ArcheologicaBonner JahrbiicherBoletfn de la Real Academia de la HistoriaBeth She'arim (M. Schwabe & B. Lifshitz; N. Avigad)Bullettino Storico della BasilicataBullettino Storico CataneseBullettino Archeologico NapoletanoByzantinische ZeitschriftCampania SacraCorpus Christianorum Series LatinaCambridge History of Judaism377

ABBREVIATIONSCIGCorpus Inscriptionum GraecarumCIJCorpus Inscriptionum Judaicarimi (J.B. Frey)CILCorpus Inscriptionum LatinarumCIMRM Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum ReUgionisMithriacae (M.J. Vermaseren)CIRBCorpus Inscriptionum Regni BosporaniCivCattCiviltd CattolicaCJZC Corpus Jiidischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaika (G.Ltideritz)CPJCorpus Papyrorum JudaicarumCRAI Comptes Rendus de TAcad^mie des Inscriptions etBelles-LettresCTheo.Codex TheodosianusDACLDictionnaire d'Arch6ologie Chr6tienne et de Liturgie (F.Cabrol & H. Leclerq)DArchLes Dossiers d'Arch6ologieDHGEDictionnaire d'Histoire et G6ographie Eccl^siastiqueDizEpDizionario Epigrafico (E. de Ruggiero)EEEphemeris EpigraphicaEJEncyclopaedia JudaicaEncCattEnciclopedia CattolicaEpigEpigraphicaEUIEEnciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-AmericanaFIRAPontes luris Romani AnteiustinianiGazArchGazette Arch6ologiqueGGAGottingische Gelehrte AnzeigenGRBSGreek, Roman and Byzantine StudiesGreg.M.Pope Gregory the GreatGreg.T.Gregory of ToursHTRHarvard Theological ReviewICIInscriptiones Christianae ItaliaeICURInscriptiones Christianae Urbis RomaeIGInscriptiones GraecaeIGCVOInscriptiones Graecae Christianae Veteris Occidentis (C.Wessel)IGRRInscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas pertinentes (R.Cagnat et al.)IGURInscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae378

ABBREVIATIONSIIInscriptiones ItaUaeILCVInscriptiones Latinae Christiane Veteres (E. Diehl)ILLRPInscriptiones Latinae Liberae Reipublicae (A. Degrassi)ILSInscriptiones Latinae Selectae (H. Dessau)IRNLInscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinae (T. Mommsen)ItalAntItalia AntichissimaJAsJournal AsiatiqueJEJewish EncyclopaediaJIGRE Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (W.Horbury & D. Noy)JQRJewish Quarterly ReviewJRSJournal of Roman StudiesJTSJournal of Theological StudiesL&SLewis & ShortLSJLiddell, Scott & JonesLXXSeptuagintMAANMemorie dell'Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e BelleArti di NapoUMAMAMonumenta Asiae Minoris AntiquaeMGHMomimenta Germaniae HistoriaeMGWJMonatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissenschafb desJudenthimisMonAntMonumenti AntichiMSFMemorie Storiche ForogiuliesiNArchNouvelles ArchivesNDIECNew Documents Illustrating Early Christianity (G.Horsley)NSNotizie degli ScaviPBSRPapers of the British School at RomePEFQSPalestine Exploration Fimd Quarterly SurveyPGPatrologia GraecaPIRProsopographia Imperii RomaniPLPatrologia LatinaPLREProsopography of the Later Roman EmpireRAANRendiconti dell'Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere eBelle Arti di NapoliRALRendiconti dell'Accademia dei LinceiRBRevue Biblique379

ABBREVIATIONSRE Real-Encyclopadie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft(Pauly-Wissowa)REGRevue des l^tudes GrecquesREJRevue des Etudes JuivesRevArchRevue Arch6ologiqueRFICRivista di Filologia e d'Istruzione ClassicaRivACRivista di Archeologia CristianaRMIRivista Mensile di IsraelRPAA Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana diArcheologiaRPhRevue de PhilologieRQRomische QuartalschriftRSIRivista Storica ItalianaSBSammelbuch (F. Preisigke)SDHIStudia et Documenta Historiae et lurisSefSefaradSEGSupplementum Epigraphicum GraecumSicArchSicilia ArcheologicaSicGymSiculorum GymnasiumSICVMVSilloge Inscriptionum Christianarum Veterum MuseiVaticani (J.H. Zilliacus)SSCISAM Settimane di Studio del Centre Italiano di Studisull'Alto MedioevoStRomStudi RomaniTAPhATransactions of the American Philological AssociationTDNTTheological Dictionary of the New Testament (tr. ofTheologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament)ThLZTheologische LiteraturzeitungTLLThesaurus Linguae LatinaeT&MByzTravatix et m6moires, Centre de Recherche d'Histoire etde Civilization ByzantinesVetChrVetera ChristianorumZDPVZeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins380

CONCORDANCE OF THIS EDITION WITHCIJCIJ This ed. CIJ This ed.526 174 571 81533 18 572 57534 205 573 58534a 15 574 49535-8 Intro. 575 72539 206 576 52540 Intro. 577 50541 207 578 77542-5 Intro. 579 47546 208 580 42547-8 Intro. 581 59549 209 582 101550 210 583 69551a 211 584 70551b Intro. 585 94551c 212 586 79551d 213 587 53551e 214 588 46552 19 589 44553 20 590 62554 21 591 66555 25 592 97556 26 593 111557 24 594 48558 27 595 75559 28 596 64560 29 597 71561 23 598 65562 215 599 61563 40 600 76564 216 601 78565 217 602 112566 218 603 102567 38 604 54568 36 605 83569 82 606 63570 84 607 85381

CONCORDANCECIJ This ed. CIJ This ed.608 89 637 203609 80 638 4610 68 639 5611 86 640 6612 56 641 202613 87 642 9614 90 643 7615 67 643a 8616 88 644 2617 100 645 201618 51 646 1619 73 647 142619a 113 648 141619b 114 649 3619c 115 649a 143619d 116 650 145619e 219 650a 146620 193 650b 147621 125 650c 148622 126 650d 149623 122 650e 144624 123 651 151625 131 652 152626 132 653 220627 118 653a (Frey) 221628 119 653a (Lif.) 155629 120 653b 157630 121 654 150631 124 654a 160632 134 655 cf. 163-8633 194 656 196634 195 657 169635 137 658 170635a 138 659 171635b 139 660 172636 11 660a 175382

CONCORDANCECIJ This ed. CIJ This ed.660b 176 667 190660c 185 668 198660(1 187 669 199661 183 670 189662 180 671 191663 181 672 192664 182 672a 226665 179 673 227665a 197 674 228666 200Not in CIJ: Nos.lO, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 22, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37,39, 41, 43, 45, 55, 60, 74, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99, 103, 104, 105,106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 117, 127, 128, 129, 129a, 130, 133, 135, 136,140, 153, 154, 156, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168,173, 177, 178, 184, 186, 188383

PLATESL Map showing the sites from which the inscriptions come.IL Plan of the Venosa catacombs, based on the one drawn upin 1852.III. No.6, by permission of the Soprintendenza Archeologicaper il Veneto.IV. No.7, by permission of the Soprintendenza Archeologicadel Friuli - Venezia Giulia (Ufficio di Aquileia).V. No.8, from L. Cracco Ruggini (1980a), fig.l, by permissionof societa editrice Arti Grafiche Friulane, Udine.VI. No. 13, by permission of the Soprintendenza Archeologicadi Ostia.VII. No. 14, by permission of the Soprintendenza Archeologicadi Ostia.VIII. No.lO, from G. Sacco (1984), p. 114 no.93, by permissionof casa editrice Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, Rome.IX. No. 17, from G. Sacco (1984), p. 104 no.85, by permission ofcasa editrice Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, Rome.X. No.18, from E. Ghislanzoni (1906), p.411 fig.3, bypermission of the Accademia dei LinceiXI. No.27, from G.A. Galante (1913), tav.II.2XII. No.28, from G.A. Galante (1913), tav.III.l.XIII. No.86, from G.P. Bognetti (1954), fig.2, by permission ofDiffusions de Boccard and the Academie des Inscriptions etBelles-LettresXIV. No.95, from C. Colafemmina (1983a), pl.2, by permissionof Multigrafica Editrice, RomeXV. No. 103, from C. Colafemmina (1978), tav.HIa, bypermission of Vetera ChristianorumXVI. No. 107, from C. Colafemmina (1978), tav.IVa, bypermission of Vetera ChristianorumXVII. No.lOO, from C. Colafemmina (1978), tav.VI, bypermission of Vetera ChristianorumXVIII. No.113, from C. Colafemmina (1983a), pl.5, bypermission of Multigrafica EditriceXIX. No. 122, from C. Colafemmina (1973a), pp.237-9, bypermission of Mario Congedo editore, Galatina384

PLATESXX. No. 145, from G. Libertini (1929)XXI. No.157, from D. Adamesteanu (1955), fig.6, bypermission of the Accademia dei LinceiXXII. No. 160, from P. Griffo (1963), tav.LIV fig.5, bypermission of Banco di Sicilia, Uflficio Fondazione MorminoXXIII. No. 170, from A. TaramelU (1908), fig.5, by permissionof the Accademia dei LinceiXXIV. No. 175, from G. Maetzke (1964), fig.7, by permission ofthe Accademia dei LinceiXXV. No. 176, from G. Maetzke (1964), fig.8, by permission ofthe Accademia dei LinceiXXVI. No.177, from J.M. Millas Valhcrosa (1958), lam.I, bypermission of Sefarad and the Consejo Superior deInvestigaciones Cientificas.XXVII. No.183, from S. Katz (1937), pl.III, by permission ofthe Medieval Academy of America.XXVIII. No. 185, from F. Cantera Burgos (1955a), fig.l, bypermission of Sefarad and the Consejo Superior deInvestigaciones Cientificas.XXIX. No.186, from J.M. Millas Vallicrosa (1957), photographopposite p.8, by permission of Sefarad and the ConsejoSuperior de Investigaciones Cientificas.XXX. No.187, from J.M. Millas Vallicrosa (1945), lam.rV.7, bypermission of Sefarad and the Consejo Superior deInvestigaciones Cientificas.XXXI. No. 189, from S. Katz (1937), pl.IV, by permission of theMedieval Academy of America.XXXII. No.191, from S. Katz (1937), pl.V, by permission of theMedieval Academy of America.385

milesPlate IMap of Western Europe

Plate IIThe Venosa Catacombs(not to scale)

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Plate V

Plate VI

Plate VIII

Plate IX

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Plate XII

Plate XIII

Plate XV

m/mMiiiillili^ • ii'iiiBBiPlate XVII

Plate XIX

Plale XX

Plate XXI

Plate XXII

Plate XXIIf

Plate XXIV

Plate XXV

Plate XXVI

Plate XXVII

f• 1V'i^yV'"1Plate XXVIII

Plate XXIX

Plate XXX

Plate XXXI

Plate XXXII