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GRANDMOTHERS:A LEARNING INSTITUTIONThis publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for InternationalDevelopment. It was prepared by Creative Associates International, Inc.


Prepared by:Judi Aubel, PhD., MPHThe Gr<strong>and</strong>mother ProjectPhoto Credit:Judi AubelPrepared for:Creative Associates International, Inc.<strong>Basic</strong> <strong>Education</strong> <strong>Policy</strong> Support (BEPS)United States Agency for International Development (USAID)Contract No. HNE-1-00-00-0038-00August 2005ACKNOWLEDGMENTSThe author would like to especially thank Don Graybill <strong>and</strong> Sean Tate for their commitment tothe realization of this publication. Thanks also go to Vicky Franz, Sean Tate <strong>and</strong> Cynthia Pratherfor their editing assistance. Special thanks to Jim Hoxeng at USAID without whose support itwould not have been possible to produce this publication.


GRANDMOTHERS:A LEARNING INSTITUTIONDISCLAIMERThe author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agencyfor International Development (USAID) or the United States Government.


CONTENTSACRONYMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .viiEXECUTIVE SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .ixI. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1II.WHY INCLUDE GRANDMOTHERS IN CHILD DEVELOPMENTPROGRAMS? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3Conceptual Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5Factors Limiting the Inclusion of <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> inChild Development Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .7<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ Roles in Different Cultures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10Core Roles of <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> Across Cultures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14Development Policies Support <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19III. HOW HAVE CHILD DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS INVOLVEDGRANDMOTHERS? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21Programs Involving <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21Early Childhood Development <strong>and</strong> Primary <strong>Education</strong> . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21Newborn Health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22Maternal <strong>and</strong> Child Health <strong>and</strong> Nutrition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .23HIV/AIDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25Community Responses to Including <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .26IV.A CLOSER LOOK AT INVOLVING GRANDMOTHERS: MALI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29Developing a Gr<strong>and</strong>mother-Inclusive Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29Utilizing Nonformal <strong>Education</strong> Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .30Results of the Nonformal <strong>Education</strong> Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .34V. GRANDMOTHERS:A LEARNING INSTITUTION SUMMARYOF CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .39VI. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR BASIC EDUCATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43Questions for <strong>Education</strong> Program Planners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43Recommendations for <strong>Basic</strong> <strong>Education</strong> Planners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43APPENDIX A: METHODOLOGY USED IN THIS REVIEW . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53APPENDIX B: ANNOTATED REFERENCES ON THE ROLE OFGRANDMOTHERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .55REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .71GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTIONv


EXECUTIVE SUMMARYSociety itself fails when it isolates the young <strong>and</strong> the old from one another.Teresa Scott Kincheloe,Native American EducatorThe educational needs of children inAfrica, Asia, Latin America, <strong>and</strong> ThePacific are immense. A major chal­governments, civil society organi­lenge forzations, <strong>and</strong> international developmentagencies is to develop strategies to promotethe educational development ofthese children, most of whom live in economicallypoor environments.To address this challenge there has beenconsiderable investment <strong>and</strong> many successesin identifying research-based interventionsto promote children’s educationaldevelopment as part of their overallgrowth. In many cases, however, efforts tointegrate these interventions into family<strong>and</strong> community contexts have not systematicallybuilt on <strong>and</strong> optimized existingroles, values, <strong>and</strong> resources at the locallevel.Since education is an integral aspect ofchildren’s development, this paper examinesexisting evidence regarding the role ofsenior women, referred to in this paper as“gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,” 1 in children’s overalldevelopment, 2 including education, in nonwesternsocieties (in Africa, Asia, LatinAmerica,The Pacific, Aboriginal Australia,<strong>and</strong> Native North America).The paperalso identifies the extent to which policiespromoting the well-being of children supportgr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ inclusion in childdevelopment programming. It highlightsprograms around the world that haveexplicitly involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong>explores in some detail how one of theseprograms was designed to ensure gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’involvement. It concludes byexploring strategies to ensure the involvementof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in future basic educationinitiatives for children.The review of the literature, policy, <strong>and</strong>programs is framed by several key conceptsthat are not always taken intoaccount in the design of child developmentprograms around the world. Theyinclude: a systems approach; an assetsbasedapproach; cultural roles <strong>and</strong> valuesas a foundation for program design;respect for elders <strong>and</strong> their experience;<strong>and</strong> social capital. The perspective on childdevelopment programming that emergesfrom the combination of these conceptspoints to the need to view gr<strong>and</strong>mothersas key actors in family systems <strong>and</strong> as aninvaluable resource for promoting optimalchild development at that level.1 In this paper, the term “gr<strong>and</strong>mothers” refers to experienced, senior women in the household who are knowledgeable about allmatters related to the health, development <strong>and</strong> well-being of children <strong>and</strong> their mothers. This includes not only maternal <strong>and</strong>paternal gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, but also aunts <strong>and</strong> other older women who act as advisors to younger men <strong>and</strong> women <strong>and</strong> who participatein caring for children.2 Child development, as used throughout this paper, refers to the development <strong>and</strong> continued growth of a child’s emotional, intellectual,<strong>and</strong> physical well-being.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTIONix


Given the relatively limited published literatureon this topic, the sources of informationreviewed include not only publishedmaterial but also unpublished gray literature3 <strong>and</strong> key informant interviews with avariety of academics, anthropologists, educationalists,international developmentagency staff, <strong>and</strong> NGO field staff in differentcountries. From analysis of the availableinformation, a series of core roles ofgr<strong>and</strong>parents, <strong>and</strong> specifically of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,were identified that appear toexist across cultures:• All cultures recognize the critical roleof gr<strong>and</strong>parents as guides <strong>and</strong> advisorsto the younger generations.• In all cultures gr<strong>and</strong>parents play gender-specificroles related to childdevelopment.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are responsible fortransmitting cultural values.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ child-rearing expertiseis acquired over a lifetime.• In all cultures gr<strong>and</strong>mothers areinvolved in multiple aspects of thelives of children <strong>and</strong> families at thehousehold level.• The roles of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers appear tobe universal whereas much of theirknowledge <strong>and</strong> practices are culturally-specific.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are both directly <strong>and</strong>indirectly involved in promoting thewell-being of children.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> influence the attitudes<strong>and</strong> decisions made by male familymembers regarding children’s wellbeing.• Some of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ practices arebeneficial for child development,whereas others are not.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> have a very strongcommitment to promoting thegrowth <strong>and</strong> development of theirgr<strong>and</strong>children.• Compared to younger women,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers generally have moretime to spend <strong>and</strong> patience withyoung children.• Most gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are interested inincreasing their knowledge of “modern”ideas about child development.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ knowledge comesprimarily from their own mothers<strong>and</strong> their peers.• Many gr<strong>and</strong>mothers have a collectivesense of responsibility for children<strong>and</strong> women in the community.• Some gr<strong>and</strong>mothers feel that theirstatus as advisors in child <strong>and</strong> familydevelopment is diminishing.The overarching conclusion that emergesfrom the review of the available literatureis that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are present in all cultures<strong>and</strong> communities, that they have considerableexperience <strong>and</strong> influence relatedto all aspects of child development, <strong>and</strong>that they are strongly committed to promotingthe well-being of children, theirmothers <strong>and</strong> families.The review then examines policy guidelinesfrom key international agencies thatsupport child development programmingat the community level. <strong>Policy</strong> statementsfrom UNICEF, the internationalConsultative Group on Early Childhood3 Internal company documents or unpublished documents, such as project reports.xUNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


<strong>Education</strong>, the Bernard Van LeerFoundation, <strong>and</strong> UNESCO all advocate forstrengthening the capacity of family membersto respond to children’s needs. Forexample, UNICEF states that programsshould identify “existing strengths of communities,families, <strong>and</strong> social structures” <strong>and</strong>“build on local capacity, encourage unity,<strong>and</strong> strength” (2001, 17). <strong>Policy</strong> statementssuch as these suggest, but do not explicitlystate, that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers should be involvedin child development programs.Unfortunately, such policy guidelines supportinggr<strong>and</strong>mother inclusion are reflectedto a very limited extent in actual programs.The second part of the review involvesidentifying child development programs thatexplicitly involve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. In spite ofthe fact that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play a significantrole in all aspects of child health <strong>and</strong> developmentat the household level, few programshave explicitly identified <strong>and</strong> involvedthem as key actors. Often in programs thatfocus on younger “mothers” some gr<strong>and</strong>mothersmay participate. However, thenumber of child development programstrategies that have deliberately includedgr<strong>and</strong>mothers as a priority communitygroup is miniscule when compared with thevast number of programs implementedacross the world.This is especially true inbasic education programs.A small number of projects were identifiedthat have involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in someway. The gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusive projectsreviewed deal with a variety of child developmentissues including early childhooddevelopment (ECD), primary education,newborn health, maternal <strong>and</strong> child health<strong>and</strong> nutrition, <strong>and</strong> HIV/AIDS. 4 Short summariesare presented on each of theseprojects. Although few in number, <strong>and</strong>often poorly documented, these experiencesillustrate how programs can acknowledgegr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ role <strong>and</strong> past experience,actively involve them, <strong>and</strong> in so doingstrengthen their knowledge <strong>and</strong> skills. Inprograms where a gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusiveapproach has been adopted, there hasbeen very positive feedback from gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,from other community members,<strong>and</strong> from development staff. In most casestheir involvement appears to have contributedto increased program results.The paper then looks closely at one projectin particular.The experience of Helen KellerInternational in Mali illustrates how childdevelopment programs can work withgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in order to improve thehealth <strong>and</strong> well-being of children <strong>and</strong> theirmothers. This case study describes theactivities of the project <strong>and</strong> details the nonformaleducation methodology that was akey to engaging gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, gaining theirconfidence, <strong>and</strong> helping them to learn. It isthrough this methodology that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersfelt empowered in their roles as communityhealth advisors.CONCLUSIONSBased on the review of the literature onthe roles of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in different nonwesterncultures, analysis of the policies ofkey international organizations that promotechild development, <strong>and</strong> a review ofchild development projects that haveexplicitly engaged gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, a series ofover-arching conclusions was formulated.These include:4 The projects identified predominantly fall in the category of health-related interventions, but as demonstrated by this paper’srecommendations, the roles played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in these health-related interventions are potentially transferable to basiceducation projects.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTIONxi


THERE IS LIMITED DOCUMENTATION OFGRANDMOTHERS’ ROLES.Analysis <strong>and</strong> documentation of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles in different societies is quite limited.The results of many studies on differentchild development topics either completelyignore, or give minimal attention to,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles <strong>and</strong> influence at thehousehold level. This can be explained inpart by negative stereotypes of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersheld by many developmentorganizations <strong>and</strong> in part by the narrowmodels used as a basis for data collection.PREVALENT ASSESSMENT METHODOLO-GIES FAIL TO EXAMINE HOUSEHOLDROLES AND RELATIONSHIPS.The methodologies used in formative studieson child development topics mostoften focus narrowly on individual knowledge,attitudes, <strong>and</strong> practices (KAP) ofwomen/mothers. There is a need foralternative assessment methods based ona more systemic, anthropological frameworkthat looks at social structures, roles,<strong>and</strong> relationships in households that influenceattitudes <strong>and</strong> practices related tochild development. In a more systemicapproach, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ experience <strong>and</strong>roles at the household level would certainlybe analyzed.GRANDMOTHERS CONTRIBUTE TO CUL-TURAL CONTINUITY.The cultural dimension of developmentprograms has generally been neglected,though there is a growing concern that thisis a dangerous trend that can contribute tothe loss of cultural values <strong>and</strong> identity.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> play a critical role in transmittingcultural values <strong>and</strong> practices toyounger generations, thereby contributingto the maintenance of cultural identity inan increasingly culturally homogeneousworld.GRANDMOTHERS’ PLAY AN INFLUEN-TIAL ROLE IN CHILDREN’S DEVELOP-MENT ACROSS CULTURES.While documentation on gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles is relatively limited, the available evidencedoes show that in virtually all nonwesternsocieties in Africa, Asia, LatinAmerica,The Pacific, <strong>and</strong> in indigenous culturesin North America <strong>and</strong> Australia, seniorwomen, or gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, play a centralrole in child-rearing. In all of these societiesthey are looked to as advisors of theyounger generations based on their age<strong>and</strong> experience, though in many cases theirstatus is diminishing. Across cultures thereare a series of core roles played by gr<strong>and</strong>motherswhile at the same time there isconsiderable variability in their culture-specificbeliefs <strong>and</strong> practices.FEW CHILD DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMSEXPLICITLY INVOLVE GRANDMOTHERS.In spite of the fact that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers playa significant role in all aspects of childhealth <strong>and</strong> development at the householdlevel, few child development programshave explicitly identified <strong>and</strong> involved themas key actors. This review analyzes theextent to which they have been involvedin five key program areas related to childdevelopment: early childhood development,primary school education, maternal<strong>and</strong> child health <strong>and</strong> nutrition, childhygiene, <strong>and</strong> HIV/AIDS. It was concludedthat in all of these areas the involvementof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers has been very limited.xiiUNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


SEVERAL FACTORS CONTRIBUTE TO THELIMITED INCLUSION OF GRANDMOTH-ERS IN CHILD DEVELOPMENT PRO-GRAMS.Several factors appear to contribute to thefact that few programs have identifiedgr<strong>and</strong>mothers as priority communityactors <strong>and</strong> actively involved them in communitystrategies. First, many developmentagencies <strong>and</strong> staff have negative biasesagainst gr<strong>and</strong>mothers related to their ‘age,’‘inability to learn’ <strong>and</strong> ‘resistance to change.’Second, the models used as a basis fordesign of child development programs,borrowed from the west, tend to focus on‘mothers,’ <strong>and</strong> sometimes ‘parents,’ whileignoring the significant role <strong>and</strong> influenceof elder household actors in virtually allnon-western societies.A FEW SUCCESSFUL GRANDMOTHER-INCLUSIVE CHILD DEVELOPMENT PRO-GRAMS DO EXIST.Although there are relatively few examplesof child development programs that haveexplicitly involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, thoseexperiences do illustrate how programscan acknowledge gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles <strong>and</strong>past experience, actively involve them, <strong>and</strong>in so doing strengthen their knowledge<strong>and</strong> skills. In programs where a gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusiveapproach has been adopted,feedback from gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, fromother community members, <strong>and</strong> fromdevelopment staff has been very positive<strong>and</strong> in most cases their involvementappears to have contributed to increasedprogram results.THERE IS A GAP BETWEEN POLICYSTATEMENTS AND GRANDMOTHERS’INCLUSION IN CHILD DEVELOPMENTPROGRAMS.<strong>Policy</strong> statements from key internationalagencies involved in children’s developmentadvocate for strengthening thecapacity of all family members to respondto children’s needs. By extrapolation, suchpolicy priorities imply that programsshould involve senior family members,including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. In reality, thereare few programs in which gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare explicitly <strong>and</strong> actively involved. Thenon-inclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in childdevelopment programs represents a significantinconsistency with international policyguidelines.GRANDMOTHER LEADERS AND NET-WORKS SHOULD BE VIEWED AS SOCIALCAPITAL.Social capital is defined as “the glue thatkeeps communities together <strong>and</strong> that isrequired for a collective <strong>and</strong> sustainedresponse to community needs.” Whilethere is much discussion of the need to“strengthen existing community structures”in community development programs, limitedattention has been given to thepotential represented by natural gr<strong>and</strong>motherleaders <strong>and</strong> their social networksfor promotion of children’s development.Several experiences empowering thesegroups show how efforts to strengthenthem can contribute to enhancing a community’ssocial capital <strong>and</strong> to sustainingcommunity action for children’s development.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTIONxiii


GRANDMOTHERS ARE RECEPTIVE TO THEUSE OF NONFORMAL EDUCATIONAPPROACHES THAT BUILD ON THEIREXISTING KNOWLEDGE.In experiences in several countries, nonformal,adult education methods have beenvery successfully used with groups ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers. They were very receptiveto these methods <strong>and</strong> their positiveresponse can probably be explained by thefact that the approach reinforced their culturally-definedrole as respected advisors ofyounger women <strong>and</strong> children while helpingthem to acquire new knowledge <strong>and</strong> practicesrelated to child health <strong>and</strong> development.All of these conclusions support the needto more actively involve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers inchild development projects in the future,given their critical role in child developmentin non-western societies, the internationalpolicies that support this orientation, <strong>and</strong>the positive outcomes of community programsthat have adopted a gr<strong>and</strong>motherinclusiveapproach.RECOMMENDATIONSThe paper concludes with a number of recommendationsfor ways to increase gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’involvement in basic educationstrategies. Around the world, families <strong>and</strong>communities acknowledge that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersplay an influential role in the socialization,acculturation, <strong>and</strong> care of children asthey grow <strong>and</strong> develop. However, basiceducation programs have not seriouslytaken this role into consideration. The recommendationsincluded in the paper aremeant to stimulate thought on how toinvolve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, utilize their acceptedroles within a community, <strong>and</strong> account fortheir influence on children’s educationaldevelopment. The following recommendations,grouped into five categories <strong>and</strong> summarizedbelow, are not meant to be definitivebut rather to stimulate thought on howto involve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> utilize theirrole <strong>and</strong> influence on children’s educationaldevelopment in the family <strong>and</strong> community.INCREASE TEACHER AND STUDENTAWARENESS OF GRANDMOTHERS’ ROLEAND POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTION.• Develop participatory training exercisesto help teachers reflect on therationale for including gr<strong>and</strong>mothersas partners in school educationalactivities <strong>and</strong> then develop strategiesfor including them.• Analyze family <strong>and</strong> community systemsas an input to program development.• Create alternative assessment tools.• Generate criteria for inter-generationalsensitivity.INTEGRATE TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGEAND SKILLS IN SCHOOL CURRICULA.• Interview gr<strong>and</strong>mothers concerningtheir roles in education.• When revising curricula or developingteaching materials, pictures of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,quotes from gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,<strong>and</strong> characters in stories should beincluded.• Use components of “Service-<strong>Learning</strong>” <strong>and</strong> constructivist approachesto collect data from gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> incorporate them into the curriculum.xivUNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


– Who am I? Assign children to askfamily members, including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,to answer the child’s question:“Who am I?”This is an activityto help children define their ownidentity, in the family, <strong>and</strong> in thecommunity.– Living History. Assign children tointerview elders in their family orneighborhood, including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,on a topic related to the historyof the neighborhood or village.Teachers can make this a part of thehistory curriculum.– Make curriculum relevant.– Build Ownership of the school curriculumby the community.– Making connections between the“old way” <strong>and</strong> the “new”.INTEGRATE TRADITIONAL VALUES INTOTHE CURRICULUM.• Collect stories, proverbs, <strong>and</strong> songs,<strong>and</strong> analyze the values expressed inthem. Use these traditional materialsas a basis for discussion of cultural values<strong>and</strong> of the similarities <strong>and</strong> differencesbetween traditional <strong>and</strong> modernvalues.DEVELOP PARTNERSHIPS BETWEENGRANDMOTHERS AND SCHOOLS.• Encourage families to create homeenvironments that support success inschool.• Encourage gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, who oftenhave more free time than mothers, towalk children to school to assure theirsafety.• Identify stories told by gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin the community that relate to thecurriculum <strong>and</strong> use these stories asteaching tools. Invite these seniorwomen to tell stories in special storytellingsessions at schools or in informalsettings.USE PARTNERSHIPS TO PROMOTESCHOOL IMPROVEMENT.• Empower parents to participate inschool planning for curriculum content,school climate, <strong>and</strong> staff development.• Identify gr<strong>and</strong>mother leaders <strong>and</strong> networks.• Form Gr<strong>and</strong>parent-Parent-TeacherAssociations.• Empower families to learn to use theircollective power to advocate forschool change.• Involve community elders, includinggr<strong>and</strong>mothers, gr<strong>and</strong>fathers, <strong>and</strong> religiousleaders, in providing input forquality control of schools <strong>and</strong> teacherperformance.Many of these recommendations do notdepend on large amounts of financialresources. They simply introduce newapproaches to project development thatutilize the knowledge, experience, <strong>and</strong>enthusiasm gr<strong>and</strong>mothers have for children’sdevelopment. By exploring theserecommendations, child development programswill be able to access a wider rangeof resources—including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’experience, their networks, <strong>and</strong> their influenceover families—<strong>and</strong>, therefore, generategreater potential for sustainability.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTIONxv


­I. INTRODUCTION“There is probably no other role that is so nearly universal yet soheterogeneously defined as gr<strong>and</strong>parenthood”SmolakPromoting the education, health, <strong>and</strong>well-being of children in developingcountries is a priority for governments, many civil society groups, <strong>and</strong> internationalorganizations. While almost allchildren are embedded in family <strong>and</strong> communitystructures, in most cases developmentprograms narrowly target children,often mothers, <strong>and</strong> in some cases parents.Gr<strong>and</strong>parents are present in all communities,<strong>and</strong> in all societies they are expectedto contribute significantly to the growth<strong>and</strong> development of children. The roles ofgr<strong>and</strong>fathers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are gender-specific<strong>and</strong> it is the senior women, orgr<strong>and</strong>mothers, who are expected to play apredominant role given their own experiencebearing <strong>and</strong> educating children. Childfocuseddevelopment efforts, however,rarely acknowledge or involve these experiencedresource persons in programs.The Swedish communicologist, AndreasFuglesang (1982) referred to gr<strong>and</strong>mothersas a veritable “learning institution,”alluding to their vast experience <strong>and</strong> theroles they play in transmitting to youngergenerations the knowledge <strong>and</strong> skillsrequired to survive in each society.While there appear to be few developmentprograms that have explicitlyinvolved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers as resource persons,in the community health field therehave been several recent <strong>and</strong> very positiveexperiences. In Laos, Senegal, <strong>and</strong> Mali,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers played key roles in healthpromotion strategies.The results of each ofthese experiences revealed that gr<strong>and</strong>motherswere open to new ideas <strong>and</strong>practices when appropriate nonformaleducation methods were used <strong>and</strong> thatthey were able to learn <strong>and</strong> change theiradvice <strong>and</strong> practices.Evaluations of these community healthprograms showed that the involvement ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers contributed to improvinghousehold maternal <strong>and</strong> child health practices.For example, in a nutrition educationprogram in Senegal, in households wheregr<strong>and</strong>mothers were involved in the nonformalactivities, more than 90 percent ofall infants were appropriately breastfed(they were given only breast milk for thefirst six months; exclusive breastfeeding).Conversely, in families where gr<strong>and</strong>motherswere excluded from educational activitieswith younger women, only about 30percent of these women reported thatthey were able to exclusively breastfeedtheir infants (Aubel et al, 2004). Positiveresults using a gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusiveapproach were also documented in Maliwhere gr<strong>and</strong>mothers were involved innonformal education activities on newbornhealth, <strong>and</strong> in Laos where they participatedGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION1


in educational activities on home treatmentof childhood illnesses.The over-arching conclusion drawn fromthese several experiences using a gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusiveapproach is that communitystrategies that harness the support ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers can contribute to increasingthe impact of development programs. Inaddition, involving them in developmentprograms can lead to greater appreciationof the contribution of elders to family <strong>and</strong>community well-being, increased recognitionof positive cultural values <strong>and</strong> traditions,<strong>and</strong> stronger inter-generational communication.Efforts to strengthen theknowledge <strong>and</strong> leadership skills of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersto promote family <strong>and</strong> communitywell-being contribute to increasing asociety’s social capital, a critical componentof sustainable development.Based on these positive outcomes workingwith gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, Creative AssociatesInternational, Inc. decided to support theexploration of ways in which gr<strong>and</strong>motherscould similarly be involved in basiceducation initiatives. In this context, it wasdecided to carry out a review of existingliterature, first, on the role played bygr<strong>and</strong>mothers in different societies in children’soverall growth <strong>and</strong> development,<strong>and</strong> second, on development programsthat have explicitly involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothersas resource persons <strong>and</strong> the strategies <strong>and</strong>methodologies they employed to do so.This review had three objectives:• To explore the relevance of includinggr<strong>and</strong>mothers in child developmentprograms;• To identify child development programsthat have explicitly involvedgr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> explore theapproaches used to elicit their participation;<strong>and</strong>• To formulate recommendations forincreasing involvement of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin future basic education programs.The findings related to these objectivesshape this publication.2 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


II. WHY INCLUDE GRANDMOTHERS INCHILD DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS?“When an old person dies it is as though a whole library had burned down.”Amadou Hampâté Ba,Malian philosopher 1900-1991The education <strong>and</strong> developmentneeds of children, <strong>and</strong> of poor familiesin general in Africa, Asia, LatinAmerica, <strong>and</strong> The Pacific are enormous.Ensuring optimal growth in both needssectors represents a particularly complex<strong>and</strong> difficult challenge. In order to easethis burden, many international agencies,governments, civil society groups, <strong>and</strong> communitynetworks are investing in education<strong>and</strong> development programs to supportchildren’s overall development.Yet, frequentlythese programs are missing fundamentalelements that are critical to thedevelopment of effective <strong>and</strong> sustainableprojects. One such element is the need tobuild on existing family <strong>and</strong> communitystructures <strong>and</strong> strategies (UNICEF 2001).At the global level there is also a broadconsensus regarding the need to strengthenthe capacity of families <strong>and</strong> communitiesto optimize children’s development.<strong>Policy</strong> statements of various internationalorganizations involved in child developmentprojects support the need to bolsterexisting family <strong>and</strong> community actors <strong>and</strong>resources. For example, UNICEF assertsthat successful programs for children arecharacterized by strategies that “use theexisting strengths of communities, families,<strong>and</strong> social structures… respect cultural values,build on local capacity, encourage unity<strong>and</strong> strength” within families <strong>and</strong> communities(2001, 17).While international policy guidelines clearlyarticulate the need for child developmentprograms to build on existing family <strong>and</strong>community systems, in many cases thesepriorities have not been fully translatedinto programming strategies. By ignoringthis need, programs are under-utilizingavailable resources at the family <strong>and</strong> communitylevels <strong>and</strong> ultimately limiting theirprospects of sustainability.This weakness in many national <strong>and</strong> internationalchild development programsappears to stem from the fact that programdevelopment is not based on anaccurate <strong>and</strong> holistic underst<strong>and</strong>ing of family<strong>and</strong> community systems in different culturalcontexts (Bronfenbrenner 1979;Berman et al. 1994). In most cases, relativelylimited attention is placed on underst<strong>and</strong>ingthe roles, authority, <strong>and</strong> decisionmakingpatterns among various householdactors that influence practices contributingto children’s growth <strong>and</strong> development.There is often only superficial underst<strong>and</strong>ingof the socio-cultural dimensions of fam­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION3


“A gr<strong>and</strong>mother’s underst<strong>and</strong>ingof Indian identityis an invaluable perspectivethat she is ableto pass on to her gr<strong>and</strong>children.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>as-culture-transmittermay be one of the mostsignificant contributionsto the perpetuation ofthe Indian community.”M.M. SchweitzerAmerican Indian<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>:Traditions<strong>and</strong> Transitionsily systems, including the social hierarchywithin families associated with age <strong>and</strong>experience that dictates individualbehavior to a great extent.Along with the absence of adequateassessment of the components <strong>and</strong>dynamics of family systems in differentsocio-cultural contexts, there is a tendencyto erroneously project onto nonwesternsocieties western concepts ofnuclear families, <strong>and</strong> of autonomouswomen <strong>and</strong> couples who operate independentlyof family systems. This orientation/tendencyis seen in education programsthat involve only “parents,” definedas children’s mothers <strong>and</strong> fathers, <strong>and</strong>child health programs that narrowlyfocus on women of reproductive age oron the mother-child dyad. Limited focushas been directed at underst<strong>and</strong>ing theroles of <strong>and</strong> including other non-parentalfamily <strong>and</strong> community actors in childdevelopment strategies. In almost allcases, in child development programs,both at the initial assessment phase <strong>and</strong>in the design of community-orientedstrategies, senior household <strong>and</strong> communitymembers, including gr<strong>and</strong>parents,are excluded.Anthropologist Margaret Mead (1970)was among the first social scientists topoint out the critical role played bygr<strong>and</strong>parents in transmitting from onegeneration to the next the “model” ofhow things should be done in life, includinghow children should be nurtured <strong>and</strong>taught how to survive in each society.Similarly communicologist, AndreasFuglesang (1982) discussed the multifacetedrole that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play inthe socialization process of the youngergenerations <strong>and</strong> asserted that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersconstitute a veritable “learninginstitution” in the community.Professor Scarlett Epstein, from theInstitute of Development Studies at theUniversity of Sussex, has pointed out thecritical role played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers ininculcating in children the moral, social,<strong>and</strong> cultural norms that determine individualbehavior later in life (Epstein 1993,2003). She states that in most developingcountry settings, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ influenceis great, given that they live close totheir offspring <strong>and</strong> are respected bythem. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> provide ongoing“informal training” both to their children<strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>children. Epstein has been anoutspoken advocate of the need fordevelopment activities related to children<strong>and</strong> women’s health <strong>and</strong> developmentto acknowledge <strong>and</strong> build on therole of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.In the so-called “developed” world, thereis a tendency for gr<strong>and</strong>parents to bemuch less involved in the socialization<strong>and</strong> care of gr<strong>and</strong>children than was historicallythe case. Nevertheless, in allcultures, gr<strong>and</strong>parents continue to beinvolved <strong>and</strong> to influence, to a greater orlesser extent, the lives <strong>and</strong> developmentof the younger generations. Recentefforts to promote intergenerationallearning in western countries, for exampleby involving elders in school programs,is a sign of the recognition of thecontribution gr<strong>and</strong>parents can make tothe development of the youngest membersof society. In most parts of Africa,Asia, Latin America, <strong>and</strong> The Pacific,4 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


gr<strong>and</strong>parents continue to play a criticalrole in guiding <strong>and</strong> supervising the youngergenerations; parents <strong>and</strong> children alike. Invirtually all cases it is the gr<strong>and</strong>motherswho play a greater <strong>and</strong> more direct role ina child’s development than do gr<strong>and</strong>fathers,though this does not deny theinvolvement of gr<strong>and</strong>fathers in someaspects of a child’s overall development.It is important to note that in this review“gr<strong>and</strong>mother” is used as a “generic” termto refer not only to biological or paternalgr<strong>and</strong>mothers but to all of the older, experiencedwomen in a family who serve asadvisors to younger family members onmultiple aspects of child <strong>and</strong> family development.In addition to the veritablegr<strong>and</strong>mothers, this can include aunts <strong>and</strong>unmarried senior women who play a roleas family advisors. In patrilineal societies,the child’s gr<strong>and</strong>mother is the woman’smother-in-law.Clearly traditional family <strong>and</strong> communitystructures are in transition in virtually allsocieties. In this context, it is important toask ourselves, “Do child development programsserve to bolster traditional family<strong>and</strong> community structures, roles <strong>and</strong> values,including the role of experienced, seniorfamily members, for the benefit of children<strong>and</strong> their families?” Or, “Are childdevelopment programs merely acquiescingto the increasing rift between local, traditionalroles, values, <strong>and</strong> resources <strong>and</strong> globalizingforces of ‘modernity’ <strong>and</strong> ‘individualism’that is contributing to breaking downthe social cohesion of more traditionalcommunities systems around the world?”CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKThis review of literature, policy, <strong>and</strong> programsis framed by several key conceptsthat are often not given much attention inthe design of child development programs.These concepts include a systemsapproach; an assets-based approach; culturalstructures; roles <strong>and</strong> values as a foundationfor program design; respect for elders<strong>and</strong> their experience; <strong>and</strong> social capital.Each of the concepts is explained below,along with its relevance to the discussionof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ involvement in childdevelopment programs. As will be seen,each of these concepts has implications forhow child development strategies <strong>and</strong> programsare designed, both in terms of analyzingcommunity realities <strong>and</strong> in developinginterventions.• Systems ApproachIn many past child development programsthere has been a tendency toadopt a reductionist approach thatfocuses only on children, or on thechild-mother dyad. This approach simplifiesthe parameters dealt with bothin initial assessments <strong>and</strong> in programdesigns. However, such an approach isinadequate in so far as it provides alimited vision of the household systemof which children are a part. Thisrestricted focus on only certain membersof the household necessarily concealsthe roles of household actors inaddition to mothers, namely older siblings,men, <strong>and</strong> senior women, <strong>and</strong> theinfluence they have on each otherrelated to children’s well-being. In contrast,in a systems approach children’sneeds are analyzed <strong>and</strong> addressed in" Successful programsuse the existingstrengths of communities,families, <strong>and</strong>social structures….toprovide the best forchildren."UNICEFThe State of theWorld's Children:Early ChildhoodGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION5


“Culture tells peoplehow to view the world,how to experience itemotionally <strong>and</strong> howto behave in relationto other people, supernaturalforces <strong>and</strong> inrelation to their environment.It is the ‘lens’through which peopleperceive <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>the world inwhich they live.”J. Sengendo“Culture <strong>and</strong> Health”in F. MatrassoRecognizing Culture:ASeries of BriefingPapers on Culture <strong>and</strong>DevelopmentUNESCOrelation to the roles, attitudes <strong>and</strong>practices of all key family <strong>and</strong> communityactors. In this more holisticapproach, program strategies aim toreinforce the various actors within thefamily system, including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,who influence children’s well-being.• Assets-based ApproachWhile all families <strong>and</strong> communitieshave inadequacies <strong>and</strong> problems, theperception of those weaknesses byprograms <strong>and</strong> staff significantly determinetheir attitudes toward them <strong>and</strong>the type of interventions developed.Kretzmann <strong>and</strong> McKnight (1993) suggestthat often in social programs thefocus is put on the problems or“deficits” in a community, while inthose same communities there areundoubtedly certain resources, or“assets” on which to build.They referto the latter option as an “assetsbasedapproach.” Applied to childdevelopment programs, this latterapproach implies that programsshould, first, identify existing family<strong>and</strong> community resources that contributeto child development, <strong>and</strong>second, aim to strengthen them.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> constitute one of theexisting resources that can bestrengthened in such programs.• Cultural Structures, Roles, <strong>and</strong> Valuesas a Foundation for ProgramDevelopmentWhile lip service is often given to theimportance of cultural realities todevelopment programs, often thecultural dimension is absent fromdevelopment planners’ frameworks<strong>and</strong> program designs (Serageldin1994). In the past few years, itappears that this dimension of developmentplanning is being givensomewhat greater attention. FormerWorld Bank Vice President IsmailSerageldin argues that “A culturalframework is … a sine qua non tohave relevant, effective institutionsrooted in authenticity <strong>and</strong> traditionyet open to modernity <strong>and</strong> change”(Serageldin, 19).To some extent the cultural dimensionhas been taken into account indevelopment projects, yet too often“culture” is considered in a verysuperficial way <strong>and</strong> is equated with acultural practice (i.e. how initiationceremonies for young girls are organized)(Pelto 2003). In this regard,social psychologist Pepitone (1981)proposes a more inclusive definitionof “culture” composed of two interrelatedfacets. First, there are thesocial structures <strong>and</strong> organizations inwhich individuals exist in relation tothe family, kinship, roles, hierarchies,<strong>and</strong> communication nets. Second,there are the normative systems thatinclude the values <strong>and</strong> beliefs promotedwithin the family system thataffect behavior. In child developmentprograms, <strong>and</strong> development programsin general, the tendency hasbeen to ignore the first facet. Ifchild development programs aim tobuild on existing culturally-definedfamily <strong>and</strong> community roles, hierarchies,<strong>and</strong> communication nets, thisimplies that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>­6 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


mother networks should be involvedin efforts to improve the well-beingof children. In addition, building onexisting cultural systems is more likelyto contribute to the sustainability ofchild development strategies, includingbasic education initiatives.• Respect for Elders <strong>and</strong> Their Age <strong>and</strong>ExperienceIn contrast to western societies,where youth is glorified, in virtually allnon-western societies there is muchmore respect for elders, their age,<strong>and</strong> their experience. In Mali there isan often-heard proverb in bamana 5that refers to the wisdom of the elders:“Whatan elder can see sittingunder a tree, a younger person cannotsee even if he/she climbs up tothe top of the tree.”In virtually all non-western societies, from ayoung age children are taught that theyshould respect, listen to, <strong>and</strong> learn fromtheir elders. This traditional cultural valuestill holds considerable weight in mostnon-western societies but it is being jeopardizedby the encroachment of alternative,often foreign, values that aggr<strong>and</strong>izeyouth <strong>and</strong> accomplishment in the formalschooling system <strong>and</strong> give less credence tothe wisdom of the elders. For example, inMalian communities, many gr<strong>and</strong>parentssaid (Touré <strong>and</strong> Aubel, 2004) that mostdevelopment programs that have come totheir villages only involve “young people”<strong>and</strong> “those who have gone to school”thereby excluding most elders in the community.Such an approach contradicts traditionalvalues in which the elders areexpected to play an advisory role withyounger members of the society.• Social CapitalMany development programs aim tostrengthen “human capital” i.e., theskills <strong>and</strong> capacity of individual communitymembers. In contrast,“socialcapital” refers to the strength of therelationships between people. It hasbeen referred to as the “glue” thatkeeps a community together <strong>and</strong> thatis required for a collective <strong>and</strong> sustainedresponse to community needs.Social capital refers to the networkswithin a community that are basedon trust <strong>and</strong> mutual support thatcontribute to a sense of belonging,promote inclusion <strong>and</strong> involvementof different community factions, <strong>and</strong>are empowered to promote selfreliance.Increased social capital is anasset for promoting <strong>and</strong> sustainingchildren’s development within thecommunity.In the past, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers were not systematicallyinvolved in child developmentprograms at the community level. Each ofthe concepts discussed above supports theidea that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers constitute a valuablecommunity resource that needs to betaken into consideration in the design ofchild development programs. In this review,these several concepts will be referred toin the subsequent discussions of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles, child development policies,<strong>and</strong> programs.FACTORS LIMITING THEINCLUSION OF GRANDMOTHERSIN CHILD DEVELOPMENTPROGRAMS.The explanation for the relatively limited“This is a rule in oursociety, you must listento what your eldersadvise. Sincetime began peoplehave learned fromtheir elders.”Community Leader,Navoi, Uzbekistan“Social capital is acommunity’s humanwealth. It is a powerfulmotor for sustainabledevelopmentbecause it harnesseslocal capacity,indigenous knowledge,<strong>and</strong> selfreliance.”H. Gould“Culture <strong>and</strong> SocialCapital” in F.Matrasso, RecognizingCulture: A Series ofBriefing Papers onCulture <strong>and</strong>Development,UNESCO5 Bamana is the language spoken by the Bambara people of Mali.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION7


attention given to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles inthe development literature, <strong>and</strong> their limitedinclusion in community developmentprograms, appears to be related both to aseries of negative biases toward them <strong>and</strong>programming models that tend to excludethem. In this section, these constrainingfactors are explored, after which evidenceof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles in different societiesaround the world is presented.In all societies around the world, seniorwomen, or ‘gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,’ are present incommunities <strong>and</strong> neighborhoods, <strong>and</strong> theyare part of most extended families. Giventhis reality, it is surprising that there is verylittle discussion in the development literatureof their role <strong>and</strong> influence on the livesof children, families, <strong>and</strong> communities. Ofthe numerous documents that have beenwritten dealing with ECD, education, nutrition,health, <strong>and</strong> hygiene of young children,very few even mention the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.When they do, they are oftenreferred to in a negative light.There are a series of negative stereotypes,or biases, regarding the role of olderwomen, which tend to discredit theirexperience <strong>and</strong> limit their inclusion in childdevelopment programs.First, there is a widespread belief thatolder women do not really influence thechild development practices of youngerfamily members, including older siblings.This attitude can be attributed, in part, tothe curricula used in professional trainingschools in most developing countries onchild development, education, health, <strong>and</strong>nutrition. These curricula are based primarilyon imported, western programs. Suchtraining programs are, therefore, based onthe western, nuclear family in which youngparents are responsible for their own children<strong>and</strong> in which elders play a relativelylimited role. In numerous instances <strong>and</strong>countries, child health/development staffhas denied the significance of the role <strong>and</strong>contribution of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers until theywere presented with empirical evidencesupporting that substantive role.The second often-heard bias is that whileolder women may be influential in thefamily, their influence is generally “negative.”It is often said that their ideas <strong>and</strong> practicesare “old fashioned,” “out-of-date,”<strong>and</strong>/or “harmful.” This attitude is oftenexpressed by child health/developmentworkers in developing countries as well asby program managers in developmentorganizations. For example, health workersoften criticize older women for theiruse of “harmful traditional remedies” <strong>and</strong>consequently discredit gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ rolein child <strong>and</strong> family health matters. Similarlyearly childhood development practitionersoften criticize gr<strong>and</strong>mothers because theirchildcare practices do not reflect “modernapproaches.”A third bias, that exists particularly wherethere are high illiteracy levels amongstolder women, is that women who are illiterateare not intelligent <strong>and</strong>, therefore,they are unable to comprehend new ideas.This unfortunate bias equates schoollearning with superior intelligence <strong>and</strong>undervalues experiential life learning.Yet a fourth stereotype, which afflictsgr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fathers alike, is thewidespread belief that older people are8 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


incapable either of learning new things orchanging their ways due to their age. Theessence of the saying in English about olddogs not being able to learn new tricksexists in many cultures. For example, inLaos it is frequently said that “you cannotbend an old piece of bamboo.” Based onthe belief that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are by natureresistant to change, many developmentpractitioners assume that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare both unwilling <strong>and</strong> unable to assimilatenew child development knowledge <strong>and</strong>practices.The last factor is the restricted perceptionof older women as being “needy” <strong>and</strong>“dependent” that ignores the many gr<strong>and</strong>motherswho are active <strong>and</strong> resourcefulmembers of households <strong>and</strong> communities.In developing countries where mostwomen marry <strong>and</strong> have their first child bythe time they are twenty, most womenbecome gr<strong>and</strong>mothers at an early age <strong>and</strong>remain active in this role until they are atleast sixty or older. In this sense, the perceptionof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers as generallydecrepit <strong>and</strong> dependent is inaccurate.All of these stereotypes are reinforced byattitudes of ageism, which gerontologistsdefine as the “unwarranted application ofnegative stereotypes to older people”(Fennell et al l988, 97). Ageist attitudes areembedded in western, youth-focused cultures,<strong>and</strong> they appear to influence thethinking of many western-oriented developmentagencies, their policies <strong>and</strong> programs.The combination of these several stereotypesseem to explain the rather negativeattitude in development programs towardgr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles <strong>and</strong> experience <strong>and</strong>toward their potential to promote optimalchild development in households <strong>and</strong> communities.While these biases against gr<strong>and</strong>mothersappear to be quite widespread,they can be overcome. In several of thechild development programs (discussedlater) in which an explicit effort was madeto help development staff reexamine theirattitudes toward these senior women, verypositive changes have been observed intheir perceptions of <strong>and</strong> attitudes towardgr<strong>and</strong>mothers.A second factor that works against theinclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in child developmentprograms comes from the restrictivemodels, or frameworks, typically used bothto assess children’s developmental needs<strong>and</strong> to design program strategies. Asintroduced in the conceptual frameworkused for this review, in most cases,whether programs address ECD, nutrition,health, cognitive development, or otherissues, there is a tendency to assess children’sneeds only at the level of the childor the child-mother dyad. Most programsare not based on a holistic analysis of theinterface between children <strong>and</strong> householdactors, resources, values, <strong>and</strong> interactionrelated to a child’s development.The predominant concepts <strong>and</strong> modelsthat underpin most programs promotingECD, health, nutrition, <strong>and</strong> other developmentissues are rooted in North Americanconcepts from behavioral psychology. Thisis a field that focuses on individuals isolatedfrom their social environment. The moresystemic perspectives on the growth <strong>and</strong>development of children—from ecology,anthropology, community psychology, <strong>and</strong>GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION9


social work, including family systems theory—havetraditionally had much less influenceon the conceptual orientationsadopted in child development programs.For example, in the child health <strong>and</strong> nutritionfield, there is very limited discussion offamily systems theory (Hartman & Laird1983), which provides tools for <strong>and</strong>insights into intra-household interaction,influence, <strong>and</strong> decision-making.The resultof this predominant orientation is thatmost child development programs adopt anarrow focus on children, their mothers,<strong>and</strong> occasionally their parents, while ignoringother significant family members, suchas gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.In conclusion, it appears that the combinationof several negative stereotypes aboutgr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> the narrow conceptualmodels used in child development programshave contributed to obscuring therole played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, discreditingtheir involvement in children’s developmentat the household <strong>and</strong> communitylevel, <strong>and</strong>, finally, excluding them from childdevelopment programs.Alternatively, as proposed above, if oneadopts a systems approach to the designof child development programs, strategiesshould aim to strengthen the knowledge<strong>and</strong> practices of all key family memberswho are involved, either directly or indirectly,in promoting child health, growth,<strong>and</strong> development.GRANDMOTHERS’ ROLES INDIFFERENT CULTURESIn this section, the roles of senior womenor gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in families <strong>and</strong> communitiesin diverse cultural settings around theworld is reviewed. This includes discussionof the available literature from Africa, Asia,Latin America <strong>and</strong> The Pacific, as well asfrom Native American nations <strong>and</strong>Aboriginal Australia. Many other annotatedreferences from each region of theworld are found in Appendix B.The lastsection in this chapter presents a summaryof what appear to be generic roles ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers that exist across cultures.AFRICAIn a discussion of child-rearing roles <strong>and</strong>practices in African societies, Apanpa(2002) discusses the constant interactionof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, aunts, <strong>and</strong> other family<strong>and</strong> community members with African childrenfrom their first days of life. All of thisstimulation contributes to children’s socialization<strong>and</strong> development. Apanpa reportsthat studies conducted in Ug<strong>and</strong>a, Senegal,Botswana,Tanzania, Nigeria, Zambia, <strong>and</strong>South Africa have all shown that Africaninfants’ psychomotor development is precociousas compared with that ofEuropean children. Researchers associatethis with the intense h<strong>and</strong>ling by familymembers, especially by senior women,who interact constantly with infants.In most African societies, in all mattersrelated to the well-being of women <strong>and</strong>their children, there is a clear hierarchy ofauthority in the household of seniorwomen over younger women. For example,Castle (1994) discusses the “hierarchicaltransmission of knowledge” from mother-in-lawto daughter-in-law in the householdcare of sick children in Fulani <strong>and</strong>Humbebe households in Mali. She alsorefers to the “authority <strong>and</strong> superior status10 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


of senior female household members”over younger females in the household(1994, 330). These same patterns arefound in numerous ethnic groups acrossAfrica.ASIAIn Chinese culture, a traditional <strong>and</strong> centralfunction of older women is to care forchildren in the family. Studying Chinesefamily systems in both Singapore <strong>and</strong>Taiwan, Jernigan <strong>and</strong> Jernigan (1992) foundthat this task not only provides an essentialservice to families but it also contributesto older women’s sense of validation <strong>and</strong>purpose in life. According to Dr. Pang(l998), a former Vice-Minister of Health incontemporary mainl<strong>and</strong> China, gr<strong>and</strong>motherscontinue to play an important advisoryrole with their daughters <strong>and</strong> daughters-inlaw.She notes that the advisory roleplayed by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers can be explained,first, by the important Chinese culturalvalue of respect for elders, <strong>and</strong> second, bythe fact that with the “one child policy”most women giving birth are first-timemothers <strong>and</strong> need advice from moreexperienced women on various childcarematters.In line with Dr. Pang’s analysis, recentresearch in Eastern China has revealed theextensive role of paternal gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.In most cases this role involves childcarewhile their daughter-in-laws are workingoutside the home (Yajun et al 1999).<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> play a leading role in variousaspects of child development, includingnutrition, hygiene, <strong>and</strong> toilet training, as wellas informal teaching related to Chinese values<strong>and</strong> traditions. When children are sick,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers also play a role in advising<strong>and</strong> treating, often using traditional remedies.In Thail<strong>and</strong>, Professor Sakorn, of theInstitute of Nutrition at Mahidol Universityin Bangkok, a prominent nutritionist inSoutheast Asia, points out the very importantrole played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in contemporaryThai society (Sakorn 2003).She states that an important value in Thaiculture is respect for age <strong>and</strong> experience.In this context gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are lookedto for their advice <strong>and</strong> guidance in all mattersrelated to children’s health <strong>and</strong> wellbeing.With many women working eitheroutside the home or in another part ofthe country, the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers inchildcare is significant.Available evidence suggests that in CentralAsia, paternal gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play a veryinfluential role in all children’s developmentalmatters <strong>and</strong> have strong influence ontheir daughter-in-laws. In a rapid assessmentconducted recently in southernUzbekistan (Aubel et al 2003) it was concludedthat Uzbek families view the gr<strong>and</strong>mothersas knowledgeable <strong>and</strong> important“general managers” of day-to-day familylife. In matters related to the well-being ofchildren <strong>and</strong> women, both husb<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong>women alike consider them to be thehousehold authorities <strong>and</strong> seek theiradvice. From the time that a child is born,the daughter-in-law is expected to followthe advice of her mother-in-law regardingthe care <strong>and</strong> education of the child.Furthermore, husb<strong>and</strong>s expect their mothersto play this role <strong>and</strong> they expect theirwives to follow the advice provided tothem. In the same region, anecdotal infor­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION11


mation from Azerbaijan (McNulty 2003;Capps 2004) <strong>and</strong> Kyrgyzstan (Dolotova2003) provides evidence of the stronginfluence of mother-in-laws on the socialization<strong>and</strong> management of children <strong>and</strong>younger women at the household level.In southeast Europe, evidence fromAlbania (HDC 2002; Waltensperger 2004)reveals that the mother-in-law’s centralrole in infant care <strong>and</strong> child rearing is culturally-dictated<strong>and</strong> supported by otherfamily members. The influence of seniorwomen in the family extends to fertilitydecisions, care-seeking during pregnancy,newborn care, <strong>and</strong> socialization of youngchildren in the family <strong>and</strong> community. Inhouseholds where mothers-in-law arepresent, they provide advice <strong>and</strong> oversightto their son’s wives <strong>and</strong> guidance to theirsons on all matters related to the wellbeingof children <strong>and</strong> women.LATIN AMERICAEvidence from several countries in LatinAmerica also shows that in various culturalcontexts older women play an advisoryrole on child development issues at thehousehold level. In Saguaro Indian communitiesin Ecuador, Finerman documentedthe leading role played by senior femalefamily members in health promotion <strong>and</strong>illness management (1989a & 1989b).Similarly, describing household dynamicsaround illness episodes in the Ecuadorianhighl<strong>and</strong>s, McKee (1987) refers to gr<strong>and</strong>mothersas the ”primary medical specialists”within the family, suggesting the essentialrole they play in child <strong>and</strong> family healthmatters. While there is considerable culturaldiversity between the multiple ethnicgroups across Central <strong>and</strong> South America,anecdotal evidence from key informantssuggests that the core roles played bygr<strong>and</strong>mothers in socialization <strong>and</strong> childrearingare similar in Bolivia (Fern<strong>and</strong>ez2000), El Salvador (Velado 2003),Nicaragua (Alvarez 2003) <strong>and</strong> Ecuador(Escobar 2003).NORTH AMERICASchweitzer <strong>and</strong> colleagues (1999) discussthe central role played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers inchild development in seven contemporaryNative American cultures.Their analysisreveals two critical dimensions of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’role in child development. First,they are “almost universally engaged inchildcare <strong>and</strong> childrearing” (Schweitzer 8)<strong>and</strong> second, they play a central role in theenculturation process of young NativeAmericans based on their knowledge ofIndian traditions <strong>and</strong> values. They concludethat this second dimension is of invaluableimportance to these minority cultures inNorth America.While it might be assumed that the role ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers is diminishing in NativeAmerican cultures, Schweitzer’s conclusionrefutes this assumption, “The importanceof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in earlier times is echoedin gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ lives today….the continuingimportance of the gr<strong>and</strong>motheringrole” (18). Another significant, <strong>and</strong> perhapssurprising, observation of theseresearchers is that while Native Americangr<strong>and</strong>mothers are committed to preservingtradition, they are simultaneously interestedin adapting to change.Native American educationalist, Sam Suina(2000), discusses the vital teaching role ofNative American gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in convey­12 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


ing to children their connectedness withtheir elders, their ancestors, <strong>and</strong> the earth.He discusses the problems of disconnectedness(with traditional values <strong>and</strong> ceremonies)<strong>and</strong> dysfunction in contemporaryNative American families <strong>and</strong> schools <strong>and</strong>the role of wise gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in promotinginterrelatedness <strong>and</strong> continuity inNative beliefs, values, <strong>and</strong> practices. It islargely through storytelling that gr<strong>and</strong>mothershelp children connect with Nativepeople’s language, values, <strong>and</strong> cultural traditions.In various Native American culturesthe vital teaching role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers isdepicted in a visual image, reproducedeither on paper or in clay, of a large gr<strong>and</strong>motherwith numerous small children ontop of <strong>and</strong> around her. This image profoundlyreflects the dual teaching <strong>and</strong> nurturingrole of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in NativeAmerican cultures.Similarly, in Sioux culture gr<strong>and</strong>parents playa vital role “as cultural links to the traditionsof the past <strong>and</strong> as isl<strong>and</strong>s of certaintyin ever-changing society.” Native Americaneducationalist Kincheloe (Kincheloe &Kincheloe 1983) describes the importantrole of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in child developmentfrom the time of birth, as child-care supportfor busy mothers <strong>and</strong> as educatorson all aspects of life. The authors lamentthe fact that formal schools do not incorporatethe knowledge <strong>and</strong> wisdom of theelder, traditional Sioux educators. “Theschools must not contribute to Americansociety’s tendency to push olderAmericans into the background” (136).She asserts that most formal teachersignore the fact that gr<strong>and</strong>parents constitutea valuable resource <strong>and</strong> ensure the“cultural link” in the development of Siouxchildren. She poignantly argues, “Societyitself fails when it isolates the young <strong>and</strong>the old from one another” (135).AUSTRALIA AND THE PACIFICIn all Aboriginal societies in Australia,respect for the family, tradition, <strong>and</strong> theelders are important precepts. Within thisframework, senior Aboriginal women areexpected to serve as advisors <strong>and</strong> guidesfor young women <strong>and</strong> families (Wilson1999; Koori Elders et al. 1999). As regardsthe health <strong>and</strong> well-being of women <strong>and</strong>children, senior women are expected toshare their expertise <strong>and</strong> pass on to themtraditional ways of promoting health <strong>and</strong>healing.In The Pacific there has been virtually nopublished research on the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin children’s development, accordingto well-known public health doctors,Biuwaimai (1997) <strong>and</strong> Kataouanga (1998),public health nutritionist, Susan Parkinson(2003), <strong>and</strong> community development practitioner,Wanga (2002). On the otherh<strong>and</strong>, all four of these key informants stateunequivocally that in all Pacific isl<strong>and</strong> cultures,older women have played in thepast, <strong>and</strong> continue to play, a significant roleat the household level in all matters relatedto child health <strong>and</strong> development.Parkinson states that in both rural, <strong>and</strong> socalled“urban contexts,” senior women playan important role in childcare, <strong>and</strong> particularlywith infants (2003). She states that inboth major ethnic groups in Fiji, theIndigenous Fijians, <strong>and</strong> Indo-Fijians, bothgrannies <strong>and</strong> aunties in the family areimportant household advisors <strong>and</strong> teach­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION13


“The status of eldersin traditional societiesreflects the fundamentalrole theyplay in the functioning<strong>and</strong> survival ofthose societies.”FugelsangAbout Underst<strong>and</strong>ing:Ideas <strong>and</strong>Observations onCross-CulturalUnderst<strong>and</strong>ingers. She laments the fact that these seniorwomen have generally been excludedfrom health, nutrition, <strong>and</strong> childrearing programsoften on the pretense that they areilliterate.The literature reviewed above shows thatin numerous non-western cultures inAfrica, Asia, Latin America <strong>and</strong> The Pacific,as well as in indigenous cultures in NorthAmerica <strong>and</strong> Australia, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers playa significant role in children’s health <strong>and</strong>development. Based on this review, thefollowing section is a discussion of a seriesof core roles of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers that wouldappear to be universal.CORE ROLES OFGRANDMOTHERS ACROSSCULTURESBased on a synthesis of the literaturereviewed above, as well as that included inAppendix B., on gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles inchild development in different non-westernsocieties, several conclusions emergerelated to a series of core roles <strong>and</strong>expectations of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers that appearto be common across these cultures.While the focus of our discussion is on therole of “gr<strong>and</strong>mothers” given their genderrelatedspecialization in child developmentissues, in some cases the core roles <strong>and</strong>expectations refer more broadly to therole of “gr<strong>and</strong>parents.” The core roles <strong>and</strong>expectations identified across cultures areas follows:• All cultures recognize the critical roleof gr<strong>and</strong>parents as guides <strong>and</strong> advisorsto younger generations.Family members expect gr<strong>and</strong>parentsto play a role in teaching, guiding, <strong>and</strong>advising the younger generations.Resonating Margaret Mead’s words,gr<strong>and</strong>parents are expected to passonto the next generation the“model” for how things should bedone whether it is in Nepal,Colombia, or Nigeria. Furthermore,in virtually all of the non-western culturesrepresented in the reviewed literature,age <strong>and</strong> experience are valued<strong>and</strong> family members are expectedto show respect for the status<strong>and</strong> advice of gr<strong>and</strong>parents.• In all cultures gr<strong>and</strong>parents play gender-specificroles related to childdevelopment.In all societies, different roles are designatedto gr<strong>and</strong>fathers <strong>and</strong> to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,just as gender-specific rolesare assigned to younger men <strong>and</strong>women. Senior women have primaryresponsibility for socializing youngerfemales to their role in the family <strong>and</strong>society, while senior men have analogousresponsibility for providing informaltraining to male family membersonce they pass childhood, often fromthe age of seven or eight. While inall cases gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are moreinvolved in the care of children <strong>and</strong>women in the family than are gr<strong>and</strong>fathers,given their lifetime experience,the degree of involvement ofgr<strong>and</strong>fathers in childcare varies considerablyfrom one society to another.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are responsible fortransmitting cultural valuesWhile gr<strong>and</strong>fathers too, are involvedin this important task, in most soci­14 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


eties gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play the leadingrole in transmitting to young childrencultural values <strong>and</strong> practices. Animportant activity related to this roleis story-telling, through which gr<strong>and</strong>motherspass on to their gr<strong>and</strong>childrenthe cultural values <strong>and</strong> traditionsthat are specific <strong>and</strong> special to eachsociety. Their role as “culture-transmitters”is critical to maintaining bothindividual <strong>and</strong> collective cultural identifyin an increasingly culturally-homogenousworld.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ child-rearing expertiseis acquired over a lifetime.When young girls are growing up,they are taught by older female familymembers how to carry out certainchild-care tasks based on the normativesocio-cultural practices. Thisteaching is done by the older femalesin the household, including theirmothers, aunties <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.For example, in most cultures whenyoung women give birth, they areunder the authority <strong>and</strong> guidance ofsenior women in the family on howto care for their infants.With theirfirst child, young mothers are verydependent on these senior advisors.As their knowledge increases theybecome less dependent, though stillunder the supervision of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> aunties in the family. By thetime women become gr<strong>and</strong>mothersthemselves, they have considerableexperience related to all aspects ofchild bearing <strong>and</strong> raising. Withincreased age comes more knowledge<strong>and</strong> experience <strong>and</strong>, at thesame time, more confidence in theirown expertise.• In all cultures gr<strong>and</strong>mothers areinvolved in multiple aspects of thelives of children <strong>and</strong> families at thehousehold level.The available literature from Africa,Asia, Latin America, <strong>and</strong> The Pacificprovides examples of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’involvement in multiple facets of child<strong>and</strong> family growth <strong>and</strong> development.They are interested in promoting thecomprehensive well-being of theirgr<strong>and</strong>children. As such, their roleincludes psychological, cognitive <strong>and</strong>psycho-motor stimulation of youngchildren, teaching related to hygiene,moral <strong>and</strong> cultural development, <strong>and</strong>promotion of good health <strong>and</strong> nutrition.• The roles of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers appear tobe universal whereas much of theirknowledge <strong>and</strong> practices are culturallyspecific.There is often a tendency to noticethe differences in the child development-relatedpractices of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersfrom different socio-cultural contexts<strong>and</strong> to overlook the fundamentalcommonalities between them.While gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ culturally-relatedtraits differ greatly from one societyto another, there appears to beconsiderable similarity in their coreroles across cultures.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are both directly <strong>and</strong>indirectly involved in promoting thewell-being of children.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are directly involvedGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION15


“As women, thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers havelived through manythings.That is why wecompletely depend onthem to care for ourwives <strong>and</strong> children.”Young married manMali“Programs shouldhelp traditional <strong>and</strong>existing caregivers toincrease their knowledge<strong>and</strong> adapt theirmethods.”Bernard van LeerFoundationin promoting the well-being of childrenin the family through their interaction<strong>and</strong> caring for gr<strong>and</strong>children.They are indirectly involved throughtheir advice to other family memberson issues of child well-being. Theirdirect involvement with their gr<strong>and</strong>childrenconsists of two facets: first,the socialization, acculturation, <strong>and</strong>teaching of gr<strong>and</strong>children, <strong>and</strong> second,the provision of emotional, spiritual,<strong>and</strong> physical care <strong>and</strong> support tothem. Their interaction with otherfamily members includes both teaching<strong>and</strong> supervising younger women<strong>and</strong> girls, <strong>and</strong> advising fathers <strong>and</strong>other male family members on issuesrelated to women’s <strong>and</strong> children’swell-being.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> influence the attitudes<strong>and</strong> decisions made by male familymembers regarding children’s wellbeing.In most cases, men have limitedexpertise on issues of children’s <strong>and</strong>women’s development <strong>and</strong> well-being.Usually when men need to make adecision related to the well-being ofchildren or their mothers, they seekthe advice of senior women in thefamily. This pattern is particularlystrong in patrilineal households. Inmatrilineal situations, where sons livewith their wives in close proximity totheir wife’s parents, the advisory roleof senior women vis-à-vis men stillusually exists. In both cases husb<strong>and</strong>s<strong>and</strong> male heads of extended familiesgenerally look to experienced, seniorwomen for advice on these matters.• Some of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ practices arebeneficial for child developmentwhereas others are not..There are many specific examples(See Appendix B) of beneficial traditionalpractices related to children’sdevelopment that are promoted bygr<strong>and</strong>mothers, such as exclusivebreastfeeding <strong>and</strong> extensive affective<strong>and</strong> psychomotor stimulation ofinfants. There are also examples,however, of harmful traditional practicespromoted by senior women,including the use of certain traditionalremedies, female genital mutilation<strong>and</strong> sexual initiation rites thatincrease the risk of HIV transmission.In some of the literature reviewed,the tendency is to criticize seniorwomen <strong>and</strong> exclude them from childdevelopment programs because ofcertain harmful practices. A differentperspective says that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersshould be included in programs inorder to validate their positive practices<strong>and</strong> to encourage them tochange the detrimental ones.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> have a very strongcommitment to promoting the growth<strong>and</strong> development of their gr<strong>and</strong>children.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> <strong>and</strong> family membersalike emphasize the love that gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave for their gr<strong>and</strong>children<strong>and</strong> their strong commitment to promotingtheir well-being. In all culturesthere are sayings referring to the specialrelationship that exists betweengr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>childrenbased on the value of gr<strong>and</strong>children16 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.The universality ofthis sentiment on the part of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersis expressed in a saying foundin Uzbekistan, Albania, Senegal <strong>and</strong>Mali,“For the gr<strong>and</strong>mother her ownchild is like milk whereas her gr<strong>and</strong>childrenare like cream.” In many culturesgr<strong>and</strong>mothers express the sentimentthat their greatest satisfaction inlife is caring for their gr<strong>and</strong>children<strong>and</strong> seeing them develop.• Compared with younger women,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers generally have moretime to spend <strong>and</strong> more patiencewith young children.Most younger women in poor householdshave multiple tasks to carry outrelated to domestic, childcare, <strong>and</strong>extra-household activities to ensurethe survival of their families.Expectations of them are great <strong>and</strong>the time <strong>and</strong> resources available tothem for carrying out all of theseresponsibilities are usually limited.Due to the status of older women inthe family <strong>and</strong> their delegation ofmany domestic tasks to youngerwomen, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers generally havefewer responsibilities, more timeavailable, <strong>and</strong> more patience wheninteracting with children. Youngerwomen often report that gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave more patience thanthey do to interact with <strong>and</strong> care foryoung children. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> oftentake responsibility for time-consumingtasks such as feeding young children,caring for them when they are sick,telling them stories, teaching themabout traditional values, or sometimeslistening to them read.• Most gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are interested inincreasing their knowledge of “modern”ideas about child development.Contrary to the stereotypes aboutolder people’s resistance to newideas, there is considerable evidencethat gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are, in fact, veryinterested in learning new thingsabout children’s development. Oftenthey admit that their knowledge is“old-fashioned” <strong>and</strong> express theirinterest in learning about “modern”ideas in order to improve their ownpractice. Their ability to acquire newknowledge is, however, very muchdetermined by the approach usedwith them. In some cases gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave clearly stated that theteaching approach used with themmust be based on respect, dialogue,<strong>and</strong> negotiation.• <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ knowledge comesprimarily from their mothers <strong>and</strong>their peers.Much of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ knowledgeon children’s development comesfrom what they learned from theirmothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. In addition,their thinking is influenced byideas they glean from their peers,namely other senior women in theirsocial networks. Such networksappear to be a universal phenomenon,usually composed of women ofmore or less the same age who areprimarily either family members orneighbors. These networks allow forsharing <strong>and</strong> learning based on new<strong>and</strong> old information alike. Withinsuch networks, there is a hierarchy ofexperience <strong>and</strong> the less experienced“Gr<strong>and</strong>parents offerlove <strong>and</strong> quietness totheir gr<strong>and</strong>children.”Report onECD in AlbaniaHuman DevelopmentCenterGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION17


members often consult the moreexperienced ones when faced withdifficult problems related to familyhealth <strong>and</strong> well-being.• Many gr<strong>and</strong>mothers have a collectivesense of responsibility for children<strong>and</strong> women in the community.In western societies, gr<strong>and</strong>mothersfeel responsible for their own gr<strong>and</strong>children,daughters, <strong>and</strong> daughters-inlaw.In contrast, in non-western societiesmany gr<strong>and</strong>mothers express<strong>and</strong> demonstrate their concern forother women <strong>and</strong> children in thecommunity, specifically those in theirown extended family <strong>and</strong> neighborhood.For example, if a child is upsetor is quarreling with other children, agr<strong>and</strong>mother from another family willintervene to help. If a pregnantwoman does not have a seniorwoman living with her, an experiencedneighbor will often give heradvice during her pregnancy <strong>and</strong>after delivery. The traditional ideathat “it takes a village to raise a child”is still applied in many places, particularlyin more rural areas. In manyurban settings, however, the conceptof collective responsibility for children’supbringing is increasingly beinglost.• Some gr<strong>and</strong>mothers feel that theirstatus as advisors in child <strong>and</strong> familydevelopment is diminishing.In many settings some gr<strong>and</strong>mothersexpress the feeling that with thearrival of “modern ideas” in theirhouseholds <strong>and</strong> communities, respectfor their experience is diminishing<strong>and</strong> they are gradually being marginalized.Some lament the fact thatthey are progressively being excludedfrom playing the central role in child<strong>and</strong> family development that theytraditionally assumed. Often theyidentify formal schooling as a factorthat pulls children away from elders<strong>and</strong> their traditions insofar as schoolcurriculums usually fail to link traditional<strong>and</strong> “modern” values. Manygr<strong>and</strong>mothers are critical of youthcentereddevelopment strategies thatexclude them <strong>and</strong> contribute todiminishing their status as advisors onchild <strong>and</strong> family matters.The overarching conclusions that emergefrom this literature review are that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare present in all cultures <strong>and</strong>communities, that they have considerableexperience related to all aspects of childdevelopment, <strong>and</strong> that they are stronglycommitted to promoting the well-being ofchildren, their mothers, <strong>and</strong> families. Forthese several reasons, they constitute avaluable resource for child developmentprograms. Families around the worldacknowledge that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play aninfluential role in the socialization, acculturation,<strong>and</strong> care of children as they grow<strong>and</strong> develop. While there are examples ofharmful practices promoted by gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin various cultures, the wide-rangingrole they play <strong>and</strong> the respect theyenjoy in virtually all societies suggest thatthey should be key actors <strong>and</strong> partners inall child development programs. It is onlythrough their active involvement thatgr<strong>and</strong>mothers can learn about “modern”child development practices, build on their18 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


traditional wisdom, <strong>and</strong> increase their contributionto child development at the family<strong>and</strong> community levels.DEVELOPMENT POLICIESSUPPORT GRANDMOTHERS’INCLUSIONThe policies of international developmentorganizations involved in promoting childhealth <strong>and</strong> development have a determininginfluence on the approaches adoptedin child development programs around theworld. Major international organizationsinvolved in this field include UNICEF,UNESCO, the Consultative Group onEarly Childhood Care <strong>and</strong> Development,<strong>and</strong> the Bernard Van Leer Foundation. Inthe child development programs supportedby these various organizations gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave not played a priority role inthe past. One of the important steps inthis review was, therefore, to examine policyguidelines defined by these internationalbodies in order to determine whethertheir policy priorities support either theexclusion or inclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers inchild development programs.Core concepts related to the role ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in families <strong>and</strong> communities<strong>and</strong> to their potential involvement in childdevelopment programs were identified inthe policy statements of these key organizations.These core concepts <strong>and</strong> theirassociated policy statements are listedbelow:• Strengthening family systems.“The family is <strong>and</strong> should remain theprimary institution for supporting thegrowth <strong>and</strong> development of children”(Consultative Group on ECCD 1993,34).“Help traditional <strong>and</strong> existing caregiversto increase their knowledge<strong>and</strong> adapt their methods” (Bernardvan Leer Foundation 1993, 18).• Building on cultural roles <strong>and</strong> values.“Successful programs are developedwith <strong>and</strong> for communities, respectingcultural values” (UNICEF 2001, 17).• Integration of traditional <strong>and</strong> modernchildcare practices.“The need to blend the ‘traditional’<strong>and</strong> the ‘modern’” (Bernard van LeerFoundation 1993, 3).• Building on community resources <strong>and</strong>strengths.“Successful programs use the existingstrengths of communities, families,<strong>and</strong> social structures …to providethe best for children” (UNICEF 2001,17).• Strengthening community supportmechanisms for children <strong>and</strong> theirfamilies.“Rekindling a sense of community<strong>and</strong> reinvigorating informal systems ofsupport should figure prominently inthe design of social policies <strong>and</strong> programmes”(Consultative Group onEarly Childhood Care <strong>and</strong>Development [ECCD], UNICEF1993, 35).• Building social capital for sustainabledevelopment.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION19


“Social capital is a community’shuman wealth – the sum total of itsskills, knowledge, <strong>and</strong> partnerships. Itis a powerful motor for sustainabledevelopment because it harnesseslocal capacity, indigenous knowledge<strong>and</strong> self-reliance” (UNESCO 2001, 69in Gould).An initial examination of these policy statementsdoes not reveal explicit reference tothe role <strong>and</strong> involvement of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.Rather surprisingly, none of the policystatements of these leading child developmentorganizations directly refers to therole or involvement of either “gr<strong>and</strong>mothers”or “gr<strong>and</strong>parents” in child developmentactions. However, a closer analysis ofthese policy priorities reveals that they doprovide support for the inclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin child development programming.Table1 below suggests how each ofthe policy statements (left column) do infact support the integration, or inclusion, ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in child development programs(right column).This analysis leads to the conclusion thatthere is a significant discrepancy betweenthe policy statements of key internationalorganizations that support the inclusion ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in child development programs<strong>and</strong> the virtual absence of thesesenior women in child development programming.Each of the statements in theright column clearly suggests how gr<strong>and</strong>motherscan be incorporated into communitylevel program activities. Examplesof how various programs <strong>and</strong> projectshave involved them are presented in thefollowing two chaptersTABLE 1: <strong>Policy</strong> Support for the Inclusion of <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> in Child Development ProgramsChild Development <strong>Policy</strong>PrioritiesImplications for the Inclusion of <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> inChild Development Programs1. Strengthening family systems <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> should be full partners in all efforts tostrengthen family systems.2. Building on cultural roles <strong>and</strong> <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ roles <strong>and</strong> experience in children’svalues.development should be reflected in materials <strong>and</strong>activities.3. Integration of traditional <strong>and</strong> <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ practices should be inventoried, themodern childcare practices. beneficial ones encouraged, <strong>and</strong> the harmful onesslowly discouraged.4. Building on community resources <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> should be viewed as a positive force<strong>and</strong> strengths.for children’s development, while at the same timethey are provided with opportunities to strengthentheir practices.5. Strengthening community support Programs should strengthen natural gr<strong>and</strong>mothermechanisms for children <strong>and</strong> their leaders <strong>and</strong> networks as well as their sense offamilies.collective responsibility for children in the community.6. Building social capital for Links between gr<strong>and</strong>mother networks <strong>and</strong> othersustainable development.community structures should be reinforced.20 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


III. HOW HAVE CHILD DEVELOPMENTPROGRAMS INVOLVED GRANDMOTHERS?“With age comes experience <strong>and</strong> wisdom. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are themain resource persons for all matters related to thewell-being of women <strong>and</strong> children.”Community Leader,MaliThis chapter aims to answer thequestion,“To what extent do programsthat promote children’sdevelopment view gr<strong>and</strong>mothers as aresource, involve them in community programs,<strong>and</strong> capitalize on their experience<strong>and</strong> commitment?” Here, programs thathave explicitly involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,referred to as gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusive programs,are reviewed.PROGRAMS INVOLVINGGRANDMOTHERSAn extensive search was carried out, basedon the published literature, on informationabout the programs of numerous developmentagencies involved in children’s development,on the gray literature to whichthe author had access, as well as on informationfrom multiple key informants. Theresults of this review support the conclusionthat at a global level, in the areas ofECD, basic education, maternal <strong>and</strong> childhealth <strong>and</strong> nutrition, <strong>and</strong> HIV/AIDS thereare very few programs that have explicitlyinvolved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. Alternatively, involvinggr<strong>and</strong>mothers in development strategiesproduces benefits for all generations.This assertion is illustrated in the briefdescriptions of gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusive projects(below), <strong>and</strong> in the more detaileddescription in Chapter IV of work in Malisupported by Helen Keller International(HKI).The projects identified are presented hereby topical area: early childhood development<strong>and</strong> primary education, newbornhealth, child nutrition, HIV/AIDS, <strong>and</strong>maternal <strong>and</strong> child health. For each ofthese projects/activities a brief descriptionis provided that includes, whenever possible,information on how gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave actually been involved in the childdevelopment activities, whether the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’role is reflected in educational,communication, <strong>and</strong> training materials, <strong>and</strong>the results of their involvement for children,other family <strong>and</strong> community members,<strong>and</strong> for themselves. Given that thedocumentation on the identified experiencesis often limited, it was usually notpossible to collect information on all ofthese parameters.EARLY CHILDHOODDEVELOPMENT ANDPRIMARY EDUCATIONBOLIVIAA nutrition education booklet based ongr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ advice.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION21


­In a collaborative effort between the ministriesof health <strong>and</strong> education, a bookletwas produced for use in the schools entitled,“OurFood: Advice FromGr<strong>and</strong>mother Manuela” (NuestrosAlimentos: Los Consejos de la AbuelaManuela CEMSE 1997). It contains drawings <strong>and</strong> advice from gr<strong>and</strong>motherManuela sitting with <strong>and</strong> teaching hergr<strong>and</strong>children about good nutrition <strong>and</strong>food hygiene practices based on both traditional<strong>and</strong> modern concepts. The bookletdepicts the gr<strong>and</strong>mother as a respected<strong>and</strong> knowledgeable member of the family<strong>and</strong> community.This contributes tostrengthening both children’s respect forgr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> the inter-generationalcommunication between them.BANGLADESH<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ stories for intergenerationaleducation.Save the Children in Bangladesh recentlyconducted a workshop in which gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’traditional stories were told, writtendown, <strong>and</strong> compiled in a booklet to beused in educational activities to promoteintergenerational communication <strong>and</strong>learning. The stories will be used with differentages of children in story-telling <strong>and</strong>reading activities.MALI AND NIGER<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> involved in playgroups foryoung children using traditional learningactivities.In UNESCO-supported programs in thesetwo countries, both gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong>younger women are being trained <strong>and</strong>supported to set up “clos d’enfants,” orplaygroups, with small groups of youngchildren at the community level (Combes2004). The aim is to provide holistic stimulation<strong>and</strong> care to young children using traditionalstories, toys, games, songs, <strong>and</strong>dances while strengthening the capacity ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> younger women tomanage these ECD activities.NEWBORN HEALTHMALIGr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusive nonformal healtheducation strategy.In a nonformal education strategy, usingopen-ended stories, songs, <strong>and</strong> group discussionrelated to pregnancy <strong>and</strong> newbornhealth, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are involved as keyactors. The Ministry of Health (MOH) <strong>and</strong>HKI developed this strategy based onresults of formative research documentingthe central role played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers inthese matters at the household level. Thestrategy works with networks of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin order to strengthen theircapacity to analyze needs <strong>and</strong> problemsrelated to pregnant women <strong>and</strong> newborns<strong>and</strong> to collectively decide what actionshould be taken. The songs <strong>and</strong> storiesacknowledge the role of the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> encourage them to combine newpractices with their traditional ones. 6 (SeeChapter IV for a detailed description).NORTHERN TERRITORIES,AUSTRALIA<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> promoting health of pregnantwomen <strong>and</strong> newborns.In central Australia, Aboriginal gr<strong>and</strong>motherleaders have been full partners in developing,implementing, <strong>and</strong> evaluating theStrong Women, Strong Babies, StrongCulture project supported by the districthealth service (Fejo 1996).The project6 Further discussion on nonformal education methods, strategies, <strong>and</strong> approaches is included in the Mali Case Study in Chapter IV.22 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


uilds on gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ role in promotingall aspects of family well-being, <strong>and</strong> aims tointegrate modern approaches with traditional<strong>and</strong> cultural ways for ensuring thatpregnant women <strong>and</strong> their babies will behealthy in body <strong>and</strong> in spirit. The involvementof the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers helps ensurethat the spiritual dimensions of Aboriginalwomen’s <strong>and</strong> children’s development arepart of all health promotion strategies.MATERNAL AND CHILD HEALTHAND NUTRITIONCAMBODIA‘Wat’ grannies promote priority child <strong>and</strong>women’s health practices.Building on the traditional involvement ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers as volunteers at Buddhisttemples in Cambodia, the Reproductive<strong>and</strong> Child Health Alliance(RACHA)/USAID project on reproductive<strong>and</strong> child health worked with temple, or‘Wat’, grannies as health promoters(Kannitha et al 2001). The gr<strong>and</strong>mothersparticipated in training activities on priorityhealth topics (breastfeeding, diarrhea, <strong>and</strong>birth spacing), <strong>and</strong> they in turn shared theirnew advice informally through discussionswith younger women <strong>and</strong> other familymembers. The evaluation showed greatincreases in the knowledge of youngerwomen in project areas between the baseline<strong>and</strong> ending data collection.GHANA<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ role in infant nutrition ispromoted in materials <strong>and</strong> communitystrategy.Given gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ influence on mothers’infant feeding practices, in Northern Ghanathe Ministry of Health <strong>and</strong> LINKAGES (aUSAID breastfeeding project) developededucational <strong>and</strong> media materials thatacknowledge gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ role in infantnutrition <strong>and</strong> encourage them to adoptimproved practices related to breastfeeding(Schubert 2004). <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> weretrained as “negotiators” to promoteimproved feeding practices at the householdlevel. These activities are part of abroader strategy, also involving youngwomen <strong>and</strong> men, that aims to strengthenthe whole family system by involving familymembers who are involved either directlyor indirectly in infant feeding.INDIA<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> as nutrition educators.To encourage young Punjabi mothers toimprove the content of supplementaryfoods for young children, gr<strong>and</strong>motherswere used as nutrition educators (Bhatia2004). In an operations research projectcarried out in 1975 (Bhatia 2004), the useof gr<strong>and</strong>mother-teachers was comparedwith other methods using media <strong>and</strong> visualmaterials. The gr<strong>and</strong>mothers demonstrated<strong>and</strong> described preparation of anenriched supplementary food using localproducts. Post-test interviews with youngmothers showed that those who weretaught by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers had much greaterknowledge <strong>and</strong> reported preparing theimproved food more frequently that thoseexposed to the radio or visual materials.Younger women stated that they wereable to use the new mixture because thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers approved of it. Bhatia identifiesseveral advantages to involving gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin such programs.These includetheir considerable influence over daughter­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION23


in-laws <strong>and</strong> the additional free time theyhave to spend with gr<strong>and</strong>children.LAOSSchool <strong>and</strong> media materials reflectinggr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ role in child health.In a WHO-UNICEF-supported program topromote appropriate home treatment ofcommon childhood illnesses (especiallydiarrhea, <strong>and</strong> respiratory infections), materialswere developed both for use in theschools <strong>and</strong> for radio that reflected gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles <strong>and</strong> experience in childhealth, including their traditional practices.A booklet was prepared for use in schoolscontaining a set of songs <strong>and</strong> stories-without-an-ending;the latter to elicit group discussion<strong>and</strong> problem-solving of typicalhealth-related situations(MCHI/UNICEF/WHO 1997). Both typesof materials were used in community sessionsto engage gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in discussionswith their peers concerning both traditional<strong>and</strong> modern approaches to treatingsick children <strong>and</strong> on the possibility ofcombining elements from the twoapproaches.The same songs were recordedwith school children <strong>and</strong> broadcast onthe radio. Some were songs praisinggr<strong>and</strong>mothers for their important role inpromoting family health while others weresongs teaching key health messages.MOZAMBIQUEGr<strong>and</strong>mother groups for health education.In a child health project implemented byWorld Relief, health education activitieswere initially only conducted with youngerwomen until it became obvious that thesewomen were not able to implement newchild care practices if their mother-in-lawsdid not agree (Ernst 2001). Later, separategr<strong>and</strong>mother groups were established toaddress the same topics as those discussedwith the younger women. It was foundthat the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers were very responsive<strong>and</strong> open to the new ideas being proposedwhen they were systematicallyinvolved.NORTHERN TERRITORY,AUSTRALIAAboriginal gr<strong>and</strong>mothers coordinate acommunity health program.Based on the traditional <strong>and</strong> respectedrole of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in Nyirrpi culture ofcentral Australia <strong>and</strong> their advisory role infamily health, gr<strong>and</strong>mother leaders wereinvolved from the start in the developmentof a program to promote the healthof girls <strong>and</strong> women (Wilson 1999). Theywere involved in identifying needs, developingstrategies to improve the health ofall ages of girls/women in their communities,<strong>and</strong> monitoring <strong>and</strong> evaluating theNyirrpi <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’Women’s HealthProgram. Involvement of the gr<strong>and</strong>mothershas contributed to the development ofhealth services that build on the aboriginalcultural realities, thus making the servicesmore appealing <strong>and</strong> appropriate for girls<strong>and</strong> women in the community.SENEGALA gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusive nonformal educationstrategy <strong>and</strong> its role in maternal <strong>and</strong>child health.As one component of a child health program,a gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusive strategy wasdeveloped by the Christian Children’s Fund(CCF). It involved the use of both songs,lauding the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, <strong>and</strong> ofopen-ended, problem-posing stories inwhich gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play a leading role,reflecting their role in society. The nonfor­24 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


mal education strategy worked throughgr<strong>and</strong>mother networks <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>motherleaders within those networks. The nonformaleducation materials stimulated collectiveproblem-solving <strong>and</strong> decision-makingthat appears to be contributing to progressivelychanging community healthnorms.The evaluation of this strategyshowed that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ knowledge ofthe targeted maternal <strong>and</strong> child nutritiontopics increased greatly, that their advice toyounger women improved, <strong>and</strong> thatyounger women adopted improved practicesbased on improved advice (Aubel etal. 2004).TUNISIANutrition education materials reflect gr<strong>and</strong>motherroles <strong>and</strong> practices.Participatory nutrition education materialswere developed for use in the Ministry ofSocial Affairs community nutrition centerssupported by Catholic Relief Services(CRS). Based on formative research documentingthe role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in childhealth, games were developed for use withgroups of women in which key familymembers were depicted, including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,in household child health activities.Stories also were written that reflectthe important role of Tunisian gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin caring for sick children. These materialsacknowledged gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ traditionalrole <strong>and</strong> promoted the integrationof traditional <strong>and</strong> modern approaches tochild health <strong>and</strong> nutrition. These materialswere the basis for group participatorylearning experiences (Aubel <strong>and</strong> Mansour1990).UGANDA<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are priority targets in anational child health strategy.Most national health strategies do notmention the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers or theneed to involve them. In Ug<strong>and</strong>a’s 2000national communication strategy for childsurvival, growth, <strong>and</strong> development,“gr<strong>and</strong>mothers”are cited many times as a prioritysecondary target group with which childhealth activities should be developed atthe community level, along with other family<strong>and</strong> community leaders, <strong>and</strong> influentialcommunity members (MOH/Ug<strong>and</strong>a).Thedegree to which gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are actuallyinvolved in these activities is unclear.HIV/AIDSUGANDAGr<strong>and</strong>mother support groups establishedto care for young children.In Kampala district, 70 percent of householdsare headed by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers over60 years old who are caring for orphans.In this AIDS-prevalent area, Action forChildren, with support from the BernardVan Leer Foundation, is establishing gr<strong>and</strong>mothersupport groups as a mechanismfor providing them with psycho-social <strong>and</strong>other types of support to help them carefor the young children in their charge(BVLF 2002).ZAMBIA<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> themselves decide tochange course content to integrate discussionof HIV/AIDS.In the Eastern province, PlannedParenthood, with support from the AIDSAlliance, organizes workshops with the ini­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION25


"Involving gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin community activitiesis very relevant giventhe important role theyplay in child-care in oursociety. They arerespected <strong>and</strong> theiradvice is followed. Iwas surprised to seethat the gr<strong>and</strong>motherscan learn <strong>and</strong> canaccept new ideas.Since I was a child Ihave always heard thatolder people cannotlearn. The Laotianproverb says, "You cannotbend an old pieceof bamboo." But wehave seen that theproverb is not true.They are interested inlearning new things."Dr. Kopkeo,Institute of Maternal &Child HealthVientiane,Laos"The gr<strong>and</strong>mothersrepresent a "socialtreasure' for us.Through these activitiestheir status in thecommunity hasincreased. We havelearned a lot fromthese activities aswell."Community leader,Mbour district,Senegaltiative’s advisors, all older women, to getthem to reflect on the content of theircoming-of-age initiation courses for girls inlight of the AIDS epidemic (Gordon 2003).Using participatory, adult educationmethodologies, the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers decidethemselves how they can modify these initiationcourses to decrease the risk ofAIDS transmission. This is an excellentexample of how nonformal educationmethods can be used with communitygroups to help them make their own decisionsabout how to improve their healthrelatedpractices. In all sites the gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave decided to change theircourse content to integrate discussion ofHIV/AIDS <strong>and</strong> to omit the sexualpracticum that has traditionally been partof the course.COMMUNITY RESPONSES TOINCLUDING GRANDMOTHERSBased on the available information on theprograms described above, in all casesthere appear to have been very positivereactions both on the part of seniorwomen themselves, other communitymembers, <strong>and</strong> of child development programstaff to these efforts to activelyinclude gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. The followingresponses from Laos, Senegal, Mali <strong>and</strong>Uzbekistan illustrate the feelings of communitymembers <strong>and</strong> development programstaff to the explicit inclusion ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in development programs, inmany cases for the first time.The examples of programs (discussedabove) that have explicitly involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin child development-promotionactivities illustrate the ways in which theirrole can be acknowledged <strong>and</strong> strengthened.As noted, however, the number ofchild development programs that haveexplicitly involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers is minisculewhen compared to the vast numberof programs that have been implementedacross the world. In general, the design ofprograms has excluded gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,though at the operational level they havesometimes decided on their own to participate.These conclusions are further supportedby a recent review of the situation ofgr<strong>and</strong>parents in the world carried out byHelpAge International (2002). The reportrefers to the “social exclusion” experiencedby many older, economically disadvantagedfamily members in different societiesaround the world. The report statesthat older, poor community members aregenerally excluded from both the design<strong>and</strong> implementation of development programson gender, education, health, security,emergencies, economic well-being, <strong>and</strong>shelter.Mirroring the findings of this review, amajor conclusion of the HelpAge report—that there is a need to include gr<strong>and</strong>parentsin development programs—can bespecifically applied to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. Itargues that the involvement of senior family<strong>and</strong> community members in the design,delivery, <strong>and</strong> monitoring of developmentprograms produces benefits for all generations<strong>and</strong> explicitly states, “Older people,despite the exclusion they face, provide avast pool of social capital. They are knowledge-bearers– older women play keyroles in knowledge transfer <strong>and</strong> practicalsupport in child-bearing <strong>and</strong> rearing”(HelpAge International 2002, 15).26 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


"I am very young <strong>and</strong> am accustomedto working only withadolescents. Before I thoughtthat it was not necessary toinvolve the elders. After workingwith the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers Ihave changed my mind. I cansee that they are a wonderfulgroup <strong>and</strong> that they can teachus a lot. Involving them can bea strong point in our work withcommunities.""In this approach we havebecome important in our village.Before we were ignored.Usually only younger womenwere involved. We weren'tincluded <strong>and</strong>, therefore, wecouldn't learn things."Gr<strong>and</strong>motherKati districtMaliNurdidaProject Hope StaffNavoi,Uzbekistan"According to our traditions, inorder for a development activityto be successful, the eldersmust be involved. We aredelighted that the gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave been involved in thesenutrition activities because it istheir role to teach the youngerwomen everything they need toknow to care for their children."Community leaderVelingara districtSenegal"We are thrilled that wewere asked to participate.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are humanbeings like everyone else <strong>and</strong>we can learn <strong>and</strong> change ourways. We must be open tothe new ideas. We feel muchstronger than before becausenow we not only have ourtraditional knowledge but wealso have acquired modernknowledge."Gr<strong>and</strong>mother leaderMbour districtSenegalGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION27


CULTURALLY-ADAPTED EDUCATIONMATERIALS : SONGS AND STORIESNonformal education methods ofteninclude participatory, culturally-adaptededucational materials such as songs <strong>and</strong>open-ended stories. In Mali, stories <strong>and</strong>songs have traditionally been used as communication<strong>and</strong> teaching mediums, <strong>and</strong> thecommunity groups expressed strong interestin <strong>and</strong> support for their use.Thesematerials themselves, <strong>and</strong> the way theywere used, contributed to the participatory,collective community learning processthat engaged gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> othercommunity actors in transformationallearning.SONGSTwo types of songs were developed forthe Mali project; songs of praise to thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> educational songs onthe nutrition <strong>and</strong> health topics. The songsof praise were developed to acknowledgethe important role gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play infamily <strong>and</strong> community health, to showrespect for them, <strong>and</strong> to encourage themto participate in the activities. Each of thecommunity sessions started <strong>and</strong> endedwith singing these songs. The educationalsongs contained key information on eachof the session topics. They were relatednot only to the ideas promoted by theMinistry of Health, but also to beneficialtraditional practices. Here is an example ofone of the songs of praise developed bythe team in Mali, followed by one of theeducational songs.In Mali, as in many societies, women enjoysinging. The Malian gr<strong>and</strong>mothers clearlystated that they appreciated the songs asthey were both enjoyable <strong>and</strong> educational.All community groups appreciated thesongs used in the Mali project. Theyhelped establish rapport with the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> helped them feel relaxed <strong>and</strong>open-minded during the educational sessions,therefore creating a safe, comfortableenvironment for learning. In mostcases, once the songs of praise were used,In Praise of Gr<strong>and</strong>motherDearest Gr<strong>and</strong>mother, dearest Gr<strong>and</strong>motherYou are such a wonderful person, such a wonderful person.Dearest Gr<strong>and</strong>mother, dearest Gr<strong>and</strong>motherYour heart is large <strong>and</strong> compassionateDearest Gr<strong>and</strong>mother, dearest Gr<strong>and</strong>mother.Gr<strong>and</strong>mother’s Advice to a Pregnant WomanGr<strong>and</strong>mother, what advice do you give to a pregnant woman?I tell her to work less.Gr<strong>and</strong>mother, what advice do you give to a pregnant woman?I tell her to eat more.Gr<strong>and</strong>mother, what advice do you give to a pregnant woman?I tell her to eat beans, peanuts, <strong>and</strong> green vegetables.32 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


gr<strong>and</strong>mothers spontaneously started dancing,demonstrating their enthusiasm for thismusical dimension of the health-promotingactivities <strong>and</strong> their comfort level with thesegroup activities.STORIES-WITHOUT-ENDINGSAnother component of the nonformalstrategy in Mali involved the use of stories,a traditional tool for teaching <strong>and</strong> advising.Paulo Freire’s work in community adulteducation served as a basis for developingstories-without-endings, each dealing with akey child health topic. The story codes,each reflecting a typical community situation,were used as a catalyst for stimulatingdialogue, discussion of problems, <strong>and</strong> possiblesolutions. The use of the stories in thisway personifies what Freire referred to asa “problem-posing approach.” A significantcharacteristic of the stories is that in eachcase one of the key figures is a gr<strong>and</strong>mother,reflecting the central role they play in allnewborn health matters. Furthermore, ineach story the gr<strong>and</strong>mother figure is presentedas a competent <strong>and</strong> respectedwoman in order to acknowledge theirimportance <strong>and</strong> encourage them to participate.Six open-ended stories, or stories-withoutendings,were written by project staff.Project community animators told the stories,each of which described a critical situationrelated to pregnancy, delivery, postpartum,or newborn care. The characters<strong>and</strong> situations presented in the storieswere very similar to those found in Malianvillages in the project area. This allowedthe gr<strong>and</strong>mothers to identify with thecharacters in the story while at the sametime reflecting on their own lives <strong>and</strong> onpossible strategies for addressing the problemsdescribed. The stories did not includea solution or action proposed to alleviatethe critical situation.GROUP FACILITATION TO ELICITCRITICAL THINKING AND PROBLEM-SOLVINGThe other important characteristic of nonformaleducation is that the teacher, orfacilitator, expects participants to come upwith their own solutions <strong>and</strong> strategies.After telling the story, the role of the facilitatorwas to encourage group participantsto critically analyze both their past practices<strong>and</strong> the new ideas presented in thestory. For each story, a set of open-endedquestions was developed to guide the discussion.Four levels of questions weredeveloped, based on Kolb’s (1984) fourstageexperiential learning cycle. The questionsensured the systematic <strong>and</strong> criticaldiscussion of the story content.The sequence of questions also encouragedgr<strong>and</strong>mothers to develop, or construct,alternative solutions based on boththeir past knowledge <strong>and</strong> experiences <strong>and</strong>the new information provided in the stories.In this process, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers withmore experience were able to share withthose with less experience, creating a peerlearningenvironment. The gr<strong>and</strong>motherswere proud of the solutions they constructed,which led to an increased level ofconfidence <strong>and</strong> empowerment as householdadvisors.Through this simple activity, the use of stories-without-endings,the project demon­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION33


strated the power of participatory learning.The gr<strong>and</strong>mothers did not sit <strong>and</strong> listento a lecture.They were engaged in anactivity that asked questions, <strong>and</strong> requiredthat they share their ideas <strong>and</strong> workingtogether as a group. They were activelyengaged in dialogue as they listened toone another <strong>and</strong> responded to the problempresented in a story, which then ledthem to an acceptable solution based oninput from the group. The content of thestory placed the learning in the present<strong>and</strong> allowed the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers to see theusefulness of the new knowledge theywere acquiring. This immediacy of learning,again a characteristic of nonformal education,is critical for adults.They want to seean immediate return on their investmentof time <strong>and</strong> resources participating in theactivity.Both the songs <strong>and</strong> stories were focusedon the learner. Each activity required thelearners to be engaged in order for learningto take place. As noted, this learnercenteredapproach is the opposite of themethods historically used in health interventions.The learner-centered approachused by the Mali project allowed the contentto be driven by the learner’s needs<strong>and</strong> was attentive to their involvement inthe delivery of the material.By utilizing these nonformal educationstrategies <strong>and</strong> approaches in the Mali project,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers retained their culturallydefined role as respected advisors ofyounger women <strong>and</strong> families. The gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’receptivity to new ideasincreased as did their involvement in theproject.The gr<strong>and</strong>mother strategy was implementedin 48 villages in Mali. The stories, songs,<strong>and</strong> group discussions focused primarily,but not exclusively, on the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.The male traditional community leaderswere also involved, as well as youngerwomen <strong>and</strong> men. The extension workersinvolved in the strategy periodically visitedthe community leaders so that they understoodthe strategy <strong>and</strong> encouraged thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers to participate. In addition,for each session with the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,the village headman selected two or threeof his advisors to attend the session inorder to provide him with feedback onwhat was discussed. This mechanism contributedgreatly to eliciting the support ofcommunity elders for the strategy <strong>and</strong> forthe gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. After the group sessionswith gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, the communityhealth volunteers were expected to repeatthe stories <strong>and</strong> songs with groups ofyounger women <strong>and</strong> men, depending ontheir interest <strong>and</strong> availability.RESULTS OF THE NONFORMALEDUCATION ACTIVITIESThe feedback on the gr<strong>and</strong>mother strategyin the Mali project was very positive onthe part of both health workers <strong>and</strong> communitymembers. Many local health officialsstated, “Most past maternal <strong>and</strong> childhealth programs have had a limited impactbecause the influential muso korobas, werenot involved.” At the community level,community leaders strongly supported thestrategy involving gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. “They arethe primary advisors in the family foryounger women.” Both younger women<strong>and</strong> their husb<strong>and</strong>s stated that involving34 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers greatly facilitates adoptionof new health-related practices byyounger women.Community activities with gr<strong>and</strong>mothergroups were implemented for 14 months<strong>and</strong> an evaluation of the strategy was carriedout at the end. The evaluationshowed that the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers were veryinterested in the nonformal educationactivities <strong>and</strong> in the “new practices” theylearned, their knowledge of these practiceshad increased, <strong>and</strong> their advice to youngerwomen had changed. HKI <strong>and</strong> Ministry ofHealth staff agreed that whereas past programsexcluded gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, a majorfactor that contributed to the success ofthe gr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusive strategy wasthat it built on the culturally-defined role ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers as respected advisors ofyounger women <strong>and</strong> families. There wasagreement, from development agents <strong>and</strong>community members, that another significantfactor that contributed to the successof the strategy was the use of culturallyadaptedcommunication tools, namelysongs, stories, <strong>and</strong> group discussion. Bothgroups of actors also felt that the nonformaleducation approach involving gr<strong>and</strong>mothergroups can be used in numerousother socio-cultural contexts <strong>and</strong> toaddress a variety of issues related to thehealth <strong>and</strong> well-being of women <strong>and</strong> children.The Mali project clearly demonstrates howbeneficial it is to involve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers inchild development activities <strong>and</strong> how valuabletheir participation can be for boththem <strong>and</strong> their community.Through theuse of simple, nonformal education strategies<strong>and</strong> approaches, the gr<strong>and</strong>mothersenthusiastically participated in the projectactivities <strong>and</strong> were open to the new ideaspresented. The activities were not complicatedor cumbersome, but built on traditionalmethods of communication <strong>and</strong>learning. They did not require endlessresources, but utilized the learners as theprimary resource through songs <strong>and</strong> stories.The gr<strong>and</strong>mothers came away fromthe activities feeling good about themselves<strong>and</strong> their role as family health advisors.They became advocates of the newideas as they felt included in their development,<strong>and</strong> they were encouraged toinclude their traditional ideas with thenewly-introduced modern ideas. Thisblending further reinforced their identitywithin the community <strong>and</strong> resulted ingreater acceptance of the modern ideas.Given the positive results of this project, itis possible that other child developmentactivities, especially children’s access to <strong>and</strong>acquisition of quality basic education, couldalso benefit from the involvement ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers via nonformal educationstrategies.A follow-up evaluation of the project inMali (Touré <strong>and</strong> Aubel 2004) showed positiveresults related, not only to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,but also to households, communityleaders, <strong>and</strong> the community-at-large (SeeDiagram 1 below).The impact on gr<strong>and</strong>mothers was demonstratedby their increased receptivity tonew ideas <strong>and</strong> practices related to maternal<strong>and</strong> child health, as well as theirincreased willingness to re-examine theirtraditional practices <strong>and</strong> beliefs in lieu ofthe new information they received. As thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers observed the positiveGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION35


effects of the new ideas, their confidence intheir roles as family health advisor grew<strong>and</strong> they felt empowered to continue inthis role. One gr<strong>and</strong>mother put it this way,“The gr<strong>and</strong>mother activities have made usfeel much stronger than before. Now notonly do we have our traditional knowledge<strong>and</strong> experience, but we also have theknowledge of the doctors” (Ibid 18).This new level of confidence in the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’role was reflected in the householdsreceiving advice. The mothers appreciatedthat the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ advice nowincluded both traditional <strong>and</strong> modern ideas,<strong>and</strong> furthermore, the mothers now felt thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers better understood theirneeds. The mothers also noted the visibleimprovements in their own health <strong>and</strong> thereduced burden of their daily activities dueto the new advice <strong>and</strong> support of thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers (Ibid 10).Additionally, at the household level thestudy found that the project resulted inincreased support from the husb<strong>and</strong>s forthe family’s health needs, improved relationshipsbetween mothers-in-laws <strong>and</strong> daughters-in-law,<strong>and</strong> strengthened relationshipsbetween gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> their gr<strong>and</strong>children(Ibid 10).The community leaders were also involvedin the strategy <strong>and</strong>, thus, impacted. As aresult of the project’s involvement ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers, the formally-recognizedmale leaders acknowledged the role gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave in promoting maternal <strong>and</strong>child health <strong>and</strong> they learned about beneficialmaternal <strong>and</strong> child health practices.They also offered increased support for theadvice given by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers at thehousehold <strong>and</strong> community level (Ibid 8).Lastly, due to the positive outcomes of thegr<strong>and</strong>mother strategy at the different levelsdescribed above, noticeable changes wereobserved in the community-at-large includingstrengthened gr<strong>and</strong>mother networks,the increased involvement of those networksin promoting community health <strong>and</strong>increased support of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers toneighboring households, related to healthneeds.The evaluation concluded that the positivechanges at these four levels (gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,community leaders, households, <strong>and</strong> community-at-large),appear to be having acombined <strong>and</strong> positive effect on communitynorms related to the priority practicesconcerning infant <strong>and</strong> women’s health. Ofcourse, the process of changing communitynorms is a slow one, but the evidence suggeststhat such changes are beginning totake place.While policy planners <strong>and</strong> program practitionersare often skeptical about includinggr<strong>and</strong>mothers in child development initiatives,the feedback from communities <strong>and</strong>gr<strong>and</strong>mothers themselves, <strong>and</strong> the impactobserved, is a clear indication of the relevanceof such strategies.36 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


DIAGRAM 1:Outcomes of Nonformal <strong>Education</strong> Activities with <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> in Mali to Promote Newborn HealthGRANDMOTHERS• Openness to new ideas about maternal & child health• Self-assessment of their traditional knowledge <strong>and</strong> practices• Integration of new ideas <strong>and</strong> traditional health-related practices• Increased sense of empowerment in their role as family health advisorsHOUSEHOLDS• Improved advice given by GMs on health• Increased appreciation of GMs' role in family health• Improved health practices of young women• Increased support provided to pregnant women by husb<strong>and</strong>s• Increased support by GMs to pregnant <strong>and</strong> breastfeeding women• Improved relations between mother-in-laws <strong>and</strong> daughter-in-lawsCOMMUNITY-AT-LARGEEVIDENCE OF POSITIVECHANGES IN COMMUNI-TY NORMS RELATEDTO WOMEN'S ANDINFANTS' HEALTH• Increased involvement of GMs in promoting community health activities• GM networks are strengthened• Informal GM leaders have increased confidence in their community role• Increased support by GMs to neighboring households in health matters• Community leaders encouraging GMs to follow the new health adviceCOMMUNITY LEADERS• Increased public acknowledgment of GMs' important role in community health• Increased knowledge of key maternal & child health topics• Increased support for GMs' advice on healthGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION37


V. GRANDMOTHERS: A LEARNING INSTITUTIONSUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS“A house without a gr<strong>and</strong>mother is like a road that goes nowhere.”Senegalese proverbBased on the review of the literatureon the roles of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in differentnon-western cultures, analysisof the policies of key international organizationsthat promote child development<strong>and</strong> review of projects that have explicitlyengaged gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in strategies topromote children’s development, the followingconclusions were formulated:THERE IS LIMITEDDOCUMENTATION OFGRANDMOTHERS’ ROLES.Analysis <strong>and</strong> documentation of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles in different societies is quite limited,especially outside of the academicanthropological literature. The results ofmany studies on different child developmenttopics either completely ignore orgive minimal attention to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles <strong>and</strong> influence at the household level.The limited documentation of their roleappears to be due, first, to the prevailingassessment methodologies that do notexamine the roles of various householdactors, including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, <strong>and</strong> second,to the biases against gr<strong>and</strong>mothers ofmany development agencies <strong>and</strong> staff.PREVALENT ASSESSMENTMETHODOLOGIES FAIL TOEXAMINE HOUSEHOLD ROLESAND RELATIONSHIPS.The methodologies used in formative studieson child development topics are mostoften based on models from behavioralpsychology <strong>and</strong> tend to focus narrowly onindividual knowledge, attitudes, <strong>and</strong> practices(KAP) of women/mothers. There is aneed for alternative assessment methodsbased on a more systemic, anthropologicalframework that look at social structures,roles <strong>and</strong> relationships in households thatinfluence attitudes <strong>and</strong> practices related tochild development. In a more systemicapproach gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ experience <strong>and</strong>roles at the household level would certainlybe analyzed.GRANDMOTHERS CONTRIBUTETO CULTURAL CONTINUITY.The cultural dimension of developmentprograms has generally been neglectedthough there is a growing concern that thisis a dangerous trend that can contribute tothe loss of cultural values <strong>and</strong> identity.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> play a critical role in transmittingcultural values <strong>and</strong> practices toyounger generations, thereby contributingGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION39


to the maintenance of cultural identity inan increasingly culturally-homogeneousworld.GRANDMOTHERS PLAY ANINFLUENTIAL ROLE INCHILDREN’S DEVELOPMENTACROSS CULTURES.While documentation on gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles is relatively limited, the available evidencedoes show that in virtually all nonwesternsocieties in Africa, Asia, LatinAmerica,The Pacific, <strong>and</strong> in indigenous culturesin North America <strong>and</strong> Australia, seniorwomen, or gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, play a centralrole in child-rearing. In all of these societiesthey are looked to as advisors of theyounger generations based on their age<strong>and</strong> experience in this domain. Anotheruniversal characteristic of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers istheir commitment to promoting the wellbeingof children, their mothers <strong>and</strong> families.For these several reasons gr<strong>and</strong>mothersconstitute a valuable resource for childdevelopment programs. While there are aseries of core roles played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothersacross cultures, at the same time thereis considerable variability in their culturespecificbeliefs <strong>and</strong> practices.FEW CHILD DEVELOPMENTPROGRAMS EXPLICITLY INVOLVEGRANDMOTHERS.In spite of the fact that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers playa significant role in all aspects of childhealth <strong>and</strong> development at the householdlevel, few child development programshave explicitly identified <strong>and</strong> involved themas key actors. This review analyzed theextent to which they have been involvedin five key program areas related to childdevelopment:EARLY CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENTGlobal policy statements on child developmentadvocate for “support for childrenwithin family systems,” <strong>and</strong> “strengtheningthe skills of existing child-care givers.”These policies clearly support efforts toreinforce existing child-care givers withinthe family. Nevertheless, there are very fewexamples of community programs thatview gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, or gr<strong>and</strong>parents, as apriority resource, that build on their experience,<strong>and</strong> actively involve them in promotingbeneficial ECD practices.PRIMARY SCHOOL EDUCATIONWhile there is considerable discussion ofthe need for “parental involvement” inschools in order to strengthen the linkbetween the two, there are few examplesof cases where gr<strong>and</strong>parents are explicitlyinvolved in school programs. School personnelare often skeptical about theinvolvement of gr<strong>and</strong>parents because“They have not been to school.” Examplesof programs promoting inter-generationalcommunication <strong>and</strong> education throughinvolvement of gr<strong>and</strong>parents in schools aredocumented only in Europe <strong>and</strong> in NorthAmerica.MATERNAL AND CHILD HEALTH ANDNUTRITIONIn spite of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ extensive experiencein maternal <strong>and</strong> child health <strong>and</strong>nutrition, <strong>and</strong> their role in both health promotion<strong>and</strong> illness management at thehousehold level, very few programs haveexplicitly involved them in order tostrengthen their knowledge <strong>and</strong> practices.40 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


Many health <strong>and</strong> development workersview gr<strong>and</strong>mothers as a negative force,due to some of their “traditional practices”<strong>and</strong> “traditional remedies,” <strong>and</strong> prefer tointeract with younger women, <strong>and</strong> sometimestheir husb<strong>and</strong>s.CHILD HYGIENEIn all cultures where gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play arole in child-care they are involved inteaching young children about socio-culturalnorms <strong>and</strong> practices related to defecation<strong>and</strong> personal hygiene, such as h<strong>and</strong>washingafter defecation <strong>and</strong> before eating.Based on an internet search <strong>and</strong> an interviewwith an environmental health specialist(Kleinau 2004), it was not possible toidentify any community programs that haveexplicitly involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in promotingoptimal hygiene practices.HIV/AIDSA major constraint identified by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fathers is their exclusionfrom HIV/AIDS awareness activitiesthat focus almost exclusively on youngpeople. In spite of their greatly increasedchild-care responsibilities in high HIV/AIDSprevalence areas, there are few programsthat are providing direct psycho-social,financial, or material support to these elderfamily members to help meet theirincreased child-care responsibilities.SEVERAL FACTORS CONTRIBUTETO THE LIMITED EXCLUSION OFGRANDMOTHERS’ IN CHILDDEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS.Often in community child developmentprograms that focus on younger womenthere are a few gr<strong>and</strong>mothers who participate.However, few programs have identifiedgr<strong>and</strong>mothers as priority communityactors <strong>and</strong> have explicitly <strong>and</strong> activelyinvolved them in community strategies.Several factors appear to contribute to thisfact. First, many development agencies<strong>and</strong> staff have negative biases againstgr<strong>and</strong>mothers related to their “age,” “inabilityto learn” <strong>and</strong> “resistance to change.”Second, the models used as a basis fordesign of child development programs,borrowed from the west, tend to focus on“mothers,” <strong>and</strong> sometimes “parents,” whileignoring the significant role <strong>and</strong> influenceof elder household actors in non-westernsocieties.A FEW SUCCESSFULGRANDMOTHER-INCLUSIVECHILD DEVELOPMENTPROGRAMS DO EXIST.There are some examples of child developmentprograms that have explicitlyinvolved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. Although few innumber, these experiences illustrate howprograms can acknowledge gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’role <strong>and</strong> past experience, actively involvethem, <strong>and</strong> in so doing strengthen theirknowledge <strong>and</strong> skills. In programs where agr<strong>and</strong>mother-inclusive approach has beenadopted, feedback from gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,from other community members, <strong>and</strong> fromdevelopment staff has been very positive<strong>and</strong> in most cases their involvementappears to have contributed to increasedprogram results.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION41


“<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> raisechildren; they tellstories in the winter<strong>and</strong> teach childrenthe skills they needfor survival.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> arethe central charactersin the daily <strong>and</strong>symbolic lives ofNative (American)women—indeed, ofNative people.”Rayna GreenTHERE IS A GAP BETWEENPOLICY STATEMENTS ANDGRANDMOTHERS’ INCLUSION INCHILD DEVELOPMENTPROGRAMS.<strong>Policy</strong> statements from key internationalagencies involved in children’s developmentadvocate for strengthening thecapacity of all family members to respondto children’s needs. By extrapolation, suchpolicy priorities imply that programsshould involve senior family members,including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. In reality, thereare few programs in which gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare explicitly <strong>and</strong> actively involved. Thenon-inclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in childdevelopment programs represents a significantinconsistency with policy guidelines.GRANDMOTHER LEADERS ANDNETWORKS SHOULD BE VIEWEDAS SOCIAL CAPITAL.Social capital has been defined bySerageldin as “the glue that keeps communitiestogether <strong>and</strong> that is required for acollective <strong>and</strong> sustained response to communityneeds.” (Krishna & Uphoff, 1999).While there is much discussion of theneed to strengthen existing communitystructures” in community developmentprograms, limited attention has been givento the potential represented by naturalgr<strong>and</strong>mother leaders <strong>and</strong> their social networksfor promotion of children’s development.Several experiences empoweringthese groups suggest that strengtheningthem can contribute to enhancing a community’ssocial capital <strong>and</strong> to sustainingcommunity action for children’s development.GRANDMOTHERS ARE RECEPTIVETO THE USE OF NONFORMALEDUCATION APPROACHES THATBUILD ON THEIR EXISTINGKNOWLEDGE.In experiences in several countries, nonformal,adult education methods have beenvery successfully used with groups ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers. They were very receptiveto these methods that drew on theirexperience <strong>and</strong> engaged them in dialogueon their existing ideas as well as alternative,“modern” practices. Their receptivityto the approach can be explained by thefact that the approach reinforced their culturally-definedrole, as respected advisorsof younger women <strong>and</strong> children, whilehelping them to acquire new knowledge<strong>and</strong> practices related to child health <strong>and</strong>development. (The Mali case study highlightsthe use of these methods).42 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


VI. RECOMMENDATIONS FORBASIC EDUCATION“Culture shapes everything we try to do. If we fail to take account of it, we stumble aroundblindfolded; if we learn to see it as a resource <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong> how it affects us all, we may beable to create a really sustainable approach to human development.”F. MatarassoThis paper demonstrates that aroundthe world, families <strong>and</strong> communitiesacknowledge that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersplay an influential role in the socialization,acculturation, <strong>and</strong> care of children as theygrow <strong>and</strong> develop. However, basic educationprograms have not seriously taken thisrole into consideration. <strong>Education</strong> plannersshould reflect on how gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ influencecould be utilized to increase children’saccess to <strong>and</strong> acquisition of quality basiceducation.Based on the conclusions listed in the previoussection, a series of questions areposed for education program plannerswho are interested in involving gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin their programs.These questions arefollowed by a series of recommendations.The recommendations are not meant tobe definitive but rather to stimulatethought on how to involve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> utilize their role <strong>and</strong> influence on children’seducational development in the family<strong>and</strong> community.QUESTIONS FOR EDUCATIONPROGRAM PLANNERSTable 2 includes a list of questions thatshould be considered by organizationsinterested in exploring ways to use gr<strong>and</strong>mothersas a resource in education programs.Reflection on these questionsshould allow organizations involved in educationto think about creative ways toinvolve them more in the future.Based on the roles of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong>gr<strong>and</strong>parents in children’s development, theabove questions should help educationalplanners reassess their programs givingmore attention to the roles of these communityresource persons. This reflectionalso contributes to the following recommendationsfor basic education programplanners.RECOMMENDATIONS FOR BASICEDUCATION PLANNERSIn the past, gr<strong>and</strong>parents have not beenconsidered as important actors in basiceducation programs in developing countries.In most cases, they have beenexcluded from school settings <strong>and</strong> programs,in part because of negative stereotypestoward them held by school administrators,teachers <strong>and</strong> sometimes studentsthemselves. In the eyes of many educators,the non-inclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>parents isjustified, first, by the fact that many gr<strong>and</strong>­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION43


TABLE 2:Questions for <strong>Basic</strong> <strong>Education</strong> Planners Regarding "Core Roles" of <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> Across CulturesCore Roles of <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>Across CulturesQuestions for <strong>Basic</strong> <strong>Education</strong> Program PlannersAll cultures recognize the critical role of Do education materials <strong>and</strong> curricula acknowledge <strong>and</strong> value thegr<strong>and</strong>parents as guides <strong>and</strong> advisors to the wisdom of gr<strong>and</strong>parents in society?younger generations.Do school programs encourage children to learn from theirgr<strong>and</strong>parents?Are gr<strong>and</strong>parents included in program activities?In all cultures gr<strong>and</strong>parents play gender-specific Do programs recognize the gender-specific roles <strong>and</strong> expertise ofroles related to child development.gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fathers?Do programs promote respect for both male <strong>and</strong> female roles<strong>and</strong> experience?<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ child-rearing expertise is Are there opportunities for gr<strong>and</strong>mothers to share their lifeacquired over a lifetime.experiences with students in person, in print, on the radio or inother media?In all cultures gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are involved in Are gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ knowledge <strong>and</strong> skills included <strong>and</strong> valued invarious aspects of the lives of children <strong>and</strong> program activities?families at the household level.The roles of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers appear to be Are cultural values <strong>and</strong> traditions incorporated into programuniversal whereas much of theircontent?knowledge <strong>and</strong> practices are culturally-specific.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> influence the attitudes <strong>and</strong>decisions made by male household membersregarding children’s well-being.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> are both directly <strong>and</strong> indirectlyinvolved in promoting the well-being ofchildren.Some of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ knowledge <strong>and</strong>practices are beneficial to child developmentwhile others are not.Are gr<strong>and</strong>mothers given opportunities to share their culturespecificskills <strong>and</strong> knowledge in school programs?Do schools involve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fathers in strategiesto promote school attendance <strong>and</strong> school retention, particularlyof girls?Are gr<strong>and</strong>parents included, along with parents, in schoolassociations?Do school programs aim to educate gr<strong>and</strong>mothers on children’spsychological, nutritional <strong>and</strong> health needs?Do programs encourage dialogue between gr<strong>and</strong>parents <strong>and</strong>parents on children’s needs?Are gr<strong>and</strong>mothers presented in a positiveor negative light in curricula <strong>and</strong> materials?Are gr<strong>and</strong>mothers viewed as a resource or as an obstacle tochildren’s educational development?Do programs encourage children to respect gr<strong>and</strong>parents’knowledge even if they have not been to school?All gr<strong>and</strong>mothers have a strong commitment Do schools support activities that encourage children toto promoting the growth <strong>and</strong> development of acknowledge gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ knowledge <strong>and</strong> care for them?their gr<strong>and</strong>children.Compared to younger women, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers Is gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ availability <strong>and</strong> patience viewed as a resource togenerally have more time to spend <strong>and</strong> more be exploited by education programs?patience with young children.Most gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are interested in increasing Are gr<strong>and</strong>mothers given opportunities to learn new thingstheir knowledge of “modern” ideas about child related to children’s educational development?development.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ knowledge comes both from Do programs work with networks of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> theirtheir own mothers <strong>and</strong> their peers.leaders?Many gr<strong>and</strong>mothers have a collective sense of Do educational programs build on <strong>and</strong> strengthen gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’responsibility for children <strong>and</strong> women in the sense of responsibility for children <strong>and</strong> women outside theircommunity.family?Some gr<strong>and</strong>mothers feel that their status as Are organizations <strong>and</strong> programs observing this trend or workingadvisors in child <strong>and</strong> family development is to increase the inclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers?diminishing.Do schools encourage children to reflect on what they can do tovalidate the role of gr<strong>and</strong>parents in the family <strong>and</strong> community?44 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


parents themselves did not go to school,<strong>and</strong> second, due to their age <strong>and</strong> their traditional“backward” attitudes.Gr<strong>and</strong>parents often express concern thatschools have created a rift between their“traditional” culture <strong>and</strong> values <strong>and</strong> theunfamiliar,“modern” values taught inschools. Gr<strong>and</strong>parents sometimes distancethemselves from school programs that are“for young people.” In the end, they can becritical of schools <strong>and</strong> of schooling in general.While this review specifically focuses onanalyzing the role <strong>and</strong> involvement ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in promoting child education,health <strong>and</strong> development, many of theconclusions of the analysis suggest ways inwhich both gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fatherscan be meaningfully involved in formal<strong>and</strong> nonformal education programs.The following recommendations, groupedhere into five categories, could helpincrease gr<strong>and</strong>parents’ involvement in children’seducation <strong>and</strong> thereby maximizetheir contribution to the education <strong>and</strong>well-being of children, families, <strong>and</strong> communities.INCREASE TEACHER ANDSTUDENT AWARENESS OFGRANDMOTHERS’ ROLE ANDPOTENTIAL CONTRIBUTION.• Develop participatory training exercisesto help teachers reflect on therationale for including gr<strong>and</strong>mothersas partners in school educationalactivities <strong>and</strong> then develop strategiesfor including them.In most cases, involving gr<strong>and</strong>mothers inbasic education programs would be anew experience, not only for gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,but also for teachers. Giventhat teachers may have negative stereotypestoward gr<strong>and</strong>mothers because“they never went to school”, it will beadvantageous to increase their awarenessof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ role <strong>and</strong> potentialcontribution.• Analyze family <strong>and</strong> community systemsas an input to program development.<strong>Basic</strong> education programs should utilizefamily <strong>and</strong> community systems of whichchildren are a part. One practical first stepin the development of basic educationstrategies would be to carry out a holisticassessment of the roles, authority, <strong>and</strong> decision-makingpatterns amongst key household<strong>and</strong> community actors related to differentaspects of child education <strong>and</strong>development. An underst<strong>and</strong>ing of theseroles <strong>and</strong> decision-making patterns wouldprovide a foundation for designing strategiesthat take into account, not only parents,but also gr<strong>and</strong>parents <strong>and</strong> others inthe children’s environment that play adetermining role.• Create alternative assessment tools.In development of curricula for basic educationprograms, initial assessments tend tofocus narrowly on “children’s learningneeds” in isolation from family <strong>and</strong> communityrealities. In order to bridge the gapbetween schools <strong>and</strong> communities, newtools are required to help education sectorstaff collect information on communityrealities <strong>and</strong> resources. Such an assessmentcould include community traditions,patterns of authority <strong>and</strong> leadership, rolesGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION45


of different age groups in society, <strong>and</strong> traditionalknowledge <strong>and</strong> life skills mastered bydifferent community members.Participatory assessment tools could beused by teachers <strong>and</strong> older children to collectdata from community members. Usingsimple questions <strong>and</strong> observation tools,children could learn about the knowledge<strong>and</strong> skills involved in traditional crafts, suchas basket-making, <strong>and</strong> economic activities,such as rice growing. Likewise, simplequestionnaires could be developed forchildren to interview elder communitymembers <strong>and</strong> record their knowledgeabout community history, farming, or thetraditional pharmacopoeia. Both theprocess of data collection <strong>and</strong> its incorporationinto the curriculum would helpbridge the gap between “modern” <strong>and</strong>“traditional” elements in school programs.• Generate criteria for inter-generationalsensitivity.Inter-generational educational programsare those that explicitly aim to strengthenlinks between the younger <strong>and</strong> older generations.Just as education programs haveindicators for assessing the gender-sensitivityof curriculum <strong>and</strong> other aspects of educationalprograms, criteria should be developedto assess the “inter-generational sensitivity”of basic education programs. Suchindicators would help determine theextent to which basic education programsincorporate the roles, values, <strong>and</strong> knowledgeof the elder generation into the curriculum,whether positive images of eldersare presented, <strong>and</strong> whether gr<strong>and</strong>parentsare brought into educational activities asresource persons. As with criteria toassess “gender sensitivity,” criteria to assess“intergenerational sensitivity” could beused both during the program designphase <strong>and</strong> during the program evaluationphase in order to assess this importantdimension.INTEGRATE TRADITIONALKNOWLEDGE AND SKILLS INSCHOOL CURRICULA.• Interview gr<strong>and</strong>mothers concerningtheir roles in education.In the past, educators have not consultedgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in basic education programs.It is recommended that basic educationprogram planners each interview at least 5gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in different socio-culturalcontexts <strong>and</strong> listen to them talk abouttheir role in <strong>and</strong> commitment to promotingchildren’s development <strong>and</strong> education.This may strengthen underst<strong>and</strong>ingbetween education sector staff <strong>and</strong> thesesenior women while helping to identifypossibilities for collaboration.• When revising curricula or developingteaching materials, pictures ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers, quotes from gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,<strong>and</strong> characters in storiesshould be included.Inclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>parents in visual <strong>and</strong>written educational materials giveincreased recognition, by both children <strong>and</strong>teachers, of gr<strong>and</strong>parents’ commitment <strong>and</strong>contributions to promoting the well-beingof children <strong>and</strong> families. <strong>Education</strong>al materialsproduced for use with communitygroups <strong>and</strong> in the mass media, shouldreflect the important roles that gr<strong>and</strong>parentsplay in society <strong>and</strong> portray them in apositive light. This can strengthen school­46 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


community ties by increasing teachers’ <strong>and</strong>children’s appreciation of the knowledge<strong>and</strong> experience of the gr<strong>and</strong>parents <strong>and</strong> byincreasing gr<strong>and</strong>parents’ support forschools.• Use components of “Service-<strong>Learning</strong>” <strong>and</strong> constructivistapproaches to collect data fromgr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> incorporate theminto the curriculum. 8The Service-<strong>Learning</strong> concept, taken in itsbroadest sense, provides many opportunitiesto use traditional knowledge stored inthe memories of village elders as a basisfor children to develop strong identities.Children can reach out to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> community members through variousteacher-led activities. Children then areguided to construct a history or incorporateinto the curriculum the various ideasthey have processed or learned. Service-<strong>Learning</strong> has been adopted in many internationaleducation projects <strong>and</strong> can helpchildren to grow up to be citizens who areengaged in their society, <strong>and</strong> who are moretolerant, compassionate, <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ingof others.The following are recommendationsfor using Service-<strong>Learning</strong> ideas toobtain <strong>and</strong> develop information from<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>:– Who am I? Assign children to askfamily members, including gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,to answer the child’s question:“Who am I?”This is an activity to help childrendefine their own identity, in the family,<strong>and</strong> in the community. A preliminarystep would be to have classroomteachers <strong>and</strong> students construct a setof questions related to the family, theethnic group, the neighborhood, theoccupations of the parents <strong>and</strong>gr<strong>and</strong>parents, <strong>and</strong> the primary productsof the village. Classroom activitiesbased on this information canhelp reinforce the children’s identity<strong>and</strong> give them more positive feelingsabout their community.– Living History.Assign children to interview elders intheir family or neighborhood, includinggr<strong>and</strong>mothers, on a topic relatedto the history of the neighborhoodor village.Teachers can make this apart of the history curriculum.Theteacher might change the topic slightlyeach year <strong>and</strong>, for example, includeexperiences of men <strong>and</strong> women duringa war, during a famine, beforeindependence, or when learning tookplace before there were schools. Thechildren could then come back tothe classroom, share their findings,write them up, <strong>and</strong> organize theminto a small booklet that could beshared in the community.The childrencould also develop skits toshow what they have learned abouttheir village history.– Making curriculum relevant.Research on education programs indeveloping countries has suggestedthat when curriculum is not relevantto children’s lives, it becomes a factorin children’s decreased attendance<strong>and</strong> increased drop-out rates.Curriculum that engages childrenshould include elements of the locallanguage, history, cultural values <strong>and</strong>8 The National Service-<strong>Learning</strong> Clearinghouse defines service-learning as a “teaching <strong>and</strong> learning strategy that integratesmeaningful community service with instruction <strong>and</strong> reflection to enrich the learning experience, teach civic responsibility,<strong>and</strong> strengthen communities.”The core concept of service-learning is that it “combines service objectives with learningobjectives with the intent that the activity change both the recipient <strong>and</strong> the provider.This is accomplished by combiningservice tasks with structured opportunities that link the task to self-reflection, self-discovery, <strong>and</strong> the acquisition <strong>and</strong> comprehensionof values, skills, <strong>and</strong> knowledge content.”GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION47


traditions, traditional knowledge, <strong>and</strong>skills related to everyday life.Gr<strong>and</strong>parents are ideal resource personsin education sector efforts tointegrate local traditional <strong>and</strong> culturalelements into school curricula. SomeNGOs have successfully collectedproverbs, stories, <strong>and</strong> information onlocal history.This has all been incorporatedinto the curricula to sparkchildren’s interest in learning.– Ownership of the school curriculumby the community.Parents <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>parents often havegreat difficulty underst<strong>and</strong>ing what istaught to children <strong>and</strong> why. If thefamily <strong>and</strong> community are notinvolved in curriculum development,the school <strong>and</strong> what takes placeinside it remain largely foreign.Neither children nor adults knowhow to reconcile what is learned inschool with what is passed downfrom the elders.The children thenconstruct two separate worlds intheir minds. The result is often thatthe practical, applied part of learningnever takes place <strong>and</strong> learningremains theoretical. Eliciting suggestionsfrom the community on whatmight be taught builds ownership ofthe school by the community <strong>and</strong>can also help make the curriculummore practical to the children’s lives.– Making connections between the“old way” <strong>and</strong> the “new.”Professionals who come out of thecurrent educational system often seeno way to connect what theylearned in their basic training programswith what they see all aroundthem <strong>and</strong> experience in their lives inthe community <strong>and</strong> family.This situationcould be addressed by drawingthe connection between gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’explanation of how things work,<strong>and</strong> the modern view. Older farmersall over Africa, for example, knowthat night blindness is associated withanimals not eating enough grass duringthe dry season, especially whenan animal is pregnant. Many alsoknow that if pregnant women eatliver this will help avoid night blindness.Teacherscan make the connectionbetween the traditional knowledgeabout night blindness <strong>and</strong> thenutrition lesson that eating orange<strong>and</strong> green vegetables, <strong>and</strong> liver, willprevent <strong>and</strong> cure night blindness.Promoting the integration of “old”<strong>and</strong> “new” knowledge in this way canlend credence to the knowledge ofthe elders while promoting adoptionof new ideas.INTEGRATE TRADITIONALVALUES INTO THE CURRICULUM.• Collect stories, proverbs, <strong>and</strong> songs,<strong>and</strong> analyze the values expressed inthem. Use these traditional materialsas a basis for discussion of culturalvalues <strong>and</strong> of the similarities <strong>and</strong> differencesbetween traditional <strong>and</strong>modern values.Values education is particularly importantin this age of HIV/AIDS. It has becomeclear in the African context, for example,that some of the traditional practices <strong>and</strong>values must be modified to save the lives48 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


of millions. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, some ofthe traditional values, if followed, wouldprevent the spread of the infection. An indepthanalysis of both traditional culturalvalues, <strong>and</strong> of modern values <strong>and</strong> behaviors<strong>and</strong> how they relate to the HIV epidemic,could prepare children, families, <strong>and</strong>communities to help in decreasing infectionrates <strong>and</strong> stopping the epidemic.Valuesclarification has become a m<strong>and</strong>atory partof HIV/AIDS Life Skills <strong>Education</strong> coursesdesigned to reach school-aged childrenbefore they become exposed to HIV.DEVELOP PARTNERSHIPSBETWEEN GRANDMOTHERS ANDSCHOOLS.<strong>Education</strong>al research has shown consistentlythat family participation in school activitiessupports student achievement, highergrades, better attendance, avoidance ofgrade repetition, <strong>and</strong> decreased dropouts.Developing a genuine partnership withgr<strong>and</strong>mothers could increase their underst<strong>and</strong>ingof school programs <strong>and</strong> furtherstrengthen their support for schooling.Dialogue between schools <strong>and</strong> familiesreframes the family-school relationship tomake interactions, curriculum, <strong>and</strong> learninga two-way process.• Encourage families to create homeenvironments that support success inschool.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> could be the guardians of aplace to do homework <strong>and</strong> time to dohomework without competing duties.<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> can encourage children todo their homework <strong>and</strong> ask them to readto them. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> can encourage literateparents or older children to read toyounger children at home.• Encourage gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, who oftenhave more free time than mothers,to walk children to school to assuretheir safety.If gr<strong>and</strong>mothers accompany children toschool, this can help solve the consistentproblem of children’s safety, particularlythat of girls, in this age of HIV/AIDS.• Identify stories told by gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin the community that relate to thecurriculum <strong>and</strong> use these stories asteaching tools. Invite these seniorwomen to tell stories in special storytellingsessions at schools or in informalsettings.In many societies, stories <strong>and</strong> songs areused by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers as tools for communicatingcultural values to the youngergeneration <strong>and</strong> for stimulating children’s listening<strong>and</strong> problem-solving skills.Unfortunately, these important traditionaleducational tools are becoming replacedby “modern” media such as radio <strong>and</strong> television.Schools can help communities documentthese traditional communicationtools so they are not lost, by engagingboth community leaders <strong>and</strong> educators indiscussing ways to revitalize their use.Storytelling can increase gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’sense of usefulness. For children, stories<strong>and</strong> conversations with gr<strong>and</strong>mothers canstimulate their problem-solving <strong>and</strong> criticalthinking skills <strong>and</strong> provide them with oneon-oneor small group interaction that isusually lacking where pupil-teacher ratiosare very high. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>, or gr<strong>and</strong>fa­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION49


thers, can be effectively integrated intobasic education programs through storytellinginitiatives.USE PARTNERSHIPS TO PROMOTESCHOOL IMPROVEMENT.• Empower parents to participate inschool planning for curriculum content,school climate, <strong>and</strong> staff development.Families can provide support to schools atseveral levels: attending parent-teacherconferences, reinforcing learning in thehome, volunteering to help at school, <strong>and</strong>serving in elected positions on schoolplanning <strong>and</strong> management teams. If gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare not directly serving in thesepositions, they can be kept abreast of theimportance of parental roles <strong>and</strong> canencourage family <strong>and</strong> school interaction.Special social events can be conducted byteachers, at which gr<strong>and</strong>parents are invited<strong>and</strong> their support of schools is discussed.• Identify gr<strong>and</strong>mother leaders <strong>and</strong>networks.In all communities natural gr<strong>and</strong>mother“leaders” exist who, either formally orinformally, have the capacity to mobilizeother gr<strong>and</strong>mothers. Initial assessments canidentify gr<strong>and</strong>mother leaders <strong>and</strong> networks<strong>and</strong> assess their ideas about playing a rolein education. Special sessions can beorganized through the gr<strong>and</strong>mother networksto discuss with gr<strong>and</strong>mothers suchtopics as girls’ equity, children’s rights, whyreading <strong>and</strong> schooling are valuable for allchildren, the importance of educating girlsto the welfare of the family, the community<strong>and</strong> the development of the country, theimportance of good attendance <strong>and</strong>school completion, how to support homework,<strong>and</strong> optimal health practices formothers, babies <strong>and</strong> young children.Withcorrect information, support <strong>and</strong> encouragement,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers can become advocatesfor improved education-related practices,such as sending girls to school.• Form Gr<strong>and</strong>parent-Parent-TeacherAssociations.Traditional parent-teacher associations(PTA) are intended to strengthen linksbetween schools <strong>and</strong> communities, butthey are usually limited to “parents” <strong>and</strong>“teachers.” It is suggested that“Gr<strong>and</strong>parents, Parents <strong>and</strong> TeachersAssociations” (GPTA) could be establishedto incorporate the critical role <strong>and</strong> experienceof gr<strong>and</strong>parents in educating children.Involving gr<strong>and</strong>parents can contribute togreater dialogue <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ingbetween schools <strong>and</strong> communities. Forexample, given the influence of the eldersin deciding which children will attendschool <strong>and</strong> for how long, GPTA’s couldplay an important role in facilitating communitydialogue on girls’ education <strong>and</strong>identification of community strategies toaddress the loss of family labor when girlsgo to school.• Empower families to learn to usetheir collective power to advocatefor school change.Through conversations, group dialogue <strong>and</strong>reflection, gr<strong>and</strong>parents, parents, families,<strong>and</strong> communities can identify <strong>and</strong> act onsystemic problems.These may includeschool overcrowding, infrastructure in needof repair, poorly performing or untrained50 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


teachers, teacher abuse of children,predatory behavior of some teacherson girls, <strong>and</strong> poor school performance.• Involve community elders, includinggr<strong>and</strong>mothers, gr<strong>and</strong>fathers,<strong>and</strong> religious leaders, in providinginput for quality control ofschools <strong>and</strong> teacher performance.Many school programs now involvePTAs in defining the important characteristicsof a “good school” <strong>and</strong> “goodteacher”.These criteria can then beused by projects to improve projectdesign <strong>and</strong> to incorporate into teacherperformance evaluations. When teachers’performance is evaluated, gr<strong>and</strong>parents,parents, <strong>and</strong> other communitymembers can be invited to give theirinput, <strong>and</strong> compare teacher performance<strong>and</strong> school quality to the criteriathey developed.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION51


APPENDIX A: METHODOLOGYUSED IN THIS REVIEWGiven the relatively limited documentationon the topic of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’involvement in children’sdevelopment, it was necessary to adopt amulti-pronged <strong>and</strong> somewhat unconventionaldata collection strategy. The informationconsidered in this review comesfrom 94 written documents—literaturepublished either in journals or on the web,website descriptions of policies <strong>and</strong> programsof development organizations, <strong>and</strong>unpublished,“gray,” literature from developmentorganizations—<strong>and</strong> 25 key informantinterviews dealing with approximately 75different cultural contexts from six continents.While the information analyzedcame from geographically diverse sources,it is acknowledged that this review did nottake into account all available documentationon all cultures in the world.Published literature: The primary areasexamined were: anthropology, sociology,gerontology, early childhood development,primary education, community health <strong>and</strong>nutrition, hygiene education, culture <strong>and</strong>development.Gray literature (internal company documentsor unpublished documents, such asproject reports): From numerous NGO<strong>and</strong> government programs in Africa, Asia<strong>and</strong> Latin America.Website descriptions of the policies <strong>and</strong>programs of development organizationsinvolved in child development including:UNICEF, UNESCO, Bernard Van LeerFoundation, WHO,The AIDS Alliance, Savethe Children, Christian Children’s Fund,CARE <strong>and</strong> HelpAge International.Key informant contacts were made withchild development specialists at: the WorldBank, Johns Hopkins University, CornellUniversity, UNICEF, the InternationalConsultative Group on Early ChildhoodCare <strong>and</strong> Development, Mahidol Universityin Bangkok, the University of San Francisco,the Academy for <strong>Education</strong>al Development(AED), NGO practitioners especially fromSenegal, Bangladesh, Ecuador, <strong>and</strong> Fiji.GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION53


APPENDIX B:ANNOTATEDREFERENCES ON THE ROLE OFGRANDMOTHERSIn Section II of this paper, some of theavailable literature related to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles in child development waspresented. Here, numerous additional referencesare presented dealing with variousaspects of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles, advice <strong>and</strong>practices related to: early childhood development,education, formal school education,health, nutrition, hygiene, social supportin the context of HIV/AIDS, <strong>and</strong> cultural<strong>and</strong> moral development. The examplesreviewed here are presented byregions of the world: Africa, Asia, LatinAmerica,The Pacific, North America, <strong>and</strong>Australia.While some of the references presentedhere are from published sources, many arefrom the “gray literature” <strong>and</strong> others arebased on communication or interviewswith key informants.Due to the author’s background <strong>and</strong> thetime allotted for this review, the majorityof the references discussed here deal withgr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles in the area of child<strong>and</strong> family health <strong>and</strong> nutrition. It isbelieved that the numerous examples fromvariety of cultural contexts documentingthe advice <strong>and</strong> influence of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersregarding child health <strong>and</strong> nutrition areindicative of the ubiquitous role they playin supporting child growth <strong>and</strong> developmentat the household <strong>and</strong> communitylevels.As regards the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong>gr<strong>and</strong>fathers in HIV/AIDS, it was decidednot to give major importance to this topicin this review. This decision was made fortwo reasons. First, this review looks at abroad range of cultural contexts <strong>and</strong> childrelatedneeds, of which support for AIDSorphans is only one. Second, a comprehensivereview on gr<strong>and</strong>parenting <strong>and</strong>HIV/AIDS has just been published in 2003by HelpAge/HIV-AIDS Alliance.For each of the studies/reports reviewed, asynopsis of the findings or opinions is presented.Specific information on themethodologies <strong>and</strong> more detailed findingscan be found in the original documents.EXAMPLES FROM AFRICAMadagascar: In a study on infant nutritionpractices, it was concluded that “gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare valuable family resource personsdue to their experience, proximity<strong>and</strong> availability” (BASICS/Linkages 1998,33). Most younger women have heavyworkloads <strong>and</strong> limited time to spend withGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION55


­their young children. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> havemore time to spend with young children<strong>and</strong> are very committed to caring forthem given their value to Malgache society.The study also showed that in keepingwith the gender-associated roles of men<strong>and</strong> women in Malgache society, the familymembers that know least about childhealth/nutrition are men. Men themselvesstated that if one of their children is sick,their wives would seek help first from thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers, <strong>and</strong> later from health workers. Men did not suggest that their wiveswould seek their advice. Men <strong>and</strong> womenagreed that in Malgache families gr<strong>and</strong>mothersmake many of the importantdecisions related to child health.The study concluded that given gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’role as family resource personson child health <strong>and</strong> well-being, they shouldbe included in future child health/nutritionactivities, rather than excluded.Lastly, all gr<strong>and</strong>mother interviewees agreedthat, as compared with health workers,their knowledge is superior, reflecting theirconfidence in their own knowledge <strong>and</strong>experience.Mali: In a rapid assessment of beliefs <strong>and</strong>practices related to newborn health carriedout by Save the Children/USA(Waltensperger 2001a), it was concludedthat in the patrilineal Bambara households,where women live with their husb<strong>and</strong>’sfamily, the mothers-in-law play a centralrole in all health promotion <strong>and</strong> illness situations.“Within the household, the criticalrole of mothers-in-law in resource allocation,illness recognition <strong>and</strong> decision-makingfor care-seeking cannot be overstated”(8). The study concludes that given theirgreat influence in the family, senior femalefamily members should be included in allhealth education strategies.Waltensperger’s findings regarding the roleof senior Bambara women with newbornsare echoed in an extensive ethnographicstudy (Toulmin 1992) that includes adescription of their role during the criticalperiod of childbirth. “Childbirth practicesare…under the control of a group of elderlywomen who are responsible for lookingafter births in a cluster of neighboringfamilies” (224). In contrast to these findings,however, a Save the Children-USstudy conducted in Mali in 2000 on newbornhealth does not report that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersplay a central role during delivery<strong>and</strong> with newborns. This differenceappears to be due to the methodologyused in the latter report that involved anarrower analysis of birthing <strong>and</strong> newborns.Community child development programsoften incorrectly assume that young motherscan make autonomous decisions relatedto the well-being of themselves <strong>and</strong>their offspring while ignoring the powerrelationship that exists between older <strong>and</strong>younger in the household. AnthropologistCastle (1994) discusses the authority <strong>and</strong>power that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers have over theirdaughter-in-laws in Fulani <strong>and</strong> Nubebehouseholds, manifest in the dominant roleplayed by senior women during childhoodillnesses. When children are sick, household“specialists,” primarily postmenopausalwomen, are responsible for diagnosing,treating <strong>and</strong> sometimes referring childrento healers outside the household. It is not56 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


acceptable for younger women to makedecisions on their own regarding treatmentof sick children <strong>and</strong> in these situations theyare expected to consult with their motherin-lawor other senior female members oftheir husb<strong>and</strong>s’ family given the experience<strong>and</strong> authority of these women vis-à-visyounger women in the household. Castle’swork focuses on child health but it can beassumed that the “hierarchical transmissionof knowledge” (330) from senior to juniorwomen in the household applies not onlyto health matters but also to other areasof children’s development.Guinea: Female genital circumcision iswidespread among different ethnic groupsin Guinée. This traditional ritual, carriedout in different ways in different parts ofthe country, is seen as a necessary step inbecoming a mature woman. A study donein 1999 (Yoder et al.) showed that, whilenowadays, the actual cutting is frequentlydone by trained midwives, overall responsibilityfor organizing this important ceremonyis still conferred on certain seniorwomen, based on their age <strong>and</strong> authorityin society.Tunisia: In a study on household practicescarried out in all regions of the country,related to management of diarrheal disease(Aubel <strong>and</strong> Mansour 1989), the roleof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers at the family level wasdocumented. While health facilities arequite accessible in most parts of the country,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play a leading role in theinitial diagnosis <strong>and</strong> treatment at home <strong>and</strong>in the deciding if outside help is required.Younger women are expected to listen tothe advice of senior women in the family,given their age <strong>and</strong> experience.Burkina Faso: In 1995, a study(APAIB/WINS) on breastfeeding was carriedout in the USAID-supported WINSproject with Mossi <strong>and</strong> Peuhl communities.Many health <strong>and</strong> development people inBurkina Faso refer to it as “TheGr<strong>and</strong>mother Study.” It seems that thiswas the first time that the important roleof the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, or Yaaba, as they arecalled in Moré, was documented in a communityhealth project.The study concludedthat while gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are not alwaysdirectly caring for children, their advice onall aspects of childcare consistently influencethe practices of younger women.“The Yaaba, or gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, are olderwomen who are known for the experience<strong>and</strong> advice that they give to youngerwomen regarding all aspects of childcare…Theyteach women, especially thosewho have given birth for the first time,how to care for their children. It is clearthat the Yaaba play an important role inthe health <strong>and</strong> nutrition of women <strong>and</strong>children” (5). It was also observed that therole of fathers is, in most cases, to provideresources required to implement the recommendationsof the powerful yaabas.The study concluded that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersshould be involved in rather than excludedfrom child health <strong>and</strong> development programs.In spite of the initial enthusiasm, inthe ten years since this groundbreakingstudy was done, there do not yet appearto be any programs in the country thathave explicitly involved gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.Also in 1995, one of the conclusions of anevaluation of the AFRICARE child survivalproject in Ganzourgou was that “There is aconsensus between men <strong>and</strong> women thatGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION57


gr<strong>and</strong>mothers have a great influence onthe knowledge <strong>and</strong> practices of youngerwomen <strong>and</strong> their children. They arerespected because of their experience caringfor children, their advice is frequentlysought, <strong>and</strong> they often are directly involvedin caring for young children” (Aubel &Hoemeke 1995, 33). It was recommendedthat future child survival strategies shoulddirectly involve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers given theimportant role they play at the householdlevel.Benin: In Bariba culture, when youngwomen marry, their husb<strong>and</strong>s expect theolder, experienced women in the family toadvise <strong>and</strong> look after their wives, especiallywhen they are pregnant <strong>and</strong> after theygive birth (Bio 2003).This is true both inrural <strong>and</strong> more urban areas. For couplesliving in more urban areas, away from thepaternal household, when a woman isabout seven months pregnant one of theolder women in the family, often an aunt,goes to stay with the couple in order toprovide the close follow-up required thelast months of the pregnancy. The “aunt,”as she is referred to, observes <strong>and</strong> providesadvice to the pregnant woman onher diet, work <strong>and</strong> other activities.Especially with the first child the husb<strong>and</strong> isnot supposed to be too involved eitherduring the pregnancy nor after his wifegives birth. The belief is that the childbelongs to, <strong>and</strong> is the responsibility of thewhole family, but especially of the femalesin the household. It is expected that all ofthe “aunties” in the family, i.e. the maturewomen, will play a role in advising <strong>and</strong> caringfor the young woman <strong>and</strong> her infant.After birth, either the “auntie” stays on tocare for the newborn <strong>and</strong> new mother orthe mother <strong>and</strong> newborn go to stay withthe mother-in-law, often for two years, tobenefit from the informal teaching <strong>and</strong>support required by a new mother. In virtuallyall cases, husb<strong>and</strong>s assume thatresponsibility for caring for their wives <strong>and</strong>young children will fall to their mothers<strong>and</strong> other aunties, based on their experience<strong>and</strong> age.Senegal: In the past ten years, four studieshave comprehensively documented the significantrole <strong>and</strong> influence of gr<strong>and</strong>motherson breastfeeding, on maternal <strong>and</strong> childnutrition, on practices with newborns, <strong>and</strong>care of young children. In l995, a studyfunded by USAID (MOH/WELLSTART),coordinated by the author of this review,showed that,“In both rural <strong>and</strong> urbanareas the predominant influence onwomen’s practices related to breastfeedingis the advice <strong>and</strong> support they receivefrom the older women who are part oftheir social networks. Compared withhealth workers, these older women arecloser to them, more respected, <strong>and</strong> havemore influence on them.” (5) From birth,women are advised on how to care fortheir child in all respects, by their mothersin-law,their own mothers, <strong>and</strong> by otherexperienced women in the family.In 2001, Christian Children’s Fund conducteda study (Aubel et al.) on the role ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in Maternal Child Health(MCH) in the context of its child survivalproject in western Senegal. It documentedthe central <strong>and</strong> multi-dimensional roleplayed by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in family life <strong>and</strong>specifically related to issues concerningwomen <strong>and</strong> children. The study clearly58 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


showed that men are not directly involvedin child care <strong>and</strong> development issues <strong>and</strong>on all such matters they are advised bytheir mothers regarding what should bedone <strong>and</strong> what support should provide.While husb<strong>and</strong>s are expected to makecertain key decisions related to the welfareof women <strong>and</strong> children, it is clear that inmost cases they are advised by their motherswho have infinitely more experience<strong>and</strong> knowledge of these issues. Theseinputs into their decision-making from their“resident technical advisors,” i.e. theirmothers, are generally overlooked.A study on newborn health was commissionedby BASICS in 2002 <strong>and</strong> conductedby the anthropologist, Niang (2003). Thefocus of this investigation was pregnancy,childbirth, <strong>and</strong> newborn care. However, itclearly reveals the influence of seniorwomen in the family <strong>and</strong> specifically theauthoritative role of mothers-in-law overthe lives <strong>and</strong> practices of daughters-in-lawrelated to themselves <strong>and</strong> their children.More broadly, it reveals the influence of thesocial networks of women in which alldaughters-in-law are a part, composed primarilyof female family members. Withinthese networks it is the senior women, orgr<strong>and</strong>mothers, who are the key advisors<strong>and</strong> supervisors of pregnancy, delivery <strong>and</strong>childcare after birth. Direct communicationbetween husb<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> wives is limited <strong>and</strong>in many cases the mother-in-law serves asan intermediary. For example, in manycases a woman first informs her mother-inlawof a pregnancy <strong>and</strong>, in turn, the husb<strong>and</strong>is informed by his mother. Husb<strong>and</strong>sare advised by their mothers on all issuesrelated to maternal <strong>and</strong> child health <strong>and</strong>development, <strong>and</strong> similarly, they expecttheir wives to follow the advice of theirmothers.Tanzania: A study was conducted toexamine household practices related totreatment of childhood malaria in order todetermine how to strengthen family strategies(Nsimba 2003). It was found that thekey actors in diagnosing <strong>and</strong> deciding whatto do when a child has malaria are thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers, or mothers-in-law.They arethe decision-makers regarding what shouldbe done at home <strong>and</strong> whether it is necessaryto seek outside treatment. Also, theycollaborate closely with the traditionalhealers, who are frequently consultedespecially for some types of malariabelieved to be caused by evil spirits.Cameroon: A study conducted with six ofthe major socio-cultural groups showedthat when children have diarrhea <strong>and</strong>other common childhood illnesses, relativelyfew are taken to health facilities <strong>and</strong>most treatment is provided within the family(Aubel & Ndonko 1989). Furthermore,within the family it is the experienced,older women who are primarily responsiblefor deciding on the treatment strategyto be adopted.Kenya: An extensive study on child-rearingpractices in several rural <strong>and</strong> urban areas(Swadener et al 1996) revealed that inrural sites gr<strong>and</strong>mothers generally continueto play a strong role, both in providingchildcare where younger mothers havemultiple other tasks to carry out <strong>and</strong> toplay an important role in the enculturationof young children; passing on stories, songs,values <strong>and</strong> traditions. In urban areas <strong>and</strong>GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION59


on tea plantations where nuclear familiesare more common, the critical role ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers in cultural transmission isseverely reduced. The researchers concludedthat in areas where the extendedfamily still predominates, the most sustainablestrategy for enhancing EarlyChildhood Care <strong>and</strong> Development(ECCE) would involve home-based activitiesto strengthen the ability of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersto organize playgroups composed ofonly a few children.This recommendationwas strongly supported by communityinformants insofar as it would build ongr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ traditional role in childcare.Also in Kenya, among the Taita, as in manyethnic groups in Africa, it is taboo for parentsto speak to their children about sex(Epstein 1993). A critical role played bythe gr<strong>and</strong>mothers is orienting <strong>and</strong> advisingyoung girls about sexual values <strong>and</strong> roles.The gr<strong>and</strong>mothers spend between one tothree months secluded with young adolescentgirls teaching them about their role aschild-bearers <strong>and</strong> wives. This critical roleof senior women in initiating girls to womanhoodis common to virtually all culturesin Sub-Saharan Africa (Gordon 2003).Ethiopia: In a study of traditional childcarein the Shewa region (Negussie 1989), itwas found that many of the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’practices are beneficial related to the care<strong>and</strong> feeding of infants, deliveries, maternalhealth <strong>and</strong> traditional home remedies forcommon illnesses. Older women spendlots of time with children from birth <strong>and</strong>are very much involved in the “informaleducation” of infants <strong>and</strong> young children.The author laments that in existinghealth/development programs little attentionis paid to preserving these beneficialtraditional practices.Niger: In a rapid assessment conducted inthe east of the country in Hausa <strong>and</strong>Djerma communities, the role <strong>and</strong> influenceof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in household managementof diarrhea was clearly revealed(Aubel et al. 1991).The study showed thatwhen a child is ill, various family membersare involved in deciding what should bedone. However, within the collective decision-makingprocess it is usually the gr<strong>and</strong>motherwho plays a leading role given herage <strong>and</strong> experience. In an area wherethere is considerable use of traditionalhealers, it is usually the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers whodecide to seek help from these specialists<strong>and</strong> who coordinate recommended treatmentswith them.In western Niger, the findings of anotherrapid assessment on the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin maternal <strong>and</strong> child nutrition(Aubel et al. 2000) yielded similar resultsregarding gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ strong influence inadvising <strong>and</strong> supervising women both duringpregnancy <strong>and</strong> with their young offspring.Community leaders stated thatgr<strong>and</strong>mothers are important communityresource persons for all matters related towomen’s <strong>and</strong> children’s health <strong>and</strong> wellbeing.Husb<strong>and</strong>s stated that they consulttheir own mothers (the child’s gr<strong>and</strong>mother)when there are decisions to be maderegarding either their wives or children. Alast significant finding is that in the vegetablegardening activities organized forwomen by HKI, the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers madeup about three-quarters of all the participants.They stated that they were moreinvolved in gardening than younger women60 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


ecause they had more time to devote tothis activity <strong>and</strong> also because they wereinterested in learning about new plantingtechniques <strong>and</strong> garden products.Sudan: A 1993 study (Bedri) showed thatgr<strong>and</strong>mothers have significant influencewithin the family related to various aspectsof childcare <strong>and</strong> health promotion. Whilesome of their advice is beneficial, relatedto pregnant women’s diets, early initiationof breastfeeding after birth, <strong>and</strong> supplementaryfeeding, other advice is not—-forexample, related to female genital mutilation,early marriage, <strong>and</strong> avoidance of contraception.The author concluded thatgr<strong>and</strong>mothers should be directly involvedin health education activities in order toencourage them to modify certain practices<strong>and</strong> thereby improve the impact ofthe advice they give to other householdmembers. The involvement of Sudanesegr<strong>and</strong>mothers at all stages of the life cycleis also discussed by Bedri <strong>and</strong> Lovel(1993).In the results of an earlier study (Aubel etal. 1990) in central Sudan on householdpractices related to diarrhea, the role ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers was also documented. Bothmen <strong>and</strong> women said that the gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare consulted when a child has diarrhea,<strong>and</strong> that their advice on how to dealwith the problem—either with householdremedies, pharmaceutical products or visitsto the health center—is usually followed,given their extensive experience in childhealth matters. In this same study it wasfound that health workers are highly criticalof traditional home remedies <strong>and</strong> ofthe gr<strong>and</strong>mothers who promote them.The Gambia: Several studies have shownthe critical role gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play inregard to child health. In a study on infantnutrition (Samba & Gittlesohn 1991) itwas found that during the rainy season,when mothers are very busy with agriculturalwork <strong>and</strong> spend less time at home,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> older daughters haveprimary responsibility for caring for youngchildren. At this time of year there is alsoless food available <strong>and</strong> more cases of diarrhea.In other words, at this precarioustime of year the knowledge <strong>and</strong> skills ofgr<strong>and</strong>mothers are a critical factor in determiningchild health <strong>and</strong> well-being.In a recent study (Sear et al. 2000) inM<strong>and</strong>inka communities it was found thatwhere a gr<strong>and</strong>mother is present the nutritionalstatus of their young gr<strong>and</strong>children isbetter than where these senior womenare not present. The same study showedthat the presence or absence of the fatheror gr<strong>and</strong>father had no impact on thechild’s nutritional status. These results substantiatethe influence of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers onchild nutrition <strong>and</strong> development <strong>and</strong> supportthe argument that the overall impactof their strategies to produce healthygr<strong>and</strong>children is positive.Ghana: A rapid assessment on infant feedingcarried out by LINKAGES with theMinistry of Health in 2000 (Schubert2001) showed that both gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> men have significant influence onwomen’s breastfeeding (BF) practices.These findings were the basis for developinga health education strategy targetingthese two groups of household actors.Another study on complementary feedingGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION61


was conducted in the Kumasi area (Daviset al. 2003). Similar to the Linkages studyresults, it was found that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersmost frequently assume the role of “caretaker”when the mothers are occupiedwith other tasks, with husb<strong>and</strong>s being thesecond most common caretakers.Similarly, in a third study, with women inpaid employment (Date-Bah 1985), it wasfound that the maternal gr<strong>and</strong>mother wasthe most common caretaker when womenwere away at work.Lesotho: A study on breastfeedingrevealed that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ traditionbasedadvice <strong>and</strong> practices related tobreastfeeding is often superior to theadvice given by health clinic staff (Almrothet al. 1997). <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ were adamantthat it is harmful <strong>and</strong> unnecessary to givewater to breastfeeding infants during theirfirst months of life. The gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’maintained that this harmful practice camefrom health workers, thus providing advicethat is both harmful <strong>and</strong> contradicts thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ views. The authors concludedthat gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ good adviceshould be shared with both youngermothers <strong>and</strong> health workers.South Africa: It is often assumed thatyoung women have full responsibility forchildcare <strong>and</strong> for decision-making on theuse of family resources. A study in Natalprovince (Chopra 2003) illuminates thesetwo critical dimensions of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’influence in the household. It showed thatapproximately the same percentage ofyoung children (3 to 59 months) are caredfor by their gr<strong>and</strong>mothers (39 percent) asby their own mothers (41 percent), clearlysuggesting the importance of the child-carerole of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in this setting.Regarding household decision-making, thestudy also showed that while more thanhalf of the younger women (57 percent)decide how much will be spent on foodfor the family, in almost a quarter of thefamilies it is the gr<strong>and</strong>mother who makesthese decisions (23 percent), while in onlyl6 percent does the husb<strong>and</strong> decide.Nigeria: A study on breastfeeding amongrural Yoruba in Southwest Nigeria documentedthe significant influence of olderwomen on younger women’s breastfeedingpractices from the first moments afterbirth (Davies-Adetugbo 1997). Whilethese experienced women strongly promotebreastfeeding, some of their advice isbeneficial <strong>and</strong> some is not. Immediatelyafter birth the older women who are tocare for the newborn <strong>and</strong> mother carryout a series of ritual-bound practices,decreasing the likelihood that the baby willbe breastfed in the first half hour as healthworkers recommend. Most of thembelieve that colostrum should not be givento the newborn, that medicinal herbsshould be administered “to clean out thestomach,” <strong>and</strong> that, during the first weeks<strong>and</strong> months of life, infants require supplementalwater along with breast milk. Onthe other h<strong>and</strong>, they give good advice tobreastfeeding women regarding their diet<strong>and</strong> most are vehemently opposed toinfant feedingMalawi: In a rapid assessment of roles <strong>and</strong>practices related to newborn care, in thecontext of work by Save the Children/US,the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers at this criticalperiod was clearly documented(Waltensperger 2001b). Whether in62 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


­matrilineal or patrilineal areas of the country,young mothers are advised <strong>and</strong> supervisedby either their mothers or mothersin-law,as they master the art of motherhoodbased on cultural <strong>and</strong> family norms.In both systems (matrilineal <strong>and</strong> patrilineal),gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ role as household advisorsis not limited to younger women.“<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> serve as the first-line gatekeepersfor care-seeing <strong>and</strong> have influenceon male relatives in decision-making.” (8)<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>’ authority in child developmentmatters often puts younger womenin a compromising situation. Young womenstate that some of the advice regardingchildcare that they receive from gr<strong>and</strong>motherscontradicts what they hear on theradio or at the health center but “they feelpowerless to contradict or resist” (8).Withthe AIDS epidemic in Malawi, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’role in child-care has increased exponentially.Coming to similar conclusions, a study onbreastfeeding conducted by Project Hope(Katchitsa 1999) in southern Malawishowed that senior women are present inmost households <strong>and</strong> that they adviseyounger women on how to initiate <strong>and</strong>sustain breastfeeding. Some of the advicethey provide is appropriate, while otheradvice does not reflect current prioritiespromoted in the health sector. Manygr<strong>and</strong>mothers lamented the fact that todayyounger women do not always follow theiradvice <strong>and</strong> they listen to the health workers who advise them differently.EXAMPLE FROM EASTERNEUROPEAlbania: In predominantly Muslim <strong>and</strong>matrilineal Albania, young women typicallylive with, or close to, their husb<strong>and</strong>’s familyboth in rural <strong>and</strong> urban areas. Accordingto a recent Save The Children study onECD (HDC 2002), at the family level thereis a clear differentiation in roles betweenhusb<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> wives, <strong>and</strong> also betweengr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fathers, in caringfor <strong>and</strong> educating young children. Thereport states that men play a very limitedrole in caring for children. “The responsibilitiesof fathers are exclusively related toensuring an income (for the family), protecting<strong>and</strong> disciplining children…(<strong>and</strong>)they are not felt as an integral part of thelife of their children.” (56) However, whenboys are older, fathers do become moreinvolved in their education. According tothe report, men’s involvement in childcaretasks is strongly criticized by other men,<strong>and</strong> even by some women. Following thesame gender-differentiated roles, gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare more involved with youngchildren than gr<strong>and</strong>fathers.Women are responsible for the upbringing<strong>and</strong> education of children <strong>and</strong> their knowledgeof the appropriate values <strong>and</strong> practicesin childrearing is passed to them fromprevious generations, through seniorwomen in the family. “Available knowledge<strong>and</strong> information is learned from the oldergeneration: mothers, mothers-in-law, sisters-in-lawetc.” (HDC, 52) The mothersin-law/gr<strong>and</strong>mothersplay a central role infamily life as advisors to both their sons<strong>and</strong> daughters-in-law on matters related tothe well-being of women <strong>and</strong> children, aswell as on other family issues. While thereport acknowledges the active role playedby gr<strong>and</strong>parents in ECD, it suggests thatGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION63


families should listen to the “experts”rather than the inadequate knowledge ofthe older generation.EXAMPLES FROM ASIABangladesh: The influential role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin families, particularly paternalgr<strong>and</strong>mothers, was revealed in key informantinterviews conducted with NGO fieldstaff involved in ECD programs supportedby CARE (Munmun 2004), Save theChildren/US (Mahmud & Mitra 2004), <strong>and</strong>Plan International (Akhter 2004). There isa saying in Bengali that,“<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong><strong>and</strong> Gr<strong>and</strong>fathers know everything” (DaduNani janen), reflecting the respect thatyounger family members are expected tohave for the experience <strong>and</strong> wisdom ofthe elders. All interviewees stated thatgr<strong>and</strong>mothers have two main roles inmost Bangladeshi families. First, they assistwith all aspects of childcare, particularly foryoung children <strong>and</strong> when mothers arebusy with other tasks. In most familiesthey are the main caregiver after themothers. Second, they teach both theirchildren <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>children about allaspects of life, based on their life-longexperiences. One of the key methodsused by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fathers toteach children is storytelling, in which values<strong>and</strong> traditional ideas are passed on tothe next generation.India: In Bihar, rapid assessments carriedout both by CARE (Capps 2004) <strong>and</strong> CRS(Harvey 2004), in the context of theirrespective child survival projects, revealedthe strong influence of the mothers-in-law,or paternal gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, both on decision-makingby husb<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> their wives,<strong>and</strong> on all matters related to child rearing<strong>and</strong> health. In some cases gr<strong>and</strong>mothersdescribed beneficial traditional practices,such as exclusive breastfeeding, <strong>and</strong>expressed regrets that many youngerwomen have not adopted this same practice.On the other h<strong>and</strong>, many gr<strong>and</strong>mothersdescribed harmful practices thatthey recommend, such as advising awoman who has just delivered to not eatfor three days. The assessments documentedtwo attitudes of the gr<strong>and</strong>mothersobserved during the interviews thatappear to be significant. First, in both casesit is reported that they were very assertivewhen describing their beliefs <strong>and</strong> practices.This suggests the level of confidence theyhave in their own experience <strong>and</strong> the convictionwith which they probably tell theirdaughter-in-laws what to do. Second, inboth cases they expressed their interest inlearning about new concepts related tochild health in order to improve their practices.Another dimension of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ roles,related to pregnancy <strong>and</strong> childbirth, isreported by Wiley (2002). In rural northwestIndia, both during <strong>and</strong> after pregnancy,women’s practices with themselves <strong>and</strong>their newborns are greatly influenced bythe advice they receive from their networksof female neighbors <strong>and</strong> relatives,<strong>and</strong> especially by the experienced, olderwomen, viewed as authorities on thesetopics. The authority <strong>and</strong> influence thatthese senior women have on youngerwomen is clearly revealed in Wiley’s referenceto their role in the informal “managementof pregnancy” (1098) wherein widerangingadvice is provided to women on64 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


diet, work, fetal development, sexual relations,<strong>and</strong> traditional preventive measuresto protect the woman <strong>and</strong> child.Pakistan: In Pakistan, most women moveinto the house of their husb<strong>and</strong>’s parentswhen they marry, although in urban areassome live in separate residences that areoften close to their in-laws. Even in caseswhere women live in a different town,their mothers-in-law continue to exercisestrong influence over them <strong>and</strong> their childrearingpractices. Iqbal’s study in urbanIslamabad (1995) found that advice bymothers-in-law has considerable influenceon the decision by daughters-in-lawregarding whether or not to breastfeed.sNepal: A rapid assessment carried outwith NTAG, a local NGO in Nepal, documentedthe important role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothersin the Kathm<strong>and</strong>u Valley (Aubel et al.1999). <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> play multiple rolesthat contribute to the well-being of children,women, <strong>and</strong> the family at large,including care for gr<strong>and</strong>children, housework,kitchen gardening, care for small animals,guarding the house, <strong>and</strong> giving adviceon various family matters including childhealth <strong>and</strong> development. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>state that their most important contributionto the family is their teaching <strong>and</strong> caringfor their gr<strong>and</strong>children, to which theyare clearly very committed. Buddhismteaches that gr<strong>and</strong>parents have an obligationto teach the younger generation <strong>and</strong>that younger family members shouldrespect their advice. In both rural <strong>and</strong>urban areas of Nepal today, it seems thatin most families the knowledge <strong>and</strong> experienceof these senior family members isacknowledged <strong>and</strong> that for matters relatedto children <strong>and</strong> women the gr<strong>and</strong>mothersare frequently consulted <strong>and</strong> involved indecision-making. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> statedthat their two greatest sources of satisfactionin life are passing on their knowledge<strong>and</strong> traditions to their gr<strong>and</strong>children <strong>and</strong>feeling useful in caring for their gr<strong>and</strong>children.Laos: In 1996, a WHO-sponsored studylooked at the roles <strong>and</strong> influence of familymembers on child health matters (Aubelet al. 1996), specifically related to diarrhealdisease <strong>and</strong> acute respiratory infection. Itwas concluded that in Laotian families seniormen <strong>and</strong> women are respected fortheir knowledge <strong>and</strong> experience but inchild health matters it is the gr<strong>and</strong>motherswho are particularly influential, given theirmany years of experience in this domain.Other family members recognize that it isthe gr<strong>and</strong>mothers who have the expertiseto diagnose childhood illnesses <strong>and</strong> identifythe most appropriate treatment.“Theiropinion regarding how to manage thechild’s illness is usually sought <strong>and</strong> theiradvice is usually followed.” (53). Mothersrarely decide on their own how to dealwith a sick child given their easy access tosenior women advisors either within oroutside of the family.Thail<strong>and</strong>: In a study in Northeast Thail<strong>and</strong>,in an area that is socio-culturally similar toparts of Laos (Shawyer et al. 1996), it wasconcluded that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play a significantrole in managing childhood illnesses atthe household level. They are responsiblefor passing on to the next generation thefolk taxonomy for different types of diarrheathat determines the diagnosis <strong>and</strong>, inturn, the treatment strategy. While someGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION65


of their knowledge is sound, in other casestheir beliefs are incorrect <strong>and</strong>/or harmful.Professor Sakorn points out that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersplay a particularly important rolein the economically depressed northeastarea of Thail<strong>and</strong> where out-migration isstrong <strong>and</strong> where gr<strong>and</strong>parents are the“heads of household” in more than 1/4 ofall households (Sakorn 2003). In that sameregion, during the rice-planting season,when children are especially vulnerable astheir mothers spend more time away inthe rice fields, <strong>and</strong> when there is morediarrhea <strong>and</strong> less food available, it is thegr<strong>and</strong>mothers who have primary responsibilityfor their care. Sakorn strongly feelsthat child development programs shouldsystematically involve gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.Indonesia: In West Java, where mostwomen have heavy workloads both within<strong>and</strong> outside the household setting, it wasfound that gr<strong>and</strong>mothers play a criticalrole in care-giving (Gryboski 1996 <strong>and</strong>2000). As compared with other familymembers, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are the primarysubstitute caregivers, but care is also providedby other adult female relatives, byolder siblings, <strong>and</strong> to a lesser extent byfathers <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fathers. In addition togr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ role in direct care-giving,they also have a strong influence onyounger women’s knowledge <strong>and</strong> practicesrelated to child growth <strong>and</strong> developmentthrough the frequent advice they give <strong>and</strong>supervision that they ensure. In an ethnicallydistinct part of Indonesia, key informantinterviews carried out in Flores (Aubel2001) also provided evidence of the centralrole played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in childgrowth <strong>and</strong> development. Intervieweesstressed that families have great respect forgr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ advice both due to theesteem accorded to elders in their culture<strong>and</strong> also due to gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ great experiencein childrearing.China: The research done by Yajun <strong>and</strong>colleagues (1999) in eastern China, citedabove, documented the strong influenceparticularly of the paternal gr<strong>and</strong>motherson all aspects of child growth <strong>and</strong> development.Even though gr<strong>and</strong>parents usuallydo not live in the same house as their sons<strong>and</strong> their families, there is virtually dailycontact between gr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong> theirgr<strong>and</strong>children through their active role inchildcare, especially when their daughtersin-laware away at work.Uzbekistan: The study conducted byProject Hope (Aubel et al. 2003) in theeastern part of the country documentedthe central role played by gr<strong>and</strong>mothers inUzbek families in all activities related to thehealth <strong>and</strong> well-being of women <strong>and</strong> children.Uzbekistan is currently involved in asort of cultural revival, after many yearsunder Soviet rule. In interviews with communitymembers, it was frequently statedthat the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are an importantpart of Uzbekistan’s cultural heritage.EXAMPLES FROM LATIN AMERICAEcuador: Among the Saguaro Indians, thedependency of families on senior womenas “informal family healers” for all child <strong>and</strong>family health matters has been extensivelydocumented (Finerman 1989b). Whileaccess to both biomedical <strong>and</strong> traditionalhealth specialists is generally good, youngerwomen usually seek treatment advice <strong>and</strong>support from experienced older women66 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


in the family <strong>and</strong> social networks. Saguarogr<strong>and</strong>mothers are involved not only intreatment but also in health promotionwithin the family. McKee (1987) came tosimilar conclusions based on work in theHighl<strong>and</strong>s where “primary medical specialists”at the household level are seniorwomen who, in turn, train younger womento assume this role.Colombia: In urban Bogota, Myers <strong>and</strong>Indriso (1986) found that in extended familieschildcare was most frequently providedby female relatives, including mothers<strong>and</strong> mothers-in-law.Mexico: Related to infant feeding, a studyin rural Mexico documented the influenceof female social networks on childcarepractices of younger women. It was foundthat women with young babies more frequentlyconsult their mothers-in-law, mothers,<strong>and</strong> sisters for advice on infant feeding,than their doctors.EXAMPLES FROM THE PACIFICIn a 1998 study on breastfeeding practicesin urban Suva, in Fiji, it was found that, bothamong Indigenous Fijians <strong>and</strong> Indo Fijians,women’s infant feeding practices are significantlyinfluenced by the networks ofwomen within <strong>and</strong> around their families(UNICEF/Fiji 1998).EXAMPLES OF MORESYSTEMIC ANALYSES OF(GRANDMOTHERS’) ROLES INCHILDREN’S DEVELOPMENTMost of the literature discussed abovereports on discrete attitudes <strong>and</strong> practicesof gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ practices related to program-specificchild development issues,such as childcare, breastfeeding or femalecircumcision. However, very few of themprovide information on gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’roles within household systems, <strong>and</strong> theirinfluence <strong>and</strong> involvement in decision-making.There are some examples of formativeassessments, carried out in the context ofchild development programs, that arebased on a family <strong>and</strong> community systemsapproach in which there is analysis both ofthe roles <strong>and</strong> influence of the varioushousehold actors on a child’s development,<strong>and</strong> of the specific practices of thosehousehold members. While no definitivemethodology exists for applying such anapproach, two other studies have beendescribed here that serve as examples ofhow this approach might be applied <strong>and</strong> ofthe type of results it could produce: first, astudy on newborn health conducted byHKI in Mali (Aubel et al. 2002), <strong>and</strong> second,a study on ECD carried out by SaveThe Children in Nepal (2000). The HKIstudy in Mali was a rapid assessment carriedout in one month with HKI <strong>and</strong>Ministry of Health staff. The Nepal studywas conducted over a one-year period bya team of researchers.SYSTEMS APPROACH TO STUDYINGNEWBORN HEALTH: MALIIn Mali, Helen Keller International (HKI), incollaboration with the Ministry of Health<strong>and</strong> Social Affairs, is implementing a communityproject to promote newbornhealth <strong>and</strong> reduce neonatal deaths. At theoutset of the project, a formative qualitativestudy was carried out in BambaraGRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION67


households in order to determine the role,influence, <strong>and</strong> practices of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> other household actors related eitherdirectly or indirectly to neonatal health. 9While most similar studies in the healthsector adopt a narrow, or reductionist,framework <strong>and</strong> collect information fromyounger women, <strong>and</strong> occasionally fromgr<strong>and</strong>mothers <strong>and</strong>/or husb<strong>and</strong>s, exclusivelyon their knowledge <strong>and</strong> practices relatedto the health topic of interest, the methodologyadopted by HKI had a much broaderscope. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, the intervieweesincluded not only young women, but alsogr<strong>and</strong>mothers, husb<strong>and</strong>s, <strong>and</strong> male villageleaders. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, data was collectedon gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ overall role in thefamily <strong>and</strong> society, rather than only on theirrole in the health <strong>and</strong> nutrition of children.This analysis included collection of informationon the patterns of interaction <strong>and</strong>decision-making between gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<strong>and</strong> other household <strong>and</strong> communityactors (including husb<strong>and</strong>s, heads ofextended families, <strong>and</strong> TBAs—TraditionalBirthing Assistants) related to newbornhealth.The results of the study revealed coreroles of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in Malian society,namely:• caring for children’s physical needsrelated to nutrition;• hygiene <strong>and</strong> safety;• attending to children’s emotionalneeds;• educating young children on culturaltraditions <strong>and</strong> values;• diagnosing child <strong>and</strong> family healthproblems, providing home treatments,<strong>and</strong> advising on referral tospecialists outside the family;• coordinating household food/nutritionactivities;• managing domestic work; contributingresources for household expenditures;• teaching <strong>and</strong> supervising daughtersin-law;• advising both male heads of theextended family <strong>and</strong> male heads ofhousehold on all matters related tomaternal <strong>and</strong> child health <strong>and</strong> wellbeing;• conflict-resolution within the family;• supervising young children of neighbouringfamilies;• advising young women outside oftheir own family on matters relatedto maternal <strong>and</strong> child health <strong>and</strong>development ; <strong>and</strong>• sharing their knowledge with <strong>and</strong>learning from other women in theirage group, i.e. other gr<strong>and</strong>mothers.The study in Mali clearly revealed that inBambara society gr<strong>and</strong>mothers are consistentlyviewed as “family resource persons”in these different domains, due to their culturallydefined roles <strong>and</strong> vast knowledge<strong>and</strong> experience in these critical areas offamily life.The study also provided informationon the specific practices that gr<strong>and</strong>mothersencourage other family membersto adopt <strong>and</strong> that they use themselves,9 The systems methodology used in Mali was informed by but exp<strong>and</strong>ed upon by the methodology used earlier inLaos in 1996 (Aubel et al.,) <strong>and</strong> in Senegal in 1999 by the author working in collaboration with these organizations.Thesystems methodology later used in Uzbekistan (2003) built on all of these other experiences.68 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


elated, for example, to early childhoodstimulation or infant nutrition. However,compared to many other studies on similartopics, this analysis of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’ multifacetedrole <strong>and</strong> status at the householdlevel is useful as a backdrop against whichtheir specific newborn health-related practicescan be better understood.SYSTEMS APPROACH TO STUDYINGEARLY CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENT:NEPALIn Nepal, a study on early childhood development,commissioned by Save theChildren <strong>and</strong> UNICEF, was to serve as abasis for strengthening ECD programming.The research holistically examined theneeds of children in the context of family<strong>and</strong> community life in two different areasof the country. An important objective ofthe study was to identify the strengths, traditions,<strong>and</strong> resourcefulness of families <strong>and</strong>communities, all existing in the face of considerableeconomic hardship. An initialcomponent of the study involved lookingat the roles of various caregivers withinthe family structure: women, men, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers,gr<strong>and</strong>fathers, male <strong>and</strong> femaleolder siblings.One basic finding was that there are clearlydifferentiated gender-related roles relatedto most household tasks, <strong>and</strong> childcareis primarily the responsibility of mothers,gr<strong>and</strong>mothers, <strong>and</strong> girls. Men, gr<strong>and</strong>fathers,<strong>and</strong> sons have a limited role in childcare<strong>and</strong> their responsibilities are moreoften related to tasks outside the home.From an early age female children aresocialized to carry out multiple domestictasks including caring for younger siblings,while at the same time preparing them formotherhood later in life. Within thisframework, gr<strong>and</strong>mothers demonstrate<strong>and</strong> instruct young mothers, <strong>and</strong> in turntheir daughters, on how to carry out thevarious tasks associated with “female” rolesin the household.While the number of nuclear householdsis increasing, extended family contextswhere gr<strong>and</strong>parents are present still predominatewhere there are multiple femalecaretakers.Most mothers with young children areobliged to work long hours <strong>and</strong> oftenaway from home during the day <strong>and</strong> duringthe peak farming period. At these timesyoung children are cared for by olderfemale siblings <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>mothers who areoften inadequately equipped to providethem with a nutritious, safe <strong>and</strong> simulatingenvironment. <strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong> provide continuousadvice both to younger femalehousehold members <strong>and</strong> to husb<strong>and</strong>sregarding the health <strong>and</strong> well-being ofwomen <strong>and</strong> children in the household <strong>and</strong>depending on their health they take onmore or less strenuous childcare <strong>and</strong>domestic tasks. Another finding that hasimportant implications for efforts toimprove women’s childcare practices isthat in most Nepalese families there is aclear hierarchy of power <strong>and</strong> decisionmakingin which the eldest male has theultimate authority in the family, followed bythe mother-in-law, her sons, <strong>and</strong> lastly, theirwives. Within this structure the mother-inlawhas considerable authority over decisionsmade <strong>and</strong> actions taken regardingher gr<strong>and</strong>children, which often creates anuncomfortable situation for the daughter­GRANDMOTHERS:THE LEARNING INSTITUTION69


in-law who is expected to comply with hermother-in-law’s wishes.The Nepal study clearly reveals that gr<strong>and</strong>mothershave a strong commitment topromoting the well-being of their gr<strong>and</strong>childrenbut they do not always providethem with optimal care <strong>and</strong> stimulation.While the importance of the gr<strong>and</strong>mothers’role in the family is acknowledged, theresearchers in this study conclude that theprograms should strengthen the skills of“caregivers” in the family, though no explicitrecommendations are made regardingthe inclusion of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in suchstrategies.70 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT


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ABOUT THE AUTHORThis review was prepared by Judi Aubel, PhD, MPH. Trained in adult education, anthropology,<strong>and</strong> health education, Dr. Aubel has worked for many years in community maternal<strong>and</strong> child health <strong>and</strong> development programs in Africa, Asia, Latin America <strong>and</strong> The Pacific.For a number of years she has been interested in the role of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers as untapped“resource persons” in family <strong>and</strong> community focused health <strong>and</strong> development projects.She is one of the founding members <strong>and</strong> President of The Gr<strong>and</strong>mother Project: Strong<strong>Gr<strong>and</strong>mothers</strong>, Healthy Communities; a non-profit organization established in 2003. TheGr<strong>and</strong>mother Project seeks to validate <strong>and</strong> strengthen the knowledge, skills <strong>and</strong> leadershipcapacity of gr<strong>and</strong>mothers in their role as advisors in the family <strong>and</strong> community.Website: www.gr<strong>and</strong>motherproject.org


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