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Transnational Networks and Migration from Faryab to Iran

Transnational Networks and Migration from Faryab to Iran

Transnational Networks and Migration from Faryab to Iranthis reason direct references to the areas where field research wasconducted have been removed.• There were several language-related challenges that included translatingfrom to Dari–English, as well as finding good translators in Maimana to allowfor quality translation of Uzbek–English in those instances where olderAfghans or poor households only knew Uzbek.The primary research methods were semi-structured interviews, mapping andobservation. Interviews were held in informal groups and with individuals. It wasdecided to focus on individual interviews because of the sometimes politically tensesituation, which caused respondents to be more hesitant to provide information ininformal group settings. Structured interviews were held with hawaladars.Triangulation of data was achieved by:• repeated visits to a selected number of households;• interviewing of different members of one household;• usage of different research methods over an extended period of time (e.g.the interviewing of a displaced Uzbek household in Herat in spring, and thenupon return in Maimana in July–August, as well as visits to the rural area inboth April and August); and• use of a multi-ethnic and gender-balanced team.Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit 5

Transnational Networks and Migration from Faryab to Iran2. Migration from Two Urban NeighborhoodsThe provincial capital of Faryab, Maimana, was on the main caravan route betweenPersia, the Indian sub-continent and what is now Central Asia. The growth in tradeaccompanied the cultivation of land, resulting in a more sedentary lifestyle in thenineteenth century. 10 During the reign of King Zahir Shah, this major trading centrewas well known for its karakul sheep and their skins, leather, carpets, gelims, rice,wheat, grapes and raisins, pistachios and melons. However, in the seventies Faryabwas, in comparison with other provinces, underdeveloped and received relativelylittle foreign aid. 11 Thirty years later, the situation has changed little. The poor roadnetwork prevents export to other provinces, and limited financial assistance hascontinued to hinder economic development. It remains an important overnight stopfor traders and travellers between Balkh and Herat, but commercial activity hascontinued to be relatively minimal.2.1 A comparison of two neighborhoods in MaimanaThe two neighbourhoods studied in Maimana were established at different times,which is reflected in their distinctive profiles. Both are ethnically and professionallymixed, though the large majority of inhabitants in both are Uzbek, with some Tajikand a few Pashtun families. The arbab was unknown to the large majority living inthe neighbourhoods. Most families share a compound with up to four relatedfamilies, and most houses are owned by the occupying families. In terms ofprofessional profiles and wealth, the composition of the neighbourhoods varies.Neighbourhood A is characterised by the presence of government officials andmilitant Junbesh youth. 12 Thirty years ago, land was relatively cheap and because ofits close proximity to government offices many officials had their houses built there.Some were originally from Maimana, while others had left their rural areas of origin,as well as their extended families, behind – their departure prompted by the searchfor employment. Others came to the neighbourhood at a later stage for security orprofessional opportunities; among these were shopkeepers, bakers, nurses and dailylabourers. Rents have been increasing with the decreasing availability of propertiesand rising land prices. 13Neighbourhood B shows an intricate pattern of settlement, with extended familiesoccupying different houses adjacent to each other based on the family’s originalconnections to the leather industry. The leather factory used to be in the centre oftown, but was shifted to the outskirts of Maimana on the other side of the Rod-i-Maimana during the seventies. Along with the factory’s relocation, many residentswere forcibly removed without receiving compensation. Some bought plots of landon the Maimana side of the river, across from the leather factory, which wasagricultural land at the time and therefore cheap.Compared to relatively secure government positions, the other jobs done by men inboth neighbourhoods demand a greater degree of flexibility and provide lessfinancial certainty. Before the Soviet invasion, the current male heads of householdand their fathers in Neighbourhood B had different, seasonally bound, jobs. Many10 Lee, 1987: 12111 Lee, 1987: 112 There are also households affiliated with Jamiat-i-Islami living in the neighbourhood.13 Annual rents are between 10,000 Afghanis (US$200) and 36,000 Afghanis (US$720).Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit 6

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