escape attempt across <strong>the</strong> NandikadalLagoon, which separated <strong>the</strong> beachfrom <strong>the</strong> mainland. Images were released<strong>of</strong> his body lying at <strong>the</strong> feet <strong>of</strong>Army troops, a handkerchief over hisforehead to conceal a yawning wound.The Army claimed that it had crematedhis remains. Prabhakaran’s eldestchild, Charles Anthony, was killed<strong>the</strong> day before, along with o<strong>the</strong>r fighterswho launched a final assault on Armylines. Soon after, <strong>the</strong> Army said it hadalso recovered <strong>the</strong> bodies <strong>of</strong> Prabhakaran’swife, <strong>the</strong>ir daughter, and <strong>the</strong>iryoungest child, a boy, all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m dead<strong>of</strong> gunshot wounds.Dozens <strong>of</strong> unarmed <strong>Tamil</strong>s, includingseveral senior <strong>Tiger</strong> political leadersand <strong>the</strong>ir families, were also shot deadby soldiers as <strong>the</strong>y walked out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> killzone carrying white flags. Their surrenderhad been personally approved bySri Lanka’s President, Mahinda Rajapaksa,after being negotiated over asatellite-phone link by <strong>the</strong> U.N.’s specialenvoy to Sri Lanka and Marie Colvin,a correspondent for <strong>the</strong> SundayTimes <strong>of</strong> London, whom <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tamil</strong>leaders had asked to be <strong>the</strong>ir intermediary.“This was not <strong>the</strong> chaos <strong>of</strong> battle,”Colvin said. “It was a negotiatedsurrender. Promises were made and<strong>the</strong>y were broken.”After <strong>the</strong> announcement <strong>of</strong> victory,<strong>the</strong>re were fireworks in Colombo, <strong>the</strong>nation’s capital, and across Sinhalese SriLanka. In an address to Parliament onMay 19th, Rajapaksa declared a nationalholiday. “We have liberated <strong>the</strong>whole country from L.T.T.E. terrorism,”he said. “Our intention was to save<strong>the</strong> <strong>Tamil</strong> people from <strong>the</strong> cruel grip <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> L.T.T.E. We all must now live asequals in this free country.”Rajapaksa is a veteran politicianwith a commanding physical presence,a trademark smile, and a folksy charisma,which his admirers liken to that<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> late Ronald Reagan. In <strong>of</strong>ficesince 2005, he seized on <strong>the</strong> mood <strong>of</strong>national euphoria that followed his warvictory to call an early election last January,in which he was duly reëlected toa new five-year term. Rajapaksa is <strong>the</strong>son <strong>of</strong> a well-known politician, but hisfamily comes from a village in <strong>the</strong> deepsouth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country, ra<strong>the</strong>r than fromColombo’s Western-educated élite; inSri Lanka’s highly stratified society,<strong>the</strong>y are considered nouveau-riche upstarts.He has made his rusticity a politicalasset, however, and he enjoys ahuge following among rural Sinhalese.One <strong>of</strong> his bro<strong>the</strong>rs, Gotabaya, is hisdefense minister; ano<strong>the</strong>r, Basil, is hischief <strong>of</strong> staff and minister for economicdevelopment; and a third, Chamal, isSpeaker <strong>of</strong> Parliament. His twentyfour-year-oldson Namal was recentlyelected to Parliament, and forty-oddadditional bro<strong>the</strong>rs, sisters, cousins,nephews, nieces, and in-laws hold variouso<strong>the</strong>r government posts.After <strong>the</strong> war, Rajapaksa’s governmentadopted a posture <strong>of</strong> triumphalismat home and defensive resentment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>outrage that <strong>the</strong> carnage had causedabroad. When <strong>the</strong> U.N. created an “accountabilitypanel,” government-sponsoredrioters mobbed its headquarters inColombo, forcing it to close. Sri Lanka’sHigh Commissioner in London complainedto me that his country was beingunfairly singled out: “Colombia has beencontaminating <strong>the</strong> world for years withits cocaine, and now Somalia is with itspiracy. What do we hear about that in<strong>the</strong> U.N.? Nothing.” The important thing,he said, was that Sri Lanka had endedterrorism, making it <strong>the</strong> first country in<strong>the</strong> modern age to have done so. In militarycircles around <strong>the</strong> world, <strong>the</strong> “SriLanka option” for counter-insurgencywas discussed with admiration. Its basic“I try to be royal without being regal.”tenets were: deny access to <strong>the</strong> media,<strong>the</strong> United Nations, and human-rightsgroups; isolate your opponents, and kill<strong>the</strong>m as quickly as possible; and segregateand terrify <strong>the</strong> survivors—or,ideally, leave no witnesses at all.2. THE PASTIn 1914, Leonard Woolf ’s youngersister, Bella Sidney Woolf, publishedan illustrated guidebook titled “How toSee Ceylon.” Leonard, who had not yetmarried <strong>the</strong> novelist Virginia Stephen,worked in Ceylon as a colonial administrator,and Bella went to visit him beforesettling <strong>the</strong>re herself. It was <strong>the</strong> Edwardianera <strong>of</strong> languorous travel by rail andrickshaw, croquet clubs, and afternoonteas attended by servants. Woolf wrote,“The stranger, looking down on <strong>the</strong>motley throng that threads <strong>the</strong> streets <strong>of</strong>Ceylon, is bewildered, puzzled. How ishe to distinguish between all <strong>the</strong>se people?”She ventured a brief comparison <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> island’s two main ethnicities: “The<strong>Tamil</strong> cooly, it must be conferred, is amuch more law abiding, peaceful personthan <strong>the</strong> Sinhalese. Apart from <strong>the</strong> hottemper which leads to <strong>the</strong> flashing out <strong>of</strong>a knife and murder, <strong>the</strong>re is an undercurrent<strong>of</strong> malice in village life.”Under <strong>the</strong> British, tensions festeredbetween <strong>the</strong> Sinhalese, who make upseventy-five per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population,
A billboard <strong>of</strong> Mahinda Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka’s President, who has a huge following among <strong>the</strong> country’s rural Sinhalese population.and <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tamil</strong>s, with seventeen per cent.(There was also friction with o<strong>the</strong>r ethnicities;in 1915, Sinhalese mobs attacked<strong>the</strong> island’s Muslim minority.) The <strong>Tamil</strong>swere seen as having unfairly benefittedfrom colonial rule; <strong>the</strong>y held a disproportionatelyhigh number <strong>of</strong> civil-service jobsand university enrollments, and more <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong>m were fluent in English. After Ceylongained its independence, in 1948,Sinhalese nationalists grew increasinglyinsistent that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tamil</strong>s were “invaders,”whose presence threatened <strong>the</strong> very existence<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sinhalese culture.The Sinhalese have traditionallylived in <strong>the</strong> south, with its lush land andancient reservoir-fed rice paddies. The<strong>Tamil</strong>s lived in <strong>the</strong> arid scrublands <strong>of</strong>44 THE NEW YORKER, JANUARY 17, 2011<strong>the</strong> north, known as <strong>the</strong> Vanni, and <strong>the</strong>lowland jungles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> east, areas <strong>the</strong>irancestors had occupied two thousandyears ago, during wars <strong>of</strong> conquest wagedby Hindu kings from <strong>Tamil</strong> Nadu, <strong>the</strong>sou<strong>the</strong>rnmost state <strong>of</strong> India. Sinhalesenationalists trace <strong>the</strong>ir lineage to Aryantribes <strong>of</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn India, despite <strong>the</strong> lack<strong>of</strong> evidence to support <strong>the</strong> idea. Althoughintermarriage across languagebarriers was fairly common, especiallyamong <strong>the</strong> upper castes, Sinhalese politicsby <strong>the</strong> early twentieth century hadbecome infused with racialist <strong>the</strong>orieson “Aryanism” <strong>the</strong>n being promulgatedin Europe. Anagarika Dharmapala, <strong>the</strong>leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sinhalese Buddhist revivalmovement that began under British colonialrule, said, in a frequently quotedspeech, “This bright, beautiful islandwas made into a Paradise by <strong>the</strong> AryanSinhalese before its destruction wasbrought about by <strong>the</strong> barbaric vandals.. . . This ancient, historic, refinedpeople, under <strong>the</strong> diabolism <strong>of</strong> viciouspaganism, introduced by <strong>the</strong> British administrators,are now declining andslowly dying away.”The “vandals” Dharmapala referred towere <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tamil</strong>s, <strong>of</strong> course, and <strong>the</strong> “viciouspaganism” <strong>the</strong>ir Hindu faith. By <strong>the</strong>time <strong>of</strong> independence, <strong>the</strong> seeds <strong>of</strong> sectarianhatred had taken root. In 1948, Sinhalesenationalists introduced legislationto deny citizenship to hundreds <strong>of</strong> thousands<strong>of</strong> so-called “Indian <strong>Tamil</strong>s,” mostPANOS PICTURES