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global_zero_commission_on_nuclear_risk_reduction_report

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GLOBAL ZERO COMMISSION ON NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION REPORTDE-ALERTING AND STABILIZING THE WORLD’S NUCLEAR FORCE POSTURESpromoting no-first-use, sole-purpose (accepting that as l<strong>on</strong>gas they exist their sole purpose is to deter their use by others),and other commitments that would further circumscribe therole of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s in nati<strong>on</strong>al security strategy.The approach has made little headway. Some baby steps havebeen taken by the majority of the n<strong>on</strong>-<strong>nuclear</strong> countriesthrough their participati<strong>on</strong> in the humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>sequencesc<strong>on</strong>ferences held in recent years in Oslo, Nayarit and Vienna,but the <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s countries have balked at participati<strong>on</strong>and view this approach with jaundiced eyes. That the approachfalls short is further evidenced by President Obama’s rejecti<strong>on</strong>of sole-purpose and no-first use commitments. The latter getsscant tracti<strong>on</strong> outside of China and India. As discussed earlier,the <strong>nuclear</strong> doctrines of most countries allow c<strong>on</strong>siderableleeway for <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s to be used against a wide range ofn<strong>on</strong>-<strong>nuclear</strong> threats including chemical, biological, and c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>althreats.De-alerting offers a promising third pathway. It works by c<strong>on</strong>signingwarheads and bombs to ever-deeper storage. The l<strong>on</strong>gerit takes to retrieve and return them to high alert status,the more the military war planners may discount their futurevalue and offer them up for eliminati<strong>on</strong>. Thus, for example, thelarge stockpile of reserve Minuteman missile warheads in storagein New Mexico c<strong>on</strong>tribute almost nothing to the <strong>nuclear</strong>war plan. In theory they could be transported to mid-westernmissile bases during a crisis and uploaded to increase thepayload of each missile from <strong>on</strong>e warhead to three warheads.But this uploading would take years to complete, and so thewar planners have largely written them off. These warheadsare ripe for scrapping, although a different argument can bemade for retaining them: they provide a reserve hedge of replacementwarheads in the event that systemic technical flawsin the deployed warheads are discovered.In short, de-alerting tends to reinforce the prevailing view ofthe U.S. military, and some other militaries around the world,that <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s have little or no military utility.In the U.S. c<strong>on</strong>text, another virtue of de-alerting is that thepresident possesses full authority to order its implementati<strong>on</strong>.As commander in chief, he has the c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>al power tochange the operati<strong>on</strong>al dispositi<strong>on</strong> of his forces, c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>aland <strong>nuclear</strong>, without C<strong>on</strong>gressi<strong>on</strong>al approval. PresidentGeorge H. W. Bush exercised this power when he stood downthousands of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s – both strategic and tactical –over the course of a few days in 1991. These are additi<strong>on</strong>al virtues.De-alerting can be carried out almost overnight and forall types of weap<strong>on</strong>s.In summary, de-alerting offers a relatively fast and clear pathtoward deep reducti<strong>on</strong>s in the number of operati<strong>on</strong>ally deployedwarheads. By de-alerting, nati<strong>on</strong>s can hasten the transferof weap<strong>on</strong>s from active to reserve to inactive status. Whilede-alerting does not oblige nati<strong>on</strong>s to remove weap<strong>on</strong>s fromservice permanently, it accelerates their retirement and dismantlement.VIII. DE-ALERTING AND NATIONAL SECURITYINTERESTS OF OTHER KEY NATIONSA. RUSSIAThe main threats facing Russia today arguably are proliferati<strong>on</strong>and <strong>nuclear</strong> terrorism. The latter often originates in the Caucasuswhere indigenous and foreign “insurgents” regularly plotand execute deadly terrorist assaults <strong>on</strong> Moscow and otherfar-flung targets in Russia. Taliban and other extremist movementsin Afghanistan and elsewhere represent external terroristthreats.Russia’s large <strong>nuclear</strong> arsenal neither deters such assaults norprovides any tools for preventing or resp<strong>on</strong>ding to them. Indeed,Russia’s <strong>nuclear</strong> stockpile of weap<strong>on</strong>s and bomb-gradematerials is itself at <strong>risk</strong> of terrorist theft and use against Russia.This danger inspired Russia and the United States to cooperateclosely to enhance the security of the Russian stockpilefrom the early 1990s until recently. Over the past twodecades, the United States c<strong>on</strong>tributed approximately $1 billi<strong>on</strong>per year toward this effort to prevent “loose nukes” fromfalling into the hands of terrorists or rogue nati<strong>on</strong>s. Approximately20 attempts at smuggling bomb-grade uranium havebeen foiled; the total quantity of material seized was nearlyenough for <strong>on</strong>e Hiroshima-class bomb. If this seized materialrepresents about 10 percent of the total material that hasleaked <strong>on</strong>to the black market, then about seven bombs’ worth39

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