GLOBAL ZERO COMMISSION ON NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION REPORTDE-ALERTING AND STABILIZING THE WORLD’S NUCLEAR FORCE POSTURESit would well serve the near-term nati<strong>on</strong>al security interests ofboth the possessor countries and the n<strong>on</strong>-<strong>nuclear</strong> countries ofthe world. Third, the basic idea of de-alerting – decreasing theoperati<strong>on</strong>al readiness of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s – enjoys almost universalsupport am<strong>on</strong>g the nati<strong>on</strong>s of the world and it derivesstr<strong>on</strong>g political and legal standing from the NPT. And fourth,it builds up<strong>on</strong> a set of historical antecedents in the form ofc<strong>on</strong>fidence-building measures designed reduce the <strong>risk</strong> of theuse of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s stemming from misunderstanding,miscalculati<strong>on</strong>, and breakdown of command and c<strong>on</strong>trol.An alternative pathway toward deep reducti<strong>on</strong>s and <str<strong>on</strong>g>global</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>zero</str<strong>on</strong>g>. De-alerting offers an alternative to the other two mainpaths to this goal. Of the main paths, <strong>on</strong>e has stalled completelyand the other has failed to garner the support of the majorityof the world’s leading countries.The traditi<strong>on</strong>al main path is the step-by-step process that fordecades has dominated the arms c<strong>on</strong>trol agenda of the P-5 <strong>nuclear</strong>countries, their allies, and most of the rest of the internati<strong>on</strong>alcommunity. The key steps are ending the producti<strong>on</strong>of fissile materials (the Fissile Materials Cut-Off Treaty), fullyratifying and implementing a treaty banning <strong>nuclear</strong> chain reacti<strong>on</strong>sin weap<strong>on</strong>s testing (the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty),and further shrinking the world-wide <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>sstockpile through negotiated and unilateral reducti<strong>on</strong>s of U.S.and Russian weap<strong>on</strong>s (the next follow-<strong>on</strong> treaty to the 2010New START agreement).All of these steps have ground to a halt. FMCT, CTBT, andNew START follow-<strong>on</strong> negotiati<strong>on</strong>s are paralyzed by internati<strong>on</strong>aland domestic politics between and within the <strong>nuclear</strong>weap<strong>on</strong>s countries.In the critical arena of U.S.-Russian <strong>nuclear</strong> arms reducti<strong>on</strong>sthere are no near-term prospects for progress. Their stockpilesare leveling off, after 30 years of steady decreases broughtthem down from a peak of 70,000 weap<strong>on</strong>s in the mid-1980sto 16,000 weap<strong>on</strong>s today. There is also no realistic prospect todayof bringing the other <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s countries to the tableto negotiate cuts, especially given the impasse between the<strong>nuclear</strong> superpowers who possess the vast bulk of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>global</str<strong>on</strong>g>stockpile. On the c<strong>on</strong>trary, all <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s countries areinvesting heavily, or planning to do so, in the l<strong>on</strong>g-term modernizati<strong>on</strong>of their <strong>nuclear</strong> arsenals.A litany of obstacles can be recited. The bottom lines are thatPresident Putin has rebuffed President Obama’s overtures toresume strategic arms negotiati<strong>on</strong>s. Russia is also alleged tohave violated the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty(INF), putting it in jeopardy of collapsing. The animus betweenRussia and the West over Ukraine has also created a domesticpolitical climate that does not favor further unilateralor bilateral reducti<strong>on</strong>s by either side. Even if an arms reducti<strong>on</strong>agreement could be negotiated, the U.S. Senate would resistratifying it for domestic political as well as strategic reas<strong>on</strong>s.This traditi<strong>on</strong>al approach is deeply flawed in any case. It hasprofound structural deficiencies beginning with its completeneglect of tactical <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s (short-range, below 500kilometers in range) even though these weap<strong>on</strong>s are the mostuseable and dangerous in many respects. The Russia stockpileof these weap<strong>on</strong>s is large. Strategic reserve weap<strong>on</strong>s, whoseproporti<strong>on</strong> of the overall strategic stockpiles is increasing, geta free pass as well. The U.S. stockpile of these weap<strong>on</strong>s is large.Furthermore, no other possessor countries besides Russia andthe United States participate at all in negotiati<strong>on</strong>s to reduce eitherstrategic or tactical weap<strong>on</strong>s. The rest get a free pass, eventhough the <strong>risk</strong>s of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s use appear to be greatestin South and Northeast Asia, home of four <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>scountries that steer clear of any multilateral regulati<strong>on</strong> fora.In short, this path leads down a blind alley at the present time,and in any case it offers diminishing returns. It needs to befundamentally restructured to become comprehensive andinclusive, putting tactical weap<strong>on</strong>s and strategic reserve weap<strong>on</strong>sin the negotiating basket and bringing all <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>scountries to the table to join the United States and Russia. Thisideal is unfortunately a dead letter for the foreseeable future.The other major pathway to arms reducti<strong>on</strong>s is less direct:delegitimize <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s. This approach emphasizes thedisastrous humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>sequences of using <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>seven <strong>on</strong> a small scale, the irreducible and growing <strong>risk</strong>sof such use in an era of proliferati<strong>on</strong>, and the utter lack of nati<strong>on</strong>al,instituti<strong>on</strong>al, and organizati<strong>on</strong>al capacity to provide effectiverelief to victims in the event of their use. This approachseeks to reinforce the taboo against their use or possessi<strong>on</strong> by38
GLOBAL ZERO COMMISSION ON NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION REPORTDE-ALERTING AND STABILIZING THE WORLD’S NUCLEAR FORCE POSTURESpromoting no-first-use, sole-purpose (accepting that as l<strong>on</strong>gas they exist their sole purpose is to deter their use by others),and other commitments that would further circumscribe therole of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s in nati<strong>on</strong>al security strategy.The approach has made little headway. Some baby steps havebeen taken by the majority of the n<strong>on</strong>-<strong>nuclear</strong> countriesthrough their participati<strong>on</strong> in the humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>sequencesc<strong>on</strong>ferences held in recent years in Oslo, Nayarit and Vienna,but the <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s countries have balked at participati<strong>on</strong>and view this approach with jaundiced eyes. That the approachfalls short is further evidenced by President Obama’s rejecti<strong>on</strong>of sole-purpose and no-first use commitments. The latter getsscant tracti<strong>on</strong> outside of China and India. As discussed earlier,the <strong>nuclear</strong> doctrines of most countries allow c<strong>on</strong>siderableleeway for <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s to be used against a wide range ofn<strong>on</strong>-<strong>nuclear</strong> threats including chemical, biological, and c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>althreats.De-alerting offers a promising third pathway. It works by c<strong>on</strong>signingwarheads and bombs to ever-deeper storage. The l<strong>on</strong>gerit takes to retrieve and return them to high alert status,the more the military war planners may discount their futurevalue and offer them up for eliminati<strong>on</strong>. Thus, for example, thelarge stockpile of reserve Minuteman missile warheads in storagein New Mexico c<strong>on</strong>tribute almost nothing to the <strong>nuclear</strong>war plan. In theory they could be transported to mid-westernmissile bases during a crisis and uploaded to increase thepayload of each missile from <strong>on</strong>e warhead to three warheads.But this uploading would take years to complete, and so thewar planners have largely written them off. These warheadsare ripe for scrapping, although a different argument can bemade for retaining them: they provide a reserve hedge of replacementwarheads in the event that systemic technical flawsin the deployed warheads are discovered.In short, de-alerting tends to reinforce the prevailing view ofthe U.S. military, and some other militaries around the world,that <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s have little or no military utility.In the U.S. c<strong>on</strong>text, another virtue of de-alerting is that thepresident possesses full authority to order its implementati<strong>on</strong>.As commander in chief, he has the c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>al power tochange the operati<strong>on</strong>al dispositi<strong>on</strong> of his forces, c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>aland <strong>nuclear</strong>, without C<strong>on</strong>gressi<strong>on</strong>al approval. PresidentGeorge H. W. Bush exercised this power when he stood downthousands of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s – both strategic and tactical –over the course of a few days in 1991. These are additi<strong>on</strong>al virtues.De-alerting can be carried out almost overnight and forall types of weap<strong>on</strong>s.In summary, de-alerting offers a relatively fast and clear pathtoward deep reducti<strong>on</strong>s in the number of operati<strong>on</strong>ally deployedwarheads. By de-alerting, nati<strong>on</strong>s can hasten the transferof weap<strong>on</strong>s from active to reserve to inactive status. Whilede-alerting does not oblige nati<strong>on</strong>s to remove weap<strong>on</strong>s fromservice permanently, it accelerates their retirement and dismantlement.VIII. DE-ALERTING AND NATIONAL SECURITYINTERESTS OF OTHER KEY NATIONSA. RUSSIAThe main threats facing Russia today arguably are proliferati<strong>on</strong>and <strong>nuclear</strong> terrorism. The latter often originates in the Caucasuswhere indigenous and foreign “insurgents” regularly plotand execute deadly terrorist assaults <strong>on</strong> Moscow and otherfar-flung targets in Russia. Taliban and other extremist movementsin Afghanistan and elsewhere represent external terroristthreats.Russia’s large <strong>nuclear</strong> arsenal neither deters such assaults norprovides any tools for preventing or resp<strong>on</strong>ding to them. Indeed,Russia’s <strong>nuclear</strong> stockpile of weap<strong>on</strong>s and bomb-gradematerials is itself at <strong>risk</strong> of terrorist theft and use against Russia.This danger inspired Russia and the United States to cooperateclosely to enhance the security of the Russian stockpilefrom the early 1990s until recently. Over the past twodecades, the United States c<strong>on</strong>tributed approximately $1 billi<strong>on</strong>per year toward this effort to prevent “loose nukes” fromfalling into the hands of terrorists or rogue nati<strong>on</strong>s. Approximately20 attempts at smuggling bomb-grade uranium havebeen foiled; the total quantity of material seized was nearlyenough for <strong>on</strong>e Hiroshima-class bomb. If this seized materialrepresents about 10 percent of the total material that hasleaked <strong>on</strong>to the black market, then about seven bombs’ worth39