Report as pdf - Wide

Report as pdf - Wide

Feminist responses to the care crisesA report of the WIDE Annual Conference 2009

Report of the WIDE Annual Conference 2009 ‘WE CARE! Feminist responses to the care crises’,18–20 June 2009, University of Basel, Basel, SwitzerlandThe WIDE Annual Conference provides a space for debate. The plenary presentations and parallel sessions duringthe Annual Conference do not necessarily represent or reflect WIDE’s position and may differ from WIDE’sperspectives.AcknowledgementsThe editor of the report, Wendy Knerr, would like to thank all the volunteers for note-taking during the differentsessions of the conference, the WIDE staff members, speakers and facilitators for commenting on the report andWIDE chair Patricia Muñoz Cabrera for commenting and adding to the summary of the report.WIDE and WIDE Switzerland would like to thank all the volunteers, the media team, the WIDE conference programmecommittee, the note-takers and the babysitter, as well as the translators from ICVolunteers.The conference was made possible through the financial support from:Alliance Sud, Bread for all, Caritas Switzerland, cfd – the feminist peace organisation,Erwachsenenbildungsfonds der evangelisch-reformierten Kirchen St.Gallen und Appenzell, Evangelische FrauenSchweiz, Fastenopfer – Swiss Catholic Lenten Fund, Fonds für Frauenarbeit SEK-FEPS, Frauenrat fürAussenpolitik, Friederich Ebert Stiftung,, Helvetas, HEKS – Swiss Interchurch Aid,Interdisciplinary Centre for Gender Studies, University of Berne, Institute of Sociology, University of Basel,mission 21, Oxfam Novib, Reformed Churches Berne-Jura-Solothurn, Swissaid, Unia – inter-professional TradeUnion.WIDE Switzerland would like to thank especially the financial support from:SDC – Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation; andLED – Liechtenstein Development Service.WIDE would like to thank the following institutions and organisations for their generous support in 2009:Agencia Española de Cooperacion Internaciónal para el Desarrollo – AECID (Spain)CORDAID (The Netherlands)European Commission – EuropeAid (European Union);Heinrich Böll Foundation (Europe Office in Belgium, India and Germany);Humanist Institute for Development Cooperation – HIVOS (The Netherlands);Interchurch Organisation for Development Cooperation – ICCO (The Netherlands);Oxfam Novib (The Netherlands).Copyright ©2009 WIDEAny part of this publication may be reproduced without permission for educational and non-profit purposes if the source is acknowledged.WIDE would appreciate a copy of the text in which the document is used or cited.

WIDE REPORTTable of contentsEXECUTIVE SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3CHAPTER 1:Caring and social provisioning as a starting point for feminist analyses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5Key Findings of the UNRISD Study on the Care Economy Shahra Razavi, UNRISD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5Affective equality: Care, Equality and Citizenship, Kathleen Lynch, University College Dublin . . . . . .8DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11CHAPTER 2:Care economies and policies across different countries and regions –Comparative presentations by UNRISD research contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13UNRISD South Africa Country Study, Francie Lund, WIEGO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13UNRISD South Korea Country Study, Ito Peng, University of Toronto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .15UNRISD Switzerland Country Study Brigitte Schnegg, University of Berne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .17The Care Economy in Central and Eastern Europe, Jivka Marinova, GERT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18Care issues in the Middle East and North Africa region, Lina Abou-Habib, CRTD-A . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20CHAPTER 3:Paid formal and informal care work, Silke Steinhilber, Consultant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22The Gender Revolution in the Philippines: Migrant Care Workers and SocialTransformations, Rhacel Salazar Parreñas, University of California . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22WIEGO’s approach to Improving the Status of Informal Workers, Karin Pape, WIEGO . . . . . . . . . . . .24Labour Organising along the Care Chain, Helen Schwenken, University of Kassel . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25CHAPTER 4:Food chains and care crises, Elisabeth Bürgi Bonanomi, World Trade Institute . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27Women and Food Sovereignty Ana Tallada Iglesia, REMTE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .28Food Sovereignty as one Answer to the Care crisis, Tina Goethe, SWISSAID . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29The Right to Food and the Human Rights approach, Ester Wolf, FIAN and Bread for All . . . . . . . . . .31CASE STUDY: Economic Transition and Women’s Rights in Mongolia, Annemarie Sancar,Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .32DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .33CHAPTER 5:Body politics and care regimes Sabin Bieri, ICFG, University of Berne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .34Body Politics: an Invisible Feminist Agenda Wendy Harcourt, SID . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .35CASE STUDY: What I should be Earning for my labours of love, Zeedah Meierhofer-Mangeli,Akina Mama Wa Afrika…………………………………………………….. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .36CASE STUDY: Urgent Body Politics issues in Honduras, Indyra Mendoza Aguilar, Cattrachas, . . . .37DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .37WIDE - Rue Hobbema 59 - 1000 Brussels - BelgiumTel.: +32 2 545 90 70 - Fax: +32 2 512 73 - www.wide-network.org1

WIDE REPORTTable of contentsCHAPTER 6:The global financial crisis and its impact on the care crisis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .39The Global Financial Crisis and Care: Context and Gender Aware Responses,Isabella Bakker, York University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .39Gender, Well-Being and the Global Economic Crisis, Stephanie Seguino, University of Vermont . . .42Policy Space for Developmental States in a Multipolar World: In Search ofSocial Reproduction and Economic Redistribution, Marina Durano, DAWN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43The Regional Perspective from North Africa, Hassania Chalbi-Drissi, IGTN-Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45The Regional Perspective from Eastern Europe, Ewa Charkiewicz, Feminist Think Tank . . . . . . . . . .45DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .46CHAPTER 7:How do we want to care? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .48Overarching Ideas and Goals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .48Feminist Vision of Care . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .48‘Invisible’ Issues: Migration, Trafficking and Women in Conflict . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .49Finding New Allies, Building Alliances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .49Engaging with Policymakers and Policy Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .50Instruments and Entry Points for Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .52Wise women, Young Feminists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .52ANNEXESANNEX 1: Special presentations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53• Gender and care in the Swiss political context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53• Roundtable discussion: Conclusions of the UN Commission on the Statusof Women (CSW) and their Implementation in Switzerland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53ANNEX 2: Programme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .54ANNEX 3: Speakers and facilitators’ biographies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .592

WIDE REPORTEXECUTIVE SUMMARYCare and care work must be understood – not as prerequisitesto economic growth – but as the centre ofhuman life. This understanding can bring about a politicaland economic shift in priorities from moneymakingor consuming goods to creating new habits of beingand living which are more dignifying and ethical. Ratherthan assuming that trade liberalisation, growth andincreased income will lead to an improvement in caregivingand human welfare, we must take into accountthe interconnections between the financial, economicand care crises. Governments seem more concernedwith bailing out banks and boosting economic institutionsthan investing in improving the State’s capacity toensure equal access to the provision of care in a waythat does not put the burden on women. We need toanalyse the impact of the crises on gender relations,equality and women’s rights, and of state and globalpolicy responses to the crises. And we need to takeaction so as to stop deregulation policies – especiallyof financial services – and stop the liberalisation ofbasic services, such as education, water and health,which will increase women’s unpaid care burden.WIDE’s 2009 Annual Conference, entitled ‘WE CARE!Feminist responses to the care crises’ (18–20 June 2009Basel, Switzerland), was concerned with the impact ofmultiple and interlocking global crises on women’s cultural,economic and social rights. In collaboration withWIDE Switzerland, the Conference gathered around 180participants from all over the world who jointly reflectedon the political and policy urgency of re-examiningthe care economy and care ethics driving our institutions,policies and society as a whole, and on the needto envision alternative concepts of work, livelihoods andwell-being in relation to care and care work.Redefining and (re)valuing care workTo successfully address the care crises requires us toquestion and change existing definitions of carewhich define women as natural carers and exempt menfrom it. We must also challenge the ways that ‘carework’ is defined, perceived and treated within mainstreameconomics and political spaces – as something‘external’ to economic and market systems and somethingof limited or no value.As a first step, we can examine how care is measuredby challenging the terminology used in economicanalysis (e.g. domestic work versus person care, paidversus unpaid care work), and proposing and assessingnew methods and tools (e.g. time-use survey dataversus other figures, such as unpaid care work as apercentage of gross domestic product (GDP)).As we bring the value of care work into political andeconomic discourses, we can begin to develop feministresponses and identify policy space for interventionand alternative solutions. This requires a contextualunderstanding of the crises and recognition that thereis not a ‘one-size-fits-all’ response. The best policiesgive women and men the choice to provide or not providecare, paid or unpaid, and provide care servicesthat are affordable, accessible and of good quality.Viewing care through multiple lensesIn defining our approach, it is useful to increase ourunderstanding of intersectionality – the ways in whichmodels of oppression, such as those based onrace/ethnicity, gender, religion, nationality, sexual orientation,class or disability, interrelate to create a systemof oppression involving multiple forms of discrimination.This enables us to push for solutions, such asredistribution of care work, not only along gender lines(between men and women), but also along race, classand geographical lines (i.e. North–South).An understanding of intersectionality can also help usto find new and powerful allies. The current crises areaffecting a wide spectrum of groups, and we can forgealliances with organisations not traditionally linked towomen’s issues, such as trade unions and environmentalgroups. However, we must also be cognisant ofalliances that could perpetuate the very systems feministorganisations are trying to change, such as thosewhich support the existing profit-driven economicmodel rather than challenge it.One area where we might find allies, as well as newperspectives and information for understanding thecare crises, is food and agriculture. The relationshipbetween care and food production and provision iscomplex, and differs vastly between low-, middle- andhigh-income countries. Globally, women remain the primaryproducers and preparers of food, and their abilitiesto provide care are closely affected by political,economic and trade-related activities at local, nationaland international levels – from their ability to save3

WIDE REPORTseeds for kitchen gardens which feed their families (asinternational companies buy up the rights to seeds andother genetic materials), all the way up to internationaltrade agreement negotiations that affect marketaccess.Another area offering new perspectives on care is bodypolitics, which looks at how bodies are regulated bynational and, increasingly, international politics; and theways that regulation shapes our daily lives at work, athome, and in private as well as public relationships. Inthe area of paid work, body politics reveals how economicsystems are dependent upon women’s cheaplabour, and how this labour marks women’s bodies (e.g.women factory workers’ stiff fingers and physicalexhaustion). Body politics also brings sexuality into publicand political discourses, exposing ‘heterosexual normativity’as the dominant paradigm underpinning socialcare policies which marginalise non-heterosexual orunorthodox families and relationships and lock womeninto the myth of the procreating body. Body politics alsoenables us to consider the progress made in bringingmore men into care work as fathers, as well as the persistenceof hegemonic concepts of masculinity that canbe harmful to women and increase the care burden.A feminist responseImmediate responses are needed, but at the same timewe must treat the current period of crisis as an opportunityto shape the feminist vision of an alternativeeconomy (a ‘caring economy’), transform care rolesand definitions, and propagate a vision of transformationof the dominant neoliberal, profit-driven economicparadigm. We must connect our vision to data andanalyses, to make our demands practical rather thanjust theoretical, and ensure they are heard and actedupon in political spaces nationally and internationally.At global policy level we need to stop speculative andhigh-risk trading and practices which gamble our food,pensions, public goods and basic needs on the financialmarkets. In essence, we must stop the casino capitalism!In the area of trade, we must stop the aggressivetrade liberalisation regime and instead promote a fairtrade agenda, which integrates social development,human rights and gender equality as its core values.To achieve these outcomes, we need to identify thebest strategies, instruments, tools and spaces forpolitical and social change. We can do this at householdlevel, for example, by challenging gender rolesand ideologies and the institutions that support them.We can also take stock of existing agreements, such asthe Convention on the Elimination of Discriminationagainst Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform forAction, and demand accountability in relation to care.Women’s organisations must push for gender-awarestimulus packages, which, for example:• channel public-sector spending to activities thatemploy women;• reduce the care burden and account for unpaidwork by providing a basic social safety net for everyone;and• invest in social infrastructure.Such stimulus packages must also include ethnicity/race-sensitiveemployment and job creation policies.To achieve this, women need equal representation indecision-making on public spending, both within governmentsand in advisory bodies.We must push at national level for greater market regulation,and for governments to bridge the dividebetween their economic and social policies. For example,we can demand coherence betweenhuman/women’s rights legislation and developmentobjectives and social security. We can also work withtrade unions to strengthen the bargaining position ofworkers.The report features summaries of all plenary presentationsand follow-up discussions involving presentersand participants. Throughout the report, readers canfind expert analyses of the issues, case studies, examplesof successful actions to change existing conditionsand systems, suggestions for action at all levels,and lingering questions about this highly complex topic.On WIDE’s website you can read the reports of workshopsthat were held during this Annual Conference,and find PowerPointTM presentations and pictures:

WIDE REPORTCHAPTER 1:Caring and social provisioning as a starting pointfor feminist analysesCaring for others is essential for human well-being allover the world; but the social organisation of care differsfrom country to country, and even within countries.The way care is organised in a society has a majorinfluence on – and is a reflection of – gender relationsand gender equality. Care and care work have beenfundamental issues for feminist analysis for more than30 years.The current global economic and financial crisis hasbrought increased attention to the prevailing marketorientedeconomic system and its failures. However,care is still left off the agenda, even as households andcommunities around the world rapidly bend under theweight of the added care burden resulting from cuts inpublic spending and services. The well-being and livelihoodsof many women and girls, as the world’s primarycare givers, are in steep decline.The United Nations Research Institute for SocialDevelopment (UNRISD) study on ‘The political andsocial economy of care’ adds a vast amount of data andnew findings to the discussion of care, and is also aninteresting starting point to discuss theoreticalapproaches, methods, notions, and concepts from afeminist perspective.Key Findings of the UNRISD Study on theCare Economy(Re)thinking Care in a Development ContextShahra Razavi, UNRISD, SwitzerlandIn a recent presentation, Joan Tronto persuasivelyargued that understanding care not as a prerequisite toeconomic growth, but as the centre of human life,would allow us to shift our priorities from ‘making money’or ‘making stuff’, to ‘making livable lives’ and‘enriching networks of care and relationship’. Withinsuch an alternative world, Tronto went on to argue, thephysical, emotional and relational needs of humanswould set the limits within which other concerns areaddressed.We should hold on to this vision proposed by Tronto,and find ways of connecting it to current discoursesand care arrangements to envision change. The analysesthat have been done through the UNRISD countrystudies provide a good entry point for this. A startingpoint is to grasp the differences in the realities acrossdifferent contexts, which impose different sets of constraintson us in making the shift.There has been growing academic and policy interestin the migration of Southern women to the global North,to work as care workers, and this literature powerfullyexposes the unequalising tendencies of policies associatedwith neoliberal globalisation. Like much feministliterature on welfare states, however, its empiricalfocus has been largely on the global North. Carearrangements and institutions in low- and middleincomecountries have not received the same level ofscrutiny. Addressing this gap was the main impetusbehind the UNRISD project.Many feminists rightly claimed that the first round ofwelfare regime literature was blind to families and togender stratifications. Thus it is useful to examinewhether something similar is happening now within thelargely Northern feminist literature on care, and if theinsights gained from research on care issues in lessdevelopedcountry contexts could add something newto the feminist debates on care.Feminist research on care in developing countries isnot yet at a stage to make any strong claims in terms ofnew or different care regime typologies. However, theexisting studies, including the UNRISD project outcomes,suggest some key insights, which fall underfour questions/headings:1. Care as a lens2. The care economy and whatever happened todomestic work?3. The care diamond – multiple institutions to highlightthe role of public policies and collective provision ofcare services4. The care diamond and the ‘welfare mix’.Care as a lensMany welfare programmes provide care, either directly,such as through health and education programmes,or indirectly by facilitating care-giving through, forexample, pensions, child and family allowances andparental leave programmes. Many of these pro-5

WIDE REPORTgrammes have been central to welfare states; yet,apart from pensions, they have tended to be treated assecondary programmes.Thinking about care as a perspective or a lens, ratherthan a sector or particular set of responsibilities andactivities, allows us to interrogate broader policies andstructures that facilitate or hamper care-giving. Andthis is particularly, though not exclusively, important indeveloping-country contexts because so many of thepre-conditions, resources, time and skills for care-givingcannot be taken for granted.Much of the feminist literature on care has raised theimportant issue of ‘time-poverty’, something that mainstreamapproaches to well-being have ignored. Timepoverty,however, cannot be considered without thedimension of material-poverty. It is one thing to be timepoorand income-rich, but another thing to be time-poorand income-poor (e.g. what Indian time-use surveyssuggest is the case for many low-income men andwomen). It is quite another thing to be time-rich andincome-poor, because you are forced into idlenesssince the development path cannot generate sufficientpaid employment opportunities. This is a severe problemin the ‘labour reserve’ economies of southernAfrica, where capital no longer needs the labour that itpulled from rural households over so many generationsand where unemployment rates are around 32 per cent.We need a care lens to look at the process of capitalaccumulation and what happens in the process ofdevelopment, rather than assuming a priori that development/growthwill lead to an improvement in care-givingand human welfare.Looking at macro-economic policies through a carelens would mean asking what happens to care-givingand well-being in the process of development: doescapital accumulation, which is a necessity for developingcountries, facilitate care-giving and enhance humanwell-being? Or does it come at the expense of both? Theprocess of development has often meant increasingagricultural productivity and diversifying the productivebase by nurturing manufacturing industries, typically byincreasing outputs of items produced for pay by women.Evidence suggests that capital accumulation whichrelies on increases in women’s paid work to produceexports is not matched by a compensating reduction inthe amount of unpaid care work that women and girlshave to do to meet their social obligations. As DianeElson argues, it is very likely that in these contexts theoutcome has been an extension of total time spent bywomen on paid and unpaid work, as well as a reductionin the quality of the output produced by unpaid work,especially through a ‘squeeze on time for care’.It is crucial to look at what happens to jobs and incomesalong gendered lines during crisis periods, which liberalisedeconomies are so prone to experiencing. It is alsoimportant in the context of crises to look at the unpaideconomy of care and reproduction: very often an inabilityto access publicservices (e.g. health)or purchase consumptionitems ( clothes,processed food ingredients)intensifies theburden of unpaid workthat women and girlshave to carry.“We need a care lens to look at theprocess of capital accumulation andwhat happens in the process ofdevelopment, rather than assuming apriori that development/growth willlead to an improvement in care-givingand human welfare.”Shara RazaviThe care economy and whatever happened to domesticwork?In much of the literature on care in the developedworld, domestic work is not included in definitions ofcare. Care work is defined as the person-to-personrelational and emotional interactions that enhance thecapabilities of care recipients. Feeding a child or readinga book to them is care, but preparing their food isnot; bathing an elderly person is care, but washing theirclothes and sheets is not. Listening to an adult andemotionally interacting with them is care, but shoppingand preparing a meal for the family is not.The exclusion of domestic work introduces class andincome biases. Domestic work continues to absorb asignificant proportion of women’s time among lowincomehouseholds throughout the world, including inmiddle- and high-income countries. These women cannothire domestic workers or buy ready-made marketsubstitutes. It is also not conceptually very clear-cut:why is preparing a meal not caring work, while feedingthe person is?We know that as countries become richer the proportionof unpaid work time devoted to domestic workdeclines, while the proportion that goes to direct careor person care seems to increase. So excluding what isoften called ‘domestic work’ from care work carries aclass and development bias.UNRISD constructed a ‘care dependency ratio’ 1 to capturethe burden of care-giving in simple demographic1 A dependency ratio is a measure of the number of dependents (people aged 0–14 and over the age of 65) compared to the total workingagepopulation (aged 15–64). It is calculated by dividing the total number of people of working age by the total number of dependents in asociety or community.6

WIDE REPORTterms. Among the countries covered in the study oftime use which was coordinated by Debbie Budlender,the care dependency ratio was found to be lowest inKorea, followed by Argentina. The highest ratio was forTanzania, which reflects its relatively larger populationof children under six years old. The figures obtainedsuggest that a caregiver in Korea would, on average,share the responsibility for caring for a single personwith at least five other people, while a caregiver inTanzania would be responsible for more than half of allthe care needed by another person.Interestingly, the apparent need for care calculated onthe basis of demographic variables does not correlatein a simple way with the amount of time that is actuallyspent on person care. For example, while the demographicstructures would suggest a lower care burdenin Korea and Argentina, women in these two countriesallocate relatively more time to person care thanwomen in Tanzania, India and South Africa, which maybe facing a ‘care deficit’.One of the factors that may explain why the wealthyspend more time on ‘person care’ could be the ‘contractingout’ of time-consuming housework by employingothers to do this work (as well as smaller householdsamong the wealthy, meaning that children aremore likely to be cared for separately with fewereconomies of scale and less possibility of children caringfor each other).For poor people in poor countries the drudgery ofunpaid care work – fetching water, processing ingredientsand preparing food – absorbs a huge amount oftime, leaving perhaps little“We need to make sure wecreate a world where there issolidarity. Yet this objective isso antithetical to the currenteconomic model of competitiveindividualism.”Kathleen Lynchtime for the more ‘interactive’part of care. But wewould not want to say thatthey spend little time oncare, given the fluid conceptualboundariesbetween what is classifiedas ‘domestic work’and what is classified as‘person care’: reading a book to a child is caring forthem, but preparing a meal for them or cleaning theirclothes is also an expression of care.The care diamond – multiple institutions to highlightthe role of public policies and collective provision ofcare servicesIn addition to using care as a ‘lens’ through which tointerrogate the broader economic, social and politicalstructures, the UNRISD study has for the most partused care in a narrower sense, focusing on the socalled‘care diamond’ (also sometimes referred to asthe ‘care sector’ – for example, by Folbre).The institutions involved in the provision of care arethus conceptualised as a care diamond, to include thefamily/household, markets, the public sector and thenot-for-profit sector. Of course, this is an oversimplifiedpicture, as the institutions providing care often work ina more complex manner and the boundaries betweenthem are neither clear-cut nor static. The concept ofthe care diamond, however, emphasises the multiplicityof sites offering care, the role of public policy andcollective responsibility, and the decisions taken bysociety to favour some forms of provision over others.This framework allowed UNRISD to combine a microlevelanalysis of unpaid care, which largely takes placethrough kinship relations, with other forms of care:mediated by market relations or through collectiveforms of provision. Why this emphasis on diversity ofsites and institutional configurations?First, there is a view deeply entrenched in the modernisationnarrative of a linear path along which all countriesmove with an inevitable shift from ‘private’ provisionof care, especially family and voluntary, to publicprovision by the state and market. The assumption isthat developing countries cluster into so-called highly‘familialistic regimes’, where both welfare and care areassured through informal family networks and relations.While not wanting to deny the important roleplayed by families, and by unpaid female work withinfamilies, in providing care, focusing exclusively on familiesand households can also be misleading.There is great diversity among developing countries,evident in the small cluster of countries that have beenstudied, which were purposefully chosen to reflect thisdiversity. Some of these countries are relatively highcapacitystates, both fiscally and administratively,which have been involved in the provisioning of socialand care services and social protection measures historically– for example, Argentina and South Africa, aswell as Korea, which is already an OECD member country.Today many other developing countries are also experimentingwith social policies, using the labels ‘humancapabilities’, ‘anti-poverty’ or ‘social protection’. Thesepolicies directly or indirectly impact care-giving, forbetter or for worse as far as gender equality is concerned.These needed to be interrogated, in addition tothe more explicitly care-oriented policies which resembledeveloped-country policies, such as pre-schoolcare and education.7

WIDE REPORTSecond, it is important to focus on state social policiesand on collective forms of care, despite some of theirwell-known shortcomings, such as care-giving beingbadly paid and feminised even if in the public sector.This would get us away from an agenda that is exclusivelyfocused on micro-level interventions aimed atgetting more men involved in care-giving, as we see insome multilateral policy institutions. In many developingcountries, much more needs to be done in terms ofputting in place the policies, programmes and structuralchanges that can help redistribute the costs of caregivingacross social class and also make it more viablefor women to re-negotiate their care responsibilities.The limitations of ‘sharing of responsibilities betweenwomen and men’ are particularly striking in contextswhere a large proportion of households with childrenare maintained primarily by women without the presenceor financial contributions of the fathers of thosechildren.The care diamond and the ‘welfare mix’In theory, governments can orchestrate care diamondswith a mix of public and private provision that is notexclusionary, that provides accessible services foreveryone, and that provides good working conditionsfor care workers. But this requires states with both fiscaland regulatory capacities to regulate non-statecare providers and to underwrite some of the cost ofservice provision for low-income users. It also requiresa willingness to invest in basic public health and educationservices and appropriate infrastructure as thebedrock of social provisioning, to help reduce theunpaid care burden on families and households.However, governments often pursue ‘private–public’partnerships to save costs, especially on staff, so it isimportant to assess the kind of work these mixes offertheir workforce.Pluralism 2 in the provisioning of social and care servicescan have unequalising, if not exclusionary, outcomesif the state fails to play this leadership role. Inhistorically more unequal societies, pluralism in welfareand care provision easily slips into fragmentationas gaps are filled by providers that offer services ofvarying quality which cater and are accessible to differentsegments of the population.It seems that to change priorities requires not onlypolitical alignments and the strength and visibility ofsocial movements that champion the priority of bettercare along with gender equality. It also depends onstates that are willing to put in place measures toreduce care burdens and equalise opportunities, acountry’s place in the larger global economy, andwhether the state/society has any room for manoeuvrein terms of fiscal and policy space.Project countries and research reports are availableon the UNRISD website – Equality: Care, Equality andCitizenshipKathleen Lynch, Equality Studies Centre, School ofSocial Justice, University College Dublin, IrelandThe equality debates globally, politically and legally arealmost completely male-dominated. One major debatehas been about defining equality as a problem of redistribution– a problem of distributing economicresources. Another major debate, has centred aroundwhat some people might call the ‘identity movements’ –for example, gay/lesbian movements, disability movements,and the women’s movement – which is calledthe problem of recognition. Axel Honneth is a majorproponent of the view that the equality problem is arecognition problem. Nancy Fraser has written veryeloquently about those two axes of the justice debate,arguing that both are key dimensions of injustice andalso highlighting the issue of power and representationas equality considerations.There is a debate about power, stemming from the workof Foucault, which defines power as an equality problem,although the focus is not on sovereign power butpower as it circulates and as it is institutionalised.However, the key equality debates are centred onredistribution (economic inequalities) and recognition(socio-cultural inequalities).Following from our work in Equality: From Theory toAction (Baker, Lynch et al. 2004) and Affective Equality(Lynch, Baker and Lyons 2009) I will argue that theproblem of equality is not simply about redistribution,recognition or representation. There is a care sphere oflife in which equality is a key problem, and that is whatwe call ‘affective equality’.2 Pluralism is the policy or theory that minority groups within a society should maintain cultural differences but share overall political andeconomic power.8

WIDE REPORTAffective equalityWe need to take the intellectual space from the maledominateddiscourses of egalitarian political theorythat so controlled public discourse about this issue,and put care at the heart of the debate about equality.This comes from a different premise from that underpinningmale-led theory – one that recognises our relationality.(For more information, see the book Love’sLabour: Essays on Women, Equality and Dependencyby Eva Feder Kittay.) Affective equality treats care asan equality and human rights issue; without care andlove people cannot develop as emotionally and sociallysustained human beings; without solidarity we willhave no community in society.Affective equality recognises the relational characterof human beings. It is based on the premise that we livein profound states of interdependence – economically,politically, culturally and socially, as well as environmentally.And, of course, our human vulnerabilitymakes care essential; we are all, at some time in ourlives, deeply dependent. Affective equality integrates aconcept of dependency and interdependency into ourunderstanding of equality, human rights and citizenship.Affective inequalityAffective inequality occurs directly when:• people are deprived of the love, care and solidaritythey need to survive and develop as human beings;• the burdens and pleasures of care and love work areunequally distributed in society, between womenand men particularly; and/or• those doing love and care work are not recognisedeconomically, politically and/or socially for thatwork.Affective inequality occurs indirectly when, for example,we are not educated on the theory and practice oflove, care and solidarity work in education programmes,and when love, care and solidarity work istrivialised by omission from public discourse. There isno education for citizens as carers, and we generallydo not think about this in formal education.ignores the way race, gender, ethnicity, age, disabilityetc. influence citizenship status. It is silent on the realityof dependency and interdependency as central tohuman existence. The liberal view largely treats lovingand caring as private matters and solidarity work as anoption within civil society.The prevailing neoliberal perspective draws on theearlier concept of the citizen as paid worker emanatingfrom classical liberalism, although it refocuses citizenshipon people’s relationship to the market. A citizen isdefined as either a ‘consumer’ or a ‘client’ with thecapacity to buy and sell services/products. Caring isonly valued on the market. Citizens are also defined asautonomous, privatised persons, with a focus on caringfor themselves. In this context, the individual is responsiblefor his or her own well-being. That is the directionin which we are moving.This is hugely problematic for public care provided bythe state, because the whole project of neoliberal capitalismis to undermine the cost (to capital) of the servicesprovided by the public sector – reducing costs isits core project. And if it does, it will undermine fundingfor health, welfare, education and care work, andindeed state supports for child care, family care etc.The state’s role in public service provision and in statesubvention is being seriously and directly circumscribedin a very direct and deliberate way, whichadversely affects women both as carers and as paidworkers.Figure 1 shows the type of model of the citizen we haveright now. Economic relations are at the centre, representingthe self-interested, calculated, competing economicactors. Under that we have the visible politicaland cultural relations, the power structures, the culturaland public spheres. And under that we have the love,care and solidarity work, which is placed at the bottombecause the two other sets of institutions are generallyfree riders on an awful lot of this (care) work.We need to make sure we create a world where thereis solidarity. This is so antithetical to the current economicmodel of competitive individualism.Definitions of citizenship: a problem for carersThe way that citizenship is defined on a global levelposes problems for carers. The liberal perspective valuescitizens as paid workers and/or public figures. Infact, most of the protections we have are related to ouridentity as ‘paid workers’. This perspective largely9

WIDE REPORTThe model we are confronted by is a ‘care-less’ modelof global citizenship, where the market has becomethe primary producer of cultural logic and culturalvalue. The emotional labour – and, in fact, the practicallabour – involved in caring and loving has been discreditedand denied. My argument is that care shouldbe an intrinsic element in the definition of global citizenship.The citizen is not just a political, economic orcultural actor on the state of life; she is also a careactor, involved in relations of dependency and interdependencythat are care-led, particularly at times of vulnerability.We need to enable care discourses to redefine publicdiscourse, policies and politics so that caring can bevalorised economically, politically and culturally withoutbeing romanticised or commercialised. We need totake care discourses out of that private space and putthem into the public space. We need to make solidaritythe global principle of global organisation and recognisecare as a core principle of everyday life, includingpaid work. We know from research on employment andthe appointment of senior managers that increasinglypeople have no time even to listen to one another withinpaid employment. The intensification of work hasbeen a major by-product of neoliberal capitalism, andthis often precludes us from having time to do carework on our terms, even care work of maintaining ourown health and well-being, which, in turn, is intimatelybound up with our relations to others.Problematising masculinityWhen we talk about the problem of justice, we forgetthat we must look at masculinity and how it is definedas care-less. One of the micro-studies we undertookfor our studies for Affective Equality (2009) was a studyby Niall Hanlon on men’s view of caring. It is fascinatingthat masculinity is not equated with care and that,as feminists, we often do not problematise masculinity.Part of the problem of addressing the care problem forwomen, is that:• feminine identities are assumed to be ‘care-full’(moral imperative on women to care);• masculine identities are equated with dominance(RW Connell 1995, 2003);• men are assumed to be care-less (men see breadwinningas caring and, therefore, do not do handsoncare work) (Lynch, Baker and Lyons, AffectiveEquality: Love, Care and Injustice, 2009); and• women are care’s foot soldiers, while men are ‘carecommanders’ – that is to say, men can assign intimatecare work (love labouring) to others withimpunity, but women cannot.Increasingly, the idealised person in the global order isa man – a care-free person. This is someone who hasno ties or care responsibilities. The idealised worker issomeone who is free to migrate or move. The devaluationof caring is at the heart of capitalism. We see itdaily in the way the care identity of the citizen whomigrates is seen as irrelevant. They are not allowed tobring their families to the destiny of migration; theircare relationships are not defined as being of value.They are simply seen ashuman capital, an economicresource.Time and love labouringMany would argue that youcannot have quality timewithout quantity time in careterms. Love labour time isnot infinitely condensable;you cannot do it in less andless time (Folbre 2004). It isnot possible to produce ‘fastcare’ like fast food in standardisedpackages. If we go“Love is not about sentimentality,it is about love labour,the work of nurturing othersthrough care. The reason I useof the word ‘love’ in the contextof caring and the careeconomy is because much ofwhat gives people meaning inlife is care from others; andproducing that care involveswork.Kathleen Lynchthe ‘McWorld’ route in caring, we will not get care, but‘pre-packaged units of supervision’, attending withoutintimacy or personal interest in the welfare of others(Badgett and Folbre 1999).The rationality of caring is different from, and to somedegree contradicts, scientific and bureaucratic rationality.There is no hierarchy or career structure to relationsof love labouring; they cannot be supplied toorder.Relational realities – a care-full model of citizenshipThe challenge for carers is that love labour (caring intimatelyfor others) is inalienable and non-commodifiable.You cannot pay someone else to build or maintainyour own relationship with intimate others; mutuality,commitment and feelings for others (and the humaneffort that goes with expressing these) cannot be providedfor hire, as they are voluntary in nature. Thereneeds to be recognition of the primacy of caring for citizensbut not only at the intimate personal level. Careand solidarity also need to become public values thatgovern our relations with others.We need to recognise the importance of tertiary care,caring in the form of social solidarity. We would alsoargue that tertiary care occurs where taxation is seenas a care issue, not an imposition on you; because youare taxed to supply solidarity to society. This is anexample of looking at the work through the care lens.10

WIDE REPORTConclusionThere are three main points in conclusion:1. Care-full citizenship: Caring occupies a similarstructural role in relation to emotional life that materiallabour occupies in relation to economic life. Caring (inthe love labouring sense) has to be done – due tohuman vulnerability and developmental needs. Weneed to make caring central to the definition of citizenship,and education about citizenship must includeeducation about loving, caring and solidarity.2. Challenging the way masculinity and femininity aredefined: In the prevailing definitions, women are morallyimpelled to care, while men are defined as dominantand care-less. The major challenge is to alter definitionsof masculinity as well as definitions of femininity.3. Creating an egalitarian and socially just world:There are four key contexts for the promotion of socialjustice, including care (J Baker, K Lynch, S Cantillonand J Walsh (2004) Equality: From Theory to Action):• Economic context – in economic relations, e.g.incomes/wages, wealth etc. – the goal is equality ofresources; there is no meaningful equality of opportunitywithout equality of economic condition.• Socio-cultural context – in cultural relations, e.g. insystems of representation, interpretation, communication(in media, education etc.) – the goal is equalityof respect and recognition.• Political context – power relations, e.g. in formal politics,on boards, committees, in paid work and family/personalrelations – the goal is equality of powerin public and private institutions.• Affective context (care relations) – wherever relationsof love, care, and solidarity operate, e.g. personalrelationships, paid work relations, communityand associational relations – the goal is equality inthe doing of care work and“It is important to name thefact that people have relationalidentities as wellracial, gender or aged identities.Redistribution, recognitionand representationalaccounts of injustice haveignored the relational, affectivecharacter of the humancondition.”Kathleen Lynchequality in the receiving ofcare.DISCUSSION‘Love’ vs sex, sexualityand pleasure in the developmentdiscourseThe presentation aboutlove prompted the question:what sort of love are we talking about? For example,there is so-called love for sale on the Internet. Itwas pointed out that love is often a misused term, andwhile it can be very brave to talk about it, unfortunatelyin gender and development it gets mixed up with otherconceptions of love, such as sexuality and pleasure.Feminists need to reclaim the language of love as it isexperienced and lived by women as work and nurturing.Black American feminist Bell Hooks has written a lotabout how love is constructed, and argues that it is notunderstood at all. Love, in fact, has little to do with sexualityand sexual relationships, which are primarily selfinterested.Lynch and her colleagues used the term‘love labour’ because love is work. Also, there is a myththat love labour is a one-way street. The use of the word‘love’ in the context of caring and the care economyrefers to the fact that a lot of what gives people meaningis care from others. Also, it is used to encompass thefact that people have relational identities: those whoare cared for identify themselves as someone who iscared for. Identity politics, Lynch argued, have ignoredthe relational nature of humanity. (Lynch)How ‘care’ is measuredThere was significant discussion about Razavi’s commentthat care is defined as separate from domesticwork. However, she pointed out that, in fact, this wassomething she and other researchers queried. Oftenthe more technical data on time use makes this distinctionbetween care work and domestic work. From adeveloping-country perspective, there is a North/Southand class bias involved with this dichotomy. The conceptof domestic work being totally shut away from discussionsof care in time-use definitions is artificial, andit can have a major impact on how care work is valued.The UNRISD study focuses both on domestic and personcare. (Razavi)Also, general household surveys conflate family, neighboursand community, which leads to a loss of the distinctionbetween these different groups. Time-use surveysare, in a sense, better because they enableresearchers to focus more on specific care work.However, community care can sometimes be misinterpreted.In the South African time-use survey, for example,men were shown to spend much more time oncommunity care than women, but to the men ‘buildingsocial capital’ meant spending time in bars. This issomething that could easily be improved in surveywork. (Lund)Gendered definitions of careThe idea that ‘men see breadwinning as caring’prompted a detailed discussion about how we definecaring compared to people using time-use surveys. Arethere ways in which we are not doing justice to howmen would define caring?11

WIDE REPORTIn fact, many women are breadwinners, too, which issomething that should not be dismissed. At some level,there is love and care in breadwinning. There are alsocompeting notions of masculinity which influence the‘male as breadwinner’ concept, and there is a classdivide. In time-use surveys in developing countries,there is less of a gender gap in care work among higher-incomeand educated households. This implies thatcare work (but not domestic work) poses less of athreat to masculinity among higher-income men,whereas among unemployed or working-class householdswhere masculinity is already under question andthreat (due to loss of breadwinning role, or the incapacityto earn a sufficiently large wage to sustain theirhouseholds) gender roles may be more strictly policed.(Razavi)Does migration to developed countries result in a caredeficit in developing countries?There was some disagreement about the notion that,when women migrate to provide care, it inevitably createsa ‘care gap’ in their own households. Care can bedistributed among family members, so when womenmigrate from the global South, the imagined care deficitor care drain may not necessarily be very intense. Thisis the case, for example, in the Philippines. However,other evidence does not substantiate this. For example,in Ireland from the 1930s to the late 1960s, large numbersof women emigrated, and these women, as well asthe families they left behind, experienced loss andloneliness. It is important to problematise these issues.(Lynch)On the other hand, when people assume there is a caredeficit because women are leaving, it is crucial to ask:what is the context? There may be flexibility in terms ofthe way households reorganise themselves, and theremay not necessarily be a big deficit, which means thisgeneration of children may not necessarily suffer.There will be variation depending on contexts, dependingon the kinds of networks and family householdstructures that exist. (Razavi)Who is a carer?It was pointed out that old people are not just receiversof care – they are also carers. The same is true of childrenand even disabled people. Dichotomies and classificationsrelated to care are much more complex thanthey appear. (Lynch) In developed countries, grandmothersplay a big role in unpaid care. (Razavi)Are feminist care discourses skirting too close to conservativediscourses?There are similarities between feminist ‘love and care’discourses and conservative discourses, but theydiverge in terms of who should be doing the care work.On the conservative side, it is women who are expectedto be caring. On the feminist side, care-giving shouldbe shared. There has also been a critique of neoliberalismby both feminists and the Vatican/Islamist lobby,particularly at major conferences. These conservativegroups want to appear to be on the side of the globalSouth and against marketisation, for example.Feminists must be careful about the other aspects oftheir agendas, especially with regard to sexual andreproductive rights and equality, to which these groupsare adamantly opposed. (Razavi)Is sharing household responsibilities still an issuewhen there is no man in the house?It may not be a priority in the global South for women toshare household responsibility equally with men,because many women are single or do not have a manat home. However, boys are educated in householdseven where no man is present. And if this is not takeninto account, it can perpetuate social conditions thatlead to the unequal distribution of care work.12

WIDE REPORTCHAPTER 2:Care Economies and Policies Across Different Countries and RegionsComparative presentations by UNRISDresearch contributorsThe UNRISD study looked at aspects of the care economyin a number of countries and contexts. This isimportant because care crises exist in different contexts,among women with different experiences andsituations. As such, there is no ‘one-size-fits-all’approach. To demonstrate the different forms that carecrises and solutions can take, speakers were invited todiscuss their involvement in the UNRISD study and thecountry-specific findings from South Africa, SouthKorea and Switzerland. Two additional speakers wereasked to reflect on the care crises in Central andEastern Europe and the Middle East and North Africa(MENA) region.What we are talking about when we talk about care: agrandmother in Durban, working in a street marketwhile looking after her grandchild.UNRISD South Africa Country StudyFrancie Lund, 3 Women in Informal Employment:Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO), South AfricaExploring the economy of paid and unpaid care work inSouth Africa through the UNRISD study enabled us tocombine quantitative and qualitative research to:• make the links between economic and social policiesmore visible;• bring the totality of women’s work to the surface;and• see the links between paid and unpaid care work.The picture shows a grandmother in Durban, lookingafter her grandchild while working in a street market inthe traditional herbs and medicines sector. This iconicimage gives us a starting point for understanding thecontext of caring in South Africa.Country context related to the care economy in SouthAfricaSouth Africa has a population of 48 million. It is a middle-incomecountry, with steep poverty and inequality,marked racial, gender-based and spatial features, andhigh unemployment rates. When examining SouthAfrica, it is important to understand the impact ofApartheid on families. In terms of family/householdcomposition, of children under 17:• 35 per cent live with both mother and father;• 40 per cent live with their mother but not their father;and• 20 per cent live with neither biological parent.These figures have huge implications for care responsibilities.However, 21 per cent of households live withthree or more generations present. Only a third ofhouseholds are comprised of children and middle-generationmembers, even though this is supposedly ‘thenorm’ of a nuclear family. Family policies in post-colonialsocieties are predicated on this norm, which originatedin the global North.Our study looked at: the legacy of disruption of familylife as a result of Apartheid; high unemployment ratesamong women and men, but especially women; and theexceptionally high rates of HIV and AIDS. In light ofthese problems, we asked what types of interventionscould address the growing needs for care, especially ofchildren, and of middle-generation adults who areinfected and/or affected by HIV and AIDS.How different sectors are reacting to the care crisisAmong households, there is no evidence of a withdrawalof girl children from school; extended families3 Working with Debbie Budlender, Community Agency for Social Enquiry (CASE), who could not attend the conference.13

WIDE REPORTare absorbing kin children and sick people; and thestate pension for elderly people is playing a positiverole. The state has issued unconditional and non-contributorycash transfers in the form of an Old AgePension (OAP), which is received by well over 80 percent of older people, and a Disability Grant. Theseenable the provision of care, shape care, enableyounger women to seek work and, particularly whenprovided to older women, serve to keep girl children inschool longer. The Child Support Grant, however, is toosmall to show an impact on care. The state has finallyprovided antiretroviral therapy (ART) to about 700,000people. This is shaping care for people with AIDS byinvolving household members, home-based care workers,nurses and other paid carers.There are also movements in the market. Nurses aremoving from the public (government) to the private sector,and many are emigrating to the UK, Australia, NewZealand and Canada. There are also nurses from theSouthern African Development Community (SADC) andelsewhere who are immigrating to South Africa. Therehas been a growth in the private market for low-paidcare, especially for women. And we can speculate thatdomestic workers (largely black African women) aredoing more skilled care work, without recognition orcompensation.Among international agencies, HIV and AIDS havesuch a high salience that it seems to be ‘crowding out’funding for other health issues. There has been a greatdeal of positive support from international agencies forcash transfers in other sub-Saharan African countries,but it is unknown how long this support will last. Therehas also been a lot of focus on child-headed householdsand human trafficking, which are certainly problemsbut may not be priorities in terms of intensity.Non-governmental, community-based and faith-basedorganisations (NGOs, CBOs and FBOs) provide crucialformal and informal support to households, much ofwhich goes unrecognised and unregistered.Government policy related to where these organisationssit in the ‘continuum of care’ and how to supportthem is incoherent. A wider range of NGOs, CBOs andFBOs now receive government subsidies to providehousehold-based care, and a minority has clear programmesand support structures for home-based carers.There has been much better legislation, whichallows a broader range of organisations to receive fundingfrom the government, but it is still unsatisfactory.Home-based care programmes and unpaid careThere is a wide variety of home-based care interventions,mainly based in departments of health and socialdevelopment. South Africa is one of the few countriesin the world that has a public works programme forhome-based care. Instead of putting men to work buildingbridges, digging ditches etc., South Africa payswomen who get placements in public works programmesan extremely low wage to do care work.Other initiatives include giving small stipends to ‘volunteers’or having a new cadre of community healthworkers doing home visits to assist family memberswith their caring tasks. On the whole, there is no genderanalysis underpinning these ‘community’ initiatives.In terms of a ‘continuum of care’, there is no clear policyfor supporting unpaid and paid women who do caringtasks. This can be compared with much poorerAfrican countries such as Uganda and Tanzania, wherethere is more active support for community workersand volunteers.The household-based care (HBC) programme, which ispart of the public works programme, is characterisedby appalling rates of ‘pay’ (just over a dollar a day).Care workers get paid much less than men (and somewomen) who are working in non-care public works programmes(Budlender andParenzee). There is also noclear planned progression intoother forms of work. However,the HBC programme does providesome women with opportunitiesto enter the labour marketas low-paid care workers.“From a long-term perspective,I would arguethat it is important to fightwith numbers in an economiccontext if we arelooking to increase stateallocation of resources tothings which enhancewomen’s and men’s abilityto care, as well asimproving gender equality.For example, it may beinfluential on nationaltreasuries to show howmany jobs could be createdin the care economy.”Francie LundUnpaid care work by householdmembers is overwhelminglydone by women, and especiallygrandmothers, who pay fromtheir own pockets (often fromstate pensions). They are usingthe state pension, which ismeant to be used by elderly peoplefor their own needs, to providecare to younger generations.These women work with no informed supportservice. They are often taking care of household memberswho are ill but who do not declare their status orwill not go for testing. This makes the work of carersextremely difficult. ART is likely to increase the numbersof those who go for voluntary testing.What must be done?From a long-term perspective, and hoping to beprovocative, I would argue that it is important to fightwith numbers in an economic context. If we are lookingto increase state allocation of resources to thingswhich enhance women’s and men’s ability to care, as14

WIDE REPORTwell as improving gender equality, I do not think thatmost people who influence policies and budgets areinfluenced by the sort of time-use survey data we havediscussed today, about the different amounts of timethat men and women spend doing care work. Feministslisten to it, but I do not think it is yet taken seriously bygovernment or people making budget decisions.Much more potentially influential, I believe, is DebbieBudlender’s work within the UNRISD project, whichproduced figures, for example, on unpaid care work asa percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) in SouthAfrica, and in relation to how much the South Africangovernment spends on paid care workers such asnurses and social workers. Even more influential in theSouth African situation may be to make good estimationsof how many additional jobs could be created inthe care economy. The government knows that it hasso far been unable to make much of a dent on the highunemployment rate and that this is a cause of extremepopular dissatisfaction.UNRISD South Korea Country StudyIto Peng, University of Toronto, CanadaSouth Korea is an interesting case because it reflectsboth industrialised and developing socio-economiccontexts. It faces post-industrial economic issues, forexample, the shift from manufacturing to service- andknowledge-intensive sector industries. It is also seeingthe decline of the male breadwinner model of households,which is creating increased pressure on marriedwomen to work throughout their lives. It is seeing arapid fertility decline (fertility was close to 1.0 in 2005)and speedy population ageing.“With social care beingseen as a new growthengine in South Korea,the burning question is:can we, and how canwe, achieve genderequality within this context?,”Ito PengAt the same time, South Korea isexperiencing issues related to thelegacy of the developing countryeconomic context. It became ademocracy only in 1987–88, sothere is a recent legacy of authoritariandictatorship. It has a fairlylarge informal-sector economy,with about one-third of the economicallyactive population in theinformal sector, and nearly a halfof employed people in non-standardwork. And while the welfare state is rapidlyexpanding, it is still relatively small – total social spendingto GDP is only about 10 per cent. This is a significantchange from 3 per cent back in 1996, but still less thanhalf of the scale of the welfare state in many Europeancountries.Since the Asian economic crisis of 1997, South Koreahas been faced with two imperatives and one fundamentalquestion. The first imperative is related todemographic change, especially the ageing population.This is creating a labour supply shortage, with predictionsof a shortfall of 4.5 million by 2010. This hasimmediate implications for both the near future and,more crucially, long-term economic growth – in a countrywhere economic growth is a key priority. Factorsrelated to the dependency ratio, 4 of course, have majorimplications for health and social care demands.Another issue related to demographic change has to dowith national identity: South Korea has a type of grand,national narrative rooted in its status of being a homogeneous,single-race nation. This was the narrativethat the government used to stir up national sentimentto support the post-war nation-building project. It wasan important means to achieve nationalism, consensus-building,and the national economic developmentobjectives. The issue of low fertility and demographicageing brings to the surface two potential problems: acountry could try to address the problems of labourshortage and low fertility by opening to immigration, orit can remain closed to immigration and face the possibilityof gradual population decline, as in the case ofJapan, which may mean an eventual decline in economicpower and its geopolitical position in the internationalarena. Neither are particularly good prospectsfor a country that has long built itself on the idea of ahomogeneous, single-race nation. It will require a seriousrethinking about national identity. Solving the problemof national identity will, therefore, be very difficultfor South Korea.The second imperative to address relates to economicdevelopment pressures. The raison d’être of the SouthKorean state is economic growth – this is the rationalefor its development and this was the main reason thatthe previous authoritarian governments were able tostay in power, and it continues to be the main agenda ofsubsequent governments. Since 2000 the economy hasbeen growing very poorly – only 3–4 per cent annually.This may seem like a lot compared to some countries,but not compared to the 10 per cent growth SouthKorea experienced in the past several decades.Therefore, there is major pressure to create jobs andsustain a reasonable rate of economic growth.4 The care dependency ratio is the ratio of carers to dependents; for example, it measures the number of able-bodied parents compared tochildren or elderly relatives in need of care in a society or community.15

WIDE REPORTBurning questions related to care in the South KoreancontextHow does care fit into the South Korean country context,and particularly the issues raised by the twoimperatives (demographic change and economicdevelopment pressures)? The government has set inmotion unprecedented expansion of social care, especiallyfor children and the elderly, because it seessocial care as a solution to address the two imperatives:as a means to boost fertility and to create newjobs and stimulate the economy.Recent policy reforms include 90 days of full-paidmaternity leave; three days of full-paid paternity leave;nine months of parental leave at Won 500,000 5 permonth after the 90-day maternity leave; and flexiblehours and/or part-time work policies. There have alsobeen policy reforms related to an expansion of childcare. For example, from 1990 to 2007 the total number ofchildren enrolled in child care centres rose by morethan 2,000 per cent. The total number of child care centresrose from just under 2,000 in 1990 to nearly 30,000in 2007. And the percentage of children in child care orpre-schools in 2004 was:• 59.5 per cent of those aged three;• 66.4 per cent of those aged four; and• 88.7 per cent of those aged five.The national government’s budget for early childhoodeducation rose from Won 356 billion in 2002 to Won 886billion in 2006. The budget for child care grew from Won435 billion in 2002 to Won 2,038 billion in 2006.This is just in the child care sector. For the care of theelderly, the government has introduced a mandatoryLong-term Care Insurance programme, universalisinglong-term care services for people over the age of 65.This investment strategy focuses on social welfare andthe care sector, which brings up demands as well asopportunities. It also highlights a virtuous circlebetween social and economic developments. Withsocial care being seen as a new growth engine inSouth Korea, the burning question is: can we, and howcan we, achieve gender equality within this context?Can feminists and their agenda for gender equality gainsome purchase by riding on the government’s instrumentalistand economist social care policy strategy?On the one hand, this opens up a window of opportunityfor feminists to cut a path towards gender equality.On the other hand, this will require very carefulmanoeuvring to direct the social care expansion policyto also take into account the gender equality agenda.There are at least four key actors involved with theseissues:1. The state, which is stymied by its single-mindedfocus on pushing for economic growth and job creation.2. The market, which has a problem with global economiccompetition, therefore faces major pressureto deregulate and ‘flexibilise’ the labour market; thisis creating job insecurity and increasing incomeinequality.3. International agencies, which along with the governmenthave started using prescriptions of neoliberalarguments, particularly in relation to socialinvestment strategy, to argue for social care expansion.4. NGOs and civil society, which have been very activein pushing an expansion of social care and genderequality as a win-win situation for people and theeconomy; this is particularly true of feminist andwomen’s groups.The care crisis in South Korea is informed by anunequal but, in fact, highly effective post-war malebreadwinner household arrangement. However, this isbecoming increasingly unsustainable. It is alsoinformed by recovery measures, namely the understandingof the effectiveness of a family-work reconciliationstrategy, but not necessarily by merit of genderequality principles or logic.Effective measures to change inequalityPolitical commitment is needed in three forms: moneyand fiscal commitment; more time and space for discussionand agenda-setting around gender equalityissues and policies; and real programmes and deliveryof services. How can we achieve these political commitments?Civil society has a crucial role in keeping thestate in check (i.e. governance). Also, interscaler 6 collaborationamong local, national and internationalgroups is essential.Civil society and the state are both responsible for makingchange. They must work together to reshape themarket and improve equality, which will help to addressthe care crisis. However, in the process of working withthe state, civil society groups would need to think care-5 1 Euro = 1800 Won6 The term ‘interscaler’ refers to different levels of institutions. For example, interscaler collaboration among local, national, and internationalorganisations means collaborations and linkages between local governments and NGOs, national-level governments and organisations,and international organisations and NGOs such as UN, OECD, ILO, EU, WIDE etc.16

WIDE REPORTfully what their agenda is, and how they can mosteffectively frame their issues, to achieve their objectives.It would also be important to be clear about theirimmediate and long-term objectives so as not to allowshort-term gains to undermine their longer-term goals.UNRISD Switzerland Country StudyBrigitte Schnegg, University of Berne, Switzerland 7This presentation highlights key findings of theresearch and reflects on possible political implicationsfor Switzerland. While Switzerland is one of richestcountries in the world, it is far from innocent withregard to gender equality: for example, it was very latein giving women the right to vote (1971).A recent Swiss policy change helps to put the researchwork on care and gender equality into context. In earlyJune 2009, the Swiss Parliament raised the retirementage for women from 64 to 65. This last step towardequal retirement age for men and women was not onlyabout equality – it was also justified by demographicand financial arguments: women’s higher life expectancyleads to higher pension and health costs. Whatseems to be fair and economically reasonable turns outto be unjust and unreasonable, if we look at it from theperspective of the care economy. This is one of the outcomesof the UNRISD Case Study on Care Economy inSwitzerland. The policy change does not take women’scontribution to the care economy into account, asshown in Table 1.Table 1 Volume of unpaid and paid work inSwitzerland in 2004 (of persons aged 15 and over)Paid Unpaid Total* Paid : Unpaidwork* work* workmen 4455 3019 7474 100 % : 68%women 2519 5413 7932 100 % : 215 %total 6974 8450 15 424 100 % : 121 %women’s workas % of total 36.1 64.1 51.4* in million hours per yearSource: Swiss Labour Force SurveyIn terms of economic value, unpaid work correspondsto 64% of GDP in Switzerland – an enormous amount.Women are doing the majority of unpaid work (twothirds)but only one-third of paid work. Men’s share inpaid work is about 64%.Gender asymmetries are important, not only withregard to the distribution of paid and unpaid work, butalso with respect to the type of activities women andmen engage in. It is not surprising, then, that we foundmen’s share of unpaid activities above the averagewhen it comes to administrative labour, caring for petsand gardening or handicrafts and institutionalised voluntarywork. Women’s share, on the other hand, is particularlyhigh in activities like preparing meals, cleaningand laundering, feeding and washing babies, nursingand caring for sick and frail adults and helping out inother households (‘informal’ voluntary work).Women’s and men’s unpaid work is also differently distributedover their lifetime: men’s unpaid work is constantover time, while women’s unpaid work is greaterwhen raising small children. This reduces women’savailability for paid work; they have to cope with unpaidwork, so they have less time in paid work, especiallyduring the years when they should be qualifying fortheir careers. This is a fact that has negative impactson women’s careers and on their wages: the pay gapbetween women and men in Switzerland is about 20%.How can households deal with a very high overallworkload resulting from a high burden of paid work andunpaid care work simultaneously? They have differentoptions: they can either try to substitute unpaid carewith paid care or they can substitute paid work withunpaid care work. A third option would be to reducedirect care work by using public care facilities; however,this option is difficult because sufficient and affordablepublic child care is mostly lacking. Substitutingunpaid care with paid care only makes sense for a verysmall proportion of households in which both partnershave very good jobs so that they earn more than theyspend for this solution (in terms of costs for privatechild care facilities, wages for domestic workers andadditional taxes).Most couples decide to reduce paid work in order toprovide enough time for unpaid care needs. Unequalpay between women and men strongly influences thesubsequent decision: due to their lower pay, women inaverage have to invest 25% more hours in paid work toearn the same amount of money as men. Therefore it islikely that women will be the ones to reduce theiramount of paid work, while men will expand theirs. Thisis exactly what happens in Switzerland, where about7 The Swiss UNRISD study was carried out mainly by Mascha Madörin (Quantitative Analysis of Existing Statistical Data and Analysis ofSocial Policy) and Nadia Baghdadi (Qualitative Analysis of Political Debates and Social Policy), who could not attend the conference.17

WIDE REPORT57.1 % of the employed women work part-time, whilethe portion of part-time workers who are men is only11.9 %.Women’s contribution to the care economy is substantial,as shown in Table 2 below. To come back to theexample of the increase in the retirement age forwomen, this table shows that persons over 65 areclearly doing more unpaid care work than what correspondsto their share in the population. In other words,elderly people’s engagement in unpaid care work foradults – elderly or sick – is definitely above average.The contribution of elderly women is, of course, evenhigher than men’s. Further data show that elderlywomen are providing care for grandchildren as well asfor their partners and for friends and neighbours.Elderly women are giving much more unpaid care toother persons than they receive, or in other words, theyare net-caregivers.Table 2 Care activities according to different agegroups in 2004Age % of Direct Direct Informalpopulation care for care for voluntaryaged children** adults** work %15 + % of total % of total of totalWomen 15-49 29.3 60.4 16.3 25.250-64 11.1 1.8 23.7 27.065+ 11.1 0.0 31.1 21.4Women 15+ 51.5 62.2 71.1 73.6Men 15-49 29.6 34.8 7.0 11.250-64 11.0 3.0 8.7 5.965+ 7.8 0.0 13.3 9.3Men 15+ 48.5 37.8 28.9 26.4*permanent residents** living in the household of the intervieweeThe public discourse which characterises elderlywomen as a problem for our social security system isnot only wrong; it is unfair. Elderly women’s contributionto the care system is much higher than their claims.Raising the age of retirement for both women and menwill have an unforeseen impact on public expenditure,because the availability of the elderly – and particularlyof elderly women – for unpaid care will decline.The Care Economy in Central and EasternEuropeJivka Marinova, Gender Education, Research andTechnologies Foundation (GERT), BulgariaOver the last 20 years the countries of Central andEastern Europe (CEE) have had a controversial historyof care. Before 1989, in most of the countries of theregion, women were forced into full employmentbecause otherwise families could not survive economically.Men’s and women’s salaries were equal by law,and the private sector was practically non-existent.Child care services were provided on an equal basis forall and were affordable and accessible. The healthcare system itself was a guarantee for elderly people,without so far providing specific care services. Thehealth care system provided medical assistance forfree, and hospitalisation was also free of charge.Elderly people could benefit from the system withoutany social insurance record. Even those who neverworked could rely on free health care. Women wereexpected to take care of their parents and parents-inlawas well as their children. The system was not questionedat all because there was just no other option.Until the early 1990s the region was a champion ofwomen’s full-time employment. Even now, in the countrieswith the largest percentage of women workingpart-time (Poland and Slovenia), the rate is less than 12per cent (in Bulgaria it is 3 per cent).Women were burdened by full-time employment, carework, domestic work and so-called social-public work.The only support was provided by the extended family– grandparents, both women and men, but mostlywomen.With a few differences, all child care policies were dictatedby demographic concerns and pro-natalist intentionsand were used as an incentive for young couplesto have (more) children (progressive length of maternityleave, maternity leave counting for work record, progressiveamount of child allowances etc.).The political democratisation and the transition to amarket economy led to the general and overall deteriorationof care services. The state ‘withdrew’ from providingcare, one by one withholding the ‘privileges’ previouslygiven to women by, for example, closing downmany kindergartens and crèches. The services providedby the state decreased in quantity and increased inprice. Private-sector services appeared of doubtfulquality and at a high price. Elderly people becameextremely vulnerable because of the lack of properservices for them, on the one hand, and because oftheir disproportionately low income, on the other.Because of the transition crisis many women migratedabroad, leaving their children with the extended family.Polish women migrated to Western Europe, Bulgariansto Greece and Cyprus, Ukrainians to Poland etc. In CEEthere is almost no market for domestic work – very fewfamilies can afford to pay for a domestic servant, so the18

WIDE REPORTburden of domestic work falls on the woman in the family.CEE states still provide long maternity and parentalleaves, which can keep women at home and artificiallydecrease their unemployment rate, thus creating a burdenin old age because of the lower social security savingsand pensions. But again women from CEE are carryinga triple burden of care: they care for children, fortheir elderly parents and for their husbands and partners,who in most cases have suffered from the psychologicalpressure of the transition.However, there are some interesting paradoxes: incountries where the child care system is well developedand affordable, as in Slovenia, the employmentrate of women with children is higher than the employmentrate of women without children – the same isvalid for men. In countries such as the Czech Republic,where state-provided services are not enough and thisis compensated for by a very long maternity leave, theemployment rate of women with small children is halfthat of women without (small) children. There is, however,this general trend that women with children aremore active in seeking job opportunities than womenwithout children.Overall, in CEE countries care work is still not on thepolitical agenda nor has it been studied to any significantdegree.Care Issues in the Middle East and NorthAfrica RegionLina Abou-Habib, Collective for Research and Trainingon Development – Action (CRTD.A), LebanonThe two key areas where a discussion about care ismost relevant in the Middle East and North Africa(MENA) region are: women’s household work and therole of faith-based organisations in determining thenature of citizenship in the region, and the shape ofgender relations in the household. Potential interventionsfor bringing about change related to care couldoccur at two levels: at policy level and at householdlevel, through redistribution within the household.If we look at households in the MENA region we aremore likely to find extended or modernised tribalgroups, with diverse forms of kinship, all members ofwhich benefit from care. Who decides whether this is apriority for women or not? My inclination would be thatif you ask women you would find that redistribution is akey issue. Women cannot bear the brunt of all the carework – the work is literally back-breaking – and the situationis an emergency. I am not suggesting that policyinterventions are not important, but we know that inthis region it is not just a policy or legal issue. The waysthat even the most wonderful policy is interpreted ornot implemented may or may not have a bearing onwomen in their households. Regardless of what a familylooks like, the key issue is empowerment and aredistribution of power.In the MENA region, most post-independence states –which are by now largely failing states, with limitedinfrastructure, hardly any services and high levels ofcorruption – have made some policy contributionsrelated to care on two levels: maternity cover and childcare. These policies were not made, however, with aconceptualisation or concern about care. At best, theywere designed to get women into the workforce. Also,these policies only apply in the public sector, not theprivate sector. With the crumbling of the public sectorand takeover by the profit-driven private sector, we arelosing even these most basic workers’ rights. I am callingthem ‘workers’ rights’ because they were neverconceptualised beyond being workers’ rights.There appears to be a hierarchy of care. This meansthat, even within care, labour-intensive, manual work isless valued, while personal care appears to have morevalue. So hierarchy is being imposed even within theconcept of care.Framing care in the context of religionOne of the critical gaps in the discussion about care inthis region relates to the need to frame care within thecontext of religion. Fundamental to religion is obedience,and we should discuss how this fundament isimpacting who does what in the household and isexpected to do so. One big issue relates to divorce,where in many MENA countries years of free care workgoes down the drain, without compensation for thewomen. The only policy that is a good practice examplein the region is Morocco’s family law, which, for thefirst time, gives a monetary value to the years of careprovided by women. This must be calculated when possessionsare divided up after a divorce.Inequality related to migration and domestic workersin rich Gulf countriesThere have also been some initiatives of research onmigrant workers. This is one of the other major burningissues in understanding care in MENA countries. Inparticular, very rich Gulf countries transfer all forms ofcare to migrant workers. This exacerbates racismagainst domestic workers, and imposes a ‘we can't livewithout them but they are so beneath us’ attitude. Oil-19

WIDE REPORTwealthy countries have rarely been challenged regardingtheir treatment of women or domestic workers.“A woman in a veryremote village in Lebanonwas asked what sheaspires to in life. She saidher dream is to have her‘own Sri Lankan’ – in otherwords, her own Sri Lankandomestic worker. This providesmajor food forthought in terms of whattype of redistribution isneeded: between race,class and gender.”Lina Abou-HabibDISCUSSIONRegarding this burning issue of migrant workers, ananecdote from Lebanon illustrateshow gender roles andstereotypes have been internalised.A woman in a veryremote village in Lebanon wasasked what she aspires to in life.She said her dream is to have her‘own Sri Lankan’ – in otherwords, her own Sri Lankandomestic worker. This providesmajor food for thought in terms ofwhat type of redistribution isneeded: between race, class andgender.Positive policy options and approaches in differentregions and contextsThere have been positive policy shifts in South Korea insupport of gender equality, evident in the expansion ofchild and elderly care and policies on parental leave,for example. The best policy strategy is getting politicalcommitment to gender equality that is wrapped in apackage of: money (funding); time and space in thepolitical agenda; and services – adequate compensationfor people to take time out to care for their families.(Peng)In the context of South Africa, it was suggested thatyou cannot tackle many issues by addressing the formallabour market only, because increasing numbers ofpeople are employed informally. Two approaches tosupporting women doing unpaid care work could beconsidered: finding ways to show how work done byvolunteers is ‘real’ work that can be valued/monetised;and defending the Old Age Pension as a redistributivestrategy, which is strongly gender-biased in favour ofwomen and enables thousands of grandmothers to bettersupport their orphaned grandchildren. (Lund)In the Swiss context, there has been a recent policychange to count the years women spend caring forchildren as pension-earning years. This has been amajor feminist achievement. (Schnegg)The context is crucial (national, development stageetc.) in recommending policy options and strategies.The best policies give women the choice to take on ornot take on care work, and provide care services thatare affordable (money), accessible (places) and ofgood quality. (Marinova)In the MENA region, the best strategies are based onthe awareness that there is a complete dichotomybetween state/civil laws and religious/family laws.Religious/family laws trump state laws, and carecomes under religious/family law. Key priorities, therefore,are to reform the whole concept of care responsibilityand of valuing care, and integrating this analysisinto reformed family laws. The other area to consider isempowerment: how women as an oppressed grouplook at care and how they are ready to re-negotiatecare in their households. (Abou-Habib)Universal income grants versus targeted grantsBasic (universal) income grants, which are provided toeveryone, are an option in many contexts. However,there is a risk that funding for targeted and much largergrants – such as those provided for elderly peopleand people with disabilities in South Africa – wouldbecome diluted if universal grants are provided.Therefore, while it is desirable to have both universaland targeted grants, there are hard decisions to bemade, when treasuries force choices. (Lund)Gender equality in the context of MENA’s ‘patriarchalbargain’There is a so-called ‘patriarchal bargain’ that exists inoil economies in the MENA region. This is the situationin which households are given a family or ‘maid’ wagefor financial support. The bargain is that the husbandmust support the family, and then women are protectedand provided for. Women buy into this patriarchal bargainin return for financial support, and they forgo somerights in the process. Would an important factor inMENA countries be to take away the generous familywage, and instead bring women more actively into thelabour force? In Bangladesh, for example, women havebeen forced into factories, and while the work is notgood, it has given women more public visibility and awage with which they can bargain in relationshipswithin the household. (Razavi)Patriarchy, it appears, is a very good business for manywomen in MENA. But there are striking differencesaccording to class. In oil-rich countries, where the dealis you get rid of all your care work by dumping it onpoorer women, but you are still subordinate, this patriarchalbargain is very real. However, the situation andthe type of negotiation are completely different for poorwomen. The common questions that are asked, then,are: Are women in a sweatshop better off than women20

WIDE REPORTnot in a sweatshop? Is human dignity the ultimate goal,or is it income? The key point to remember is thatwomen’s positions in the patriarchal system differdepending on whether they are rich, poor etc. (Abou-Habib)Finding space and strategies for poor women’s politicalparticipationThere has been discussion about unpaid care restrictingtime for women to participate in paid care, but thereare also great restrictions on their abilities to participatein political processes and movements. This is botha gender and class issue, in the sense that poor womenspend a lot of time doing unpaid tasks and cannot buysubstitutes from the market, which restricts their abilityto participate in society. The type of political movementand alliances that are needed to push for moreredistribution, recognition and political participation ofwomen would, in contexts such as South Africa, haveat this juncture to be outside ofpolitical parties. (Lund)There is a role for civil society tomake changes. One way to do thisis to think in terms of ‘interscaler’methods, as South Korean women’smovements have done: they ‘jumpthe scale’ by directly speaking toand working with the Organisationfor Economic and SocialDevelopment (OECD) and UNESCO“Women’s care andunpaid community workis becoming public policy,and women workingin this sector are nowpolitical and economicactors.”Ana Tallada Iglesiaand putting together policy prescriptions and models.They then take these to the national government andask ‘in a modern society, doesn’t this make sense? Seewhat is happening at the international level?’. (Peng)21

WIDE REPORTCHAPTER 3:Paid Formal and Informal Care WorkIntroduction by Silke Steinhilber,Researcher and Consultant, GermanyThis chapter focuses on employment relations in thecare sector, be they formal or informal, and addressesthe extent to which care workers are receiving pay,thinking about their rights, and discussing access tosocial protection. It also looks at structural conditionsthat influence the care sector, and focuses on migration,at both structural level regarding migration andmigrant flows, and also the interpersonal impact – whathappens to a family when a family member migrates?It is impossible to discuss care without also talkingabout power: where is power in care and care relations?It is everywhere and anywhere – for example, inthe relationships between:• carers and care receivers – there is love and attentionto bodily and emotional needs, but we cannotlook at this relationship without looking at power;• the employer and employee, because care work isoften a relationship of power, both paid and unpaid;and• social security institutions, the clients, the careproviders etc.There are also power structures in society that influencecare and care relations. The following presentationswill address power relations along care chains indifferent countries and contexts. In addition, this chapterwill examine political strategies and action, theopportunities and constraints, considering internationaland national regulations of paid and unpaid carework.The Gender Revolution in the Philippines:Migrant Care Workers and Social Trans -formationsRhacel Salazar Parreñas, University of California, USABetween 2000 and 2001, Rhacel Salazar Parreñas spent18 months in the Philippines to do research on theexperiences of the children of migrant workers. Thereshe met a 21-year-old woman, Isabelle, who casuallytold me that she has been apart from her mother formost of her life. As she explained,“[When I was seven years old,] my mom went toMalaysia first, for one to two years. Then she went toSaudi Arabia, and then from Saudi Arabia she wentstraight to the US [United States]. When she went tothe [United States], that was the longest –10 years –that we did not see each other at all. She came back,and when we saw each other, I was already 21 yearsold.” (Isabelle Tirador, Philippines)Isabelle is a child of a migrant domestic worker. Left inthe Philippines under the care of her aunt, Isabelle hadwhat we could call a typical and not so unusual childhood.In the Philippines, non-governmental organisationsclaim that there are approximately 9 million childrengrowing up without at least one migrant parent.This figure represents approximately 27 per cent of theoverall youth population in the Philippines.Many but not all are children of migrant domestic workers.Their mothers work in more than 160 countriesaround the world, cleaning households and caring forthe elderly. In Europe alone, we find large numbers ofmigrant Filipina domestic workers in Great Britain,France, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Greece. Dueto the demand for migrant domestic workers in richercountries throughout the world, we are witnessingtremendous social transformations in countries suchas the Philippines. The migration of women is rupturingthe traditional gender division of labour in the family.The labour of women generates the two largestsources of foreign currency in the Philippines: electronicsmanufacturing and international migration.From the perspective of genderrelations in the sending country,there are two ways wecould think about women’smigration. First we could see itas indicative of remarkablegender transformations. It notonly leads to the greater“The problems of childrensuch as Isabelle arenot so much caused bytheir mother’s migrationbut instead by the resistanceagainst the effortsof migrant mothers toincome-earning power of redefine mothering.”women and their greater contributionsRhacel Salazar Parreñasto the household butalso forces the redefinition of mothering. They show usthat biological mothers need not be the primary caretakersof children. In other words, we could seewomen’s migration as a victory for feminism. The secondperspective we could take to is to view women’smigration as a tragedy, one that results in the forcible22

WIDE REPORTseparation of children such as Isabelle from their mothers.This latter view seems to be the dominant perspectivein the Philippines, where the public looks atwomen’s migration as a tragedy that leads to the sufferingof children and that represent the status of thePhilippines as an economically unstable country. It isassumed that women would not migrate and leave theirchildren behind if they had better labour market optionsin the Philippines.In the Philippines, the public views children such asIsabelle as victims who have been abandoned by theirmothers. The public dismisses women’s migration asnot just bad for the welfare of children such as Isabellebut dangerous to the sanctity of the family.Interestingly, the public does not disdain migrantfathers like they do migrant mothers. The negative viewassociated with women’s migration seems to hauntmigrant mothers not only in the Philippines but also inmany other sending countries of domestic workersincluding Poland and Romania.“The fact remainsthat, no matter howpeople come to acountry, once they arethere they are entitledto the same rights asother workers.”Karin PapeWhy are migrant mothers so negativelyperceived in countries suchas the Philippines and Romania?After all, migrant mothers do providefor the children they have ‘leftbehind’ with monthly remittancesand moreover see to the daily careof their children by other kin. Thefact is women are attempting toreconstitute mothering via labourmigration, but society seems to resist their efforts andinsists on holding them accountable to the ideology ofwomen’s domesticity. The problems of children such asIsabelle are not so much caused by their mother’smigration but instead by the resistance against theefforts of migrant mothers to redefine mothering. Morespecifically, the romanticisation of biological motheringalong with the refusal of sending societies such asPoland, the Philippines, and Romania to recognise thereconstitution of the gender division of labour in thefamily that is spurred by women’s migration aggravatesthe emotional difficulties of children.The negative view of migrant mothers by the publicadversely affects the experiences of children such asIsabelle. What I found is that it not only absolvesfathers of the responsibility to care for their childrenbut also makes it difficult for children to recognise theunorthodox ways that they receive care in light of theirmother’s migration. If one were to talk to children ofmigrant mothers, one would easily assume that theyhave received no care at all. They often describe theirsituation as one of ‘abandonment’. One, however, hasto read between the lines. A closer look at their situationwill show that children are not abandoned and leftwithout adequate care when mothers migrate. Instead,what they often mean by abandonment is not theabsence of day-to-day maternal care but the denial ofphysical intimacy from their biological mothers.Generally, children uphold biological-based views onmothering. In so doing, they believe that it is impossiblefor mothers to provide care from a distance. Moreover,they assume that the work of extended kin, evenincluding those who they call ‘mom’, could not adequatelysubstitute for the nurturing acts of a biologicalmother.Children are not likely to accept a reconstituted form ofmothering – one that redefines mothering to be that ofa good provider – because they tend to hold ontostaunch moral beliefs regarding the family, holding inhigh regard the conventional nuclear family. This ideologyis inculcated to them not only by the media and thestate but also by religious institutions, Consequently,many children of migrant mothers grow up believingthey are being raised in the wrong kind of family.Thus what we are seeing in the Philippines is a ‘genderrevolt’ – in other words, a resistance against the reconstitutionof the gender division of labour in the familythat is led by the migration of women. This resistanceadversely affects the welfare of children. It results infeelings of neglect among children simply becausethey do not receive care conventionally. Moreover, thisresistance facilitates men’s rejection of care work,which in turn aggravates the difficulties that childrendo face when their mothers migrate.I believe that countries like Sri Lanka and thePhilippines retain the ideology of women’s domesticitybecause it is in the vested interest of their economiesfor them to do so. Despite the push for women to workoutside the home, it is in the interest of these nations tokeep the ideology of women’s domesticity intactbecause it supplies them with a labour pool to fill thedemand for women’s low-wage labour by more developednations in the global economy. But the demand forcare workers in richer countries is also accountable forthe retention of the ideology of women’s domesticity incountries such as the Philippines. The low wages ofFilipina women is in fact the mainstay of the attractivenessof the Philippine labour force in the global economy.We are left with the question of how we could helpease the emotional difficulties of migrant domesticworkers. Perhaps richer nations should earmark developmentaid towards the welfare of children such asIsabelle. Programmes that would promote the recognitionof transnational families in schools, Churches and23

WIDE REPORTthe community would without doubt normalise theexperience of children such as Isabelle. Dismantlingthe ideology of women’s domesticity would likewiseencourage them to accept the unconventional waysthey receive care. But more significantly perhaps,receiving countries should make the option of familyreunification available to migrant workers and theirchildren. Notably, a call for the return migration ofmothers for the sake of family reunification could sendthe wrong message to women to stay at home. Thiswould undoubtedly threaten the gender advancementsthey have made in the process of migration. However,we should be aware that the choice for Isabelle to livein close proximity of her mother is a human right that isdenied to her and most other children of migrant workersin countries as far flung as the Netherlands andTaiwan. As an alternative means of family reunification,we should perhaps then consider the solution of familyreunification in the host society, instead of returnmigration, as this option will allow migrant mothers tobetter balance their work and family life. Family reunificationin the host society would recognise not only theright of our migrant nannies to a family life but also theirright to work outside the home.WIEGO’s Approach to Improving theStatus of Informal WorkersKarin Pape, WIEGO European Regional Advisor,GermanyThe Governing Body of the International LabourOrganization (ILO) decided in 2008 to include the item‘Decent Work for Domestic Workers’ on the agenda ofthe 99th session (2010) of the International LabourConference (ILC). In June 2010 on the agenda of the ILCwill be standard setting for domestic workers. The ILOaims to adopt an international standard, setting out therights of domestic/household workers as workers. Inthe meantime, the ILO has sent out a questionnaire ondomestic workers to governments, employers andtrade union centres. The questionnaire can be found inthe ILO report 8 that is a first step in the process towardsan ILO convention on domestic work. The report ismeant to facilitate preparation and discussion at theILC 2010.Domestic workers need to make their voices heard inthis process by working with trade union federations onthe questions. We must ensure that our governmentsanswer the questionnaire, and also employers andtrade unions alike respond to the questionnaire. Andnext year we need to lobby for the ILO convention, andwe need all the support we can get to ensure that wewin protection for domestic workers.WIEGO (Women in Informal Employment: Globalizingand Organizing) is set up to enable international lobbyingand coordination among domestic workers (whoare mainly women). Its key aim is to improve the statusof the working poor, especially women, in the informaleconomy. We have five programmes which involveglobal markets, organisation and representation, socialprotection, statistics, and urban policies.Expanding the definition of the informal economyCurrently, there are 550 million working poor peoplewho earn less than US$ 1 per day. The majority work inthe informal economy, where earnings are low andrisks are high. In recent years, informal employmenthas persisted and even grown in many parts of theworld.The informal economy is the diversified set of economicactivities, enterprises and jobs that are not regulatedor protected by the state. Based on this definition, theinformal economy, or informal employment, includesamong others:• self-employment in informal enterprises: selfemployedpersons in small unregistered or unincorporatedenterprises, including: employers, ownaccount operators, and unpaid contributing familyworkers; and• wage employment in informal jobs: wage workerswithout legal protection for formal or informal firms,for households, or with no fixed employer, including:non-standard employees of informal enterprises,non-standard employees of formal enterprises,casual or day labourers, and industrial outworkers(also called homeworkers). 9The share of total employment that is non-standard orinformal in developed countries is 25 to 40 per cent; indeveloping countries it is 60 to 90 per cent. The share ofnon-agricultural employment that is self-employment indeveloped countries is 12 per cent versus 31 to 55 percent in developing countries. The share of total employmentthat is informal differs among developing regions.South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa have the largestshare at greater than 85 per cent. In South East and8 This expanded definition was endorsed by the International Conference of Labour Statisticians (ICLS) in 2003. However, some categorieswere not included in earlier 1993 ICLS definition of the ‘informal sector’.24

WIDE REPORTEast Asia the figure is 75 per cent, while in both LatinAmerica and the Middle East and North Africa theshare is 60 per cent. 10WIEGO’s collaboration towards ILO international standardson domestic workWIEGO’s work along the ‘pathway of change’ includes,among others, the establishment of the InternationalDomestic Workers’ Network (IDWN), which has beenvery active in advocacy work around the ILO domesticworkers’ convention.The idea to work towards a global network of domesticworkers’ organisations arose at the first internationalconference in November 2008, which was organised bythe International Restructuring Education NetworkEurope (IRENE), FNV, WIEGO and others. IUF wastasked with supporting the initiative and serving as asupport organisation, along with other groups, such asdomestic workers’ trade unions. A technical team wasset up involving IUF and WIEGO, and a SteeringCommittee was formed in October 2008 in Geneva. Itincludes members from all regions.The Steering Committee met in June 2009 in Geneva todecide on a name, a structure, rules and membership.They decided that the network should be called theInternational Domestic Workers’ Network. They alsodecided on its campaign strategies and action plan.One of these strategies involves the ILO domesticworkers’ convention. The Steering Committee believesthe convention is an important step but does not go farenough. They want to build a movement. The ILO conventionis one milestone towards this political goal. TheSteering Committee decided that only trade unions andother membership-based organisations will have theright of decision-making. Others, individuals and supportorganisations are invited to join but do not havevoting power.The Government of the Philippines, for example, isencouraging migrant women to respond, and IDWNwill continue to advocate along with other groupsaround the convention. However, it is important torecognise that drafting a convention is only the beginning– countries still have to ratify it. The aim is toinclude domestic workers in the current legislation onworkers. There is a lot criticism that the decent workagenda should be broader; however, the fact that theILO has recognised informal work in discussions is agiant step forward. The fact remains that, no matterhow people come to a country, once they are there theydeserve the same rights as other workers.Labour Organising along the Care ChainHelen Schwenken, University of Kassel, affiliated toRESPECT, GermanyThere are different forms of organising the care chain;the question is what could progressive feministdemands look like? Rhacel Salazar Parreñas pointed totwo perspectives on women’s migration. We need toask who is profiting from such perspectives and who isnot. Both can silence women’s voices. This is obviousfor the view that sees such migration of women astragedies, but also the one that views women as a kindof national heroes can have this impact, since womenare put under extreme pressure to live up to this imageand not speak out. In terms of looking at migration andthe care chain many actors are focusing on the economicoutcomes of such migration. But it is crucial tolook at the power relations involved and ask who isprofiting from it and who is not. A more balanced discourseis needed.In Sri Lanka, there is legislation against women migratingwith young children, which is seen as something toenhance women’s protection. In this situation, there isa trade-off between protection and women’s rights. Insome cases, pre-training is available, as in thePhilippines with the ‘supermaid’ programme. But thesetrainings are short (two hours), and they are not necessarilyframed in the context of rights. Instead, for example,women are encouraged to enter female-dominatedsectors.In terms of lobbying the ILO for a standard for domesticworks, we need to keep in mind that trade unions aregatekeepers to the ILO. Without trade unions our lobbycannot work. But should domestic workers lobby withmale trade unionists? How is it that trade unions do nothave a strong women’s representation and thus do notgive them a political voice?DISCUSSIONWhereas men define breadwinning as care, in theexample from the Phillipines as outlined by Rhacel,breadwinning by women is not seen as care. What arethe different care options for giving care in familiesother than what society sees as suitable care? Andwho gets to choose their own caring role as opposed toa breadwinning role? How are institutions supportingcare work? An example was shared of a country in the10 Sources: ILO WIEGO, 2002.25

WIDE REPORTWest where women are supposed to be the main caregivers. It was also remarked that there are women whoare forced to care for other families and cannot choose(economically) for their own family. Women should beallowed to have choices about what kind of care workthey undertake and under what conditions.In the case of the Philippines it seems that the state istrying to re-establish the traditional order; it is an ideologicalbacklash. Nationalism is increased by the feminisationof migration in the Philippines, and the state isrecuperating its masculinity.Action to take for feminist groupsFeminists need to develop cross-class alliances in thearea of domestic work, especially to act politically, butthe feasibility of this is unclear. Regional networks ofdomestic workers struggle to do their work, since it isdifficult to organise (legally) and to find funding to sustainthese initiatives and domestic workers do not havemuch free time to do volunteer work. Why does it makea difference in this context if the employer is a womanor a man? In this context women do not share the sameinterests. Women domestic workers from IDWN reportthat often men are more supportive than womenbecause they are not directly dealing with the domesticworker. However, there are also examples where‘good’ female employers helped to develop a domesticworkers’ organisation. Is this because of gender?Trade unions do not show much interest in workingwith feminists and putting feminists’ issues high ontheir agenda; it is difficult to work with trade unions,especially in Europe. Worldwide domestic workers’unions exist. In Europe there are a lot of unions whichalso organise domestic workers – for example, in Italy(FILMCAMS-CGIL), Belgium (ACV-CSC), the UK (UNITE,the former T&G) etc. Also, feminists are challenged bythe need to work together with migrant domestic workers,and to construct a new family paradigm. As withdivorced families, we have to remove the stereotypingof transmigrant families, particularly the stigma facedby the children of migrant workers.A first step towards political action in changing thecare chain is to identify some of the key actors aroundpolitical change – for example:• organised groups at various levels;• trade unions;• the state, which needs to provide basic social supportto improve workers’ conditions; the absence ofstate-provided institutions in the field of care has ahuge impact on demand for informal care – if thoseare in place there is less demand for informal workat household level; and• workers’ institutions, which need to be more inclusive,because there is an absence of representationof informal care workers.It is also important to pinpoint instruments and toolsthat can be used to push forpolitical change. For example,activists might work toempower workers at individualor enterprise (household)level, or to ensure moreinclusive labour legislationand systems. It is importantto raise global demands,because paid formal/informalcare work is aglobal issue, but then weneed to deal with the fact“Care is not valued, and itsburden always falls on peoplewho cannot escape it.Care is hierarchical, so weneed to go beyond the existingrights discourses anddefine new rights, such as aright to care.”Amanda Khozi Mukwashithat the context varies so widely among different countries.We want to raise global standards but cannotautomatically translate them to the local level.Feminists can also begin to develop a discourse oncare and migration. Identifying and dissolving genderedideologies is another important step, such asthose related to mothering and mothers being the bestcarers, and shades of interpretation of labour migrationsof women who are seen to abandon their childrenat home. Finally, the new ILO convention on domesticwork is a key opportunity to mobilise – this type of regulationat international level deserves recognition andsupport.26

WIDE REPORTCHAPTER 4:Food Chains and Care CrisesIntroduction by Elisabeth Bürgi Bona -nomi, World Trade Institute, SwitzerlandThere are tensions between efforts to ensure that carework is valued and efforts to liberate women from theconfines of care-giving. The same can be observedwhen it comes to food. The right to adequate food,enshrined in the UN Covenant on Economic, Social andCultural Rights, is an expression of the need to be nourishedand to nourish adequately. Preparing, taking andgiving food is part of care, in that we care for others ifwe cook them a meal.Modernisation, industrialisation and subsidisation ofagriculture have made food giving quicker, and in socalled‘time-poor’ modern societies, convenience foodhas penetrated the market. At the same time, commercialisationof agriculture has made food cheaper, and agreater part of household income is now being used forother things, such as education, health care or leisure.Thus, to a certain extent, cheaper and quicker food hasliberated women from the confines of care-giving – atleast in rich societies.But even in poorer countries, life in cities has becomemore and more dependent on relatively cheap food thatresults from industrialised food production. Cheap foodleaves some money for other care services, and sellingfood to rich countries provides money that can beinvested in social services, which again liberateswomen from care-giving.However, cheap and ‘fast’ food is often of low nutritionalquality and has contributed to the spread of obesityand other illnesses related to an unbalanced diet. Inaddition, food giving has frequently become a lovelessact, as the social aspects related to a meal have beenneglected.Care and food productionMany care and care-related questions are also linkedto the way in which food is produced. Liberalisationand the opening of borders have led to a dualisation ofthe farming sector. While commercialised agriculturehas been promoted, smallholder production has beenmarginalised and has become even more vulnerable.The highest share of poor people – and, above all, poorwomen – still depend on small-scale agriculture fortheir livelihoods. That is why criticism of the currentfood production system often focuses on these ‘losers’The UNRISD trade and gender study from 2004 made itclear that the smallholder sector in poorer countriesworldwide has undergone specific developmentswhich impact significantly on the provision of care. Inpoor rural societies, much of the necessary care workis still provided by individuals, mainly women, whileinstitutional services are weak. This has been exacerbatedin recent years by the privatisation of care services,which has proliferated because care provision inremote areas is not profitable.At the same time, vulnerable smallholder householdsare earning part of their income elsewhere. Menmigrate, while women take over management of thefarm – the so-called ‘feminisation of agriculture’. Butwomen not only stay at home; they are increasinglyengaged in – and de facto forced into – rural employment,such as packaging, food processing etc., usuallyfor very little pay.What is food sovereignty?The concept of ‘food sovereignty’ was introducedby the organisation Via Campesina in 1996. It statesthat “Food sovereignty is the RIGHT of peoples,countries, and state unions to define their agriculturaland food policy without the ‘dumping’ of agriculturalcommodities into foreign countries. Foodsovereignty organises food production and consumptionaccording to the needs of local communities,giving priority to production for local consumption.Food sovereignty includes the right toprotect and regulate the national agricultural andlivestock production and to shield the domesticmarket from the dumping of agricultural surplusesand low-price imports from other countries.Landless people, peasants, and small farmers mustget access to land, water, and seed as well as productiveresources and adequate public services.Food sovereignty and sustainability are a higherpriority than trade policies.” 1111

WIDE REPORTRural employment has been praised as a way out ofpoverty for rural women, yet even if income increases,workloads increase, too, as care work still has to bedone. This may lead to a decrease in well-being,depending on how it is measured. Similar dynamics canbe observed around ‘microcredit schemes’ that aim tomake entrepreneurs out of rural women.There is another way of looking at care, food and agriculture.While care is about caring for others, agricultureis largely about caring for nature. There are manysimilarities between both of these ‘caring’ sectors. Inboth sectors, productivity cannot be raised indefinitely.And both sectors tend to be neglected, which leads toan exploitation of human and natural resources. Theindustrialisation of agriculture contributes actively tothis exploitationThe relationship between food production, food processing,food taking and giving, and care is complexand has not been thoroughly studied; therefore, allapproaches discussed in this chapter will be speculative.The presentations in this chapter approach thetopics from different angles: from a right to food perspective,from a food sovereignty perspective, andfrom a land rights perspective.Women and Food SovereigntyAna Tallada Iglesia, Latin American Network of womentransforming the economy 12 (REMTE), PeruThe right to be free from hunger and“While care is about caringfor others, agriculture right, incorporated in human rightsmalnutrition is a fundamental humanis largely about caring for treaties such as the Universalnature. There are many Declaration of Human Rights, thesimilarities between both International Pact on Economic,of these ‘caring’ sectors. In Social and Cultural Rights, theboth sectors, productivity Convention on the Elimination of Allcannot be raised indefinitely.”Women, the InternationalForms of Discrimination againstElisabeth Bürgi Bonanomi Convention on the Elimination of AllForms of Racial Discrimination, andthe Convention on the Rights of theChild. This includes:• the right to be hunger free;• to have access to safe water;• to have access to energy resources, and any fuelneccesary to cook; and• the right to enjoy the highest attainable standard ofphysical and mental health.Also, universal and sustainable food security is crucialfor the achievement of social, economic and humangoals, according to numerous agreements and theMillenium Development Goals (MDGs).Women are primarily responsible for the preparation ofmeals among family members and for most of the activitiesrelated to processing, conservation and commercialisationof agricultural products. Women living inrural areas are, additionally, in charge of agriculturalwork, generating around half of all the agricutural foodproduced under unfavourable conditions. When theyhave no access to land – not an uncommon occurrence– they have little right to credit, to participate in ruralorganisations, to get training or to access extensionservices. Their heavy workload and the lack of essentialagricultural inputs and tools for increasing productivitycontribute to food insecurity and malnutrition inmillions of households, especially those headed bywomen.Yet these women also have a special knowledge ofseeds and plants for food and health care and, therefore,an important role in supporting ecosystems andbiodiversity. Some studies show that among poorhomes headed by women, available resources are betterallocated for nutrition and children’s education thanin poor homes headed by men. This shows how importantit is to improve women’s access to and control ofresources.The global food crisisGlobal food prices have increased by 83 per cent in thelast two years, and fluctuations in fuel prices andchanges in the world’s energy matrix are causing seriousdifficulties, first and foremost to vulnerable populations.Of the 1 billion people who suffer from hunger inthe world, 85 per cent of them – 850 million – are undernourished,and 550 million are farm workers.Problems jeopardising the rural sector are: deforestation,drought, urbanisation, biodiversity loss, climatechange and natural hazards. 13 They are exacerbated bythe use of foodstuffs for biocombustibles, a significantincrease in food demand due to changing eating habitsin the West and in emergent markets, mostly Asia, andspeculation on food as a commodity.“The origin of the food crisis is not the shortage, but thefailed economic policies largely protected by the G8,12 Red latinoamericana de Mujeres Transformando la Economía (REMTE)13 According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization ı(FAO) Rural Communication for Rural Development Regional Seminar, Cuzco, Peru,15 May 2009.28

WIDE REPORTthat is, the liberalisation of agricultural trade and industry.These policies, which value food as a commodityrather than a right, have led us to a chaotic climaticchange, to oil dependence, to the collapse of water andland resources as well as to the current food crisis.” 14Due to the role it plays in the current economic crisis,the food crisis requires structural policy reform to stabiliseit in the long run. In the short term, we aretrapped in a vicious circle with the following consequences:• greater concentration of property;• community migration, displacement and despoilingof land, mainly of native communities;• unemployment and precarious employment;• economic capital, mostly from transnational corporations,threatens territory and life, through mining,resulting in environmental contamination;• impoverishment of populations;• evictions and criminalisation of social movements;• militarisation and repression against native communities;• deterritorialisation of cultures and new uprootings;• loss of individual and community autonomy; and• an increase in violence towards women.Food sovereigntyAt the 1996 World Food Summit, Via Campesina introducedthe concept of food sovereignty; this conceptmeans: the right of people, communities, countries, orstate unions, to define their agricultural and food policy,without any dumping vis-à-vis third countries; theright of peasants to produce food; and the right of consumersto be able to decide what they want to consumeand how and who produces them.This claim positions those who produce, distribute andconsume food at the heart of food policies and systems,and above the demands of markets and corporations.It defends future generations’ interests andoffers a strategy to resist and dismantle liberalised andcorporate trade and the current food regime. Food sovereigntyprioritises local economies and local andnational markets, it grants the power to peasants, familyagriculture, traditional fishing and shepherding, andit bases food production, distribution and consumptionon environmental, social and economic sustainability.Food sovereignty also promotes transparent and fairtrade which guarantees ethical revenues for communitiesand the rights of consumers to control their ownfood and nutrition. It guarantees that access, administrationand control of land rights, water, seeds and livestock,among others, be in the control of those producingfood. It also fosters new social relationships freefrom oppression and inequalities between men andwomen, communities, racial groups, social classes andgenerations.Agricultural policies should supportsustainable rural agriculturein the North and the South. To gainfood sovereignty, countries of theNorth and the South should supporttheir agriculture to guaranteethe right to food for their populations;to preserve the environmentand cultural traditions; to developsustainable agriculture; and to beprotected against dumping. Yet,today the USA and the EuropeanUnion, in particular, abuse publicfunds to reduce prices in domesticmarkets and to practice dumpingwith their surpluses in the international markets, harmingrural agriculture in the North and the South.Women and food sovereignty: an answer to the crisisWomen are fundamental to food production and preparation.Traditionally they have kept and still keep astrong bond with the land and defend water and agriculture.They have gathered, selected, reproduced,spread and guarded seeds, andthey are the ones who have produced,accumulated and transmittedthe knowledge that is the foundationof communities’ culture.We need to strengthen allianceswith the indigenous people. Ruralorganisations and fishermen arekey to defending food sovereigntyin its multiple aspects. They call“Women are fundamentalto food productionand preparation.Traditionally they havekept and still keep astrong bond with the landand agriculture….Ruralwomen are devotedadvocates of food sovereigntyas an answer tothe food crisis and in thefight against hunger inthe world, “Ana Tallada Iglesia“Translating theconcept of foodsovereignty to consumersmeans: buylocal, seasonal, fairand organic!”Tina Goethefor implementation of public policies for the developmentof family agriculture and of small producersthrough fostering the diversity of productive systems.Rural women are devoted advocates of food sovereigntyas an answer to the food crisis and in the fightagainst hunger in the world.Food Sovereignty as one Answer to theCare CrisisTina Goethe, SWISSAID, SwitzerlandFood provision – from production to preparation, cookingto feeding – is an important part of the care econo-14 Latin American women’s organisations’ letter to G8, 2008 (see REMTE:

WIDE REPORTmy. In terms of time, food-related activities are sometimesthe most time-consuming care activity. As in thecare sector in general, the responsibility for the provisionof food – including food production – often lieswith women.In developing countries, food production, storage, trading,processing and marketing are still mainly done bysmall producers. A considerable part of this productionis done at a subsistence level, with women playing amajor role.Women:• are responsible for half of the world’s food productionworldwide;• account for 60 per cent of the labour force and produce80 per cent of the food in most African countries;• do 90 per cent of the work in rice cultivation inSouth-Asian countries; and• are the majority of urban food producers in manycities around the world.Due to migration from rural areas to cities and as aresult of the recent food crisis and rising food prices,urban agriculture has gained importance and publicattention. But so-called ‘kitchen gardens’ are not onlyan urban phenomenon; they also help to ensure foodsecurity on a household level in poor rural areas. Whilecash crops are considered a male-dominated sector,kitchen gardens are almost completely a femaledomain. They enable women to produce vegetables,fruit and medicinal herbs for their families and localmarkets. But, of course, women also cultivate their ownplots of land to produce staple food or work on the landof their husbands, fathers or other family members. Andyoung women, in particular, work as agriculturallabourers on plantations, producing flowers, fruits orhigh-priced vegetables for export to industrialisedcountries.In this context, food production is part of women’s dailycare work, as it cannot be strictly separated from foodprovision and preparation, and a considerable part ofthe food produced is for self-consumption.Liberalisation of the agricultural sectorSmall-scale agriculture – subsistence production aswell as production directed to local and national markets– is facing enormous difficulties and challenges.Over the last three decades multilateral agencies suchas the World Bank and the International Monetary Fundhave pushed for privatisation in the agricultural sector,eliminating any state support for small-scale productionand the production of staple foods. Many developingcountries were pushed or even forced to invest inand support export production to meet debts. WorldTrade Organization (WTO) agreements have continuouslybroadened and enforced the liberalisation ofagricultural trade, opening up markets for almost anyagricultural goods. As a result, small-scale farmershave been pushed out of business, and the productionfor local and national markets has been dramaticallyneglected.Today, 75 per cent of the world’s hungry are small producers,farmers, livestock keepers, landless peopleand agricultural labourers; 70 per cent of them arewomen and girls. Thus the people actually producingthe food are among the poorest and hungriest. Today,the Philippines, which was a traditional rice-producingcountry, depends on rice imports. Mexico, where maizeoriginated, is now a maize importer. And African countries,which were once net food exporters, now import25 per cent of their food.Last year’s global food crisis demonstrated the completefailure of the current food system. Yet it also deliveredimpressive profits to agrobusinesses. For example,in its annual report for 2008, Syngenta claimed that2008 was a record year for agriculture. Other agriculturalcorporations also presented record profits afterthe first quarter of 2008 – at the peak of the food crisis.Corporations along the food chain successfully usedthe decades of privatisation and liberalisation to massivelyexpand their businesses. Most growth happenedin the space of only five years (2002 to 2007), mainly asa result of a concentration process, and, in the inputsector, at the expense of thousands of small and medium-sizedseed companies and breeders. Farmers areincreasingly losing their independence, and familyfarmers and women, in particular, are deprived of theircontrol over seeds.The top 10 multinational seed companies control 67 percent of the world’s seed market, and the concentrationis even higher in the agrochemicals market, at 89 percent. Since agrochemical corporations have systematicallybought up seed companies, Syngenta, Monsanto,BASF etc. all have agrochemicals and seeds in theirportfolios.Twenty-six per cent of the world market for processedfood and beverages is controlled by only 10 corporations,and the top 10 food retailers sell 40 per cent ofgroceries sold by the top 100 corporations.Industrial processing, traditionally an important part ofwork done by women at the household level, has largelybeen taken over by industry. This liberates women30

WIDE REPORTfrom the work, but it also takes away women’s controlof the process and of food supply.The definition of food sovereigntyIn many parts of the world we have given away not onlyan important economic sector, but also the democraticcontrol over food production and consumption. Foodsovereignty reclaims this democratic control, byaddressing the simple question of what is growing inour fields and what ends up on our plates. Who is giventhe power to decide, and how are the benefits of theworld’s food system shared?The concept of food sovereignty is now a topic of discussionamong concerned consumers and even featuredin the most recent intergovernmental globalreport on agriculture, the International Assessment onAgricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology.Decisions which have major effects on both producersand consumers are made largely by a few corporations,but consumers’ choices do have direct and indirectimpacts on forms of agricultural production. Thus,translating the concept of food sovereignty to consumersmeans: buy local, seasonal, fair and organic!This meets the main demands of food sovereignty, andit works for Northern, industrialised countries as wellas for the global South.Taking back food preparationAs women have struggled to free themselves from thekitchen and gain equal career opportunities, they havealso tried to reduce food-related care work to a minimum.At the same time, men have not taken over thebulk of food provision work. As a result, personal andtraditional knowledge about the processing and preparationof food is disappearing, and control of our dailyfood needs is in the hands of the food industry.Today, the care crisis in industrialised countries ismainly linked to lack of time. In poor families, all timeresources are needed to earn an income, and fast foodhas replaced traditional or other time-consumingrecipes. In more affluent households, relatively expensiveconvenience foods are consumed.A lack of knowledge about food and its preparationcombined with the dominating fast food model has ledto disastrous health implications, with billions sufferingfrom hunger and another billion from obesity. This is aphenomenon in rich countries as well as a severe problemin urban slums in, for example, Brazil, which can bedescribed as a lack of food sovereignty for consumers.Trying to cope with the consequences of the economicrecession, millions of Americans save money on theirfood expenditure and – again – end up with cheap fastfood. Experts in the USA estimate that a 10 per cent risein poverty will lead to a 6 per cent rise in obesity. Onemight think that jobless people should have enoughtime to prepare healthier food at home, but it seemsthat the knowledge and capacity to do so has been lost.Once again, it is the corporations that profit.Of course, this does not mean that women should goback to the kitchen. But we need to re-examine theissue of how to organise food-related care activities.We have a lot to gain: not only more sovereignty, butwell-being, health and cultural diversity.The Right to Food and the Human RightsApproachEster Wolf, FIAN and Bread for All, SwitzerlandAlthough the right to food is an internationally recognisedhuman right, which provides a solid basis foradvocacy, there are problems in the implementation ofthis right. It does not only involve the right to produceenough food to feed a family or to earn enough to buyfood, but also to have dignity. For example, if poor familiesand poor women, in particular, in Latin America dodomestic work for rich families, they earn money.However, they do not have time to care for their ownfamilies, so public services are needed. One possiblesolution is for children to go to school and eat there allday. Yet even in this case, the burden for women is stillvery high, and there is an issue of the violation of thehuman right to an adequate standard of living and dignity.In this way, the right to food is interdependent withthe realisation and protection of other rights as well.The guidelines from the Food and AgricultureOrganization (FAO) related to realising the right to foodon the national level indicate that the first step is toidentify the most vulnerable groups, which is an obligationof the state. Women, particularly those in ruralareas, are the most vulnerable to violations of the rightto food. In many rural areas, women especially sufferfrom hunger and are malnourished, and often have limitedaccess to land.The FAO World Food Summit 2008, which focused onthe global food crisis, brought recognition of the importanceof combating hunger by supporting small-scalefarmers and rural communities. This is accepted internationally,but implementation is lacking. With the currentfinancial crisis there is fierce competition for land,as multinational enterprises take land for profits – forexample, in the Peruvian Amazon region.31

WIDE REPORTIn several countries agrarian reforms programmes areincluded in the national constitutions, such as in Brazil,where idle land should be handed over to poor peoplefor food production. However, this reform is rarelyimplemented, and even when it is, women are last to beincluded. Although states have an obligation to activelyinclude women in land reform programmes, propertythat is handed over still goes largely to men. This is aclear indication of widespread discrimination and aviolation of human rights.Changing these realities requires empowering womento do advocacy work, to enable them to participate inpolitical discourses. Organisations in the global Northand development agencies can support women byinforming them of their rights, helping them to getorganised in networks, and putting pressure on governments,including those in the global North, to respecthuman rights in other countries. For instance, whenmultinational corporations cut off local people from theuse of water, land and other resources, governments inthe global North have a responsibility to step in. Whenadvocating for the right to food, access to resourcesand political accountability it is important to use existinghuman rights instruments as a basis to reach structuralchange.CASE STUDYEconomic transition and women’s rights inMongoliaAnnemarie Sancar, Swiss Agency for Develop -ment and Cooperation (SDC)Mongolia has rapidly transitioned from a socialistto a market-driven economy, and continues to havean impressive growth rate. As one of the richestcountries in the world in terms of naturalresources, it is increasingly of interest to theextractive industries sector, but more than half ofMongolia’s population still depends on herding animalsfor its livelihood.Development actors in Mongolia are increasinglyconsidering ways to help women mitigate the risksof poverty and food deprivation through economicparticipation. The country’s highly nationalisticfamily and pro-natalist state discourses and policyhave largely confined women to the roles of motherand carer. However, in spite of (or thanks to) avery patriarchal political culture, there is a strongwomen’s rights movement in the Mongolian capitalcity, Ulan Bataar. NGOs in the city were largelyresponsible for a new gender assessment, whichwas scheduled to be published in June 2009.Women’s lives in MongoliaThe assessment sheds light on the following realitiesabout women’s lives:• Women, especially in the rural areas, have ahuge time burden, especially those who areherders.• They have limited access to assets; former stateproperty has been given to men, while womenlack the basic resources needed to participate inthe market.• Women receive a small amount of credit fromagencies, but get stuck in economic niches –without other options for investment or improvement.• They earn little and have to spend a lot sincemore and more of the goods needed for everydaylife and care are imported goods (e.g. in the Gobidesert you might find Russian yogurt but no localcheese).• Girls are sent to school in the city, but formerlyfree public education now costs more than mostfamilies can afford. Sexual harassment at boardingschools is increasing – where pupils get‘good credits for sex’; this may be relievinghousehold budgets but results in dependencyand exploitation.• Husbands get an additional income as artisanalminers, but this has negative health effects, forcingtheir wives to care for them instead of workingfor an income.Conclusions of the gender assessmentThe gender assessment sets the stage for discussionabout the types of state policies, donor interventions,cash transfers, infrastructure and localmarket development that could help to reducewomen’s time burden and improve working conditionsfor income-generating activities needed toorganise the household. The assessment alsoshows that economic growth does not automaticallyempower everybody, and that the redistributionof accumulated wealth is the critical issue in awealthy poor country such as Mongolia. Finally,the assessment highlights the ways that genderrelations are part of the socioeconomic complexityof development.It is clear that if food security and well-being are tobe achieved by integrating women into paid labouror providing them with access to an income, themultiple roles women play, especially as careproviders, have to be considered.32

WIDE REPORTDISCUSSIONWomen’s rights and the right to foodFood security is an objective – something we want toachieve so that everyone has access to food. Food sovereigntyis a process and political instrument, whichallows us to reach the objective of food security.To compare food security and food sovereignty weneed to look at the consumers’ point of view. The realityis that people in rich societies benefit from cheapfood produced through agribusiness, because it providestime for other things. This ambivalence must beaddressed by those of us working on feminist analyses.We need to look into ways of revaluing food and foodproduction – it is far too cheap in the global North, andfarmers cannot live on what they earn.‘Relocalising’ food systemsFood sovereignty is not discussed in international tradeprocesses, because it affects the interests of agrobusiness.On a national level, we need to invest in smallscaleagriculture. In our role as consumers, we have toshift completely to support farmers, biodiversity andecological agriculture, and examine what we consume,how, and from where it is sourced. We can also look atalternative models of production, such as yearly boxschemes (community-supported agriculture), whichlink consumers and producers.The concept of food sovereignty means that local andregional markets are more important for small-scalefarmers, so they need fair access to them. This includesfair prices and working conditions, and ecological production.However, even if small farmers have access tomarkets and value chains, they do not have access tobig profits, which has to be addressed.Also, if we increase the power of local food marketsand producers (‘relocalising’ food systems), it is importantto consider how local religious and traditional lawscould hinder women’s mobility and access to markets.There appear to be few restrictions on women’s mobilitywhen they are doing unpaid care work, but we needto be mindful of the ways that religious or traditionalexpectations could put up barriers to women’s participationin income-producing work, such as selling foodin local markets.Women’s solidarity on food issuesIt is important for women to come together and organisein their fight for solidarity and sovereignty of foodand national resources. We can also argue for protectingthe knowledge of indigenous women. For manywomen, their participation in women’s organisationscan strengthen their self-esteem and improve theirleadership skills. Yet far too many of these organisationslack the necessary resources, skills and fundingneeded to make a sustainable impact. As a priority, weneed to forge relationships between women in theglobal North and South in order to build the resourcesand capacity of Southern and Northern women’sorganisations.Fairer food systems for womenIf women are to play a greater role in food systems,does it mean they will need to spend more time producing,processing and preparing food? They are alreadyperforming a large share of this work, but it is for producersand largely in unhealthy, unsafe or miserableconditions. With food sovereignty we aim for a fairersystem and fairer prices, valuing products and showingrespect for the producers. We can also promote methodsto ensure that time spent preparing nutritious foodis not a barrier to doing other things. In Peru, for example,there is a practice from women organisations ofcollective food preparation called comedores populares.Action stepsAs feminists, our objective for an economic or tradesystem is a caring one that protects certain sectors ofthe economy, eliminates efficiency measures andfavours care and human rights. One proposal is to workmore closely with women’s cooperatives and to definewhat kind of trade agreements we actually need toachieve our objectives.In terms of food preparation, a dilemma is that industry,the media and policy prescribe that mothers have toprovide a proper meal for their children, but the systemdoes not provide enough time for them to do so.Increasing economic literacy is an important step,enabling feminists and women’s organisations tounderstand the methodology that creates links from thehousehold level all the way up to political spaces. Thishelps women to influence policy through collectiveaction. We also need to better understand the linkbetween food sovereignty and care, which is a complexissue. Despite diverse realities, collective actionand solidarity are possible and necessary at differentlevels. We need to build a body of evidence to argueour case so that we can link food chains to householdsto women.33

WIDE REPORTCHAPTER 5:Body Politics and Care RegimesIntroduction by Sabin Bieri, ICFG,University of Berne, Switzerland“I don’t touch their jewellery; (…) I am very conscious.I use a towel or gloves when cleaning jewellery.Because some employers, they just set you up.” 15– Filipina domestic worker in SingaporeThis quote is from Geraldine Pratt’s book WorkingFeminism, which links feminist theory to the social realitiesfaced by Filipina domestic workers in Canada andother parts of the world. For the Filipina domestic workerin this example, what is at stake is the fear of loss ofcontrol of her bodily traces. Her insecurity is interpretedby Pratt as a symptom and source of a perceivedthreat to her bodily integrity and her rights. Rights,themselves, protect and confer bodily integrity. And“[b]odily integrity has psychic and political consequencesthat feed back into understandings of whichsubjects are entitled to rights.” 16Who qualifies as a subject of rights? Or, in other words,who counts as a person? Citizenship itself is tied to aphysically limited body. The intersections betweenbodily integrity, rights and citizenship are central to anunderstanding and discussion of body politics.Work is another critical factor in the discussion, andbody politics can be a means for analysing workingconditions. For example, a study of Mexicanmaquiladora workers discusses the construction of thefemale body within a discourse of physical deterioration.In contrast to men, Mexican women were said tobe un-trainable, and their assignment to unskilledlabour was a self-evident ‘cultural thing’. Trapped in“Body politics is about how webring the issues that we live andexperience into politics.”Wendy Harcourtboring, repetitive and lowpaidjobs, these women’s stifffingers and strained eyes arean expression of their discursiveframing as unskilled bodiesof limited value. 17Body politics in working environments is also examinedin a study on Chinese women workers who employedbody politics as a means of resistance. Accustomed tolistening to the radio during the afternoon shifts, whenit was switched off by management, the human assemblylines slowed down. The workers did not stop working;instead, there was a silent protest, as speed wasreduced. The foreman (and they are men) tried, in vain,to persuade the women to speed up, but eventually theradio had to be switched on again. This was celebratedas a victory by the workers. 18Two central questions unite these two examples:• How are bodies – women’s and men’s – regulated bynational and, increasingly, international politics?• How does this regulation shape their daily lives atwork, at home, in their private as well as public relationships?To arrive at a notion of body politics which could serveas a common platform for today’s discussion we couldexamine Michel Foucault’s ‘biopolitics’ or ‘biopower’.The main objective of biopower in terms of individualbodies is to maximise skills and the power of humans tointegrate them in processes of economic productionand political dominance. Regulation and control, on theother hand, are the primary instruments to govern thecollective body. The combination of these two strategies– the subjugation of the individual and the regulationof the collective body – is the defining premise forthe expansion of capitalism and the constitution ofmodern nations in 19th century Europe.Foucault’s concept of biopower is prominently used incurrent anti-globalisation literature. For example, Hardand Negri’s Empire reconceptualises Foucault’s theories,using the concept of biopower to mark the transitionfrom the modern to the post-modern era.Reproduction used to provide the means for the stabilityand continuous functioning of production. Today,this distinction has become irrelevant; reproductionhas been absorbed by production. Biopower, accordingto Hard and Negri, guarantees the stability of politicaland social conditions which subject human existenceto capital. 19The same can be said for nature. Nature is no longer15 APratt, G (2004) Working Feminism, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, p. 97.16 Ibid.17 op. cit., p. 28.18 Ngai, P (2005) Made in China. Women factory workers in a global workplace, Durham, NC: Duke University Press.19 Lemke, T (2008) Gouvernementalität und Biopolitik, Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.34

WIDE REPORTonly exploited, but also bio-genetic resources arereconstructed and conserved for commercial interests.The resulting imperial machine not only dominates subjects,it produces them.This leads us to the question of care. The concept ofbiopower and, in a theoretically less stringent way, ofbody politics, frames our perspective on care regimes.In this thematic area we challenge the social and economicpolitics of care as biopolitics. By framing ourresearch questions in such a way we hope to gain newinsights leading to innovative strategies and policyoptions to come to ‘fair care’. Fair, of course, accountsfor the care giver as well as for the person receivingcare. Debating the concept of ‘body politics’, we wouldlike to explore the possibilities of designing and implementingfair care.Body Politics: an Invisible FeministAgendaWendy Harcourt, Society for InternationalDevelopment, ItalyIt is important to consider body politics in a practical,rather than just theoretical, way – in terms of how it canmove the feminist agenda forward. Body politics is afeminist agenda that has been invisible and not verycentral to feminist economic and development debatesand perspectives for many years. It is linked to the careeconomy in terms of how we place our bodies in carework, and how this work is marking our bodies. Work isnot only related to earning money; it also has to do withour bodies. It is felt by our bodies, and our bodies aremarked by work – for example, for women in themaquiladoras, we can look at how this hard work isaffecting their body and what that means for them as“We also need to open our mindsand eyes to the influence of heteronormativity.”Wendy Harcourtpolitical subjects and ashuman beings. In thisway, speaking about bodiesis speaking about policies.Body politics makes visible that which is taken forgrantedOne way of understanding how body politics can bringvisibility to what is invisible or assumed is by examiningthe relations between bodies and space. When weenter a room, we are conditioned by the composition ofthe room – where do we place ourselves or where arewe invited to be placed? The space we occupy is relatedto the power we have – for example, the place ateacher occupies in a classroom, the place that weoccupy in a work interview, the seat we take in a meeting.Also the colour of our skin, the clothes we wear,the way we move our hands, the way we stand – allthese issues are part of what we call body politics,because body language is conditioning the content andresults of our actions: what we talk about, what we discuss,how we share our knowledge or not etc.Thus, body politics is about bringing the private – ourexperience, intimacy and identity – into the public,making visible also its relations with power and authority.We have to be careful and pay attention to all themeanings that we are carrying with our body. Bringingthe body into the public, as in the case of the campaignsagainst violence against women, is also a powerfulaction that is having very good results. However, itis also important to recognise that the violation andoppression of women’s bodies has been discussedmany times, but not the pleasure of bodies. Whenwomen speak about sexuality and intimacy, it can bevery empowering. We can see the body as a source ofpower and celebrate the power of women’s bodies,without being essentialist.Body politics is about a (trans)gendered bodyBody politics is about men as well as women and abouttransgender people. We need a fluid understanding ofgendered bodies, and to open our minds and eyes tothe influence of heteronormativity, as we begin to turnaway from it. There are many different gendered bodies,and our own masculinities and femininities dependon our cultures, identities, experiences and varieties.In many ways we are caught in a dilemma between traditionand modernity. What does it mean to respectother cultures or other values? Feminism enables us tosolve this dilemma and create and recreate our ownbeing in the world. We can take something from traditionsand something from modernity. Feminism enablesus to make our lives visible, to work on what we haveand change it.Feminist analysis of the care economyIn the current context of a moment of crisis we areexperiencing, it is important to bring the care economyto light through body politics. You can look at body politicsrelated to the care economy by asking about whatsort of care work we do and what kind of love we share– both are related closely to the body. We are negotiatingall the time around what sort of care we do, thework, the love and how we share these. Another questionwe have to define is our position in the care chain– care gain – care drain: what implications does thisposition have for me and how linked am I with otherwomen in other parts of the world?35

WIDE REPORTCASE STUDYWhat I should be earning for my labours of loveZeedah Meierhofer-Mangeli, Akina Mama Wa Afrika and Resource Center for Black Women, SwitzerlandFor 30 years we have been saying that it is necessary to make women’s work count. This has been characterisedas a bit Eurocentric, but in Africa, for example, 80 per cent of work is invisible. The exercise below isbased on my experience negotiating care-love labour. At one point in my life I had to negotiate with my husbandregarding work, home and family issues. We agreed that I would stay at home to take care of the house andchildren and he would go out to work. I then decided to put a price on the labour of care-love to make it monetarilyvaluable. This was the result:Love–labour-of-love*Role Responsibility and required skills Cost in CHFwife (full time) reliable ‘plan b’; status provider; back-up; adviser; 4000.-business partner; co-investorgeneral manager overview, accountability and running of home/residence 2000.-mother (full time) nurturer, feel-good factor, hunger management, love, 4000.-sensitivity to extreme emotional mood swings etc.cook (full time) family health care, innovative meals, balanced diets, 4000.-know bio productsnanny/child care first aid, safety and security of future generation 4000.-(full time)nurse (part time) caring for small wounds, loose teeth, sprained ankles, 1000.-imagined and real stomach aches and painspsychologist child psychology skills, race and ethnicity expert, 4000.-(part time)advisory bureau. lobbyistlaundry service knowledge of all fabrics, dyes, stickers, understanding 1500.-(part time)love of dirty jeans, and tight brasironing service as above 1500.-(part time)tailor (part time) fixing zippers, buttons, dolls’ clothes (see also laundry service) 800.-driver (part time) driving licence, care maintenance, knowledge of 3500.-shortcuts and good parkingsex worker (negotiable) innovation, immediate response, ego support via 5–6000.-orgasms – real or fake – Kama Sutra, truth managementsocial coordinator inviting/cooking for in-laws, office mates, kiddy birthdayparties, 2000.-(part time)sending Christmas cards, update social diarypersonal shopper fashionista 1800.-birth machine body politics pure!!! 24–40 000.-hair & beauty all rounder (braid, style, cut, pimple management, 3000.-consultantweight watcher, truth management)*Please note that there is no total cost as the speaker feels the list of tasks is not exhaustive36

WIDE REPORTCASE STUDYUrgent body politics issues in HondurasIndyra Mendoza Aguilar, Cattrachas, HondurasAs in many parts of the world, the patriarchal systemdominates heterosexual, lesbian and transsexualwomen’s bodies and lives in Central America.Through a variety of means, patriarchy as well asreligion control women’s bodies. In particular, religiousfundamentalist beliefs within the CatholicChurch, Opus Dei and the Evangelical Church arecreating waves of hatred towards women. As aresult, many women (heterosexuals, lesbians andtranssexuals) have been, hurt, shot and even killedin recent years.At the same time in Honduras, transsexuals aredying as a result of reshaping their bodies usingharmful materials which have led to life-threateningconditions including cancer and HIV. Transsexuals’bodies are marked and damaged by hormones, butthey do not have access to a system of care.Against the backdrop of these violations, however,there have been some gains. After many years ofstruggle, women have gained a legal right to receivethe morning-after pill through the public health service.Yet this right is threatened by conservativeforces, which are pushing to criminalise distributionof the pill and also to penalise women’s organisationsand health workers who inform women aboutthe pill’s existence. Under the policy that is beingproposed by conservative groups, discussing themorning-after pill could result in an eight-year prisonsentence. In response, various feminist andwomen’s organisations in Honduras set aside theirdifferent agendas, took to the streets and rallied themedia to denounce this regression in women’srights. Their activism resulted in a presidential vetoto maintain the old law. However, the issue is currentlybeing decided in the Tribunal of Justice underthe leadership of a female member of Opus Dei.DISCUSSIONBody politics and careBody politics involves discussing issues that have beeninvisible, and making those issues the subject of politicaldebate. Paramount to the discussion is power andpower relations, specifically about who controlsresources and which resources we are talking about.This includes the power to define – who defines ourbodies, our rights and our selves? Who decides howbodies must be to be beautiful or valuable? Whodefines how women dress? Do we dress a certain wayto satisfy some misogynist men? We need to changethe prevailing language used in economic, political,social and cultural discourse so that it can adequatelycommunicate women’s value.Religion plays a crucial role in defining gender rolesand circumscribing women’s lives, bodies and livedexperiences. We need to and can encourage muchmore debate and discussion about the re-emergenceof conservative forces, such as the Catholic Church,and its implications in terms of body politics.We can also explore care and the economic and financialcrises as they relate to body politics. For example,cuts in funding for reproductive health services arerestricting reproductive rights worldwide; and the relativelack of funding for and interest in research anddevelopment on new reproductive health technologiesfor women, such as the female condom, are of majorconcern. Where new technologies are developed, ethicaldebate must be part of the process.The issue of care is also very central in the area of conflictand development, yet it is not always taken intoaccount.Body politics brings sexuality into the light of day. As aresult, it exposes heteronormativity as the dominantparadigm underpinning policies and priorities, whichlargely ignore the topic of sexuality as well as non-heterosexualor unorthodox relationships. In the developmentdiscourse, this leads to funding that prioritises‘normal’ families or female-headed households, withnothing for collective living or other family forms.In terms of masculinities, the discussion centres onconstructive masculinities, such as fatherhood: what isgood fatherhood? What are the social practices relatedto it? Which are the social structures that supportthese social practices of fatherhood? How do everydaypractices evolve in this respect? Positive steps havebeen made in terms of fatherhood and bringing moremen into care work, but care encompasses more thanjust care for children. In the domestic sphere we arestill waiting for big changes; we see small advances,but some of the traditional concepts persist, so weneed to understand why and how.Body politics is also about the limits of the human body,and particularly women’s bodies. One discussantargued that we, as feminists, have to fight for everything.We feel we have to be everywhere, and have to‘be there’ for everyone. How can we counter the beliefthat we have to be engaged in struggles in a way that37

WIDE REPORTkeeps us tired and exhausted? Some are leavingactivism because of this, as our bodies say ‘stop!’. Also,many young women are not getting involved in feministmovements because of the risk of burnout. One issue toconsider is women’s inability to put limits on ourselvesand to set boundaries. We are very demanding, yet weneed to learn to ask for help. In short, we have the rightto rest. We even have the right to retire one day.Therefore, we have to think about how to transmit ourknowledge so that other women can continue this work.This involves writing about women and writing our ownstories, as well as reading about other women’s experiencesand lessons learned. Intergenerational knowledge-sharingmeans feminists do not have to ‘re-inventthe wheel’ over and over again.We have to be careful thus about how we see oursource of power. Women are powerful not because wedevote ourselves to others: we are powerful becauseour friends support us. The power coming from sufferingis not the kind of power we want.Finally, body politics as a framework for understandingand discussion can transform the predominant statusof women’s bodies as political and social entities fromthe negative to the positive. As Harcourt stated, “Theviolation and oppression of women’s bodies have beendiscussed many times, but not the pleasure of bodies.”We can begin to look at pleasure – in our bodies,through sex and sexuality, in caring and care work, andin our lives.38

WIDE REPORTCHAPTER 6:The Global Financial Crisis and its Impact on the Care CrisisIn order to develop a feminist analysis of the care crisiswe need to look at root causes by taking into accountthe interconnections between the financial, economicand care crises and their impact on gender relations,equality and women’s rights.We need to outline or develop feminist responses andperspectives and identify policy spaces for interventionand alternative solutions. This requires a contextualunderstanding of the crises and recognition that thereis not a ‘one-size-fits-all’ response. Immediate responsesare needed, but at the same time we must treat thefinancial and economic crisis as an opportunity toshape the feminist vision of an alternative economy,transform care roles and definitions, and propagate avision of transformation of the current economic paradigm.The Global Financial Crisis and Care:Context and Gender Aware ResponsesIsabella Bakker, York University, CanadaOver the last 25 years there has been a shift in thenature of global capitalism. This has occurred alongsidean erosion of the social provisions associated withthe welfare state and, more broadly, the public provisionsfor health and the care of people. As governmentshave sought to cut budgetary expenditures forthese provisions, the indirect effect has been to privatisemany of the institutions and mechanisms of socialreproduction. Thus, care of the elderly and children andsome aspects of health and other social provisionshave to be privately paid for in the market, or carriedout in the household, usually through women’s unpaidlabour.Of course, in those societies where there are stilldeveloped welfare states, such as in Scandinavia,these effects will be less pronounced. However, inplaces where such welfare states do not really exist,such as in the global South, and in a different way in theUnited States, the lack of public facilities and fundingmeans that provision of care tends to occur throughinformal mechanisms, such as the activities of extendedfamilies or through informal links with friends andneighbours.The current global and financial crisis is likely to intensifythese trends and pressures.Crises, accumulation and careThere are three perspectives on capitalist crises, accumulationand care. First, market fundamentalists and‘pure’ neoliberals see capitalism as an economicallyefficient system, in which crises are short-term andself-correcting and markets should be allowed to selfregulate.Second is the view of most economists – theysee capitalist accumulation as unstable, and crises asendemic. They require macroeconomic planning andpolitical intervention to allow for stabilisation and theresumption of ‘balanced’ growth. Both of these perspectivesgenerally treat the care economy as an‘externality’ and as the ‘safety net of last resort’.Third is the radical position, which views capitalism asa system of power. It does not involve the accumulationof goods for livelihood and social well-being, but theaccumulation of monetary values to control society andthe labour of others. Thegoal of capitalist accumulationhas nothing to dowith livelihood but is aboutincreasing the socialpower, wealth and controlof the few. This view seesthe care economy as subsidisingcapital. 20“We need to nurture new valuesand ideas, and create a new‘common sense’, with, for example,new teaching and writing ineconomics, including in themedia.”Isabella BakkerThe seven features of capitalism 1989–2009 21To better understand the current crises, it helps to outlinesome of the features of modern capitalism, whichcan be broken down into seven characteristics.1. The turnover time of capital accelerates, profitsboom, and rates of exploitation of people and natureincrease.20 For an elaboration of this view, see Isabella Bakker and Stephen Gill (2003) Power, Production and Social Reproduction: Human In/securityin the Global Political Economy, Macmillan Palgrave.21 See Stephen Gill, Capitalism 2009 Lecture on the Global Economic Crisis, Helsinki, Finland, April.

WIDE REPORT2. The political power of free enterprise and the individualright to property is fully restored, withunprecedented growth of a global plutocracy. 223. State forms of capital are subordinated (followingsome socialisation and nationalisation of the meansof production from 1917 to 1989).4. Governments promote markets and privatisation,and cut provisions for families, education andhealth, leading to privatisation of risk for a majority;the state guarantees risks for big capital, such ashuge bail-outs and subsidies.5. There is an acceleration of extreme inequality ofincome, wealth and life chances.6. Producers are dispossessed of their means of subsistence.7. Capitalist markets increasingly govern food supplies,water and other basic necessities, and globalhunger and starvation are mediated by the capitalistmarket in ways that resemble 19th century capitalism.Previous examples of crises include the debt crisis ofthe early 1980s, the Asian financial crisis of 1997, post-1989 restructuring of the former Eastern Bloc,Argentina in 2001, Structural Adjustment Programmes(SAPs) in the 1980s and 1990s, and food and fuel crises(since the 1970s)Origins of the current financial and economic crisisThe current financial and economic crisis is the resultof the deregulation of finance, growing inequality anddeclining wages. Its origins are in the global North –poorly supervised, deregulated financial markets led tobroader activities for banks and faster and greaterprofits. However, growing inequalities in the USA anddeclining wages since the 1970s resulted in increasedreliance on credit (and thus mounting household debt),coupled with the introduction of new financial instruments,such as sub-prime loans for so-called ‘high risk’groups (e.g. African-American women and men). Assub-prime lenders were unable to collect, this financial‘house of cards’ began to collapse. The result wasfalling housing prices, less construction and widespreadripple effects throughout the real economy.There are clear opportunity costs resulting from thesubsequent bailouts of the banks both globally andwithin the USA itself. For instance, the US$17 trillioncommitted by the European Union, USA and UK forbailouts and fiscal stimulus is over 22 times more thanthe US$750 billion total planned funds for achieving theMillennium Development Goals (MDGs). The $180 billionto bail out AIG in the USA would be more thanenough to close the 2010 budget gap in every US state.Fiscal austerity and its impact on careOnce economies are stabilised there will be pressurefor fiscal austerity – cutting costs based on the weakestconstituencies and post-emergency calls for austerity(i.e. ‘balancing the books’). This will decrease fiscalspace and privatise existing social safety nets. Inthe USA, for example, at least 39 states have imposedbudget cuts that most directly affect the most vulnerable,with 21 states cutting health programmes and 22states cutting programmes for the elderly and the disabled,according to the Center on Budget and PolicyPriorities. In California, up to 500,000 children facebeing denied health coverage due to cuts in a welfareto-workprogramme. 23 Wealthy people can pay for care,but poor people who require a socialised system willhave to turn to informal care.As the costs of social reproduction have been privatisedand off-loaded to the family or individual level, theconditions under which rich and poor women can dealwith this situation will, of course, be very different. Richwomen are able to hire housekeepers and nannies tocare for their children and nurses to look after elderlyrelatives. Poor women, compelled by both the need tosustain declining household incomes and to provide forthe future of their families, often provide this carelabour. In fact, these arrangements operate both withincountries and across countries, and the migration ofcare workers is a substantial component of globalmigration – women make up roughly half of the world’sestimated 180 million migrants. The remittances thesewomen send home help to underpin the incomes oftheir families. This process has now become institutionalisedin global capitalism, with some governmentsactually creating international labour agreements toallow for this practice to take place (e.g. a recent treatywas agreed by Japan and the Philippines). Thus, animportant question in the current crisis is what will happento these global care chains? Will there be greater‘informalisation’ and dependence on employers, andpotentially lower wages for the care workers?A hypothetical conclusion may be drawn: that the carecrisis may be more visible in the global North, but in the22 Plutocracy (plutarchy) is rule by the wealthy, or power provided by wealth. In a plutocracy, the degree of economic inequality is high whilethe level of social mobility is low. This can apply to a multitude of government systems, as the key elements of plutocracy transcend andoften occur concurrently with the features of those systems.23 See Arianna Huffington, ‘States Forced to Cut Services to the Bone: the Opportunity Cost of the Bank Bailout’, 23 July 2009 accessed at

WIDE REPORTSouth it represents a continuum and depends on context.For example, it may be the case that in those countrieswhich are more fully integrated into the globaleconomy through export-led development and globalcare chains, there may be more visible impacts of theglobal crisis.It is also worth pointing out that, while these cutbacksand a shift towards more privatised provisions of carehave been occurring, many politicians have been deafto the arguments of feminists, who have tried to pointout that women’s labour has to bear this double burden,and that many of the problems associated with thedownsizing of the welfare state are off-loaded onto thebacks of women in the form of unpaid work.So what are the alternatives?There are three sets of suggested alternatives for dealingwith some of the questions of care, the socialisationof risk and the need for a new ‘common sense’ and setof values to address these challenges. These alternativesmust be part of a gender-aware stimulus packageaimed at reducing the care burden by recognising,accounting for and redistributing unpaid work, withdecent work for women and men, and state regulationand provision of infrastructure. 241. Address the problem of unpaid work and the caredebtIt is important to get a grasp of the scale of the problemsdescribed above, which requires a concertedeffort to measure and report – to make visible the vastscale of (invisible) unpaid work. Indeed the UnitedNations found that, in 1995, if unpaid work was fullyaccounted for, it would add $23 trillion to total globaloutput. Data on this question could then be linked to aprogressive approach to the politics of time, whichtakes into account all forms of work, paid and unpaid.For example, the EU is currently debating a directive onwork time, which attempts to institute a 48-hour workingweek, but there has been no discussion of unpaidwork in the negotiations.In addition to the above we need:• better-quality after-school programmes in education,sport and the arts;• subsidised housing;• low-cost, nutritious family restaurants and subsidiesfor healthy food; and• extra income for jobs that require emotional labour,which are usually female jobs such as nursing,social work and teaching young children. 252. Socialise the risks of the peopleOne of the key features of the era of neoliberal capitalismhas been the way in which it has tended to producegreater social and human insecurity across the population,while at the same time increasingly privatising theinstitutions that had been designed to socialise risk,such as public health care, unemployment and insurancebenefits and pension systems, which are increasinglygoverned by market forces. This has tended to offloadrisks to the level of the individual. By contrast, ‘bigcapital’ (i.e. private ‘big’ business) has seen its risksheavily socialised, reflected in the scale of the bailouts.To address this question we need better priorities andto develop more participatory regulation to counter privatecontrol and provisioning. New forms of regulationshould, therefore, consider some of the following:• Broaden tax structures and develop a globalresponse (e.g. UN Commission on Committee ofExperts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters,Stiglitz Commission).• Facilitate greater public popular budgeting (e.g. gender-responsivebudgeting, which would integratesocial and economic policies as one). 26• Cost human-rights commitments and align thesewith budgets. 27• Finance development/sustainable livelihoodsthrough official development assistance (ODA) anddebt erasure, based on the premise that ‘the developingworld is too big to fail’; and introduce gendersensitiveprocesses, indicators and targets as partof this process (e.g. UNIFEM and Aid Effectiveness).• Ensure decent work and equal conditions andwages for women and men. 283. Nurture new values and ideas/create a new ‘commonsense’This involves new teaching and writing in economics24 See Kathleen Lahey (2009) Gender Analysis of Budget 2009, The Progressive Economics Forum.;Diane Elson, ‘Gender Equality and the Economic Crisis’, IDRC Presentation, Ottawa, 27November 2008, accessed at - Similar.25 See Fraad, Harriet (2008) Rethinking Marxism (A Journal of Economics, Culture and Society, Vol. 3), Association for Economic and SocialAnalysis.See Elson, Diane and Nilufer Cagatay (2000) ‘The Social Content of Macroeconomics’, World Development 28(7): 1347–64.Balakrishnan, Radhika, Diane Elson and Raj Patel (2009) Rethinking Macro Economic Strategies from a Human Rights Perspective( Bakker (2007) Financing for Gender Equality, United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women, September 2007. (75 pages)(refereed) Online at; TrackingProgress on Development Results41

WIDE REPORT(including in media), and encouraging heterodoxy ofthinking and policy prescription.Gender, Well-Being and the GlobalEconomic CrisisStephanie Seguino, Depart ment of Economics,University of Vermont, USAThe central feature of this crisis is the growth ininequality across the globe, not only between rich andpoor countries, but also within countries at all incomelevels. A slow-down in wage growth versus productivitygrowth also characterises the last few decades.Productivity has been growing, but the share of thisgoing to wages has declined all over the world. This is aproblem for both developing and developed countries.Companies now have more freedom to cross borders.They can simply relocate to other countries to seeklower taxes and wages or fewer regulations. As aresult, profits have increased as a share of earnings.This has put downward pressure on wages, with anumber of low- and middle-income households beingforced to resort to borrowing to maintain their livingstandards. The crisis in the USA is indicative of thisgrowth in inequality. Many families involved in the USmortgage crisis were re-financing their homesbecause of increased costs, not to take overseas holiday,for example, but to cover costs for old age care, aspensions have disappeared or been reduced, for foodand other essentials.The second macro-economic problem is that as wagesand incomes fall, so does workers’ consumption, whichleads to the central problem currently faced by theglobal economy: insufficient global demand. Withoutsufficient consumer spending, businesses have littlemotivation to produce goods. Since this is a jobs crisis,if we resolve the jobs crisis, we will resolve the carecrisis.The third problem is economic volatility, which hascaused much pain and is long-lasting. In developedcountries the first effect is a loss of jobs, which is gendered– concentrated in male-dominated areas of theeconomy, such as construction and manufacturing –but there is a mistaken belief that this crisis has morenegatively affected men than women. Women’s joblosses are especially linked to cuts in public-sectorbudgets, and thus delayed compared to men’s job losses.What we are actually seeing is only the beginning ofthe gendered effects of the crisis.The secondary effect in the USA and EU is an impact onthe public sector, leading to cuts in budgets. Forty-sixstates in the USA are facing budget shortfalls. Germanypredicts €36 billion shortfalls in tax revenue. TheMaastricht Treaty restrictspublic-sector deficits, socuts in public-sectorspending in Europe arelikely.As the social sectors of theeconomy are likely to bemost affected by budgetcuts, women’s employmentmay be more adverselyaffected than men’s, withnegative impacts onwomen’s care burdens.This is because cuts ineducation, health care andsocial services reduce theamount of paid care labour“This is, in many ways, atransformative moment in history,providing a window ofopportunity to challenge therestrictions on growth anddevelopment enforced bydeveloped countries and theinternational financial institutions.It is an opportunemoment to reconsider theview that developing countriesshould rely heavily onexports as a stimulus togrowth.”Stephanie Seguinoand increase household care labour. This is fundamentalfor feminists.In developed economies, one of most severe effectswill be seen along race and ethnic lines. In the USA, joblosses of black Americans have occurred at threetimes the rate of white Americans. We can also expecta rise in xenophobia, already in evidence in Europe.The World Values Survey – a global survey covering 98countries over 20 years – asks interesting questionsthat give insight into norms and stereotypes at times ofcrisis. Seventy-two per cent of respondents agree withthe statement: ‘When jobs are scarce, nationals shouldhave priority for jobs over immigrants.’ We are seeing abacklash against immigrants in Europe and the USA.In developing countries, the gender implications arelikely to be much more immediate – a decline inincomes in industrialised countries will lead to adecline in export demand in places such as SoutheastAsia and Central America. The types of exports todecline most are labour-intensive, such as garmentsand electronics, which are mostly produced by women.We are already seeing a sharp decline in tourismexpenditures, and, once again, it is largely women whoare employed in this sector. The effects will differ in theshort term, but in the long term this will lead to governmentscutting public-sector funding, which raises thecare burden of households and, primarily, women.We have learned from other crises that it takes aboutseven years for employment to return to pre-crisis levels.Even with immediate action, impacts will be severe.For at least seven years many households will sufferfrom too little or no income. This will affect low- andmiddle-income households – especially female-headed42

WIDE REPORThouseholds – worst, since they have limited savingsand very few assets to sell. Falls in income affect vitalfactors such as nutrition, so impacts on children will besignificant. One in five children in the USA goes hungry,with rates among children of colour much higher thanrates among white children. Malnutrition affects psychosocialdevelopment and the ability to learn, so thechildren we raise today will be less productive in thefuture because of this crisis.Feminist responses to this decline in family well-beingshould:• end ‘cowboy’ capitalism (based on excessive risk,indifference to inequality etc.) to reduce insecurityand inequality;• address the problems of inequality and insecuritythat this global system of the last 40 years hasbrought upon our households;• make stimulus packages work by targeting expendituresto reach the most vulnerable households, butparticularly to focus on gender-sensitive job creation;it is okay to focus on sectors such as construction,but we need to make sure women haveaccess to these jobs, for example, by providing childcare on construction sites;• make sure spending goes to social sectors that alleviatethe care burden, but also create the types ofjobs in sectors that employ women; and• use theseresources to increase“Making stimulus packages workmeans targeting expenditures sothat they reach the most vulnerablehouseholds, but with a particularfocus on job creation that is gendersensitive….[And] we need policiesthat reduce financial volatility….One possibility is a currency transactionstax (CTT), which is a tax onexchanges in foreign currencymarkets.”Stephanie Seguinowomen’s bargainingpower in the household.It is with this genderlens that we want toadvocate for policiesto reduce financialvolatility. We alsoneed to go further andtake a seat at the tableto discuss changes inthe structure of theglobal economy. And we must address the global financialinstability that affects women heavily and constrainschildren’s lives.One possibility is a currency transactions tax – a tax onexchanges in foreign currency markets – which has thebenefit of reducing speculative activity that is destabilising.It would tax the wealthiest, and it seems right thatthe wealthiest should pay for this crisis. It could serveas a global social insurance fund to mitigate the effectsof excessive financial and macroeconomic volatility.This is a transformational moment in history that allowsus to change the direction the world is going. For toolong we have believed that liberalised markets willimprove our livelihoods – that somehow businessknows best. We have learned that this is not the case.There is an important role of the state in redistribution,for example, but the state alone will not regulate in away that benefits those most in need.Policy Space for Developmental States ina Multi-polar World: In Search of SocialReproduction and Economic Redistri -butionMarina Durano, DAWN, the PhilippinesThe current political context provides the backdrop forthe questions that feminists often raise: How do weredistribute resources and opportunities? How do weput an end to the production and reproduction ofinequalities by neoliberal policies? The genderedimpacts of the global crisis have been raised within thispolitical context: the potential to impinge upon the timeburdens of women; the possibility of absorbing the careburdens even more as market-based services or publicservices become less accessible; higher unemploymentrates, or increasingly being marginalised into theinformal sector, or worsening of working conditions.This describes the fate of women within every crisis.The search for solutions and new approachesbecomes ‘burdened’ by an unwritten demand (sometimesfrom policymakers, other times from feministthemselves) to demonstrate that the feminist perspectivecan ‘add value’ to alternative macroeconomic policies.If this added value can be shown, then genderresponsivebudgeting is ‘accepted’, although manyadvocates of gender budgeting argue that it is a tooland not a policy prescription. Social protection policies,which can be seen as redistributive, are alsodeemed ‘acceptable’ following this argument. But whatdoes a feminist perspective bring to the table when thediscussion is, for example, bank supervision?My impression of feminist economic analysis of macroeconomicpolicy is that the approach allies itselfstrongly with heterodox economics. 29 This alliance has29 Heterodox economics refers to the approaches, or schools of economic thought, that are considered outside of mainstream, that is, orthodoxeconomics. Heterodox economics is an umbrella term used to cover various separate unorthodox approaches, schools, or traditions.These include institutional, post-Keynesian, socialist, Marxian, feminist, Austrian, ecological, and social economics among others.43

WIDE REPORTproved useful for activists in securing a space to raisetheir issues, concerns and proposals in the various arenasof political debate. Yet there seems to be an addedburden of providing a distinct policy recommendationthat can claim to be ‘feminist’, gender-responsive or‘gender-sensitive’ (distinct from heterodoxy). Could theexcuse for continuously ignoring women and feministsby the broader alliance seeking alternatives be thatheterodoxy suffices to fulfil gender-equitable requirementsof macroeconomic policy alternatives? I amunclear as to where feminist economics has taken usforward with respect to designing policy alternatives.“In designing gender-equitablepublic policy it is important tounderstand the division ofresponsibility over the varyingaspects and processes of provisioningfor the improvement ofwell-being….What we consistentlyfind is that the assignmentof care responsibilities is skewedtowards women, to the extentthat it limits women’s ability toparticipate fully in all of society’sactivities.”Marina DuranoAnd what is it that we are trying to achieve? I wouldargue that we need to learn how to design genderequitablepublic policies. In designing gender-equitablepublic policy it is importantto understand thedivision of responsibilityover the varying aspectsand processes of provisioningfor the improvementof well-being. Thisunderstanding is necessaryfor making decisionsover the distribution ofmaterial and labourresources which membersof society need forsurvival, maintenanceand prolongation. Whatwe consistently find isthat the assignment ofcare responsibilities isskewed towards women, to the extent that it limitswomen’s ability to participate fully in all of society’sactivities. We are looking for policy measures that createbehavioural incentives to change the balance ofresponsibilities for social provisioning and care so thatthese are more evenly shared among the major socialinstitutions – households, states, markets and nonprofitsectors.For example, in implementing cash transfer programmes,women have been chosen as the primarybeneficiaries because their expenditure patterns arecloser to socially desired goals, such as health careand education. Benefits have been shown to accrue tothe children of women receiving the cash transfersand, yet, the responsibility for ensuring that the sick arecared for and that school assignments are doneremains with women. In this case, the cash transferprogramme falls short of changing the burdens ofresponsibility.Expansion of policy space as an implicit demand forsovereigntyDeveloping countries have been weakened by de-regulationand privatisation. Vivienne Taylor wrote aboutthe marketisation of governance, and, indeed, we areseeing the governance for marketisation that securesprofit-seeking. The prevalence of this approach to governancehas resulted in the developmental state beinga dream for many countries, with East Asian economiesbecoming exceptions rather than the rule.The political battles over a globally coordinatedresponse to the economic crisis are captured by developingcountries’ demand for more policy space. I viewthis demand as an implicit demand by developingcountrygovernments to secure sovereignty. It is anassertion of political independence over the range ofpolicies that governments can pursue. Perhaps thiscan be interpreted as an attempt by weak states to fulfiltheir developmental potential.The demand of developing countries should be viewedalso from the perspective of the relation between thecitizen and the nation-state. The political contestationsare not so simple because many social groups aregroups of non-citizens or are indigenous peoples withtheir customary laws. One of the more popular campaignsof women in politics is to increase the number ofwomen in decision-making positions. Successes havebeen recorded in this arena in many countries. Torealise the potential of women’s leadership, and particularlyof feminist leadership, it will be important to providepolicy alternatives that reflect the goal of genderequity or, at least, take our societies closer to that goal.Or, in the context of this conference, the policy alternativesthat feminist leaders carry should reflect our valuationof socially reproductive activities or the careeconomy. But these policy alternatives appear to bedifficult to carry out unless the policy space is wideenough to do so. Therefore, women’s movements’ relationswith the nation-state also need to become moreclearly defined at the national level as well as at theinternational or inter-governmental level.Feminist demands need some form of expression at theglobal level. While women’s movements and feministmovements may be able to conceive of gender-equitablepublic policy at the national level in relation to ourrespective nation-states, dependence and interdependenceof economies demands that, whatever theshape these gender-equitable public policies take,these movements also need to be able to design multilateralinstitutions that will pursue gender-equitablepublic policies at the international level. In other words,it will be important for women’s movements to securetheir gains at the national level by ensuring that theglobal environment favours – and does not restrict –the pursuit of feminist alternatives.44

WIDE REPORTPart of the public policy design challenge is theempowerment of women (or strengthening the feministconstituency) so that their political actions are able tocarry forward the policy reforms and the politicalrestructuring that they demand. Strategies are neededto enhance women’s empowerment so that women’smovements can navigate the global economic governancecomplex that is currently defined by multi-polarinternational political relations.Such an approach implies the importance of humandevelopment that would “insist that a fundamental partof the good of each and every human being will be tocooperate together for the fulfillment of human needsand the realization of fully human lives”, to quoteMartha Nussbaum when she wrote on the subject in2004.The Regional Perspective from NorthAfricaHassania Chalbi-Drissi,International Gender and TradeNetwork (IGTN), TunisiaThe MENA region is less affected than other regions bythe current economic crisis. Algeria, Morocco, Tunisiaand Libya are seeing comfortable growth rates of threeto four per cent. The region is geographically close toEurope, and with two main sectors of production – fueland gas, textiles and food – sending most of their productsto the European Union, the region is optimistic thatit can face the crisis. For Algeria and Libya, fuel and gasbring in revenue, and current positive forecasts extendto 2010, after which the situation may change.The region has also been late in setting up its financialsystems, which actually helped protect it from the crisis.MENA continued to collect savings and did not buyany toxic assets. However, Morocco and Tunisia haveseen reduced revenues and income due to problems inthe textile sector and migrant unemployment in Europe.In North Africa, feminist thinking sees ‘care’ as a fundamentalconcept, which it strives to use as a tool for theoreticaland practical analysis and planning.At the local levelOn the one hand, the omnipresent state, in its role ofsatisfying educational and medical needs in NorthAfrica, gives more liberty to women who enter thelabour market. Because of that, the private domainbecomes progressively blurred regarding materialnecessities: subsistence, procreation, heath, security.On the other hand, women still have to justify theirarrival in the labour market as if it were a pure and simpleextension of their private life. This happens as ifwomen were paid to carry out the tasks that they carriedout in their private life for their families (taking careof the sick, doing domestic work, various types carework etc.).This causes another major theoretical problem for feminismin North Africa when addressing care in the contextof the globalised economy. This problem is essentiallyrelated to:• the demographic change in the North that has tocope with women’s immigration from Southerncountries;• the significant social changes in the South (collapseof dispersed families, solidarity networks); and• the cultural and ethical problems: can care servicesand/or do they have to be valued in a specific socialcontext?In a particular context of crisisNorth African women start to migrate. In this case thismeans rethinking:• the logic which underpins social relations betweenthe sexes;• the organisation of reproductive work in relation toproductive work;• the activities related to care; and• the modalities of care work.In a global contextThe liberal discourse is against regulating currencyexchanges and capital flows, yet very much in favour ofregulating the migration of labour (here womenmigrants). As to discourse related to regionalisation,legitimised by appealing to ‘competitiveness’, thereshould be an alternative where regions can developbased on a different type of globalisation which is notliberal but regulated at national, regional and globallevel.The Regional Perspective from EasternEuropeEwa Charkiewicz, Feminist Think Tank, PolandThe transition taking place in the EU is not being drivenby guns or war, but it amounts to a war on livelihoodsand on the capacity to care. Consider the transition thattook place from an egalitarian society to an unprecedentedredistribution of wealth in Russia, where 10 percent of the population owns most of the wealth. Polandtells a similar story.45

WIDE REPORTWe must understand how transitions have been organiseddiscursively. Foucault – especially in his thoughtson bio-politics – pays attention to the integration andadjustment of human subjects. If we look at the hugeinequalities in Eastern Europe,“Ultimately, it is a politicalchoice to support the bankingand financial systemsrather than supporting care.Our aim is a growth in care,rather than a growth in profitsfor the private sector; wewant social protection andsocial services.”Workshop participantwe see the psychosocial costsof transitions. We need to makethis visible in the larger globalcontext.Regarding our own interventions,more discussion on thepolitics of the state is needed.Restructuring of the state istaking place on top of the oldpatriarchal forms of the state. Anew form of the state is emerging,which is the state operating as an enterprise andinvesting in markets. In autumn last year, at the peak ofthe financial crisis, we could see how this systemworked – the extent to which states were involved inmarkets.What happens when the state is being restructured asan enterprise? We have to take into account what partof the transition is restructuring citizenship. A new formof subjectivity is being put in place. In terms of feministanalysis there is a lot we have to rethink in terms ofstates. Concerning work, our relationship with thenation state is becoming very different. We can seehow the accumulation of capital is already happeningat the expense of care.DISCUSSIONThe global financial crisis and its impact on the carecrisesWhile we are trying to bring attention to a structuralcrisis and an environmental crisis, there is a risk thatthe financial collapse will draw our attention away fromthese other urgent issues and create the perspectivethat the financial crisis is the only crisis. We need tosee all these structural processes, stop idealising thereal economy and try not to lose our feminist perspectiveand analytical framework. In our efforts to achievethese objectives, the following suggestions could proveuseful.The potential positive impact of cash transfersThere is a counter movement taking place, especially inbig donor agencies, such as the UK Department forInternational Development (DFID), which involves cashtransfers to individual vulnerable groups (not budgetsupport). States worldwide are thinking about substantiallymore spending in terms of cash transfers, mostlyto women. This does not mean that care can be boughtby money alone, but we can look at ways to connect tothat movement and feed into or re-analyse it.A halt to aggressive trade liberalisation and a move totax financial transactionsAt global policy level we need to stop future trading/speculationwith food, pensions, public goods, andbasic needs in the financial markets – no more casinocapitalism! We can also push for an international taxon financial transactions and CO2 emissions and theclosure of tax havens. In terms of trade, we can takeaction to stop the aggressive trade liberalisationregime and protect weak economies and sectors.Finally, we need to eradicate double standards anddemand coherence in terms of human/women’s rights,development objectives, social security and caring.Gender-aware stimulus packagesA gender-aware stimulus package involves recognisingthat investment should not just be in physical infrastructurebut also in social infrastructure. We muststart accounting for unpaid work, in different forms,contexts and countries. Once it is made visible itbecomes part of the discourse. We have to work on anew common sense towards a new form of social citizenship.That is the role of activists, academics and themedia.We need national stimulus packages which reduce thecare burden and account for unpaid work by providinga basic social safety net for everyone, investing insocial infrastructure, and redistributing and revaluatingcare work and responsibilities. Stimulus packages alsoneed to include gender/ethnicity/race-sensitiveemployment and job creation policies (a de-masculinisationof the stimulus package), since they now focuson masculine sectors of the economy, and we want toreverse this tendency.Diversify political powerCivil society needs to support a process that diversifiespolitical power by diluting political power across theworld. Regional approaches have become a space fordoing this. The G77 is trying to argue that we need torestructure financial and monetary systems. Thismeans that EU countries, the USA, Japan etc. need togive up their decision-making positions. We need tothink of more ways to have regionalism, including civilsociety, to dissipate this concentration of power. Thiswould increase equality at the local and internationallevels. Discussions on the economy of care could betranslated into a new human right: the right to live.46

WIDE REPORTBest practice examples and ideas for action• In Latin America, governments are working on creatinga new international bank called Bank of theSouth, which would act differently than theInternational Monetary Fund (IMF). This example ofcreating different kinds of banks is important as analternative global vision.• Emerging states, such as Brazil, India, China andSouth Africa, have interesting social programmeswhich enable care. We may be able to learn fromtheir social programmes and develop ideas thatwould work in our own political and developmentcontexts.• According to Stephanie Seguino, efforts in her homestate in the USA have sensitised policymakers to thegendered nature of public spending cuts and stimuluspackages. As the state was cutting its budgetand considering how to spend stimulus dollars, sheproposed that 40 per cent of stimulus jobs should goto women. This was deemed impossible by legislators,who said it would reduce the flexibility of federalmoney. However, she worked with female legislatorswho managed to gain support for a request thatthe government track the number of jobs created formen and women in the budget amendment; it wasoverwhelmingly passed. The first report on the datais due in six months. While Seguino did not achieveher original goal, she opened up discussion aboutthe issues, which is one of the fundamental thingsneeded to change the terms of this debate so that itcan focus more on well-being.Our vision for the future sees a transformation of thecurrent market model, which gives preference to capital,growth, efficiency, to a model based on an ethic ofmarket citizenship and social citizenship. Our vision isalso of a caring economy which prioritises provision,needs and care.47

WIDE REPORTCHAPTER 7:How Do We Want to Care?Overarching Ideas and GoalsPanellists: Ana Tallada Iglesia, REMTE, Peru; ChristaWichterich, Sociologist, Publicist and GenderConsultant, Germany; Julia Kubisa, Feminist Think Tank,Poland; Lina Abu-Habib, CRTD-A, Lebanon; MarinaDurano, DAWN, the Philippines; Hassania Chalbi-Drissi, International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN),Tunisia; Facilitator: Anja Franck, WIDE board, SwedenThe final afternoon of the conference highlighted: overarchinggoals and guidance for feminist organisationsengaging with care crises globally, regionally, nationallyand locally; gaps in the feminist care discourse; andopportunities and recommendations, including:• alliance-building;• engaging with policymakers at all levels; and• identifying instruments and opportunities forchange.Feminist Policies in Response to the Global CrisesPresentation by Christa Wichterich, Sociologist,Publicist and Gender Consultant, GermanyAn important task for feminists is to develop – based onour analysis – feminist responses and perspectives toidentify policy space for intervention and for buildingalternatives. Given that we have to see the global multiplecrisis in its very local, regional and national context,we are aware that there can’t be a ‘one-size-fitsall’solution. We have to keep in“Apart from trade unions,another area of caution isin building alliances withgreen and leftist parties.For example feminists inEurope have to explorewhat EU Green partiesoffered recently in the socalledGreen New Deal.”Wichterichmind that presently, in the North, weare talking about an acute crisiswhile women in the global Southoften speak about a chronic crisisof livelihood, food, fuel etc.Immediate responses are needed;however, we should also see thecrisis as a chance to envision achange of paradigm.During the session on care and thefinancial crisis of our conferenceseveral responses and demandswere suggested in presentations and discussion to thecurrent crises. These can be brought together as apackage of policy demands and advocacy strategiesfor feminists to take forward. To sum up, on a nationalpolicy level we need:• fiscal and political space;• regulation of markets;• a progressive tax system – a different tax and fiscalsystem;• strengthening of the public sector and social policies,bridging the divide between economic andsocial policies;• strengthening of the bargaining position of workers;and• democratised/decentralised political power.On a global level we need in terms of policy:• no future trading and speculation with food, pensions,public goods, and other basic needs in thefinancial market;• an international tax on financial transaction and CO2emissions;• the closure of tax havens;• an end to the aggressive trade liberalisation regime;protectection of weak economies and weak sectorsin the economy (what is considered in mainstreampolicies as weak);• an eradication of double standards – women andmen’s human rights that include caring rights shouldbe the paradigm for a sustainable global economicdevelopment.Our vision as feminists is one that aims for a transformationof the market model that gives preference tocapital, growth and efficiency into a caring economythat gives preference to provisioning, needs and care.We need to change the common paradigm from a marketcitizenship to a social citizenship.Feminist Vision of CareAs a starting point, feminist organisations and networksneed to establish what we want from care: whatare our demands for policymakers, other organisationsetc.? (Tallada Iglesia) How should we proceed andwhat are our priorities as a movement? (Abou-Habib)We also need to remember that we have a right tocare. This should not be thought of in an idealistic way,but can be expressed through practical, real-worldmeans. For example, national constitutions in someLatin American countries (e.g. Ecuador and Bolivia)define a vision of the future which includes the right of48

WIDE REPORTall people to a better quality of life. This is an exampleof where the right to care can be found or integratedinto existing instruments. (Tallada Iglesia)There is also a continuing need to reshape traditionaldefinitions and views of women as mothers and carers.In Poland, for example, the idea ‘that mothers willalways manage’ has been used as justification by thestate to rescind family policies, such as funding fornurseries. In addition, it is important that we do not perpetuatethe notion of motherhood as an oppressiverole. For example, MaMa Foundation in Poland andother progressive women’s groups have been seekingnew models of feminist activity which include motherhoodand persuading Polish mothers that they do notjust ‘have to manage’. Their ultimate goal is to influencelocal government and introduce new issues connectedto care work into public discourse, such as addressingarchitectural barriers (e.g.“We need to stop compartmentalisingfeminist issues. accessible for people withstairs) which are notFor example, feminists prams. (Kubisa)work on violence againstwomen, but do we position We also need to stop compartmentalisingfeministit within an analysis of thecare economy? We need to issues. For example, feministswork on violencerethink the ways we pickand choose our areas of against women, but do weintervention and address position it within an analysisof the care economy?our issues in a holisticway.”We need to rethink theAbou-Habib ways we pick and chooseour areas of interventionand address our issues in aholistic way. (Abou-Habib)Finally, feminists need to find out who benefits fromreform agendas, and to become more self-critical ofour efforts. Other groups have been much faster andmore efficient than feminist groups, such as religiousand conservative movements. They use technology farbetter than we do for mobilising and collaborating withallies. In comparison, many women’s groups have beenfragmented and, in some cases, stuck in old ways ofworking. We can start to rethink and be self-critical, to‘take our heads out of the sand’. This is difficult butsomething we have to face in our organisations and ourmovement. (Abou-Habib)‘Invisible’ Issues: Migration, Traffickingand Women in ConflictIf we are to come up with solutions that touch womenin different parts of the world, it was argued, we needto make migrant women visible in our spaces. If we donot, we will continue to be part of the same structureand system that perpetuates oppression. Another areathat is very obviously lacking during this conference isa discourse on trafficking. This is a multimillion-dollarindustry that is putting womeninto dangerous situations, andunless we bring this issue tolight we will perpetually deliverincomplete responses to theissues of patriarchy and power.(Amanda Khozi Mukwashi)“We need to make migrantwomen visible in ourspaces. If we do not, wewill continue to be part ofthe same structure andsystem that perpetuatesoppression.”Conference participantFeminist activists must examinethe black market and informalmarkets for legal solutions toprotecting the rights of migrant women and ensuringfair wages. This is also a matter for trade unions, but inplaces like Poland, for example, recent research suggeststhat they are not interested or completelyunaware of migrant issues (Kubisa). Also, we must considerthe ways in which we may be building structuresthat benefit Northern countries at the risk of the rightsand lives of migrant women from the global South. Thesalary of a migrant worker can benefit either thereceiving or sending country (Chalbi-Drissi), so issuessuch as remittances deserve more attention.Finally, there was a suggestion that we look at whatcare means in the context of conflict or occupation.This has been overlooked during this conference, yetthe resilience and resistance that comes from opposingconflict and occupation is largely due to womentaking on the care role. (Abou-Habib)Finding New Allies, Building AlliancesFeminists and women’s organisations appear to inhabita closed circle – meeting with each other at conferences,but not disseminating the knowledge and languageoutside of our circle. (Kubisa) Yet in confrontingthe care crises, it is vital to find new allies amongorganisations not traditionally linked to women’s orfeminist issues. (Durano)In light of the financial crisis, interesting policy proposalshave come from non-mainstream economists – notjust feminist economists but also other heterodoxeconomists. They have managed to open doors forwomen who have been perceived as incapable of discussingthese issues. (Durano)Also, international NGOs that are dealing with theseissues could be potential allies – for example, GCAP;these are traditional arenas where women’s agendasare welcome.49

WIDE REPORTProblems and pitfalls in alliance-buildingIt is important to recognise where an alliance may perpetuatethe very systems feminist organisations aretrying to change. For example, some women in Polandhave chosen to cooperate with employers and employers’organisations. At a major Polish women’s congressin Warsaw, organised by women andemployers’ organisations, the vision“Yet in confronting thecare crises, it is vital tofind new allies amongorganisations not traditionallylinked to women’sor feminist issues.”Duranothat was communicated suggestedthat if women cooperate withemployers, employers will becomemore sensitive of women’s needs,including care. However, this view isstill underpinned by a neoliberal ideologyand the belief that if we onlycooperate with employers, exclusionand poverty will end. Trade unionscan be our allies, but we must beaware of possible conflicts of interest. For instance, theFeminist Think Thank is collaborating with a trade unionrepresenting nurses and midwives, but the big tradeunions are not yet interested in their work. The nursesand midwives union is not ‘heard’ by the government –based on the notion that nursing should be patient andsilent. The alliance with the union of nurses and midwivesenables the Feminist Think Thank to join forceswith a group outside the women’s movement whichalso understand problems with social exclusion andpoverty. (Kubisa).Apart from trade unions, another area of caution is inbuilding alliances with green and leftist parties. Forexample feminists in Europe have to explore what EUGreen parties offered recently in the so-called GreenNew Deal. It was sold by the Green party as an innovativesolution to the current economic crisis, but to theenergy and climate crises likewise. Its focus is on thedevelopment, marketing and export of green technologyin the area of renewable energies. However, it iscompletely market and growth oriented, without takinginto account any social concerns, not to mention gendersensitivity or intersectionalist approaches. It is veryunlikely that women would benefit from such a technology-focusedconcept. (Wichterich)We need to remember that feminist organisations, inmany ways, are competing amongst ourselves forfunds, advocacy spaces and opportunities. As such,we may be falling into the same competitive trap weare criticising. This is an issue to consider in efforts tomobilise a more united voice and to try working togethermore. The key is not only to protect the interest ofwomen’s organisations; many different organisationsare in the same position.Examples of successful alliance-building beyond ourtraditional milieuSeveral years ago in Egypt, various political groups,Islamists, women's groups and others formed a civilsociety coalition called ‘Enough’ (in Arabic). The goalwas to say ‘Enough! We do not want this president orhis family anymore’. This is an example of ‘thinking outsidethe box’ in terms of how and with whom we buildalliances. (Abu-Habib)Women’s organisations such as WIDE have been buildingalliances for a number of years with, for example,environmental and trade NGOs. They try to communicatethe idea that if you do not build alliances acrosssectors or interests, your issues will not be heard. It isthe same for the European Women’s Lobby (EWL),which is joining with, for example, networks of lesbian,gay, bisexual and transgender people (LGBT) and disabilitynetworks, based on a greater understanding ofintersectionality. Increasingly, anti-discrimination networksand women’s organisations are also workingtogether. The important point is that if your organisationis not there, decision-makers will forget the feministperspective.In 2010, the Platform of European Social NGOs inBrussels ( work on issues of care. The platform involves largenetworks which have a lot of power, so this will be animportant opportunity for advocacy by women’s groupsand networks such as WIDE.In terms of alliance building, it is crucially importantto link analysis and research with action and activists.To this end, WIDE will produce a primer on the systemiccrisis (economic, financial, social and environmental)from a feminist perspective, which will serve as aresource for its advocacy work. The care economy is amajor entry point for WIDE in constructing and proposingalternatives and, therefore, a main topic for thecoming years of work. (Allaert)Engaging with Policymakers and PolicyProcessesIt is important to be aware that for many policymakersthe issue of care is simply not on the agenda. Feministorganisations might know there is a care crisis, but itmay not be heard in policy spaces. We must ask howwe can make the care crisis felt in people’s wallets andamong the people who make decisions. Feministorganisations and actors have diverse expertise andknowledge, but we are not using it as effectively as wecould in this regard. We need to become more involved50

WIDE REPORTwith politicians, rather than just delegating the responsibilityof decision-making to politicians.To be successful in lobbying politicians, a crucial firststep is to change governments’ views of social protection.When the crisis hit, governments decided to relyon microeconomic policies, primarily increasing savingsthrough various measures, as a way of stabilisingtheir economies. When a government just savesmoney, however, it forgoes spending on social protectionprogrammes. Because there was no other sourcefor stabilisation, governments skimped on long-termmeasures, and social supports are being cut.It is important for us to understand issues such asthese – to analyse the issues and also to understanddifferent, even opposing, perspectives. This involvesarming ourselves with knowledge about feministanalyses but also other viewpoints and potential solutions.Some helpful resources for this include the following:• At global level DAWN has been working with theWomen’s Working Group for Financing forDevelopment, monitoring negotiations in UN discussionsin New York ( for more information).• Analytical resources are available, a group of economists andanalysts from the global South.• Some analysis of the G20 is being done, also on what came out ofthe London meeting earlier this year.(Durano)Monitoring the UN and G20As feminists, we have a big responsibility to worktogether at a global level to contribute to the UN, andalso to look at what kinds of decisions our governmentsare taking. We must call for accountability from the UNand the G20, by monitoring proceedings at upcomingUN meetings on the economic crisis. The decisions andtreaties made by the G20 group are calling upon theWorld Bank and other parties to step in – but they arethe groups that caused the crisis! We have to call foraccountability from the G20 as well. One area we canbe aware of and monitor relates to debt, which is oneof the most serious global problems today. We need toensure that political decisions at these meetings do notcause more debt. (Tallada Iglesia)The United Nations continues to be a natural ally forfeminist organisations. (Abou-Habib) For example, thePresident of the UN General Assembly organised a dinnerto which he invited not only UN-based actors, butalso Washington-based organisations that have dealtwith World Bank policies in a critical way. He understoodthat there is no way he could move this agendaforward without women’s and other organisations. Thebottom line is that we have to be involved. (Durano)Monitoring EU negotiationsThe EU is another body which feminist organisationscan monitor and with which we must engage. We canlook at gender aspects of Country Strategy Papers(CSPs) within development cooperation and how ECdelegations in developingcountries are promoting(or failing to promote)gender and carewithin that process.“Regarding trade, the EU is currentlydiscussing quite someregional and bilateral Free TradeAgreements (FTA). In these discussions,one of the issues isintellectual property rights.Women’s activists should supportthe rights of poor women and mento such property, for example inprotecting the ownership and existenceof local seed diversity…Thisis particularly acute in terms of therelationship between women andfood production. We need toensure a level of ethical thinkingamong consumers in terms ofequality.”Tallada IglesiaIn addition to delegations,many feministorganisations havefocused on theEuropean Parliament,but perhaps a new strategyis needed. Weshould consider workingmore at MemberState level and thinkmore deeply about whoour allies are. Recent EUelections have broughtmany far-right policymakersinto positions ofpower. Corporate lobbyistsare also lobbying to block key progressive policies.This was happening before, but now governments arelegitimising the points raised by corporate lobbyists,using the financial crisis as justification. We need to bemonitoring this within and outside the EU and takeaction directly to deal with new far-right members.Regarding trade, the EU is currently discussing a numberof regional and bilateral Free Trade Agreements(FTA). In these discussions, one of the issues is intellectualproperty rights. Women’s activists should supportthe rights of poor women and men to such property –for example, in protecting the ownership and existenceof local seed diversity. Once a private company ‘owns’intellectual property related to, for example, care ormedicine, it is difficult to regain ownership of it as acountry or culture. This begs the question, what is theresponsibility of consumers on issues which perpetuateinequality? When we buy a product, do we thinkabout whether or not it is ethically traded or produced?This is particularly acute in terms of the relationshipbetween women and food production. We need toensure a level of ethical thinking among consumers interms of equality. (Tallada Iglesia)51

WIDE REPORTInstruments and Entry Points for ChangeThere was a call for feminist organisations to takestock of the political spaces available to us and thepolitical instruments and agreements we already haveto hand. For example, can we go back to theConvention on the Elimination of all Forms ofDiscrimination against Women (CEDAW) and theBeijing Platform for Action and demand accountabilityin relation to care. Are there other instruments wealready have which we can take to political actors anddemand responsibility, such as the ILO’s decent workstandards? If we do not take stock of and utilise thespaces and instruments we already have available tous, we risk entering spaces and processes with completelydifferent languages and visions, and policymakersand others may not listen. The UN and multilateralsystem could provide good leverage for our issues andentry points for talking about interlocked crises.(Harcourt)“We can create a ‘policysuitcase’ – a toolkit filledwith policy reform solutionsthat are actionableand backed up by financialmeasurements that matterto policymakers, such ascare as a percentage ofGDP.”MuñozFeminist organisations are now in a defensive situation,as we have to think about immediate reactions to thefinancial and economic crisis and at the same timeenvision and invent alternative economic systems.There are many entry points in the crisis for a genderedapproach. For example, in Germany, there is a lot ofpublic anger about the skyrocketing income andbonuses of managers while the wages of workers inGermany have increased marginally if at all during therecent boom period. It is common knowledge that careworkers do not even get the meagre increase inincome seen by other workers. Kindergarten workers,for instance, are on strike, and they are being supportedby the public. These situations are entry points forbringing in our issues. Also, for the first time inGermany there is a proposal to include care jobs underthe minimum wage law. It is obvious that all of a suddenthere are billions of Euros availablefor state intervention andbailout programmes at themacro-economic level, butwhen it comes to social infrastructureand the care sectoronce again the state runs out ofmoney. (Wichterich)Creating a ‘policy suitcase’Finally, we can create a ‘policysuitcase’ – a toolkit filled withpolicy reform solutions that areactionable and backed up byfinancial measurements that matter to policymakers,such as care as a percentage of GDP. These will beconcrete recommendations – for example, suggestingnew indicators for measuring economic health andother phenomena. Currently, governments are payingmultinational companies millions of dollars to defineindicators for them; it is time for feminist organisationsto step into this role. We can deliver this suitcase toministries of economic affairs, those dealing with tradepolicies, and others, as a direct way of influencing policiesthat can improve human well-being and addressthe care crisis in our countries and in developmentcooperation. (Muñoz)Wise women, young feministsPolly Trenow, GAD Network UK, and KasiaStaszewska, KARATTo wrap up the conference, two young feministswere asked to comment on their experiences andwhat they will take away from the three days. Theyboth felt that, at the beginning of the conference,the meaning of ‘care work’ was unclear. But overthe three days this has changed. They now see thecrucial importance of broadening our work, andadmit to the ambivalence that many feminists fromthe global North might feel, as educated and privilegedwomen. Some young feminists, they suggested,have a sense of fear that when theybecome mothers, they will experience the inequalityand injustices addressed at the conference, andexperienced by women around the world.However, the voices of young feminists are oftenabsent from feminist discourses – not becausethey are young, but because they are new to theissues, forums and movement.Both commentators agreed that young feministsneed to draw on the incredible knowledge of olderwomen, in networks such as WIDE, and ask ‘whatis our place in the feminist movement of thefuture?’52

WIDE REPORTANNEX 1:Special PresentationsGender and Care in the Swiss PoliticalcontextKey-note speaker: Silvia Schenker, Swiss Member ofParliament and Social WorkerThere are a number of issues around gender and carethat have come up in the Swiss political arena.For example, on the issue of body politics and reproductiverights, abortion has been put back on the politicalstage in recent years. There is a big discussionregarding whether state health insurance should coverabortion. Personally I think it is terrible that people arestarting to question this service and making it necessaryto go back to ‘square one’ in terms of arguing forwomen’s right to abortion. Another body politics issueis female genital mutilation (FGM), which is punishedunder criminal law in Switzerland, although it remains adifficult issue to talk about politically.On the issue of non-traditional lifestyles and families, Ithink Switzerland has moved forward, because we cannow register civil partnerships, enabling same-sexcouples to be legally recognised. We have not yetachieved the legalisation of adoption for same-sexcouple, but this remains one of our objectives.At parliamentarian level, we are addressing the area ofmasculinities and care by pushing for paternity leave.Until now only maternity leave has been available, butwe want to open this up for fathers. Our aim is to legislatefor parental time off from work, giving both parentsthe opportunity to stay at home and look after children.We have also been looking at the issue of custodiallaws after divorce, and considering whether, in thefuture, shared custody could be a good solution.The issues related to people providing care for theirparents or children is now being looked at for the firsttime in Switzerland. This work is largely unpaid andundervalued; it is taken for granted by the state. Thereis a great need to create awareness about how muchwork is actually being done without which our societywould not be able to function. Recently I heard the suggestionthat people who retire make no contributions tocommunity or society. However, statistics show that,particularly for the first few years after retirement, peoplecontribute a lot of care for relatives, especiallygrandchildren. There is so much more to do in this area.Roundtable discussion: Conclusions ofthe UN Commission on the Status ofWomen (CSW) and their Implementationin SwitzerlandA group of Swiss feminist scholars and activists met todiscuss the feminist agenda for action based on theconclusions of the UN CSW. The following strategieswere identified and will be taken forward:1. The agreed conclusions that are part of CEDAW arehardly taken into consideration in Swiss legal practice.We should use the federalist system inSwitzerland to implement the equality postulations(not only a top-down strategy).2. The media and politics are the main agenda-settersin the Swiss system, but it is vital for feminist organisationsto strengthen civil society and make themost of our direct democratic system which allowspublic votes (e.g. referenda).3. Stimulus packages in response to the financial crisisare gender blind; so gender mainstreaming isurgently required in management of the crisis. Thegoal is to create gender-aware stimulus packagesthat benefit families (see Bakker, Seguino).53

WIDE REPORTANNEX 2:ProgrammeWIDE Annual Conference 2009, June 18 – 20, Basel, SwitzerlandThursday, June 18, 2009Caring and social provisioning as a starting point for feminist analyses[Moderation of the day: Franziska Müller and Bénédicte Allaert]08.30 – 09:30 Registration09.30 – 10.15 Welcome addressesPatricia Muñoz Cabrera; WIDE ChairLilian Fankhauser , WIDE SwitzerlandEdita Vokral, Assist Director General, Regional cooperation, SDCUeli Mäder, Institutute of Sociology, University of Basel10.15-11:00 Interactive introductionBénédicte Allaert and Franziska Müller11.30 – 13.00 Plenary Session 1: Key Findings of the UNRISD Study on Care EconomySpeaker Shahra Razavi, Research Co-ordinator, UNRISDDiscussant Kathleen Lynch Chair of Equality Studies, University College Dublin,Affective equality: Care, equality and citizenshipFacilitator Wendy Harcourt, Editor of Development, WIDE activist and former WIDE chair[13.45-14.00: Book Launch during lunch: Kathleen Lynch (Editor): Affective Equality. Love, Care and Injustice,Palgrave Macmillan, London, June 2009]14:30-16:00 Plenary Sesssion 2: Comparative Presentation by UNRISD research contributorsSpeakers Frances Lund, Associate Professor, University of KwaZulu-Natal,Durban, UNRISD Country-level Research team South AfricaIto Peng, Department of Sociology, University of Toronto, CountrylevelResearch team South KoreaBrigitte Schnegg, Director of the Interdisciplinary Centre for GenderStudies (ICFG), University of Berne, SwitzerlandDiscussants Jivka Marinova, Gender Education, Research and TechnologiesFoundation – GERT, Bulgaria, Karat Board MemberLina Abou-Habib, Director of CRTD-A, Collective for Research andTraining on Development-Action, LebanonFacilitator Emily Esplen, Research and Communications Officer, BRIDGE16:30-18:00 Parallel WorkshopsWorkshop 1: Care Realities in Eastern Europe and CIS countriesOrganised and facilitated by Michaela Marksova Tominova from Karat andAnna Zachorowska-Mazurkiewicz form the feminist Think Tank Poland, Czech Republic and PolandWorkshop 2: Care Realities in Latin and Central America (in Spanish)Organised and facilitated by Mayra Moro Coco and Rocío Lleó from theWIDE Spanish platform CONGDE, Spain54

WIDE REPORTWorkshop 3: Who talks about what? – Notions, Definitions, ConceptsFacilitated by Ulrike Knobloch, Economist, WIDE SwitzerlandWorkshop 4: Approaches to care from the feminist perspective of intersectionalityFacilitated by Patricia Muñoz Cabrera, WIDE chairWorkshop 5: Social and economic sciences: En route for a common theoretical frameworkFacilitated by Annemarie Sancar, Senior Gender Advisor SDC, WIDE Switzerland19.00-21.00 Feminist walk through BaselFriday, June 19, 2009Three Parallel Thematic Areas throughout the day:Paid Care Work, Food Chains and Body Politics[Moderation of the day: Lilian Frankhauser and Luisa Antolin]9:00 – 10:00 Introduction by Barbara Specht, WIDE Advocacy OfficerPresentations by the respective facilitators on the thematic parallel areasBreakout to one of the three thematic areas- Paid Care Work in the formal and informal sector- Food Chains and Care- Body Politics and Care Regimes[13.15-13.45: during lunch Book Launches:Wendy Harcourt: Body Politics in Development. Critical debates in gender and development, ZedBooks, London, June 2009Isabella Bakker, Rachel Silvey (Ed.): Beyond States and Markets. The Challenge of SocialReproduction, Routledge, 2009]Thematic Area 1: The Paid Formal and Informal Care Work10.30 – 12.30 Plenary SessionPower Relations along the Care ChainsSpeakersDiscussantFacilitatorRhacel Salazar Parrenas, Professor of Asian American Studies, University ofCalifornia, USAKarin Pape, Economist, Regional Coordinator for Europe of WIEGO (Women inInformal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing), Global Labour Institute,SwitzerlandHelen Schwenken, University of Kassel, “Globalization & Politics” at theDepartment for Social Sciences and Interdisciplinary Working Group on Women andGender Studies, affiliated with RESPECTSilke Steinhilber, Researcher and Consultant, Germany55

WIDE REPORT14.00 – 15:30 Parallel WorkshopsWorkshop 1: Transnational Migration and Care ChainsFacilitated by Sarah Schilliger, Sociologist, WIDE SwitzerlandWorkshop 2: Decent Work and the informal care sectorFacilitated by Hella Hoppe Economist, Senior Economic Affairs Officer, Federation of SwissProtestant Churches, SwitzerlandThematic Area 2: Food Chains and Care10.30 – 12.30 Plenary Session: Women’s Rights and the Right to FoodSpeakersDiscussantsFacilitatorAna Tallada Iglesia, REMTE – Red Mujeres Transformando la Economia, PeruTina Goethe, Policy Advisor on Food Sovereignty at SWISSAID, WIDE SwitzerlandAnnemarie Sancar, Senior Gender Advisor SDCEster Wolf, FIAN and Bread for all, Right to Food, SwitzerlandElisabeth Bürgi, WIDE Switzerland, Research Fellow World Trade Institute, Specialiston the WTO Agreement on Agriculture and Sustainable Development specialised onFood Crises14.00 – 15:30 Parallel WorkshopsWorkshop 1: Linking Food Sovereignty to household nutrition securityFacilitator: Heike Wach, Gender consultant, WIDE SwitzerlandWorkshop 2: Trade liberalisation, agriculture and women’s livelihoodsFacilitator: Barbara Specht, Advocacy Officer, WIDE Secretariat, BrusselsThematic Area 3: Body Politics and Care Regimes11:30– 12.30 Plenary Session: Body politics, sexual rights and gender justiceSpeakersDiscussantsFacilitatorWendy Harcourt, Editor Development at the Society for International Development,former Chair of WIDEZeedah Meierhofer-Mangeli, Akina wa Afrika, the ResourceCenter for Black Women in Zurich, SwitzerlandIndyra Mendoza Aguilar, Cattrachas, HondurasSabin Bieri, Social Geographer, ICGS, WIDE Switzerland14.00 – 15:30 Parallel WorkshopsWorkshop 1: (Re)productive rightsFacilitator: Jivka Marinova, Karat Board Member and GERT, BulgariaWorkshop 2: Sexuality and DevelopmentFacilitator: Conchita Garcia, Network Facilitator WO=MEN, Dutch Gender Platform, The NetherlandsWorkshop/Atelier 3: Masculinités et care (en français)Organisation et animation: Marcela de la Peña Valdivia et Patrick Govers,Le Monde selon les femmes, Belgium56

WIDE REPORT16:00-18:00 Panel: Political Responses to the Care CrisesInputsPanellistsFacilitatorFacilitators of the thematic areasSilvia Schenker, Swiss Member of Parliament and Social WorkerKatherine Ronderos, CAWN, UKAmanda Khozi Mukwashi, WIDE board, Head of External Relations at SkillshareInternational, Master in International Economical Law19.00-23.00 Conference Party with the Tritonus EnsembleSaturday, June 20, 2009The Global Financial and Economical Crisis and their Effects on the Provision of and Access to Care[Moderation of the day: Tina Goethe and Barbara Specht]9:00-11:00 Plenary Session 1*The Global Financial Crises: what Impacts does it have on Care Crises?Speakers Isabella Bakker, York University, USAStephanie Seguino, Professor of Economics, University of Vermont, USAMarina Durano, DAWN, the PhilipinesDiscussants Ewa Charkiewicz, Feminist Think Tank, PolandHassania Chalbi-Drissi, Member of the Executive Board FEMNET and IGTN-Africa,TunisiaFacilitator Christa Wichterich, Sociologist, Publicist and Gender Consultant* In collaboration with Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung11:30 – 13.00 Parallel WorkshopsWorkshop 1: The financial Crises and its implications to care: Sharing experiences and planningcommon actionFacilitated by Silke Steinhilber, Researcher and Consultant, GermanyWorkshop 2: State Budget, public expenditure, fiscal policies, and aid policiesFacilitated by Ulrike Knobloch and Helle Hoppe, Economists, SwitzerlandWorkshop 3: Labor Market, Unemployment and Lay offs, informal economyOrganised and facilitated by Anja Franck, GADIP, SwedenWorkshop 4: Transnational Migration and RemittancesOrganised and facilitated by Annemarie Sancar, SDC, SwitzerlandWorkshop 5: The conference contributions through the lens of the "5-sector model of economy"Organised and facilitated by Eva Klawatsch-Treitl from the WIDE-Network AustriaRoundtable: Die Beschlüsse der UN-Frauenkommission zu Care und ihre Umstzung in der Schweiz(in German)57

WIDE REPORTMilena Michajlovic, Gender Advisor SDC und Brigitte Schnegg, Leiterin IZFG – beide Mitglieder derCH-Delegation 2009, Kathrin Arioli, Leiterin der Kantonalen Gleichstellungsstelle, Zürich, StellaJegher, Amnesty Schweiz und Frauenrat für Aussenpolitik14:30 – 16:30 Plenary Session 2: How do we want to care?Panellists:FacilitatorAna Tallada Iglesia, REMTE, PeruChrista Wichterich, Publicist and Gender Consultant, GermanyJulia Kubisa, MaMa Foundation, Feminist Think Tank, PolandLina Abu-Habib, CRTD-A, LebanonMarina Durano, DAWN, the PhilippinesHassania Chalbi-Drissi, FEMNET, International Gender and TradeNetwork (IGTN), TunisiaAnja Franck, WIDE board16:30-17:00 Young WISE Women’s Reflections on the ConferenceClosing words - Vote of thanksWIDE International: Patricia Muñoz CabreraWIDE Switzerland: Hella HoppeYoung Wise women: Polly Trenow, GAD Network UK and Kasia Staszewska, KARAT58

WIDE REPORTANNEX 3:Speakers and facilitators’ biographiesLina ABOU-HABIBLina Abou-Habib is the Executive Director of theCollective for Research and Training on Development-Action ( based in Beirut and workingin the Arab region. She has collaborated in designingand managing programmes in the Middle East andNorth Africa region on issues related to Gender andCitizenship, Gender, Economy and Trade, and Genderand Leadership. Lina has collaborated with a number ofregional and international agencies (including KIT,UNIFEM, ILO, ESCWA, UNDP, UNRWA) as well as publicinstitutions (including national women’s commissions,ministries of social affairs) in mainstreaminggender in development policies and practices and inbuilding capacities for gender mainstreaming. She hasalso trained with KIT in Amsterdam, Paris, Senegal andBeirut. Prior to that, Lina was the ProgrammeCoordinator for Oxfam GB in Lebanon as well as amember of the Oxfam GB Gender Team in the UK. Sheis also a Programme Adviser for the Women LearningPartnership and the Global Fund for Women and isserving on the AWID Board of Directors as theSecretary.Indyra Mendoza AGUILARIndyra Mendoza Aguilar holds a BSc in Economics fromthe National Autonomous University of Honduras, andis a post-graduate in International Macroeconomicsand Gender. She studied Gender and Public Politics atFLASCO (The Latin American Faculty of SocialSciences) in Chile. She is currently doing an MBA(Master of Business Administration), at the UNICAH,the Catholic University of Honduras. She has conductedresearch on HIV/AIDS, femicide, sexual and reproductiverights, and religious fundamentalists. She isalso a social market researcher, an archivist, and ahuman rights defender. Currently, she is member of theMonitoring Committee of the National Women’sInstitute, and coordinator of Lesbian Network‘Cattrachas’. Past activities include: speaker in WorldSocial Forums, Latin-American social forums, the internationalCongress Women’s Worlds, global and regionalconferences on HIV/AIDS and national conferences.Former memberships include: national delegate toCairo+15, member of the MCP of the World Fund,researcher in the national CEDAW report. She is also anumismatist.Isabella BAKKERIsabella Bakker is a Professor of Political Science andPolitical Economy at York University, Toronto, Canada.Her most recent books are: Where are the Women?Gender Equity, Budgets and Canadian Policy Making(with Janine Brodie, 2008, Canadian Centre for PolicyAlternatives) and Beyond States and Markets: TheChallenges of Social Reproduction (with Rachel Silvey,2008, Routledge). She has worked extensively on gender,macroeconomics and the care economy withStatus of Women Canada (Unpaid Work andMacroeconomics: New Policies New Tools, 1997), theUnited Nations and the Asian-Pacific EconomicCooperation on the project on Linkages Between Paidand Unpaid Work in Human Resource Policy.Sabin BIERISabin Bieri is as a Senior Researcher at theInterdisciplinary Centre for Gender Studies, Universityof Berne, Switzerland. Her work involves research,training and consulting in the field of gender and development.This includes mandates for the SwissDevelopment Agency SDC as well as for the NationalCentre of Competence in Research NCCR North-South.She was an adviser in the international research programmeon the political and social economy of carewhich was headed by the United Nations ResearchInstitute for Social Development UNRISD. She coordinatedthe 2008 ICFG public lecture on care entitled‘Who cares? – Nannies, nurses and nightshifts’. Herfurther research interests and teaching encompassgender and sustainable development, social movements,globalisation, gender and postcolonial theories,ethnography and qualitative research methods.In her PhD thesis she analysed urban social movementsin Switzerland during the 80s and 90s. She wasawarded a scholarship by the graduate school ‘ShiftingGender Cultures’ of the Universities of Berne andFribourg. A geographer and historian by training, herMaster’s thesis on gender approaches in developmentinvolved a study on herding and household strategies inthe Andean highlands of Bolivia.59

WIDE REPORTElisabeth BÜRGI BONANOMIElisabeth Bürgi Bonanomi, has a Bachelor’s degree inHistory and a Master’s in Law. After the bar exam, shehas been working for the Swiss Government for severalyears, mainly in the field of agricultural, natural andlabour law. Later, she has been in charge of a trade andhuman rights project at the World Trade Institute at theUniversity of Berne (see Thomas Cottier, JoostPauwelyn, Elisabeth Bürgi (2005) Human Rights andInternational Trade, Oxford, New York: OUP), and severaltrade consulting projects.Currently she is working on a three-year research projecton ‘The Concept of Sustainable Developmentapplied to the WTO Agreement on Agriculture’. Thebasic research question is how the Agreement onAgriculture would have to look if social, environmental,economic and future concerns were all equally takeninto account. For this, Elisabeth Bürgi has developed –based on the concept of sustainable development – aframework for decision-making in trade. Gender relations,and the ratio of paid and unpaid work, are significantlyinfluenced by trade regulations. Hence it is pivotalto base the system upon the right objectives andshape it accordingly. Elisabeth Bürgi is the mother of athree-year-old son and a one-year-old daughter.Hassania CHALBI-DRISSIDr. Hassania CHALBI-DRISSI, Moroccan economistand sociologist, has been adviser to the MoroccanMinistry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation (Economydepartment), expert for the Permanent ConsultativeCommittee of the Maghreb and university lecturerresearcher.At present, she is a consultant for internationalorganisations, specialised in gender. Author ofseveral writings, she has published books such as Arabwomen and decision-making, Arab-Muslim feminism,Woman, environment, development, Female elite inMaghreb and When the women say justice first!. She isthe founder of Maghreb Associations for PromotingFemale Enterprises, founding member of several otherorganisations including IGTN (International Gender andTrade Network), where she is coordinator of theAfrican region (IGTN-Africa) at present. She is alsoactive in Third World Forum, World Forum forAlternatives and Vice-President of FEMNET (representingNorth Africa).Ewa CHARKIEWICZEwa Charkiewicz is an academic researcher andactivist with an interest in critical globalisation studiesand in feminism and ecology as new social critiques.She worked with the Institute of Social Studies in TheHague, coordinated the World Bank External GenderConsultative Group, and worked with DAWN as itsresearch coordinator on sustainable livelihoods. Ewaalso held a Rockefeller fellowship on engenderinghuman security at the National Research Council onWomen in New York. Since 2005, Ewa has beeninvolved with the Feminist Think Tank in Poland. Herpublications include co-authored books and reports.She is now writing a new book on feminist Foucualdiananalytic of transition ‘from plan to market’.Marina DURANOMarina Durano is a Coordinator for DAWN’s researchtheme on the political economy of globalisation. Shehas been working on gender issues in financing fordevelopment over the past year and a half. Previously,she worked with the International Gender and TradeNetwork-Asia, writing on gender issues in internationaltrade policy and the WTO negotiations. She was aprogramme specialist in UNIFEM, a fellow of the GEM-IWG Gender and Macroeconomics Summer School, afellow of the Ronald Coase Summer Workshop onInstitutional Analysis, and a visiting researcher at theInstitute for Developing Economies in Tokyo. She has aPhD in Economics from the University of Manchester inthe UK.Emily ESPLENEmily Esplen is a Researcher at BRIDGE. She hasworked on a range on gender and development issues,focusing particularly on sexual and reproductive healthand rights, HIV and AIDS, men and masculinities, andmost recently, gender and care. She is the author of thenew BRIDGE Cutting Edge Pack on Gender and Care.Anja K. FRANCKAnja K. Franck, board member of WIDE, EconomicGeography at the Department of Human and EconomicGeography at the University of Gothenburg – Sweden.With a degree in Development Studies, Asian Studiesand Economic Geography from the University ofGothenburg, Sweden, Anja is currently teaching andwriting a PhD in Economic Geography at theDepartment of Human and Economic Geography at theUniversity of Gothenburg. The focus of the PhD is on EUtrade relations with ASEAN and its gendered implications.She has a history in both parliamentary politicsand within development and aid NGOs in Sweden.Other activities she has undertaken for WIDE includebeing part of the working group preparing the new60

WIDE REPORTWIDE Statutes, moderator of the WIDE consultation ‘EUBilateral and Regional Free Trade Agreements:Bringing Women to the Centre of the Debate’ (2007) andauthor of the WIDE paper Feminist Concerns RegardingCore Labor Standards, Decent Work and CorporateSocial Responsibility (2008).Conchita GARCIAConchita Garcia is the Network Facilitator at WO=MEN,the Dutch Gender Platform (member of WIDE). Sheholds a BSc in Sustainable Tourism Development andan MSc in Rural Development Sociology, fromWageningen University in the Netherlands, where shegraduated with honours. For her thesis she workedwith Somali refugees in Yemen. She conductedresearch on gender issues in different areas, includingdiaspora, transnational migration and marriages, genderand water rights, and female genital mutilation(FGM). She currently works with migrant women onissues such as integration and women’s empowerment.She has been active in women’s rights for a number ofyears and is involved in human rights issues in theNetherlands through a Dutch platform of NGOs forhuman rights. She has her own foundation, throughwhich she supports local NGOs in setting up smallscaleprojects in developing countries.Tina GOETHETina Goethe works as a Policy Advisor for FoodSovereignty at SWISSAID, the Swiss Foundation forDevelopment Cooperation. Trained as a sociologist, sheholds an MAS in Development Cooperation. She isengaged in information and advocacy work around thepolitical aspects of food and agriculture in a developmentcontext.Patrick GOVERSPatrick Govers has a Bachelor’s degree inContemporary History and a Master’s in SocialAnthropology from the Universidad Autónoma deBarcelona. The subject of his Master’s thesis was ‘Thegender relations in a Nicaraguan popular suburb’.Since 2000 Patrick has been working as a researcherfor a Belgian NGO. He has undertaken several investigations– an action project about female migrants (incollaboration with Le Monde selon les femmes) andfatherhood (how to involve men in care). He also runstrainings on masculinities and fatherhood for Le Mondeselon les femmes.Luise GUBITZERLuise Gubitzer is an economist. She is Professor andHead of the Institute of Institutional and HeterodoxEconomics at the University of Economics andBusiness Administration in Vienna, Austria. Her focusof research is Feminist Political Economics on the basisof the Five-Sector Model of the Economy, GenderBudgeting and Development Economics. She is a memberof Joan Robinson-Verein zur Förderung frauengerechterVerteilung ökonomischen Wissens, a networkwithin WIDE Austria.Wendy HARCOURTSince 1988 Dr. Wendy Harcourt has been Editor of thequarterly journal Development on behalf of the Societyfor International Development (SID), an internationaldevelopment NGO based in Rome, Italy. She has a PhDfrom the Australian National University (1987) and is amember of Clare Hall, University of Cambridge, andVisiting Professor of the European University Institute.She has just completed her fifth book, Body Politics inDevelopment (2009) published by Zed Books, London,and is now series editor of the Zed Book Series onGender and Environment.She writes widely in the field of gender and development,leading several research and policy programmesfor SID, UN and international and European NGOs onglobalisation, alternative economics and gender, reproductiverights and health, culture and communications.As well as her contributions to academic writing andresearch, she is active in European and internationalwomen’s networks. She is former Chair of WIDE andnow Convenor of the Alternative Feminist workinggroup where she is preparing a Herstory of WIDE for its25th anniversary in 2010. She is also leading SID’s workon ‘Responding to the Care Crises’.Hella HOPPEDr. Hella Hoppe holds a PhD in Economics and has specialisedin Political Economy, Feminist Economics andGender Research. She currently works as a SeniorEconomic Affairs Officer with the Institute for Theologyand Ethics (ITE) at the Federation of Swiss ProtestantChurches (SEK-FEPS) in Berne, Switzerland. In 2003and 2004 Hella was Visiting Researcher at the UN liaisonoffice of the FES in New York and Scholar of theFulbright New Century Scholars Program. Prior to that,she worked in research capacities at the University ofMünster and with the German Parliament High-LevelCommission on Globalisation of the World Economy.61

WIDE REPORTAmanda KHOZI MUKWASHIAmanda is a development professional with over 15years experience of leading international developmentprogrammes in both the inter-governmental and voluntarysectors in Africa and the UK. She possesses strongleadership, strategic planning, programme and organisationaldevelopment skills. Areas of expertise includepolicy development, transformational leadership, genderjustice and building a broader constituency basefor development in Europe and Africa through civilsociety.She is currently Head of External Relations at SkillshareInternational, an international volunteering and developmentorganisation. In the past she has been ActingProjects Manager and Training and Capacity BuildingOfficer at OSABA Women’s Centre, Coventry, UK (acharity that works for the rights of black women),Assistant National Project Coordinator forUNFPA/Department of Gender in Development at theCabinet Office, Lusaka, Zambia, and Women inDevelopment Coordinator for COMESA (CommonMarket for Eastern and Southern Africa), Lusaka,Zambia. She holds a Master of Law (LLM) degree inInternational Economical Law (1996–¬1997) from theUniversity of Warwick, UK, and a Bachelor of Law (LLB)degree (1987¬–1991) from the University of Zambia,Lusaka, Zambia.Eva KLAWATSCH-TREITLEva Klawatsch-Treitl Studied Business Education at theVienna University of Economics and BusinessAdministration. The current focus of her approach foradult education is economic literacy with a focus toglobal economy und development. Eva has workingexperience with Austrian development NGOs and networks.She is member of the board of WIDE-Austriaand coordinator of the working group ‘Women andEconomy’ (Joan Robinson). She is Lector at theUniversity of Applied Sciences for Social Work (FH-Campus-Wien).Ulrike KNOBLOCHUlrike Knobloch holds a PhD in Economics andPhilosophy from the University of St. Gallen,Switzerland, and has 15 years of experience in theresearch field Gender, Economics and Ethics. Currentlyshe is Researcher and Lecturer in Gender Studies aswell as in Ethics and Economics at the Universities ofFribourg and St. Gallen, Switzerland. She is co-founderand member of the Women's Network Caring Economyand of IAFFE Europe and co-edits the book seriesLifeworld Economy.Julia KUBISAJulia Kubisa graduated in Sociology in 2004 from theInstitute of Sociology, Warsaw University, and startedPhD studies. She is interested in sociology of organisationand gender and industrial relations and family policymodels in Poland. Her PhD thesis focuses onwomen’s activity in trade unions in Poland, focusing onwomen in the health care sector. Julia participated inresearch projects concerning trade unions policies andpractices. In 2006 – 2009 she worked at the EuropeanCommission FP6 project: ‘Privatisation of PublicServices and the Impact on Quality, Employment andProductivity’ (PIQUE) which involves trade unions. Sheis currently working on two projects coordinated by theWorking Lives Research Institute (London MetropolitanUniversity) about trade unions’ and employers’ policiesand practices on different forms of discrimination. Juliateaches Sociology of Organisation and Gender andWork Issues at the Institute of Sociology, WarsawUniversity. She has published articles on trade unionspolicy on sexual harassment and feminist perspectivein industrial relations. Julia took part in editing WhiteCity Courier – a free bulletin of Polish Trade Union OfNurses and Midwives published during their White Cityprotest in Warsaw in June–July 2007.In 2006 Julia founded with Anna Pietruszka Drozdz andSylwia Chutnik the Foundation – a feminist NGO focusing onproblems of young mothers in public life in Poland. In2008 Julia joined a Polish Feminist Think Tank. In cooperationwith Ewa Charkiewicz she started 2009 a projecton gender and care in health sector reform.Rocío LLEÓ FERNÁNDEZRocío Lleó Fernández is a feminist, sociologist and genderand development expert from Madrid, Spain. Shehas been working with ACSUR Las Segovias sinceJanuary 2007 on gender topics, mostly in the area ofgender and development education and sensibilisationof the different Spanish society groups through seminars,courses, debates, publications, campaigns etc.She is additionally engaged as feminist activist in alocal group called Tejedoras.Francie LUNDFrancie Lund coordinates the Social Protection62

WIDE REPORTProgramme of the global research and advocacy network,WIEGO – Women in Informal Employment:Globalizing and Organizing ( A strongresearch interest for a number of years has been theshifting boundaries between the state and the privatesector in social provision, and the implications this hasfor women’s caring work and labour market participation.She is also Senior Research Associate at theSchool of Development Studies at the University ofKwaZulu-Natal, in Durban, where she taught the SocialPolicy course. She is particularly interested in the interactionof quantitative and qualitative research methodsin exploring what really goes on in households, and inhow people report on the informal work that they do.She has been involved in the current UNRISD researchprogramme, The Political Economy of Paid and UnpaidCare Work, working on the South African countryresearch with fellow South African Debbie Budlender.She was closely involved with health and welfare policyreform in the transition from apartheid to democraticrule in South Africa. Soon after the 1994 electionsshe was asked to chair the Committee of Enquiry intoChild and Family Support (‘the Lund Committee’), whichresulted in the introduction in 1998 of a cash grant toyoung children in poor households.Kathleen LYNCHKathleen Lynch is the Professor of Equality Studies atUniversity College Dublin, where she also holds aSenior Lectureship in Education. She is deeply committedto equality and social justice, and to feminism inboth theory and practice. Her work is guided by thebelief that the purpose of scholarship is not just tounderstand the world but to change it for the good of allhumanity. She has been both an activist and academicall her life.She has published widely in the fields of equality, sociologyand education. Her recent books includeEquality: From Theory to Action (2004) co-authored withJ. Baker, S. Cantillon and J. Walsh, and Equality andPower in Schools (2002) co-authored with Anne Lodge.She has focused especially on the issue of equality andcare in her recent work and has published a number ofpapers in that field, including papers on the relationshipbetween care and education and the gendered order ofcaring. Her most recent book (with her colleagues JohnBaker and Maureen Lyons) is titled Affective Equality:Love, Care and Injustice (2009) London: PalgraveMacmillan.Jivka MARINOVAJivka Marinova is the founder and present ExecutiveDirector of the Bulgarian NGO Gender Education,Research and Technologies (GERT). She has an engineeringbackground and has been working for 15 yearsin the field of information analysis and communications.She joined civil society in 1998 and began workingon women’s rights, specifically on the issue of violenceagainst women. Her work is focused mainly onraising the awareness of society on the existing issuesand inequalities faced by women and children, such asviolence, trafficking, and sexual exploitation, as well asthe digital divide, economic discrimination on the basisof gender, ethnicity, and age. Jivka is the author of theBulgarian report Gender assessment of the impact ofEU accession on the economic status of women, publishedin 2003 within a UNIFEM-funded KARAT project.She is the author as well of the national midterm MDGsreport on Goal 3, published in 2008. Researcher andcommitted activist for women’s human rights, she wasinvolved in UN ICPD+ and Beijing+ processes. She isalso a member of international women’s networksKARAT, ASTRA, APC/WNSP and WIDE.Michaela MARKSOVÁ-TOMINOVÁMichaela Marksová-Tominová works as a Head ofDepartment of Equal Opportunities in Education at theMinistry of Education, Youth and Sport. She worked asa Head of Department of Family Policy and EqualOpportunities at the Ministry of Labour and SocialAffairs of the Czech Republic 2004–2007. In 1997–2004she worked as a Managing Director in Gender Studies(NGO) in Prague – an information, education and advocacycentre on gender issues and women’s rights,which possesses the biggest library on these issues inthe Czech Republic. She is a member of theGovernmental Council of Equal Opportunities ofWomen and Men. She worked as an external advisoron equal opportunities for the Minister of Labour andSocial Affairs in 2000–2002 and as a gender focal point(part-time) at the Office of the Government of the CzechRepublic in 2002–2004.She is Chairwoman of theAssociation of Equal Opportunities, which unites about15 Czech women’s organisations founded after 1989,and board member of KARAT Coalition. She writes articlesand comments for printed media, and appears inTV and radio.Mayra MORO-COCOMayra Moro-Coco is Policy and Advocacy Officer atAyuda en Acción. She is a PhD candidate in Political63

WIDE REPORTScience at the University of Montreal (Canada) andholds a Master’s in International Relations from theAutonoma University (Madrid). Her education has beencompleted at the London School of Economics(London), Columbia University (NY) and NYU (NY) inInternational Relations and Political Science. As aresearcher, feminist activist and consultant on internationalNGOs and at the UN, her career has focused onwomen’s human rights, gender and development, sexualand reproductive health and rights, conflict and violenceagainst women. She also has published in severalacademic reviews and has lectured on the politicaleconomy of African wars and power relations onAfrican conflicts in English, French and Spanish.Patricia MUÑOZ CABRERAPatricia Muñoz Cabrera has been collaborating withWIDE since 1997 as strategic and policy adviser ongender, trade and sustainable development issues.Amongst other activities, she participated in the projectEU–LA Trade Agreements and worked as advocacysupport in particular following up on SIAS (SustainableImpact Assessments) of Trade Agreements. Between2002 and 2004 she joined the WIDE board as Treasurer.She began working in the field of development co-operationin 1995, with specific focus on sustainable livelihoods,agriculture and food security/sovereignty.Between 1994 and 2000, she also had the opportunity towork on policy analysis related to debt and World Bankpoverty reduction policies. Between 1997 and 2003 sheworked for Oxfam Belgium and Netherlands (NOVIB) asprogramme manager for Central America and theCaribbean. She just submitted her PhD at the FreeUniversity of Brussels, Belgium. Her main area ofresearch is theories of empowerment and their linkwith emancipatory narratives. She has chosen theexperience of US black women writers and feminists asa case study.Examining pathways to women’s empowerment andtheir capacity to influence decision-making, which hasa direct impact in their livelihoods, has been a majorconcern throughout her life, both personally and professionally.With this idea in mind, it is with enthusiasmand commitment that she is applying to become aBoard member. She sees her role as contributing toWIDE’s ongoing process of analytical thinking.Importantly, she also sees herself as contributing to theenhancement of WIDE’s strategic vision and planning,as well as to supporting WIDE’s process of institutionaldevelopment.Karin PAPEKarin Pape is the Regional Coordinator for Europe ofWIEGO. She has been a works council member atJacobs Kaffee (now Kraft Foods) in Bremen, Germanyand an activist in the German Food and Allied Workers’Union (NGG) for many years. She is an economist byprofession. Since 2002 she has been working on informaland precarious employment at the Global LabourInstitute (Switzerland) with a special focus on homebasedwork. Previously she worked as an internationalconsultant on industrial relations and informal workers’projects in Russia, Germany and South East Asia.Rhacel Salazar PARREÑASProfessor Rhacel Salazar Parreñas is Professor ofAmerican Civilization and Sociology at BrownUniversity. Professor Parreñas is known for her workon women’s labour and migration, speaking on thistopic to audiences throughout the United States, Asia,and Europe. She is the author of Servants ofGlobalization: Women, Migration, and Domestic Work,and numerous other books and articles. Her researchfields include gender and feminist studies, the family,migration, international development, and labour.Ito PENGDr. Ito Peng is a Professor at the Department ofSociology and the School of Public Policy andGovernance, University of Toronto. She is also currentlythe Director of the Dr. David Chu Program in AsiaPacific Studies at the Munk Centre for InternationalStudies at the University of Toronto. She teachesPolitical Sociology, and Comparative Social and HealthPolicy, specialising in gender policies and East Asianwelfare states. She has written extensively on genderand welfare states in Japan and Korea, and politicaleconomy of social policy reforms in East Asia. Her currentresearch includes: 1) UNRISD project on politicaland social economy of care, which looks at thechanges in the nature of paid and unpaid work andcare and their implications for gender equality; 2)SSHRC-funded project comparing social investmentpolicies in Canada, Australia, Japan, and South Korea;and 3) an international comparative research projectwith Kyoto University on changing public and intimatespheres, which examines changes in family and genderrelations, intra-regional care migration, and social policiesin Asia. Ito is an Associate Researcher for theUNRISD and a Research Fellow at the Ontario Ministryof Health and Long-Term Care. She received her PhDfrom the London School of Economics.64

WIDE REPORTShahrashoub RAZAVIDr. Shahra Razavi is Research Co-ordinator at theUnited Nations Research Institute for SocialDevelopment (UNRISD), where she oversees theInstitute’s Programme on Gender and Development.She began her collaboration with UNRISD in 1993, aftercompleting her Doctorate at Oxford University.She has conceptualised and coordinated global comparativeresearch projects in a number of areas,including on Agrarian Change, Gender and Land Rights;Globalisation, Export-Oriented Employment for Womenand Social Policy; and Gender Justice, Developmentand Rights; Gender and Social Policy; and The Politicaland Social Economy of Care. In 2004–5, she coordinatedthe preparation of a UNRISD flagship report, GenderEquality: Striving for Justice in an Unequal World,which was the Institute’s contribution to the Beijing +10process.Annemarie SANCARDr Annemarie Sancar holds a PhD in social anthropologyon Ethnicity. She worked in the field of ethnic identitiesamong refugees and did research on differenttopics around migration and ‘integration’ of immigrants.She coordinated a study about the situation of immigrantwomen in the canton of Berne with recommendationsfor policymakers and the administration, and usedto work in the feminist NGO CFD as an expert in criticalcommunication, deconstructing discursive practicesaround topics like immigrant women, Muslim culture,racist and sexist forms of explaining exclusion etc. Shewas an elected member of the city council of Berne forthe Green Union party. For the last six years Annemariehas been Senior Gender Adviser for SDC (SwissAgency for Development and Cooperation) with a mainfocus on rural development, access to assets andquestions of care economy, time use and women'semployment.Sarah SCHILLIGERSarah Schilliger holds an MA in Political Sciences andSociology from the University of Zurich and has beenteaching and researching since 2006 as a ScientificAssistant at the Institute of Sociology, University ofBasel. She is particularly interested in precariouslabour and migration. Her current research focuses onmigrant care workers from Eastern Europe to privatehouseholds in Switzerland, especially in private elderlycare. She works closely with migrants’ organisations,women’s movements and trade unions at the local andnational level. Sarah is part of the board of WIDESwitzerland and is an active member of ATTAC.Helen SCHWENKENr. Helen Schwenken holds a PhD in Social Sciencesand works at the University of Kassel, Germany. Herresearch interests lie in the field of labour migration,feminist theory and gender studies. In her book Withoutrights, but not without a voice she analysed politicalmobilisations of undocumented migrants, among themdomestic and care workers. She teaches at the GlobalLabour University a global Master’s programme fortrade unionists and is affiliated with the RESPECT networkEurope of and for migrant domestic workers, anetwork bringing together domestic workers groups,migrants’ organisations, academics, trade unionistsand NGOs. In the German Association for PoliticalScience she is a co-speaker of the research committeeon gender and politics.Brigitte SCHNEGGDr. Brigitte Schnegg holds a PhD in History and an MAin History and French Literature from the University ofBerne. Since 2001 she has been Director of theInterdisciplinary Centre for Gender Studies of theUniversity of Berne and member of the AcademicBoard of the Graduate School ‘Gender: Scripts andPrescripts’. She teaches theory of Gender Studies atthe University of Bern. She is responsible for a currentresearch project on ‘Welfare, Marginality and Gender.Social Work in late 19th and 20th century Switzerland’and for the country study on Switzerland within theUNRISD Study on Care Economy. She is AssociateProfessor for History at the Department for Social Workof University for Applied Sciences of Berne and heldnumerous teaching positions in History and GenderHistory at several Swiss universities during the last twodecades. In 2009 she was a member of the SwissDelegation at the Commission on the Status of Women(CSW) in New York on ‘Equal Sharing ofResponsibilities between Women and Men, includingCare-Giving in the Context of HIV/AIDS’.Stephanie SEGUINOStephanie Seguino is Professor of Economics at theUniversity of Vermont, USA. Her research explores themacroeconomic relationship between inequality,growth, and development. Recent work develops a unifiedframework for understanding the macroeconomicrole of race and gender inequality; explores the differ-65

WIDE REPORTential unemployment effects of contractionary monetarypolicy on women and ethnic subaltern groups; andconsiders the relationship between gender and macroeconomicoutcomes in countries with balance of paymentconstraints to growth. For the past two years, shehas taught in the African Programme on RethinkingDevelopment Economics (APORDE), a training programmein development economics for policymakers,researchers and civil society representatives fromAfrica and other developing countries.Barbara SPECHTBarbara Specht holds a Master’s degree in PoliticalScience and has been working since 2001 for theBrussels-based women’s network WIDE, a Europeannetwork on gender, trade and development issues. AsAdvocacy and Information Officer, her current focus ofwork lies on the relationship and links between genderand trade.Silke STEINHILBERSilke Steinhilber has worked as a researcher, consultantand trainer on gender equality in employment andsocial policies in Central and Eastern Europe and theEuropean Union since 1999. She has worked for internationalorganisations such as the International LabourOrganization, the Council of Europe, UN/ECE, as well astrade unions and women’s organisations in Europe –among them KARAT Coalition and WIDE. A feministpolitical scientist by training, she has mainly addressedgender and social security reforms, gender and thelabor market, and gender mainstreaming in socialinclusion policy. Her dissertation at the New School forSocial Research in New York is on family policy reformsin Poland and the Czech Republic. She has two daughters,four and one years old, and lives in Berlin,Germany.Ana TALLADAAna Tallada, sociologist and feminist, has worked forover 25 years with women’s organisations; she has adiploma in Populations and Development. She has alarge experience in directing and managing NGOs, innational civil society networks, creating dialoguespaces between the state and civil society actors andarticulating networks at an international level. She iscurrently in charge of the coordination of two projects:‘Small urban and rural women’s producers and tradeliberalisation’ and ‘Women producers and leaders ofsocial organizations: A proposal for economic andsocial action’.She represents civil society organisations from Peru inthe Hemispheric Council of the Social Forum of theAmericas. She is part of the Committee of NationalConference for Social Development (CONADES). Anahas done extensive research on inequality, gender, andcare economy and market liberalisation. She is authorand co-author of the following publications: Womenfrom the fields and the City: Actors of Development,Domestic violence: new millennium and old pains,Women’s exclusion as an invisible sign of poverty inPoverty & Development in Peru.Heike WACHHeike Wach currently works as a freelance genderconsultant with a thematic focus on fair trade and sustainableproduction. After a training as a nurse shecompleted a degree in Nutrition and Home Economicswith a specialisation in world food politics, followed byan MA in Gender and Development at the Institute ofDevelopment Studies (IDS) at the University of Sussex,UK. She has worked in Benin, West Africa, for threeyears and is now based in Switzerland, where she hasbeen involved in the foundation of WIDE Switzerland.She co-manages care for two sons aged four and sixyears.Christa WICHTERICHChrista Wichterich holds a PhD in Sociology, is a patchworkeconomist in the informal sector and a caretakerof her elderly mother. She works as a freelance journalist,author of books, guest lecturer at universities andconsultant in development cooperation. She spentsome years as lecturer at universities in India and Iran,and as foreign correspondent in Kenya. As researcherand author, her main topics are economy and women’swork, ecology, women’s movements and internationalwomen’s policies, globalisation and gender. Startingwith the Third World Women’s Conference in Nairobi,she got involved in the NGO side in the sequence of UNand WTO conferences. She is a member of the academiccouncil of attac, Germany, and of WIDE.Ester WOLFEster Wolf is currently working as Policy Adviser on theright to food at Bread for all, the Swiss ProtestantChurches’ development agency. Until 2007, she wasworking as Programme Coordinator for the Swiss sectionof the international human rights organisation FIANin Geneva. She is member of the board of FIANSwitzerland and board member of the Ecumenical66

WIDE REPORTAdvocacy Alliance (EAA) and its food strategy group.Former activities: consultant at the Office of the HighCommissioner for Human Rights, consultant at theEcumenical Water Network, intern at the gender deskof FIAN International in Heidelberg. Examples of publications:Renate Schüssler, Ester Wolf, Mylene Saluta,Human Rights primer, Rural women and the right tofood in the Philippines, FIAN Philippines, Quezon City,April 2006; Maike Gorsboth, Ester Wolf, Identifying andAddressing Violations of the Human Right to Water,Applying the Human Rights Approach, 2nd revised andupdated edition: 2008, FIAN International and Bread forthe World; Ester Wolf, Miges Baumann, Solutions poursortir de la crise alimentaire, Collection Repères 2/2008,Pain pour le prochain et Action de Carême.Anna ZACHOROWSKA-MAZURKIEWICZDr. Anna Zachorowska-Mazurkiewicz is a member ofFeminist Think Tank, a Polish foundation that aims toenhance the impact of women by developing actionorientedresearch and analysis, courses, workshopsand seminars. She is also an Assistant Professor at theInstitute of Economics and Management, Faculty ofManagement and Social Communication atJagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. She holds aPhD in Economics. Her research interests focus oninstitutional and feminist economics. She has writtenabout the economic situation of women in the EU andtransition economies, especially Poland, social andeconomic inequalities, as well as women and globalisationand economic integration. She was a fellow ofthe GEM-IWG Gender and Macroeconomics SummerSchool.67


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