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Immigration in Europe - HumanitarianNet - Universidad de Deusto

Immigration in Europe - HumanitarianNet - Universidad de Deusto

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INTRODUCTION 19return (loc.cit.). Consi<strong>de</strong>r<strong>in</strong>g the history of immigration <strong>in</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> s<strong>in</strong>cethe 1970s, 4 one could be forgiven for see<strong>in</strong>g this as another <strong>in</strong>dicationthat the predictions of economists are more conv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g, the less theyare encumbered by the complexities of the real world, and thebehaviour of real people.The best we can conclu<strong>de</strong>, perhaps, is that <strong>in</strong>creased labourmigration, especially by unskilled workers, could make a more significantcontribution to reduc<strong>in</strong>g global <strong>in</strong>equality than the liberalisation of tra<strong>de</strong>and <strong>in</strong>vestment. But the usual caveat applies: it should not be seen as apanacea or, <strong>in</strong> Castles’ words, a “general solution”. Still less should it beseen as a substitute for carefully targeted <strong>in</strong>ternational <strong>de</strong>velopmentassistance, bear<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d the regional differences <strong>in</strong> the contributionma<strong>de</strong> by remittances to the economies of <strong>de</strong>velop<strong>in</strong>g countries.I<strong>de</strong>ntity, belong<strong>in</strong>g and citizenshipThe issue of the <strong>in</strong>tegration of cultural m<strong>in</strong>orities <strong>in</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>ansocieties naturally figures prom<strong>in</strong>ently <strong>in</strong> the chapters which follow. It isan issue which raises fundamental questions about membership,i<strong>de</strong>ntity and citizenship and, ultimately, about the future of the nationstatemo<strong>de</strong>l of political organisation itself. These questions must befaced by all countries with significant immigrant m<strong>in</strong>orities, but theyare perhaps most keenly felt <strong>in</strong> those which, until recently, either werenot, or did not see themselves as, countries of immigration.Germany comes <strong>in</strong>to the latter category. Bosswick’s chapter tracesthe slow and pa<strong>in</strong>ful process by which, over the past fifty years,German politicians came to terms with the fact that Germany was a“<strong>de</strong> facto country of immigration”. 5 A key aspect of this process hasbeen the erosion of the ethnic concept of the German nation, throughthe <strong>in</strong>troduction of changes <strong>in</strong> German citizenship and naturalisationlaw. Dur<strong>in</strong>g the early 1990s, the number of children born <strong>in</strong> Germany offoreign parents was 80 % more than the number of foreigners whobecame citizens through naturalisation. S<strong>in</strong>ce 1 January 2000, however,children of foreign parents born <strong>in</strong> Germany have automatically becomeGerman citizens, provi<strong>de</strong>d one parent holds resi<strong>de</strong>nce rights, while4 In particular, the failed efforts of such countries as France and Germany to <strong>in</strong>ducesignificant numbers of immigrants to return to their home countries after the clampdownon legal immigration <strong>in</strong> the early 1970s (Bosswick, Ma Mung).5 Dur<strong>in</strong>g this period, there was a net ga<strong>in</strong> of 9 million people through immigration,with an annual net immigration average of 200,000 foreign citizens (Bosswick).

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